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5, 


A  DICTIONARY 

OF 

CHRISTIAN   ANTIQUITIES, 

BEIUG 

A  CONTINUATION  OF  'THE  DICTIONAEY  OF  THE  BIBLE.' 

EDITED    BY 

WILLIAM    SMITH,   D.C.L.,   LL.D., 

AND 

SAMUEL  CHEETHAM,  M.A., 

ARCHDEACON   OF  SOUTHWARK,    AND 
PROFESSOR  OF  PASTORAL   THEOLOGY   IN   KING'S   COLLEGE,   LONDON. 


IN    TWO   VOLUMES.— Vol 


ILLUSTRATED  BY  ENGRAVINGS  ON  WOOD. 


LONDON: 

JOHN    MUEKAY,     ALBEMAKLE     STEEET. 

1880. 

'i'hc  rigid  of  Translation  is  reserved. 


UNIFORM    WITH    THE    PRESENT    WORK. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  CHRISTIAN  BIOGEAPHY,  LITERA- 
TURE, SECTS  AND  DOCTRINES.  By  Various  Writers.  Edited 
by  Wm.  Smith,  D.C.L.,  and  Rev.  Professor  Wage,  M.A.  Vols.  1 
and  2.     (To  be  completed  in  4  Vols.)     Medium  8vo.    31s.  6d.  each. 


\\^ 


a 


londuk:  pkinted  by  william  clowes  and  sons,  stamfobd  street, 
akd  chabing  cross. 


/// 


LIST  OF  WRITEES 

IN  THE  DICTIONAEIES  OF  CHRISTIAN  ANTIQUITIES 
AND  BIOGKAPHY. 


INITIALS.  NAJVIES. 

A.H.D.  A.  ArthuPv  Herbert  Dyke  Aclakd,  M.A., 

Of  Christ  Church,  Oxford. 
S.  A.  Sheldon  Amos,  M.A., 

Late  Professor  of  Jurisprudence  in  University  College, 
London. 
M.  F.  A.      Rev.  Marsham  Frederick  Argles,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Oxford,  and  Principal  of 
St.  Stephen's  House. 
H.  T.  A.      Rev.  Henry  Thomas  Armfield,  M.A.,  F.S.A., 

Rector  of  Colne-Engaine,  Essex ;  late  Vice-Principal  of 
the  Theological  College,  Salisbury. 

F.  A,  Rev.  Frederick  Arnold,  B.A.,  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford. 
W.  T.  A.     William  Thomas  Arnold,  M.A., 

University  College,  Oxford. 
C.  B.  Rev.  Churchill  Babington,  D.D.,  F.L.S., 

Disney  Professor  of  Archaeology  in  the  University  of 
Cambridge;  Rector  of  Cockfield,  Suffolk;  formerly 
Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge. 

G.  P.  B.      Rev.  George  Percy  Badger,  D.C.L.,  F.R.G.S. 
H.  B — y.     Rev.  Henry  Bailey,  D.D., 

Rector  of  West  Tarring  and  Honorary  Canon  of  Canter- 
bury   Cathedral;    late     Warden    of    St.    Augustine's 
College,  Canterbury,  and  formerly  Fellow  of  St.  John's 
College,  Cambridge. 
C.  J.  B.       Rev.  Charles  James  Ball,  M.A., 

Master  in  Merchant  Taylors'  School.  , 
J.  B — Y.      Rev.  James  Barmby,  B.D., 

Vicar  of  Pittington,  Durham ;   formerly  Fellow  of  Mag- 
dalen   College,    Oxford,    and    Principal    of    Bishop 
Hatfield's  Hall,  Durham. 
A.  B.  Rev.  Alfred  Barry,  D.D., 

Principal    of    King's    College,   London,   and    Canon   of 
'  Worcester. 

S.  A.  B.       S.  A.  Bennett,  B.A., 
Of  Lincoln's  Inn. 


LIST  OF  WRITERS. 


E.  W.  B.      Eight  Eev.  Edward  White  Benson,  D.D., 

Bishop  of  Truro. 
T.  S.  B.       Eev.  Thomas  S.  Berry,  B.A., 
Trinity  College,  Dublin. 
W.  B.      Walter  Besant,  M.A., 
(iu  Diet.  Ant.)        Secretary  of  the  Palestine  Exploration  Fund  ;  late  Scholar 

of  Christ's  College,  Cambridge. 
E.  B.  B.       Eev.  Edward  Bickersteth  Birks,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

C.  W.  B.      Eev.  Charles  William  Boase,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford. 
H.  B.       Henry  Bradshaw,  M.A., 
(iu  Diet.  Biog.)      Fellow  of  King's  College,   Cambridge  ;  Librarian  of  the 

University  of  Cambridge. 
W.  B.  Eev.  William  Bright,  D.D., 

Canon   of  Christ   Church,    Oxford ;    Eegius    Professor   of 
Ecclesiastical  History  in  the  University  of  Oxford. 

H.  B.       The  late  Eev.  Henry  Browne,  M.A., 
(in  Diet.  Ant.)       Vicar  of  Pevensey,  and  Prebendary  of  Chichester  Cathedral. 
I.  B.  Isambard  Brunel,  D.C.L., 

Of  Lincoln's  Inn ;  Chancellor  of  the  Diocese  of  Ely. 

J.  B.  James  Bryce,  D.C.L., 

Of  Lincoln's  Inn ;  Eegius  Professor  of  Civil  Law  in  the 
University  of  Oxford. 
T.  E.  B.       Thomas  Eyburn  Buchanan,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  All  Souls  College,  Oxford. 

D.  B.  Eev.  Daniel  Butler,  M.A., 

Eector  of  Thwing,  Yorkshire. 
J.  M.  C.      Eev.  John  Moore  Capes,  M.A., 
Of  Balliol  College,  Oxford. 
J.  G.  C.       Eev.  John  Gibson  Cazenove,  D.D.,  F.E.S.E., 

Canon  and  Chancellor  of  St.  Mary's  Cathedral,  Edinburgh  : 
formerly  Provost  of  Cumbrae  College,  N.B, 
C.  Venerable  Samuel  Cheetham,  M.A., 

Archdeacon  of  South wark  ;  Professor  of  Pastoral  Theology 
in  King's  College,  London,  and  Chaplain  of  Dulwich 
College ;      formerly     Fellow     of      Christ's     College, 
Cambridge. 
C  G.  C.      Eev.  Charles  Granville  Clarke,  M.A., 

Late  Fellow  of  Worcester  Colldge,  Oxford. 

E.  B.  C.       Edward  Byles  Cowell,  M.A., 

Professor   of  Sanskrit   in  the   University  of  Cambridge, 
Fellow  of  Corpus  Christi  College. 
M.  B.  C.       Eev.  Maurice  Byles  Cowell,  M.A., 
Vicar  of  Ash-Bocking, 

F.  D.  F.  H.  Blackburne  Daniel,  Esq.,  M.A., 

Of  Lincoln's  Inn. 


LIST  OF  WRITERkS.  ^ 

INITIALS.  NAMES. 

T.  W.  D.     Eev.  T.  W.  Davids, 

Upton. 
L.  D,  Eev.  Lionel  Davidson,  M.A., 

Curate  of  St.  James's,  Piccadilly. 
J.  LI.  D,      Eev.  John  Llewelyn  Davies,  M.A., 

Eector  of  Christchurch,  Marylebone  ;   formerly  Felluw  of 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 
C.  D.  Eev.  Cecil  Deedes,  M.A., 

Secretary    to    the    Central    African   Mission ;    formerly 
Chaplain    of     Christchurch,    Oxford,    and    Vicar    of 
St.  Mary  Magdalene,  Oxford. 
W.  P.  D.      Eev.  William  Purdie  Dicksox,  D.D., 

Professor  of  Divinity  in  the  University  of  Glasgow. 
A.  B.  C.  D.  Miss  A.  B.  C.  Dunbar. 
S.  J.  E.        Eev.  Samuel  John  Eales,  M.A., 

Principal  of  St.   Boniface,   Warminster ;    formerly  Head 
Master  of  the  Grammar  School,  Halstead,  Essex. 
A.  E.  Eev.  A.  Edersheim,  D.D.,  Ph.D., 

Vicar  of  Loders,  Bridport. 
J.  E.  Eev.  John  Ellerton,  M.A., 

Eector  of  Barnes,  Surrey. 
C.  J.  E.       Eev.  C.  J.  Elliott,  M.A., 

Vicar   of   Winkfield,    Windsor ;     Hon.  Canon  of  Christ 
Church,     Oxford ;     formerly    Crosse     and    Tyrwhitt 
Scholar  in  the  University  of  Cambridge. 
E.  S.  Ff,     Eev.  Edmund  Salusbury  Ffoulkes,  B.D. 

Vicar  of  St.  Mary  the  Virgin,  Oxford  ;  formerly  Fellow 
and  Tutor  of  Jesus  College,  Oxford. 
A.  P.  F,        The  late  Eight  Eev.  Alexander  Penrose  Forbes,  D.C.L., 

Bishop  of  Brechin. 
W.  H.  F.     Hon.  and  Eev.  William  Henry  Fremantle,  M.A., 

Eector  of  St.   Mary's,  Marvlebone,  and   Chaplain  to  the 
Archbishop   of  Canterbury ;    formerly  Fellow  of  All 
Souls  College,  Oxford. 
J.  M.  F.       Eev.  John  Mek  Fuller,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  Bexley ;  formerly  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College, 
Cambridge. 
J.  G.  Eev.  James  Gammack,  M.A., 

M.C.A.A.,  Corr.  Mem.  S.  A.  Scot.     The  Parsonage,  Drum- 
lithie,  Fordoun,  N.B. 
C.  D.  G.      Eev.  Christian  D.  Ginsburg,  LL.D., 

Elmlea,  Wokingham. 
C.  G.  Eev.  Charlks  Gore,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Oxford. 
W.  F.  G.     The  late  Eev.  William  Fredkriciv  Greenfield,  M.A., 

Master  of  the  Lower  School,  Dulwioh  College. 
E.  S.  G.       Eev.  Egbert  Scarlett  Grignox,  B.A., 

Formerly  Eector  of  St.  John's,  Lewes. 


LIST  OF  WRITERS. 


A.  W.  H.     The  late  Eev.  Arthur  West  Haddan,  B.D., 

Rector  of  Barton-on-the-Heath ;  Hon.  Canon  of  Worcester ; 
sometime  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Oxford. 
C.  E.  H.      Eev.  Charles  Edward  Hammond,  M.A., 

Lecturer  (late  Fellow  and  Tutor)  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford. 

E.  H.  Eev.  Edwi>^  Hatch,  M.A., 

Vice-Principal  of  St.  Mary  Hall,  Oxford. 

E.  C.  H.       Eev.  Edwards  Comerford  Hawkins,  M.A., 

Head  Master  of  St.  John's  Foundation  School,  Leatherhead. 

L.  H.  Eev.  Lewis  Hensley,  M.A., 

Yicar   of  Hitchin,    Herts;    formerly  Fellow   of   Trinity 
College,  Cambridge. 

C.  H.  Eev.  Charles  Hole,  B.A., 

Lecturer   in    Ecclesiastical   History   at    King's    College, 
London ;  formerly  Eector  of  Loxbear. 

H.  S.  H.       Eev.  Henry  Scott  Holland,  M.A., 

Senior  Student  and  Tutor  of  Christchurch,  Oxford. 

H.  Eev.  Fenton  John  Anthony  Hort,  D.D., 

Hulsean   Professor    of  Divinity,    Cambridge ;    Chaplain 
to  the  Bishop  of  \\  inchester. 
H.  J.  H.      Eev.  Henry  John  Hotham,  M.A., 

Vice-Master  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

J.  H.  Joh-nt  Hullah,  LL.D., 

Honorary  Fellow  of  King's  College,  London. 

W.  I.  Eev.  William  Ince,  D.D., 

Canon  of   Christ    Church,    Oxford ;  Eegius  Professor   of 
Divinity  in  the  University  of  Oxford. 

W.  J.  Eev.  William  Jackson,  M.A.,  F.S.A.,  F.E.A.S., 

Formerlj'^  Fellow  of  Worcester  College,  Oxford ;  Bampton 
Lecturer  for  1875. 

G.  A.  J.       Eev.  George  Andrew  Jacob,  D.D., 

Formerly  Head  Master  of  Christ's  Hospital,  London. 
Eev.  David  Eice  Jones. 

Eev.  William  James  Josling,  M.A., 

Eector  of  Moulton,  Suffolk ;  formerly  Fellow  of  Christ's 
College,  Cambridge. 
C.  F.  Keary, 

Of  the  British  Museum. 
Eev.  Stanley  Leathes,  D.D., 

Professor  of  Hebrew  in  King's  College,   London;    Pre- 
bendary of  St.  Paul's ;  Eector  of  Cliffe-at-Hoo,  Kent. 
Eight  Eev.  Joseph  Barber  Lightfoot,  D.D., 

Bishop  of  Durham. 

Eichard  Adelbp:rt  Lipsius,  D.D., 

Professor  of  Divinity  in  the  University  of  Jena. 
John  Malcolm  Ludlow, 

Of  Lincoln's  Inn. 


w 

.  J. 

J. 

c. 

F. 

K. 

s. 

L. 

L. 

E. 

A. 

L. 

J. 

M 

L 

LIST  OF  WEITEES.  vii 

INITIALS.  NAMES. 

J.  E.  L.       Eev.  John  Kobicrt  Lunn,  B.D., 

Vicar  of  Marton-cum-Grafton,  Yorkshire  ;  formerly  Fellow 
of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge. 
J.  H.  L.       Eev,  Joseph  Hirst  Lupton,  M.A., 

Surmaster  of  St.  Paul's    School  ;    formerly  Fellow   of  St. 
John's  College,  Cambridge. 

G.  F.  M.      Eev.  George  Frederick  Maclear,  D.D., 

Head  Master  of  King's  College  School,  London. 

F.  W.  M.     Frederic  W.  Madden,  M.E.A.S., 

Brighton  College. 
S.  M.  The  late  Eev.  Spencer  Mansel,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  Trumpington ;  formerly  Fellow  of  Trinity  College, 
Cambridge. 
W.  B.  M.     The  late  Eev.  Wharton  B.  Marriott,  M.A., 

Formerly  of  Eton  College,  and  sometime  Fellow  of  Exeter 
College,  Oxford. 

A.  J.  M.      Eev.  Arthur  James  Mason,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge  ;  Examining  Chap- 
lain to  the  Bishop  of  Truro,  and  Canon  Missioner  of 
Truro  Cathedral. 

G.  M.  Eev.  George  Mead,  M.A., 

Chaplain  to  the  Forces,  Plymouth. 

F.  M.  Eev.  Frederick  Meyrick,  M.A., 

Eector    of    Blickling,    Norfolk ;     Prebendary  of    Lincoln 
Cathedral ;     Chaplain    to    the     Bishop     of    Lincoln ; 
formerly  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Oxford. 
W.  M.  Eev.  William  Milligan,  D.D., 

Professor  of  Divinity  and  Biblical  Criticism  in  the 
University  of  Aberdeen. 

G.  H.  M.     Eev.  George  Herbert  Moberly,  M.A  . 

Eector  of  Duntesbourne  Eous,  near  Cirencester  ;  Examining 
Chaplain  to  the  Bi.shop  of  Salisbury ;  formerly  Fellow 
of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Oxford. 
T.  D.  C.  M.  Eev.  Thomas  Daniel  Cox  Morse, 

Vicar  of  Christ  Church,  Forest  Hill. 
H.  C.  G.  M.  Eev.  Handley  Carr  Glyn  Moule,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 
J.  E.  M.       John  Eickards  Mozley,  M.A., 

Formerly  Fellow  of  King's  College,  Cambridge. 
J.  B.  M.       J.  Bass  Mullinger,  M.A., 

St.  John's  College,  Cambridge. 
A.  N.  Alexander  Nesbitt,  F.S.A., 

Oldlands,  Uckfield. 
P.  0.  Eev.  Phipps  Onslow,  B.A., 

Eector  of  Upper  Sapey,  Herefordshire. 
F.  P.  Eev.  Francis  Paget,  M.A., 

Senior  Student  and  Tutor  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford ; 
Examining  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Ely. 


viii  LIST  OF  WRITERS. 

INITIALS.  NAMES. 

G.  W.  P.     Eev.  Gregory  Walton  Pennethorne,  M.A., 

Yicar   of   Ferring,    Sussex,    and   Eural    Dean ;    formerly 
Vice-Principal  of  the  Theological  College,  Chichester. 
W.G.F.P.  Walter  G.  F.  Phillimore,  D.C.L., 

Of  the    Middle   Temple;    Chancellor  of   the   Diocese   of 
Lincoln  ;  formerly  Fellow  of  All  Souls  College,  Oxford. 
n.  W.  P.     Eev,  Henry  Wright  Phillott,  M.A., 

Eector  of  Staxinton-on-Wye ;  JPraelector  of  Hereford 
Cathedral;  formerly  Student  of  Christ  Church  and 
Master  in  Charterhouse  School. 

A.  P.  Eev.  Alfred  Plummer,  M.A., 

Master  of  University  College,  Durham. 

E.  H.  P.       Eev.  Edward  Hayes  Plumptre,  D.D., 

(or  P.)  Professor   of  Xew  Testament  Exegesis  in  King's  College, 

London ;  Prebendary  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral ;  Vicar  of 
Bickley ;  formerly  Fellow  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford. 
De  Pressense.  Eev.  E.  De  Pressense, 
Of  Paris. 

J.  E.  Eev.  James  Eaine,  M.A., 

Canon  of  York ;  formerly  Fellow  of   the  University   of 
Durham. 
W.  E.  Very  Eev.  William  Peeves,  D.D., 

Dean  of  Armagh. 

H.  E.  E.      Eev.  Henry  Egbert  Eeynolds,  D.D., 

Principal  of  Cheshunt  College. 
G.  S.  Eev.  George  Salmon,  D.D., 

Eegius  Professor  of  Divinity,  Trinity  College,  Dublin. 
P.  S.  Eev.  Philip  Schaff,  D.D., 

Bible  House,  New  York. 

F.  H.  A,  S.  Eev.  Frederick  Henry  Ambrose  Scrivener,  M.A.,  D.C.L., 

Prebendary  of  Exeter  and  Vicar  of  Hendon,  Middlesex. 
W.  E.  S.      Eev.  William  Edward  Scudamore,  M.A., 

Eector  of  Ditchingham  ;    formerly  Fellow  of  St,  John's 
College,  Cambridge. 
J.  S.  Eev.  John  Sharpe,  M.A., 

Eector  of  Gissing,  Norfolk ;  formerly  Fellow  of  Christ's 
College,  Cambridge. 

B.  S.  The  late  Benjamin  Shaw,  M.A., 

Of  Lincoln's  Inn;  formerly  Fellow  of  Trinity  College, 
Cambridge. 

W.  M.  S.      Eev.  William  Macdonald  Sinclair,  M.A., 

Domestic  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  London. 
E.  S.  Eev.  Egbert  Sinkek,  M.A., 

Librarian  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 
I.  G.  S.        Eev.  Isaac  Gregory  Smith,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  Great  Malvern  ;  Prebendary  of  Hereford  Cathe- 
dral ;  formerly  Fellow  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford ; 
Bamptun  Lecturer  for  1873. 


INITIALS. 

E 

P. 

s. 

E 

T. 

s. 

J. 

deS. 

J. 

W. 

s. 

LIST  OF  WRITERS. 


Very  Eev.  Egbert  Payne  Saiith,  D.D.,  Dean  of  Canterbuiy. 
Eev.  E.  Travers  Smith,  M.A. 

Vicar  of  St.  Bartholomew's,  Dublin. 

Eev.  John  de  Soyres,  B.A. 

Eev.  John  William  Stanbridge,  M.A., 
Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Oxford. 
W.  S.  Eev.  William  Stewart,  D.D., 

Professor    of    Biblical    Criticism    iu    the    University   of 
Glasgow. 

G.  T.  S.       Eev.  G.  T.  Stokes,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  All  Saints,  Blackrock,  Dublin. 

J.  S — T.       John  Stuart,  LL.D., 

Of  the  General  Eegister  House,  Edinburgh. 
S.  Eev,  William  Stubbs,  M.A,, 

Canon  of  St.  Paul's ;  Eegius  Professor  of  Modern  History 
in  the  University  of  Oxford. 

C.  A,  S.       Eev.  Charles  Anthony  Swainson,  D.D., 

Margaret  Professor  of  Divinity  in  the  University  of 
Cambridge ;  Canon  of  Chichester  Cathedral ;  formerly 
Fellow  of  Christ's  College,  Cambridge, 

H,  B.  S.       Eev.  Henry  Barclay  Swete,  B.D., 

Eector  of   Ashdon ;  formerly  Fellow  and  Divinit}'  Lec- 
turer of  Gonville  and  Caius  College,  Cambridge. 

E.  S,  T.       Eev.  Edward  Stuart  Talbot,  M.A., 

Warden  of  Keble  College,  Oxford. 
C.  T.  Eev.  Charles  Taylor,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge. 
E,  St.  J.  T.  Eev,  Eichard  St.  John  Tyrwhitt,  M.A,, 

Formerly  Student  and  Ehetoric  Eeader  of  Christchurch, 
Oxford. 

E.  V.  Eev.  Edmund  Venables,  M.A., 

Canon  Eesidentiary  and  Precentor  of  Lincoln  Cathedral ; 
Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  London. 

H.  W.  Eev.  Henry  Wage,  M.A., 

Chaplain  of  Lincoln's  Inn,  and  Professor  of  Ecclesiastical 
History  in  King's  College,  London. 
^l.  A,  W.     Mrs.  Humphrey  Ward, 

Oxford, 

F.  E.  W.     Eev.  Frederick  Edward  Warren,  B.D„ 

Fellow  of  St,  John's  College,  Oxford, 
IT,  W.  W.   Veil.  Henry  William  Watkins,  M.A., 

Warden    of   St.    Augustine's    College,    Canterbury,    and 
Archdeacon  of  Is  orthumbeiiand ;    Professor  of  Logic 
and  Metaphysics  in  King's  College,  London. 
E.  B.  W.     Eev.  Edward  Barnet  Wensley,  B.A., 

Vicar  of  All  Hallows,  Hoo,  Eochester. 

CHRIST.  A  XT. VOL.    IT.  Li 


900        KEYS,  POWER  OP  TPIE 

in  early  bas-reliefs.  See  D'Agineourt,  Sculp- 
ture, planche  viii.  11,  where  the  apostle  is 
certainly  receiving  a  key,  as  it  appears  a 
single  one,  though  two  are  delivered  to  him 
on  other  monuments.  In  Aringhi  (t.  i.  p. 
293)  there  appear  to  be  two  handles,  though 
the  wards  of  only  one  key  are  visible.  On 
the  sarcophagus  on  which  this  subject  occurs, 
St.  Paul  is  bearing  the  cross  and  receiving  a 
roll  of  the  Gospel  from  the  Lord's  hand,  with 
another  apostle.  Martiguy  refers  to  Ferret 
(vol.  i.  pi.  vii.)  for  a  remarkable  but  dubious 
fresco  of  the  catacomb  called  Platonia,"  where 
our  Lord  is  seen  half  issuing  from  a  cloud,  with 
St.  Peter  on  His  i-ight  and  St.  Paul  on  the  left, 
and  giving  the  keys  to  the  former.  From 
Bottari  (i.  185)  we  give  a  woodcut  of  this  sub- 
ject, which  Bianchini  regards  as  of  great  an- 
tiquity (note  in  Anast.  1  ita  Urbani,  n.  18).  It 
forms  part  of  the  bas-relief  round  a  vase.  St. 
Peter  and  the  keys  appear  next  to  our  Lord  in 
the  church  of  St.  Cecilia,  in  a  mosaic  restored 
by  Paschal  I.,  about  820  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  ii. 
tab.  hi.  160). 


From  Martigny,  after  liotlari. 

St.  Peter  is  also  represented  with  the  keys  on 
a  sarcophagus  at  Verona  (Maftei,  Museum,  Veron. 
p.  484 ;  Arch.  Numm.  vii.  22),  and  in  the  mosaic 
of  the  great  vault  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter, 
on  the  Via  Ostieasis,  dated  441  (Ciampini,  V.  M. 
tab,  Ixviii.);  also  in  that  of  S.  Maria  in  Cosme- 
dm,  at  Ravenna,  A.n.  553,  where  he  seems  to  be 
presenting  them  before  the  throne  of  the  Lamb 
{ibid.  ii.  tab.  xxiii.).  Martigny  mentions  a  Greek 
MS.  in  the  Vatican,  dating  as  far  back  as  the 
emperor  Justin  I.,  where  St.  Peter  holds  three 
keys  on  a  large  ring.  (Alemanni,  de  Lateranens. 
parietin.  tab.  vii.  p.  55.  See  also  Perret,  vol.  iii. 
pi.  xii.)  Alemanni  considers  the  third  key  as 
conveying  authority  over  the  Empire  and  the 
temporal  power  in  general.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

KEYS,  POWER  OF  THE.  The  meta- 
phor implied  in  the  symbolic  use  of  the  word 
"  key  "  is  obviously  derived  from  the  fact  that 
he  who  has  the  key  of  a  house  can  admit  or 
exclude  whom  he  will.  Thus  in  Isaiah  xxii.  22 
the  promise  is  given  to  Eliakim  that  on  his 
shoulder  shall  be  laid  "  the  key  of  the  house  of 
David,  ...  so   he   shall   open   and  none   shall 


-•  Probably  that  built  by  St.  Damasus.  Anastasius- 
"Et  aedificavit  Plutoniam,  ubi  corpora  apostolorum  jacu- 
crunt,"  i.  e.  S.  Petri  et  S.  Pauli.  Ducange :  Platoma ;  Pla- 
tomae;  Platonae— marmora  in  tabulas  disjecta. 


KEYS,  POWER  OF  THE 

shut;  and  he  shall  shut  and  none  shall  open." 
With  a  similar  intention  the  Lord  Himself  is 
said  (Rev.  iii.  7)  to  have  the  "key  of  David," 
and  again  (Rev.  i.  18)  to  have  "the  keys  of  hell 
and  of  death." 

With  the  same  use  of  metaphor  our  Lord  gave 
the  famous  promise  to  St.  Peter,  "I  will  give 
unto  thee  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  jieaveu" 
(Matt.  xvi.  19),  implying  a  power  of  opening 
and  shutting  the  portals  of  the  church  on  earth. 
We  are  not  here  concerned  with  the  critical 
interpretation  of  the  passage,  but  simply  with 
the  use  of  the  term  "  power  of  the  keys " 
(clavium  potestas)  in  the  ancient  church. 

The  general  belief  of  the  fathers  was,  that  the 
words  were  addressed  to  St.  Peter  as  represent- 
ing the  whole  church  (Van  Espen,  de  Censur. 
Eccl.  c.  2,  §  1  ;  0pp.  tom.  iv.  ed.  Colon.  1777). 
Cyprian  {de  Unit.  Eccl.  c.  4)  identifies  the  power 
given  to  St.  Peter  with  that  given  to  all  the 
apostles  after  the  Resurrection  ;  it  was  given  in 
the  first  instance  (he  thinks)  to  one  man  to  indicate 
more  emphatically  the  orjeness  of  the  church  ; 
and  he  proceeds  to  insist  on  the  oneness  of  the 
episcopate.  This  power  he  seems  in  another 
place  {Epist.  73,  7)  to  limit  to  the  remission  of 
sins  in  baptism.  The  power  of  "binding  and 
loosing,"  and  of  putting  away  sins  by  the  healing 
method  or  treatment  (curatione  peccata  dimit- 
tendi),  is  expressly  assigned  to  bishops  in  the 
treatise  De  Aleatoribus  (c.  1)  in  Cyprian's  works 
(vol.  ii.  p.  93,  ed.  Hartel). 
I  Augustine  (c.  Advers.  Legis,  i.  17)  says  ex- 
;  pressly  that  Christ  gave  the  keys  to  the  church, 
and  that  St.  Peter  in  receiving  them  represented 
the  church.  So  also  in  commenting  on  St.  John 
{Tract.  50,  quoted  by  Gratian,  causa  24,  qu.  1, 
c.  6),  he  repeats  that  St.  Peter  in  receiving  the 
keys  symbolised  (significavit)  the  holy  church  ; 
and  again  {Tract.  124)  he  says,  "the  church 
which  is  founded  on  Christ  received  from  Him 
the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  Heaven  in  the  person 
of  Peter,  that  is  the  power  of  binding  and  loosing 
sins."  Leo  the  Great  {Scnn.  3  in  Anniv.  suae 
Assumpt.  and  Serm.  2  de  Xat.  Apostt.  in  Gratian, 
cau.  24,  qu.  1,  c.  5)  holds  that  the  power  in 
the  church  derived  from  St.  Peter  must  be 
administered  in  the  spirit  of  St.  Peter  in  order 
to  have  validity  :  "manet  ergo  Petri  privilegium, 
ubicunque  ex  ipsius  fertur  aequitate  judicium, 
nee  nimia  est  vel  severitas  vel  remissio ;  ubi 
nihil  erit  ligatum,  nihil  solutum,  nisi  quod  beatus 
Petrus  aut  solverit  aut  ligaverit." 

The  "power  of  the  keys,"  then,  is  held  to 
reside  primarily  in  the  church  at  large,  though 
it  be  exercised  through  its  bishops  and  other 
ministers.  And,  as  Jansen  (quoted  by  Van 
Espen,  u.  s.)  has  noted,  in  the  primitive  church 
sinners  were  in  fact,  after  a  first  and  second 
admonition,  brought  before  the  whole  church  of 
the  place,  that  is,  the  whole  body  of  Christians 
duly  convened,  and  there,  if  found  impenitent, 
excommunicated  with  the  assent  and  approba- 
ti=on  of  all  (1  Cor.  y.  4).  The  evidence  of  Ter- 
tullian  {Apol.  c.  39)  and  Cyprian  {Epistt.  30, 
c.  5 ;  55,  c.  5  ;  64,  c.  1)  shews  that  questions 
involving  the  reception  or  excommunication  of 
a  member  of  the  church  were  not  decided  by  the 
bishop  alone,  but  by  the  bishop  with  the  assent 
of  the  presbyters,  deacons,  and  faithful  laity. 
And  although  in  after  times  the  power  of  the 
keys  came  to   be  exercised  by  the  ministers  ol 


KIAKA 

the  church  and  ecclesiastical  judges  without  I 
consulting  the  church,  yet  the  source  of  that 
power  remains  in  the  church,  so  that  it  has 
always  the  right  to  prescribe  the  conditions  on 
which  that  power  is  to  be  exercised.  It  is  on 
the  "  power  of  the  keys  "  that  the  right  of  the 
church  to  exclude  offenders  from  its  pale,  and 
again  to  readmit  them  to  its  privileges  and 
graces,  to  prescribe  penance  and  grant  absolu- 
tion, is  held  to  depend.  The  distinctions  between 
the  "  forum  internum,"  or  penitential  jurisdic- 
tion, and  the  "  forum  externum,"  or  penal  juris- 
diction ;  and  between  the  "  potestas  ordinis " 
and  the  "  potestas  jurisdictionis,"  were  probably 
not  drawn  before  the  twelfth  century  (Morinus, 
ck  Sacrum.  Poenit.  vi.  25,  §  12) ;  with  these 
therefore  we  are  not  here  concerned.  [Excommu- 
nication, Penitence.]  [C] 

KIAKA  (or  GEAR,  CERA,  etc.),  virgin 
(ob.  circa  a.d.  680  according  to  her  chronicler, 
though  this  date  is  probably  too  late),  comme- 
morated at  Killchrea,  in  the  south  of  Ireland,  on 
Oct.  16.  There  is  also  another  commemoration, 
perhaps  of  a  translation,  on  Jan.  5  (^Acta  Sancto- 
rum, Oct.  vol.  vii.  p.  950).  [R.  S.] 

KIERAN  (CIARAN,  CIERAN,  etc.)  (1) 
bishop  and  abbat  of  Saigir  in  Ossory,  in  Ireland 
(ob.  circa  A.D.  520),  commemorated  on  March  5. 
{Acta  Sanctorum,  March,  vol.  i.  p.  387.) 

(2)  Or  Queran,  abbat  of  Cluain-Mac-Nois,  in 
Westmcath,  in  Ireland  (ob.  circa  a.d.  548),  to 
whom  is  due  one  of  the  most  famous  of  the 
Monastic  Rules  of  Ireland.  He  is  commemorated 
on  Sept.  9.  {Mart.  Usuard.  "  In  Scotia,  Querani 
abbatis :"  Acta  Sanctorum,  Sept.  vol.  iii.  p.  370.) 
[R.  S.] 

KILIAN  (KYLLENA,  KILLENA,  KIL- 
LINUS,  CHILIANUS,  etc.),  the  apostle  of 
Thuringia  and  bishop  of  VViirzburg,  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  7th  century,  commemorated  on 
July  8  (Usuard,  Wandelbert,  Rabanus,  Notker). 
This  day  had  its  proper  office,  and  seems  to  have 
had  a  vigil  at  an  early  period  {Acta  Sanctorum, 
July,  vol.  ii.  p.  609).  [R.  S.] 

KINDRED.     [Prohibited  Degrees.] 

KINEBURGA  and  KINESWITHA,  vir- 
gins, daughters  of  Penda,  king  of  Mercia  (ob. 
a.d.  655),  who,  with  their  kinswoman  Tibba, 
are  commemorated  on  March  6,  or  according 
to  some  martyrologies  on  March  5.  In  one  case, 
a  separate  commemoration  of  Kineswitha  is 
assigned  to  Jan.  31  {Acta  Sanctorum,  March, 
vol.  i.  p.  443).  [R.  S.] 

KINEDUS     (KYNEDUS,     KINETHUS, 

etc.),  hermit  and  confessor  in  Gower,  in  South 
Wales,  in  the  6th  century  (ob.  circa  A.D.  529), 
commemorated  on  August  1.  {Acta  Sanctorum, 
Aug.  vol.  i.  p.  68.)  [R.  S.] 

KINGS,  PRAYER  FOR.  Prayers  for  the 
reigning  Sovereign  were  introduced  into  the 
Liturgy  at  a  very  early  date,  in  obedience  to  the 
injunction  of  St.  Paul.  In  the  so-called  Cle- 
mentine Liturgy  we  read :  "  Furthermore  we 
implore  Thee,  O  Lord,  on  behalf  of  the  King, 
and  those  in  high  station  (eV  virepoxv^  ^^d  all 
the  army,"  &c.  Tertullian  writes '  {ad  Sca- 
pulam,  c.  2) :  "  We  sacrifice  for  the  safety  of  the 
Emperor ;  but  to  our  God,  and  his,  but  in  the 
manner  which  God   has  commanded,  in  simple 


KINGS,  PRAYER  FOR 


901 


prayer.''  So  Arnobius  {Contra  Gentes,  iv. 
36),  in  a  passage  thought  to  refer  to  the  Dio- 
cletian persecution:  "Why  have  our  writings 
deserved  to  be  given  to  the  flames;  our  meet- 
ings to  be  cruelly  broken  up,  in  which  pra_yer 
is  made  to  the  Supreme  God  ;  peace  and  pardon 
asked  for  all  in  authority ;  soldiers,  kings, 
friends,  enemies ;  alike  for  those  who  are  still 
alive,  and  for  those  released  from  the  bonds 
of  the  flesh  ?  "  So  also  Cyril  of  Jerus.  {Cate  -h. 
mijst.  v.):  "Then  after  that  spiritual  sacrifice 
is  completed  ....  we  beseech  God  for  the 
common  peace  of  the  churches,  for  the  tran- 
quillity of  the  world,  for  kings,  for  soldiers,"  &c. 
Many  other  patristic  references  to  the  practice 
might  be  adduced."  St.  Athanasius  {Apol.  ad 
Constan.)  states  that  prayer  was  made  in  the 
liturgy  for  the  heretical  emperor  Coustantius ; 
and  Theophylact,  on  1  Tim.  ii.  1,  2,  observes 
that  the  minds  of  Christians  would  probably  be 
disturbed  if  ordered  to  pray  for  unbelieving 
kings  at  the  time  of  the  Holy  Mysteries,  and 
that  St.  Paul  on  this  account  gave  as  the  motive 
for  the  command,  and  the  inducement  to  obey 
it,  that  we  may  lead  a  quiet  and  peaceable  life. 

In  accordance  with  these  passages  the  name 
of  the  reigning  sovereign  was  inserted  in  the 
Diptychs  which  were  read  in  the  liturgy,  and 
was  so  continued  from  the  time  of  Leo  the  Great 
till  the  twelfth  century. 

The  Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  contains  the 
following  prayer  in  the  canon  {a.va<popa) ;  after 
the  commemoration  of  the  saints,  and  prayers 
for  the  orthodox  bishop  and  clergy,  the  church 
and  the  "  religious,"  follows  : — "  Moreover  we 
offer  unto  Thee  this  reasonable  service  ....  on 
behalf  of  our  most  faithful  and  Christ-loving 
kings,  and  all  their  court  [lit.  palace,  TraAarioi'] 
and  army.  Grant  them,  0  Lord,  a  peaceful 
reign,  that  in  their  tranquillity  we  too  may 
lead  a  calm  and  quiet  life  in  all  righteous- 
ness and  holiness."  The  Liturgy  of  St.  Basil, 
in  the  corresponding  place,  contains  the  prayer : 
"  Remember,  0  Lord,  our  most  religious  and 
faithful  kings,  whom  Thou  hast  ordained  to 
have  rule  upon  earth.  Invest  them  [lit.  crown, 
irrecpdvwffov]  with  the  armour  of  truth,  with 
the  armour  of  Thy  blessing :  shelter  their  head 
in  the  day  of  battle :  strengthen  their  arm  : 
exalt  their  right  hand  :  confirm  their  kingdom  : 
subdue  to  them  all  barbarian  nations,  who  wish 
for  war:  grant  to  them  a  deep  peace  which 
shall  not  be  taken  away :  speak  to  their  hearts 
good  things  concerning  Thy  Church  and  all  Thy 
people,  that  in  their  tranquillity  we  may  lead 
a  calm  and  quiet  life  in  all  righteousness 
and  holiness.  Remember,  0  Lord,  all  rulers  and 
authorities,  and  our  brethren  who  are  in  the 
palace,**  and  all  the  army." 

Both  the  Liturgies  of  St.  Chrysostom  and  St. 
Basil  contain  also  the  following  prayer,  imme- 
diately after  that  for  the  bishop  and  clergy,  in 
the  eip-qviKa  [see  Litany]  at  the  beginning 
of  the  service,  which  are  the  same  for  both 
liturgies:  "  For  our  most  religious  and  divinely- 


''e.g.  Dion.  Alex,  (apud  Eiistb.  Hist.  vii.  u);  St. 
Aug.  (Ep.  59,  ad  PauUn.);  Tertullian  {Apul.  30.  31); 
St.  Ambrose  Q-te  Sacr.  iv.  c.  4),  &c. 

b  (V  T<p  TTaKaTiif.  We  shoulJ  say,  "who  are  about 
court,"  or  "  who  are  members  of  the  household,"  but  the 
expressions  are  somewhat  too  familiar  to  form  part  of  a 
prayer. 

3  N  2 


902 


KINGS,  PRAYER  FOR 


protected   kings,  for  all  their  court  (^iraAaTiov) 
and  army,  let  us  beseech  the  Lord, 

"  R.  Kyrie  Eleison. 

"  For  his  help  to  them  in  war,  and  that  He 
will  put  under  their  feet  every  enemy  and  foe, 
let  us  beseech  the  Lord, 

"  R.  Kyrie  Eleison."« 

The  Roman  canon  contains,  near  the  beginning  : 
"  Imprimis,  quae  tibi  offerimus  pro  ecclesia  tua 
Sancta  Catholica  ....  una  cum  famulo  tuo 
Papa  nostro  N.,  et  Antistite  nostro  N.,  et  Hege 
nostra  N.,  et  omnibus  orthodoxis,"  &c. 

There  are  also  votive  masses,  pro  imperatore 
and  pro  rege. 

The  following  prayer  is  found  in  Roman 
missals  from  an  early  date.^  It  is  one  of  a 
series  of  intercessory  prayers  said  on  Good 
Friday,  after  the  reading  of  the  Passion  accord- 
ing to  St.  John,  headed  successively  :  "  Pro  pace 
ecclesiae,"  "  Pro  Papa,"  "  Pro  universis  gradibus 
ecclesiae,"  "  Pro  Imperatore,"  &c.,  and  each  in- 
troduced with  its  own  preface  of  "  Oremus,''  &c. 
That  for  the  emperor  is  as  follows : — 

"  Oremus  et  pro  christianissimo  Imperatore 
nostro  N.,  ut  Deus  et  Dominus  noster  subditas 
illi  faciat  omnes  barbaras  nationes  ad  nostram 
perpetuam  pacem. 

"  Oremus.  Fledamus  genua.  Levate.  Om- 
nipotens  sempiterne  Deus,  in  cujus  manu  sunt 
omnium  potestates  et  omnium  jura  regnorum, 
respice  ad  Romanum  benignus  imperium ;  ut 
gentes,  quae  in  sua  feritate  confidant  potentiae 
tuae  dextera  comprimantur.  Per  Dominum. 
Amen." 

The  Ambrosian  canon  has  nearly  the  same 
words  as  the  Roman :  "  una  cum  famulo  et 
sacerdote  tuo  Papa  nostro  III.,^  et  Pontifice 
nostro  III.  et  famulo  tuo  III.  Imperatore,  sed  et 
omnibus  orthodoxis,"  &c.;  and  the  two  missal 
Litanies  said  on  the  Sundays  in  Lent,  each  con- 
tained a  similar  prayer:  ''Pro  famulo  tuo  III. 
Imperatore,  et  famuli  tua  ///.  Imperatrice,  et 
omni  exercitu  eorum.  R.  Kyrie  Eleison." 

[Litany  used  on  first,  third,  and  fifth  Sundays 
in  Lent.] 

The  litany  used  on  the  alternate  Sundays  has 
an  almost  identical  clause. 

The  Mozarabic  Liturgy,  in  which  the  eucha- 
ristic  intercession  is  short,  contains,  in  its  present 
form,'  no  special  prayer  for  the  king. 

Prayers  for  the  king,  however,  are  by  no 
means  confined  to  the  Liturgy,  but  are  found 
under  varied  forms  scattered  throughout  the 
offices  of  the  church. 

Thus  in  those  of  the  Greek  Church  the  inter- 
cessions (^IpriuiKo)  at  the  end  of  the  daily  mid- 
night olfice  contain  the  clause,  "  Let  us  pray 
for  our  most  religious  and  divinely- 
protected  kiugs, 

"  R.  Kyrie  Eleison. 

"  For  the  prosperity  and  the  efiiciency  of  the 
Christ-loving  army, 

"  R.  Kyrie  Eleison." 

Also  at  the  end  of  Vespers  is  a  praj'er  headed 
by  the  rubric,  "And  we  confirm  the  kings,  say- 


«  This  clause  is  omitted  in  some  modern  editions  of 
St.  Clirysostom's  liturgy. 

<•  It  is  in  the  collection  of  liturgies  by  Pamellus. 

e  Mentioning  his  name.  See  Menard  on  Greg.  Sacram. 
note  997,  p.  572. 

f  The  Mozarabic  canon  bears  signs  of  having  been  re- 
arranged. 


KISS 

ing  "  (reaJ  ridels  arepeovixiv  roiis  fiaaiXus  Ae 
■youTes),  which  begins  thus  :  "  0  King  of  heaven, 
confirm  our  faithful  kings,  establish  the  faith, 
calm  the  nations,  give  peace  to  the  world," 
&c.  The  Eucliology  again  contains  a  long 
prayer  "  for  the  king  and  his  army,"  to  be 
used  in  time  of  war  and  threatenings  of  war. 

In  the  Latin  Church  we  may  refer  to  the 
ordinary  form  of  Litany  said  according  to 
Roman  use  on  Fridays  in  Lent,  St.  Mark's  Day, 
and  the  Rogation  Days,  which  contains  the 
petition,  "  Ut  regibus  et  principibus  Christiauis 
pacem  et  veram  concordiam  [atque  victoriam 
Sarurn]  donare  digneris, 

"  Te  rogamus  audi  nos." 
And  also  to  the  verse  "  Domine  salvum  fac^regem, 
R.  Et  exaudi  nos  in  die  qua  invocaverimus  te," 
which  enters  into  the  preces  of  Lauds  and 
Vespers  according  to  the  Roman  Breviary,  and 
into  those  of  Prime  according  to  the  Ambrosian. 
[H.  J.  H.] 

Prayer  was  also  made  for  kings  in  the  daily 
hour-oflSces.  Thus  the  Council  of  Clovesho, 
A.D.  747  (c.  15,  de  Septem  Canonicis  Horis), 
desires  the  clergy,  secular  and  monastic,  in 
saying  the  ordinary  offices,  not  to  neglect  to 
pray  for  kings  and  for  the  safety  of  the  Christian 
church  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils,  iii.  367) ; 
and  the  monks  of  Fulda  in  their  petition  to 
Charles  the  Great  (c.  i.  Migne,  Patrol,  cv.  419), 
pray  the  emperor,  in  the  first  place,  that  they 
may  be  permitted  to  continue  their  daily  prayer 
for  him  and  his  children,  and  all  Christian  people, 
which  they  said  after  the  Capitulum.  [C.] 

KINGS,  THE  THREE.  [Epiphany,  I. 
620.] 

KISS — Kiss  of  Peace  {aa-iraffix6s,  flp-hvn, 
osculum  pads,  pax,  salutatid). 

The  kiss,  the  instinctive  token  of  amity  and 
affection,  from  the  earliest  time  found  a  place  in 
the  life  and  the  worship  of  the  Christian  Church. 
The  symbol  of  peace  and  love  could  nowhere 
find  a  more  appropriate  home,  in  its  highest  and 
purest  idea,  than  in  the  religion  of  peace  and 
love.  As  a  form  of  Christian  greeting,  indi- 
cating the  inner  communion  of  spirit,  ''a  holy 
kiss  "  is  four  times  enjoined  by  St.  Paul  at  the 
close  of  his  Epistles  (Rom.  x\n.  16  ;  1  Cor.  xvi. 
20;  2  Cor.  xiii.  12;  1  Thess.  v.  26);  and  "a 
kiss  of  charity  "  (or  "  of  love ")  once  by  St. 
Peter  (1  Pet.  v.  14).  No  limitation  is  expressed 
or  implied.  The  Christians  were  simply  bidden 
thus  to  "  greet  one  another."  Nor  is  there  any 
doubt  that  the  primitive  usage  was  for  the 
"  holy  kiss  "  to  be  given  promiscuously,  without 
any  restriction  as  to  sexes  or  ranks,  among  those 
who  were  all  one  in  Christ  Jesus  ;  who  thus,  in  St. 
Augustine's  words,  "in  token  of  Catholic  unity, 
when  about  to  communicate  in  the  church,  de- 
monstrated their  inward  peace  by  the  outward 
kiss "  {de  Amicit.  c.  vi.).  In  the  frequent 
allusions  to  the  kiss  of  peace  which  occur  in  the 
early  Christian  worship,  there  is  no  reference  to 
any  restriction,  while  the  cautions  and  admoni- 
tions we  meet  with  as  to  its  profanation  and 
abuse  plainly  indicate  the  indiscriminate  cha- 
racter of  the  salutation.  A  primitive  extra- 
canonical  scripture,  quoted  by  Athenagoras,  a.d. 
177  {Legal,  pro  Christian.  §32),  shews  that  the 
kiss  was  sometimes  given  a  second  time,  in 
certain  cases,   for  the  gratification  of  appetite, 


KISS 

adding,  "  therefoi-e  the  kiss,  or  rather  the  salu- 
tation, should  be  given  with  the  greatest  care, 
since,  if  there  be  mixed  with  it  the  least  defile- 
ment of  thought,  it  excludes  lis  from  eternal 
life."  Clement  of  Alexandria  also  condemns  "  the 
shameless  use  of  the  kiss  which  ought  to  be 
mystic,"  with  which  certain  pei'sons  "  made  the 
churches  resound,  occasioning  foul  suspicions 
and  evil  reports"  {Faedagog.  lib.  iii.  c.  11). 
Origen,  too,  commenting  on  Rom.  xvi.  16,  after 
stating  that  this  and  similar  passages  had  given 
rise  to  the  custom  among  the  churches,  for 
Christians  after  prayer  to  receive  one  another 
with  a  kiss,  goes  on  to  say  that  this  kiss  should 
be  "  holy,  i.e.  chaste  and  sincere  ;  not  like  the 
kiss  of  Judas,  but  expressive  of  peace  and  sim- 
plicity unfeigned "  (in  Roman,  lib.  x.  §  33). 
Tertullian  speaks  of  the  reluctance  likely 
to  be  felt  by  a  heathen  husband  that  his 
wife  should  "  meet  any  one  of  the  brethren 
to  exchange  a  kiss,"  "alicui  fratrum  ad 
osculum  convenire  "  (ad  Uxor.  lib.  ii.  c.  4).  The 
calumnious  charges  against  the  Christians  to 
which  this  custom  gave  rise,  joined  to  the 
real  peril  of  it,  especially  when  false  brethren 
began  to  creep  into  the  Church,  led  to  the  abro- 
gation of  the  promiscuous  salutation,  and  its 
restriction  to  persons  of  the  same  sex.  The 
Apostolical  Constitutions  supply  the  earliest  ex- 
ample of  this  distinction :  "  Let  the  deacon  say 
to  all,  '  Salute  )-e  one  another  with  the  holy 
kiss ;'  and  let  the  clergy  salute  the  bishop,  the 
men  of  the  laity  salute  the  men,  the  women  the 
women  "  (Const.  Apostol.  lib.  viii.  §  2).  We  find 
the  same  less  distinctly  stated  in  the  19th  canon 
of  the  council  of  Laodicea  (a.d.  371):  "After 
the  presbyters  have  given  the  peace  to  the 
bishop,  then  the  laymen  are  to  give  the  peace 
to  one  another  "  (Labbe,  Concil.  i.  1500).  An 
early  Oriental  canon  given  by  Renaudot  (Liturg. 
Orient.  Collect,  vol.  i.  p.  222)  from  the  collection 
of  canons  by  Ebdnassalus  (c.  xii.),  lays  down 
the  same  rule:  "The  men  shall  kiss  one  another, 
but  the  women  shall  kiss  other  women ;  nor 
shall  men  give  the  kiss  to  them."  It  also  pre- 
vailed in  the  Western  Church.  An  Ordo  Eo- 
manus,  probably  anterior  to  the  9th  century, 
ordains  that  the  "archdeacons  should  give  the 
peace  to  the  bishop  first ;  then  the  rest  in  order ; 
and  the  people,  the  men  and  women  separately  " 
(Muratori,  torn.  ii.  p.  49).  Amalarius,  when 
speaking  of  the  dangers  and  inconveniences 
which  led  to  this  limitation,  remarks  that  if  the 
men  are  distinguished  from  the  women  in  their 
place  in  church,  much  moi-e  should  they  be  in 
the  reception  of  the  kiss  (de  Eccl.  Offic.  lib.  iii. 
c.  32). 

This  primitive  custom  seems  to  have  been 
maintained  in  the  Western  Church  till  after 
the  13th  century.  We  find  from  the  acts  of 
the  'Council  of  Frankfort,  A.D.  794  (c.  50), 
and  those  of  the  Council  of  Mentz,  A.D.  813 
(c.  44),  that  it  was  practised  in  the  8th 
and  9th  centuries.  Cardinal  Bona  says  that 
it  is  mentioned  as  still  in  use  by  Innocent  III. 
(A.D.  1198-1216)  in  his  Myst.  Miss.  (lib.  vi. 
c.  5).  But  not  long  afterwards  we  first  read  of 
the  introduction  of  a  mechanical  substitute  for 
the  actual  kiss,  in  the  shape  of  a  small  wooden 
tablet,  or  plate  of  metal,  bearing  a  representa- 
tion of  the  Crucifixion  (Osculatorium,  deoscula- 
toriicm,  pax).      This,  after  having  been  kissed 


KISS 


903 


by  the  priest  and  deacon,  was  handed  by  the 
latter  to  the  communicants,  who,  by  all  kissing 
it,  were  held  to  express  their  mutual  love  in 
Christ.  This  departure  from  primitive  usage, 
in  deference  to  the  gi-owing  corruption,  is  attri- 
buted to  the  Franciscans  by  Bona  (Ber.  Liturg. 
lib.  ii.  c.  xvi.  §7).  The  earliest  notice  of  these 
instruments  is  in  the  records  of  English  councils 
of  the  13th  century  (Scudamore's  jS'otit.  Eucha- 
rist, p.  438).  The'rite  of  the  holy  kiss  has  not 
entirely  ceased  in  the  Greek  Church.  In  the 
Armenian  Church  the  people  simply  bow  to  one 
another;  but  in  the  strictly  Oriental  churches, 
of  whatever  language,  the  kiss  is  observed  with- 
out any  difference  (Renaudot,  Lit.  Orient,  vol.  ii. 
p.  76). 

The  holy  kiss  originally  formed  an  element  of 
every  act  of  Christian  worship.  No  sacrament 
or  sacramental  function  was  deemed  complete  in 
its  absence.  To  quote  the  words  of  Bona,  "Os- 
culum non  solius  communionis,  sed  et  omnium 
Ecclesiasticarum  functionum  signaculum  et  si- 
gillum,  quod  in  omnibus  Sacramentis  adhiberi 
solebat "  (Her.  Liturg.  lib.  ii.  c.  xvi.  §  7).  Even 
common  prayer  without  the  kiss  was  considered 
to  lack  something  essential  to  its  true  character! 
Tertullian  calls  it  "  signaculum  orationis,"  "  the 
seal  of  prayer,"  and  asks  "  what  prayer  is  com- 
plete from  which  the  holy  kiss  is  divorced  ?  what 
kind  of  sacrifice  is  that  from  which  men  depart 
without  the  peace  ?"  (Tert.  de  Orat.  c.  18). 

(a.)  Kiss  of  Peace  at  the  Holy  Communion. — 
The  Holy  Eucharist  is  the  Christian  rite  with 
which  the  Kiss  of  Peace  was  most  essentially 
connected,  and  in  which  it  was  preserved 
the  longest.  It  is  found  in  all  primitive  liturgies, 
and  is  mentioned  or  referred  to  by  the  earliest 
writers  who  describe  the  administration  of  the 
Lord's  Supper.  The  primitive  place  of  the  lioly 
kiss  is  that  which  it  still  maintains  in  the 
Oriental  Church,  between  the  dismissal  of  the  non- 
communicants  and  the  Oblation.  The  earliest 
author  who  mentions  it,  Justin  Martyr,  thus 
writes  :  "  When  we  have  ceased  from  prayer,  we 
salute  one  another  with  a  kiss.  There  is  then 
brought  to  the  president  bread  and  a  cup  of 
wine,"  &c.  (Apolog.  i.  c.  65.)  St.  Cyril  of  Jeru- 
salem places  it  between  the  washing  of  the 
celebrant's  hands  and  the  Siirsum  corda.  "  Then 
the  deacon  cries  aloud,  '  Receive  ye  one  another ; 
and  let  us  kiss  one  another.'  ....  This  kiss  is 
the  sign  that  our  souls  are  mingled  together, 
and  have  banished  all  remembrance  of  wrongs  " 
(cf  Matt.  V.  23),  (Cat.  Lect.  xxiii.,  iVyst.  v. 
§3).  In  the  same  way  the  19th  canon  of  the 
Council  of  Laodicea,  already  referred  to,  places 
"  the  Peace  "  before  the  holy  oblation  ;  and  St. 
Chrysostora,  "  when  the  gift  is  about  to  be 
offered  "  (de  Compunct.  Cordis,  lib.  i.  c.  3) ;  and 
the  Pseudo-Dionysius,  at  the  time  of  the  obla- 
tion of  the  bread  and  wine  (de  Eccl.  Hierarch. 
c.  3).  St.  Chrysostom,  in  another  passage,  after 
describing  the  exclusion  from  the  holy  precincts 
of  those  who  were  unable  to  partake  of  the  holy 
table,  writes  :  "  When  it  behoveth  to  give  and 
receive  peace,  we  all  alike  salute  each  other," 
and  then  proceeds  to  speak  of  the  celebration  of 
the  "  most  awful  mysteries  "  (Horn,  xviii.  in  2 
Cor.  viii.  24,  §  3). 

The  Apostolical  Constitutions  also  introduce 
the  Holy  Kiss  after  the  two  prayers  for  the 
faithful  before  the  Oblation  (lib.  viii.  c.  11).   The 


904 


KISS 


primitive  liturgies  are  lilvewise  unanimous  in 
assigning  to  the  l^iss  the  same  position  in  the 
Eucharistic  ritual.  In  that  of  St.  James  it 
comes  just  before  the  Sursum  curda  and  tlie 
Vere  dignnm,  &c.  (Renaudot,  vol.  li.  p.  30);  in 
that  of  St.  Mark  it  follows  the  Great  Entrance, 
and  immediatelj'  precedes  the  creed  and  the 
oblation  of  the  people  (Jh.  vol.  i.  p.  143)  ;  in 
those  of  St.  Basil  and  St.  Cyril  it  also  occurs 
before  the  Anaphora  (ib.  pp.  12,  39),  and  occu- 
pies the  same  place  in  that  of  St.  Chi-ysostom 
{ib.  vol.  ii.  p.  24-3).  In  all  it  is  introduced  by  a 
prayer  asking  for  the  gift  of  peace  and  unfeigned 
love,  undefiled  by  hypocrisy  or  deceit  (^Collectio 
ad  Pacem,  Euxh  t5j$  elp-fivris).  The  rite  is  also 
found  in  all  Oriental  (as  distinguished  from 
Greek)  liturgies,  and  always  follows  the  depar- 
ture of  the  non-communicants,  and  precedes  the 
Anaphora  and  Preface  (Renaudot,  vol.  ii.  pp.  30, 
76,  134,  &c.).  It  is  introduced  by  three  prayers 
(cf.  Concil.  Laod.  can.  19),  that  of  the  Veil,  that 
of  the  Kiss,  and  another  of  Preparation,  but  in 
uncertain  order  (Scudamore,  Not.  Euch.  p.  435). 

When  we  turn  from  the  Eastern  to  the 
Western  church  we  find  the  Kiss  of  Peace 
generally  occupying  a  difl'erent  position  in  the 
Eucharistic  rite.  It  is  not  at  all  probable  that 
in  primitive  times  the  usage  of  the  Occidental 
was  difl'erent  from  that  of  the  Oriental  churcli 
on  this  point.  Indeed,  in  the  earliest  liturgies 
of  the  Spanish  and  Galilean  churches,  as  well  as 
in  the  most  anci';nt  forms  of  the  Ambrosian  rite, 
the  Holy  Kiss  occupies  its  primitive  position 
between  the  dismissal  of  the  catechumens  and 
the  Preface.  In  the  Mozarabic  liturgy  the 
collect  of  peace  follows  the  prayer  and  com- 
memoration of  the  living  and  the  dead.  The 
priest  then  says,  "  Make  the  peace  as  ye  stand," 
and  proceeds  to  give  the  kiss  to  the  deacon,  or 
acolythe,  who  gives  it  to  the  people  while  the 
choir  chant  "  My  peace  I  give  unto  you "  &c. 
(Martene,  de  Aiit.  Ecd.  Bit.  lib.  i.  c.  4,  art.  12 ; 
Ord.  2,  vol.  i.  p.  461 ;  Isidor.  Hispal.  de  JSbcl. 
Off.  lib.  i.  c.  15).  The  Galilean  use  was  similar. 
A  Gothic  missal  printed  by  Muratori  (Lit.  Rom. 
Yet.  vol.  ii.  col.  517,  s.  q.)  gives  the  CoUectio  ad 
Pacem,  with  petitions  referring  to  the  Kiss,  im- 
mediately before  the  Preface,  after  the  recita- 
tion of  the  diptychs  and  the  collect  post  nomina 
(cf.  Martene,  u.  s.  Ord.  i.  p.  454).  Its  position  is 
the  same  in  the  Missale  Gallicanum  Vetus 
(Muratori,  u.  s.  col.  698,  s.  q.),  and  the  Saci-a- 
mentariuiii  Gallicanum  {ib.  col.  776  if.),  (cf. 
Bona,  Eer.  Liturg.  lib.  i.  c.  12,  p.  369  ff.). 
The  position  of  the  kiss  is  also  indicated  by  the 
mention  of  it  by  Gerraanus  (bishop  of  Paris  in 
the  6th  century),  immediately  before  the  Pre- 
face {Expodt.  de  Missa,  apud  Martene,  Thesaur. 
Anecdut.  vol.  v.  p.  95).  But  in  the  churches  of 
Africa  and  Rome  from  the  5th  century,  when 
the  earliest  notices  of  it  occur,  onwards  to  the 
time  of  its  virtual  abrogation,  it  stands  at  a 
later  period  in  the  service,  after  the  consecra- 
tion, and  immediately  before  the  communion. 
Thus  in  a  sermon  included  among  those  of  St. 
Augustine,  but  more  truly  ascribed  to  Caesarius 
of  Aries,  we  read:  "When  the  consecration  is 
completed,  we  say  the  Lord's  Prayer.  After 
that,  J'ax  vobiscum  is  said,  and  Christians  kiss 
one  another  with  the  Kiss  which  is  the  sign  of 
peace."  (Aug.  Homil.  de  Divcrm,  Ixxxiii.) 

The  reference  to   the  kiss  in  the   undisputed 


KISS 

works  of  St.  Augustin  (e.  g.  Contra  literas  Peti- 
Uani,  lib.  ii.  c.  23  ;  Homil.  VI.  in  Joann.  §  4)  do  not 
define  its  place  in  the  ritual.  From  the  letter 
to  Decentius,  bishop  of  Eugubium,  ascribed  to 
pope  Innocent  I.,  A.D.  416,  "  but  certainly  of 
later  date  "  (Scudamore,  Kot.  Euch.  p.  437),  we 
find  that  the  Peace  was  given  in  some  of  tlie 
Latin  churches  previously  to  the  consecration. 
Whether  in  the  injunction  that  it  should  be 
given  after  the  completion  of  the  mysteries, 
that  the  laity  might  thus  signify  their  assent 
to  all  that  had  been  done,  the  writer  Avas  in- 
troducing a  novelty,  or  reasserting  the  primitive 
Latin  use,  is  warmly  contested  between  Basnage 
(Annal.  Eccl.  Polit.  anno  56)  and  Sala  (iii.  352). 
Bona  refutes  the  groundless  assertion  that  the 
use  of  the  Holy  Kiss  was  first  introduced  into  the 
Roman  liturgy  by  Innocent  I.,  "Non  enim  insti- 
tuit,  sed  abusum  emeudavit  "  {Rer.  Liturg.  lib. 
ii.  c.  xvi.  §6).  The  impugned  custom  must  pro- 
bably have  been  the  remnant  of  an  earlier  rule. 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  date  of  the  change 
of  the  position  of  the  Kiss,  in  which  respect  they 
difl^ered  from  all  the  other  liturgies  of  the  East 
and  West,  it  is  certain  that  in  the  liturgies  of 
Milan,  Rome,  and  Africa,  the  Salutation  of  Peace 
followed  instead  of  preceding  the  consecration. 
On  the  conclusion  of  the  canon,  the  bread  being 
broken,  and  divided  for  distribution,  and  the 
Lord's  Prayer  recited,  the  clergy  and  people  in- 
terchanged the  Kiss  of  Peace,  and  all  communi- 
cated. In  the  sacramentary  of  Gregory,  the 
salutation  follows  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  pre- 
cedes the  Agnus  Dei  (Muratori,  Liturg.  Rom. 
Vetus,  vol.  ii.  p.  6).  The  Ordo  Romanus,  earlier 
than  the  ninth  century,  given  by  Muratori  (ib. 
col.  984,  §  18),  places  it  at  the  end  of  the  canon 
while  the  host  is  being  put  into  the  chalice.  "  The 
archdeacon  gives  the  peace  to  the  bishop  first, 
then  to  the  rest"  [of  the  ministers]  "in  order, 
and  to  the  people  "  (§  18).  In  the  second  Ordo, 
not  much  later,  there  is  a  slight  variation  in 
the  rubric :  "  the  rest  [give  the  peace]  in  order ; 
and  the  people,  men  and  women,  separately  " 
(ib.  col.  1027,  §  12).  In  the  liturgy  of  Milan, 
the  Peace  is  bidden  by  the  deacon  before  the 
priest  communicates,  in  the  words,  "Offer  the 
Peace  to  one  another,"  to  which  the  people  re- 
spond, "Thanks  be  to  God."  The  priest  then 
says  a  secret  prayer  for  the  peace  of  the  church, 
based  on  John  xiv.  27,  or,  as  an  alternative, 
utters  aloud,  "  Peace  in  heaven,  peace  on  earth, 
peace  among  all  people,  peace  to  the  priests  ot 
the  church  of  God.  The  peace  of  Christ  and  the 
Church  remain  with  us  for  ever."  Then,  accord- 
ing to  the  MS.  printed  in  the  revision  of  St. 
Charles  Borromeo,  A.D.  1560,  he  gives  the  peace 
with  the  formula,  "  Hold  the  bond  of  love  and 
peace  [habete  vinculum  instead  of  the  more  usual 
osculum'],  that  ye  may  be  meet  for  the  sapro- 
sanct  mysteries  of  God  "  (Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl. 
Rit.  vol.  i.  p.  478;  lib.  I.  c.  iv.  art.  12,  Ord.  3; 
Bona,  Rer.  Liturg.  lib.  II.  c.  xvi.  §  6,  p.  584).  This 
formula  occurs  also  in  the  liturgies  of  York  and 
Bangor,  and  may  have  been  borrowed  by  Augus- 
tine from  the  older  Gallican  liturgies.  The 
mention  of  the  Kiss  in  the  account  of  the  Eu- 
charist celebrated  during  a  tempest  at  sea  by 
Maximian,  bishop  of  Syracuse — "  they  gave  one 
another  the  kiss;  they  received  the  Body  and 
the  Blood  of  the  Redeemer"  (Gregor.  Magn. 
Dial.   lib.  iii.  c.  36)— also   shews    that  at   that 


KISS 

time  it  came  immediately  before  communion. 
In  the  modem  Roman  liturgy  the  Pax  vobiscum 
stands  in  the  same  place,  Letween  the  Lord's 
Prayer  and  the  Agnus  Dei. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  eucharistic  rite  it 
was  customary  for  the  bishop  to  give  the  Kiss 
to  the  laity  who  had  received  it  from  him.  On 
this  custom  see  the  notes  of  Valesius  (m  Cornel. 
Epist.  IX.  ad  Fab.),  in  which  he  refers  to 
Jerome  (  Epist.  Ixii. )  and  Paulus  Diaconus  (de 
Vit.  Fair.  Emeritens.  c.  vii.). 

Before  leaving  this  part  of  the  subject,  it  may 
be  mentioned  that  Tertullian  informs  us  {de 
Orat.  c.  18)  that  certain  persons  in  his  day  ob- 
jected to  giving  or  receiving  the  Holy  Kiss  in 
public  on  a  fast-day,  "subtrahunt  osculum 
pacis."  This  custom  he  strongly  reprehends, 
Lot  only  because  the  kiss  was  the  "seal  of 
prayer,"  which  was  incomplete  without  it,  but 
because  such  an  omission  of  the  accustomed 
rite  proclaimed  the  act  of  fasting  in  violation  of 
our  Lord's  injunction  (Matt.  vi.  17,  .18).  The 
same  objection  did  not  hold  against  the  received 
custom  of  omitting  the  kiss  on  Good  Friday, 
"die  Paschae  .  .  .  merito  deponimus  osculum," 
because  that  was  an  universally  acknow- 
ledged fast-day.  An  illustration  of  this  omis- 
sion may  be  Revived  from  the  remark  of  Pro- 
copius  (^Hist.  Arcan.  c.  9),  that  Justinian 
and  Theodora  began  their  reign  with  an  evil 
omen,  commencing  it  on  Good  Friday,  a  day 
when  it  was  unlawful  to  give  the  salutation. 
The  kiss  was  also  omitted  on  Easter  Eve,  but 
was  given  on  all  other  stated  fasts  (Muratori,  in 
Tertull.  loc.  cit.).  (Augusti,  Handbuch  der  chiHst. 
Arch.  vol.  ii.  p.  718,  s.  q. ;  Bona,  Ber.  Liturg. 
lib.  II.  c.  xvi.  §  6-7 ;  Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl.  bk. 
XV.  c.  iii.  §  3;  Binterim,  Denkiciirdigkeiten,  vol. 
iv.  part  iii.  p.  485,  s.  q.;  Goar,  Eucholog.  p.  134; 
Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  lib.  i.  c.  iii.  §§  4,  5; 
Muratori,  Liturg.  Bom.  Vet.  passim;  Palmer, 
Antiq.  of  English  Bitnal.  vol.  ii.  pp.  100-103 ; 
Keuaudot,  Liturg.  Oriental.  Collect,  vol,  i.  p.  222, 
ff.;  vol.  ii.  p.  76,  fi". ;  Scudamore,  Notit.  Eucharist. 
c.  ii.  §  2,  pp.  434-442.) 

(b.)  The  luss  of  Peace  at  Baptism. — After 
the  administration  of  the  sacrament  of  baptism, 
the  newly-baptized  person,  whether  infant  or 
adult,  received  the  Holy  Kiss  as  a  token  of 
brotherly  love,  and  a  sign  of  admission  into  the 
family  of  Christ.  The  kiss  was  first  given  by 
the  baptizer  and  then  by  the  other  members  of 
the  congregation.  There  is  a  reference  to  this 
custom  in  a  letter  of  Cyprian  (ad  Fidum  Epi- 
scopum,  Ep.  Isiv.  (Iviii.)  §4),  where  the  language 
is  so  beautiful  that  it  deserves  to  be  given  at 
length.  Cyprian  is  correcting  the  erroneous 
idea  that  an  infant,  as  still  impure,  should  not 
be  baptized  before  the  eighth  day  after  its  birth, 
asserting  that  as  soon  as  it  was  born  it  was  meet 
for  baptism.  He  writes:  "No  one  ought  to 
shudder  at  that  which  God  hath  condescended  to 
make.  For  although  the  infant  is  still  fresh 
from  its  birth,  yet  it  is  not  just  that  any  one 
should  shudder  at  kissing  it,  in  giving  grace, 
and  making  peace ;  since  in  kissing  an  infant 
every  one  of  us  ought,  for  his  very  religion's 
sake,  to  bethink  him  of  the  hands  of  God  them- 
selves, still  fresh,  whicli  in  some  sort  we  are 
kissing  in  the  man  lately  formed  and  freshly 
born,  when  we  are  embracing  that  which  God 
hath  made."     This  custom  of  giving  the  Kiss  of 


KISS 


905 


Peace  to  infants  at  baptism  Martene  erroneously 
confines  to  the  African  church.  But  it  is  re- 
ferred to  not  only  by  Augustine  (Contr.  Epist. 
Pelag.  lib.  iv.  c.  8),  but  also  by  Chrysostom, 
(Homil.  50  de  Utilitat.  legend.  Script.)  :  "  Becaui^e 
before  his  baptism  he  was  an  enemy,  but  after 
baptism  is  made  a  friend  of  our  common  Lord ; 
we  therefore  all  rejoice  with  him.  And  upon 
this  account  the  kiss  is  called  '  peace '  (jh 
^lArjfia  elpriuT]  /caAetTai),  that  we  may  learn 
thereby  that  God  has  ended  the  war,  and 
brought  us  into  friendship  with  Himself."  A 
relic  of  this  rite  still  survives  in  the  Pax  tecum 
found  in  many  baptismal  rituals  (Augusti,  Sand- 
buck,  vol.  ii.  p.  451 ;  Bingham,  bk.  xii.  c.  iv. 
§6;  Binterim,  vol.  i.  c.  i.  §2,  p.  163;  Rhein- 
wald,  Kirchlich.  Archdoloj.  II.  iii.  §  108). 

(c.)  The  Kiss  at  Ordination. — The  imparting 
of  the  brotherly  kiss  to  the  newly  ordained 
formed  an  essential  element  of  the  service  for 
the  ordination  of  presbyters  and  bishops  in  all 
churches.  It  is  enjoined  in  the  Apostolical  Con- 
stitutions in  the  ordination  of  bishops:  "Let 
him  [the  newly  consecrated  bishop]  be  placed  in 
his  throne,  in  a  place  set  apart  for  him  among 
the  rest  of  the  bishops,  they  all  giving  him  the 
kiss  in  the  Lord  "  {ap.  Const,  lib.  viii.  c.  5),  and 
is  mentioned  by  the  Pseudo-Dionysius  {de  Eccl. 
hierarch.  c.  v.  p.  2,  §6),  who  states  that  the 
newly  ordained  presbyter  was  kissed  by  the 
bishop  and  the  rest  of  the  clergy.  So  also  iu 
the  Sacramentary  of  Gregory,  in  the  consecra- 
tion of  a  bishop,  we  find  the  direction,  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  rite,  after  the  delivery  of  the 
ring,  staff",  and  gospels :  "  then  the  elect  gives 
the  kiss  to  the  pope,  and  to  all  the  deacons. 
The  archdeacon  holding  him  conveys  him  into 
the  presbytery,  and  he  gives  the  kiss  to  the 
bishop  and  the  presbyters."  He  is  again  kissed 
by  the  pope  on  the  reception  of  the  host  (Mura- 
tori, M.  s.  vol.  ii.  col.  442).  At  the  ordination  of 
presbyters  they  are  similarly  enjoined  to  give 
the  kiss  of  peace  to  the  ordaining  bishop,  and 
then  to  the  bishops,  presbyters,  deacons,  and 
other  ministers  who  are  present,  and  they  re- 
ceive it  themselves  from  the  ordaining  bishop  at 
the  holy  communion,  and  are  thrice  kissed  by 
him  at  the  conclusion  of  the  rite  with  the 
words,  pax  Domini  sit  vobiscum  {ibid.  col.  429, 
430).  In  the  Greek  church  the  order  is  the 
same,  both  with  bishops  and  presbyters.  In  the 
ordination  of  the  patriarch  of  Alexandria  the 
kiss  is  given  in  the  same  place,  and  in  the  same 
order  (Renaudot,  vol.  i.  p.  481);  while  in  that 
of  a  presbyter,  after  the  imposition  of  hands,  the 
stole  is  brought  over  the  right  shoulder  of  the 
new  presbyter,  the  casula  is  put  on,  and  he  then 
kisses  the  bishop  and  presbyters,  and  goes  and 
takes  his  stand  among  them,  reading  his  missal. 
(Goar,  Eucholog.  p.  298,  6 ;  Bingham,  bk.  ii. 
c.  xi.  §10;  c.  xix.  §  17;  bk.  iv.  c.  vL  §  15; 
Binterim,  vol.  1.  part  i.  p.  492 ;  Augusti,  Hdbch. 
vol.  iii.  p.  242.) 

(d.)  At  Espousals.— On  the  espousal  of  two 
Christians,  the  contract  was  solemnly  ratified  by 
a  kiss  given  by  the  man  to  his  future  wife.  This 
was  an  innocent  custom  dictated  by  nature, 
adopted  by  the  members  of  the  church  from  their 
heathen  ancestors,  among  whom  the  marriage  rite 
was  ratified  by  the  kiss,  "  uxorem  aut  maritum 
tantum  osculo'putari  "  (Quintil.  Declamat.  276). 
It  is  moutioned  by  Tertullian  as  an  old  heathen 


906 


KISS 


custom  (de  Veland.  Virgin,  c.  11).  So  much 
stress  is  laid  on  the  kiss  as  the  ratification  of 
espousals,  that  Constantine  made  the  inheritance 
of  half  the  espousal  donatious,  on  the  death 
of  one  party  before  the  consummation  of  the 
marriage,  to  depend  on  the  kiss  having  been 
given  or  not.  (^Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  iii.  tit.  5 ;  de 
Sponsalibus,  leg.  5  ;  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  v.  tit.  3 ; 
de  Donat.  ante  Nupt.  leg.  16)  ;  (Bingham,  bk.  xxii. 
ch.  iii.  §  6  ;  Binterim,  vol.  vi.  part  2,  p.  164.) 

(e.)  To  the  Dying. — The  kiss  dictated  by 
natural  affection  to  dying  friends  was  not  for- 
bidden by  the  church  of  Christ.  We  find  it 
mentioned  by  the  Pseudo-Amphilochius  in  his 
life  of  St.  Basil  (c.  129).  It  is  prescribed  in 
several  early  monastic  rituals  in  the  case  of  a 
sick  monk  ;  e.  g.  in  the  ritual  of  the  abbey  of  St. 
Giles  of  Noyon,  ante  ann.  500.  After  receiving 
extreme  unction,  the  mouth  of  the  sick  man  is 
washed,  he  then  first  kisses  the  cross,  and  after- 
wards all  who  are  present ;  and  in  that  of 
St.  Ouen  of  Rouen,  c.  a.d.  400,  where,  after 
communion,  the  sick  man  kisses  the  cross,  and 
is  then  kissed  by  the  priest,  and  afterwards  by 
all  the  monks  present  in  succession,  each  ask- 
ing pardon  of  him  both  before  and  after  the 
kiss.  (Martene,  M.S.  lib.  ii.  c.  11 ;  lib.  iii.  c.  15; 
Ordo  viii.,  sii.) 

(f.)  To  the  Dead. — At  the  funerals  the  voice 
of  nature  was  again  listened  to,  and  a  final  kiss 
was  given  to  the  corpse  before  the  actual  inter- 
ment. This  tribute  of  natural  affection  is  men- 
tioned by  Ambrose  on  the  occasion  of  the  funeral 
of  his  brother  Satyrus :  "Procedamus  ad  tumu- 
lum,  sed  prius  ultimum  coram  populo  valedico, 
pacem  praedico,  osculum  solvo "  (Ambros.  de 
Excessu  Satyri,  c.  17).  The  Pseudo-Dionysius 
describes  how,  after  the  prayer  made  by  the 
priest  over  the  dead  body,  it  is  kissed  by  him, 
and  then  by  all  who  are  present  (de  Eccl.  Hier- 
arch.  c.  vii.  §8).  We  learn  also  from  Goar 
that  it  was  given  to  the  dead  {Eucholog.  p.  542), 
and  the  custom  is  punctually  observed  in  the 
Greek  church  to  the  present  day.  The  prohibi- 
tion of  the  kiss  by  the  Council  of  Auxerre,  a.d. 
578  {Condi.  Autissiodor.  can.  12)  had  reference 
to  the  superstitious  practice  of  administering 
the  eucharist,  with  which,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
Osculum  pads  was  inseparably  connected,  to  the 
dead  :  "  Non  licet  mortuis  nee  Eucharistiam,  nee 
osculum  tradi  "  (Augusti,  Hdhch.  vol.  iii.  p.  306  ; 
Bingham,  bk.  xxiii.  ch.  iii.  §  14). 

(g.)  As  a  Mark  of  Reverence  and  Respect. — 
As  a  token  of  reverence  it  was  the  habit  to  kiss 
not  only  the  hands,  feet,  and  vestments  of 
bishops  and  other  ecclesiastics,  but  also  the 
walls,  doors,  thresholds,  and  altars  of  the  sacred 
buildings.  The  references  to  this  custom  are 
very  frequent.  Paulinus,  the  biographer  of  St. 
Ambrose,  says  this  token  of  respect  was  com- 
monly paid  to  priests  in  his  day  ( Vit.  Ambros. 
p.  2).  St.  Ambrose  himself  refers  to  the  hands 
of  priests  being  kissed  by  kings  and  princes 
when  requesting  their  prayers  (de  Dignitat. 
Sacerd.  c.  ii.),  and  St.  Chrysostom  relates  how, 
on  the  first  arrival  of  Meletius  at  Antioch,  the 
people  eagerly  touched  his  feet  and  kissed  his 
hands  (Horn,  de  Melet.  §  2,  p.  521).  But  no  more 
need  be  remarked  on  a  custom  so  common  in  all 
countries. 

The  custom  of  kissing  the  pope's  feet  is  of 
considerable  antiquity.    In  the  ordinals  included 


KNOP 

in  the  sacramentary  of  Gregory  the  newly  or- 
dained presbyter  is  enjoined  to  kiss  the  feet  of 
the  ordainer,  and  the  newly  consecrated  bishop 
of  the  consecrating  pontiff.  In  the  latter  case, 
if  the  pope  be  not  the  consecrator,  the  mouth  is 
to  be  kissed  instead  of  the  feet  (Muratori,  u.  s. 
cols.  429,  443).  In  the  Ordo  Romanus  of  a  pon- 
tifical mass,  the  deacon  is  directed  to  kiss  the 
pope's  feet  before  reading  the  Gospels  ( ih.  col. 
1022,  §  8).  The  earliest  mention  of  this  mark 
of  homage  in  Anastasius  (Vitae  Pontif.  Roman.) 
is  in  the  case  of  Constantine,  A.D.  708-714, 
before  whom  Justinian  the  younger  prostrated 
himself,  on  meeting  him  in  Bithynia,  wearing 
his  crown,  and  kissed  his  feet  (Anastas.  xc.  §  173). 
The  reverent  affection  of  the  early  Christians 
for  the  house  of  God  and  everything  belonging 
to  it  was  indicated  by  embracing  and  kissing  the 
doors,  threshold,  pillars,  and  pavement  of  the 
church,  and  above  all,  the  hoi}'  altar.  We  have 
a  striking  example  of  this  last  in  an  account 
given  by  St.  Ambrose  of  the  eagerness  mani- 
fested by  the  soldiers  who  brought  the  welcome 
intelligence  of  the  revocation  of  the  young  Va- 
lentinian's  decree  for  surrendering  the  Porcian 
basilica  to  the  Arians,  to  rush  to  the  altar 
and  kiss  it  [Ambros.  Epist.  xxxiii.  (xiv.)].  So 
Athanasius  speaks  of  those  who  "  approach  the 
holy  altar,  and  with  fear  and  joy  salute  it " 
(Eomil.  adv.  eos  qui  in  Homine  spem  figunt,  tom. 
ii.  p.  304),  and  the  Pseudo-Dionysius,  of  "saluting 
the  holy  table  "  (Ecd.  Hierarch.  c.  ii.  §  4).  The 
custom  of  kissing  the  doors  is  vividly  depicted  in 
Chrysostom's  words  :  "  See  ye  not  how  many  kiss 
even  the  porch  (irpSdvpa)  of  this  temple,  some 
stooping  down,  others  grasping  it  with  their 
liaud,  and  putting  their  hand  to  their  mouth  " 
(Ilomil.  XXX.  i. ;  2  Cor.  xiii.  12).  Prudeutius 
also  speaks  of  those  who 

"  Apostolorum  et  martyrum 
Esosculantur  limina." 

Peristeph.  Hijmn  ii.  vv.  519,  520. 
And  again — 

"Oscula  perspicuo  figunt  impressa  metallo." 

Peristeph.  Hymn  xi.  v.  193. 

And  Paulinus  describes  a  rustic  who,  having  lost 
his  oxen,  and  appealing  to  St.  Felix  for  their 
restoration — 

"  Stemitur  ante  fores  et  postibus  oscala  figU." 

Natal,  vi.  Felicis,  v.  250. 
These  prostrations  and  kisses  must  be  re- 
garded as  nothing  more  than  natural  tokens  of 
reverence  and  affection.  The  kisses  of  the  altar, 
the  Book  of  the  Gospels,  the  sacred  vessels,  &c., 
which  occur  so  abundantly  in  the  early  rituals, 
have  a  distinctly  liturgical  character  (see  Mar- 
tene, u.  s.  lib.  i.  c.  iv.  art.  3,  §  2,  and  art.  5,  §  6 ; 
Goar,  EuchoL  p.  298,  6).  ,  [E.  V.] 

KNEELERS.  [Penitents.] 
KNEELING.  [Genuflexion,  I.  723.] 
KNOP  (Xodus,  pomellum),  the  bulbous  orna- 
ment on  the  stem  of  a  chalice.  It  is  found  in 
some  of  the  earliest  known  chalices,  though  it 
could  not  be  said  that  every  chalice  had  a  knop 
amongst  the  earliest  Christians.  The  cups  on  all 
the  so-called  Jewish  coins  represented  in  Migne, 
Dictionnaire  d'  Archeologie  Sacre'e,  all  have  a 
knop.  It  will  be  enough,  he  says,  to  consult 
these  in  order  to  get  an  idea  of  the  form  of  the 
chalice  actually  used  by  our  blessed  Lord  at  the 


KOINONIKON 

institution  of  the  Eucharist.  It  may  be  observed 
that  all  the  chalices  figured  on  Jewish  coins  of 
the  time  of  Simon  the  Maccabee  (B.C.  143 — B.C. 
135)  seem  to  be  uniformly  provided  with  a  knop 
(Madden,  History  of  Jewish  Coinage,  p.  43,  ed. 
1864).  Hence  it  appears  that  the  knop  in  the 
sacred  cup  was  pre-christian. 

The  chalices  that  have  survi%'ed  to  us  from  the 
period  traversed  in  this  work  are  extremely  rare  ; 
and  the  examples  of  the  knop  within  the  same 
period  are  therefore  rare  also.  (See  Mr.  Albert 
Way  ou  '  Ancient  Ornaments,  Vessels,  and  Appli 
ances  of  Sacred  Use,'  Archaeological  Journal, 
vol.  iii.  p.  131).  The  knop,  however,  occurs  in 
what  Dr.  Liibke  describes  as  "  the  oldest"  of  the 
chalices  known  in  Germany,"  which  was  given 
to  the  Monastery  of  Kremsmiinster  by  the  Duke 
Tassilo,  who  founded  the  monastery  iu  the  year 
777  {Ecclesiastical  Art  in  Germany,  p.  140,  ed. 
1876,  Engl.  transL).  Amongst  the  decorations 
of  this  chalice  is  a  figure  of  our  Lord,  in  the 
act  of  benediction.  From  the  position  of  His 
hand  the  chalice  seems  to  be  of  Eastern  origin. 
The  Gourdon  Chalice,  which  Labarte  (Ilistoire 
des  Arts  industriels,  vol.  i.  p.  495,  ed.  1864) 
shews  to  have  been  buried  between  A.D.  518  and 
A.D.  527,  stands  upon  a  conical  stem,  and  has  a 
bead,  the  germ  of  the  knop,  at  the  junction. 
This  is  the  earliest  example  known.  [Chalice, 
I.  338.] 

It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  knop  was 
invented  for  the  purpose  of  adding  strength  to 
the  chalice-stem, — a  result  which  it  could  not 
effect,  for  the  strength  of  a  knopped  stem  would 
still  be  only  the  strength  of  its  weakest  or 
thinnest  part.  It  may  have  been  introduced 
first  for  the  purpose  of  decoration,  though  after- 
wards it  was  expressly  adopted  to  assist  the  priest 
m  holding  the  chalice  between  his  fingers  in  the 
act  of  consecration.  He  joins  his  finger  and 
thumb,  and  then  holds. the  chalice  with  the  re- 
maining fingers.  In  the  Latin  rite  the  priest 
while  holding  the  sacred  host  in  his  right  hand 
over  the  chalice  is  directed  to  hold  the  chalice 
itself  in  his  left  hand,  "  per  nodum  infra  cup- 
pam."  The  dates  given  above  shew  that  the 
knop  existed  before  the  doctrine  of  Transubstan- 
tiation  was  formulated. 

Authorities. — The  writer  is  not  aware  of  any 
monograph  on  the  subject  in  any  language.  The 
knop  is  not  even  mentioned  in  the  Hierolexicon 
by  the  brothers  Maori.  Fol.  Romae,  1677.  But 
besides  the  works  quoted  above,  the  reader  may 
consult  Annales  Archeologiques,  vol.  xxi.  p.  336 
and  vol.  xxii.  p.  21 ;  the  Arundel  Society's  publica- 
tion on  Ecclesiastical  Metal  Work  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  and  Diversarum  Artium  Schedula,  by  Theo- 
philus.  [H.  T.  A.] 

KOINONIKON  (KoivccvikSv).  [Compare 
Commendatory  Letters,  I.  407.]  I.  A  letter 
of  communion  given  to  travellers,  enabling  them 
to  communicate  with  the  Church  in  the  place  to 
which  they  journeyed.  The  Nomocanon  of  the 
Greeks  (c.  454  ;  Cotel.  Mon'im.  Gr.  i.  142)  orders 
that  "  no  stranger  be  received  (to  communion) 
without  a  koinonicon."  Such  letters  were  also 
called  e-KidToKia  or  (IpnviKa.,  as  by  the  Council  of 
Chalcedon,  A.D.  451  (Can.  11)  :  "  We  have  decreed 
that  all  the  poor  and  those  needing  help  shall, 
after    investigation,    travel    with    letters    (epi- 

»  It  is  figured  on  p.  339,  vul.  i.  of  this  work. 


KOINONIKON 


907 


stolia),  that  is  to  say,  with  ecclesiastical  eirenica 
only,  and  not  with  letters  of  commendation " 
((TvffTaTiKo?^  ;  comp.  2  Cor.  iii.  1).  The 
former  word,  epistolium,  we  find  used  in  the 
West,  as  by  the  2nd  Council  of  Tours,  A.D.  566, 
which  decreed  "  that  no  one  of  the  clergy  or 
laity,  except  the  bishop,  presume  to  give  epi- 
stolia "  (Can.  6).  The  other  name,  eirenica,  is 
used  by  the  Council  of  Antioch,  A.D.  341  :  "  No 
stranger  is  to  be  received  without  letters  of 
peace  "  (Can.  7) ;  Sim.  in  the  West,  Cone.  Elib., 
as  below. 

It  appears  that  the  issue  of  such  letters  of 
communion  had  to  be  watched  and  regulated  in 
every  part  of  the  Church.  Thus  the  Council  of 
Antioch  (Can.  8)  allowed  chorepiscopi  to  grant 
them,  but  forbade  presbyters.  From  the  Council 
of  Eliberis,  a.d.  305  (Can.  25),  we  learn  that 
intending  travellers  sometimes  obtained  them 
from  confessors,  as  the  lapsed  did  their  libelli  : 
"  To  every  one  who  has  brought  confessors' 
letters  are  to  be  given  letters  communicatory, 
the  confessor's  name  being  cancelled,  forasmuch 
as,  under  the  glory  of  this  name,  they  everywhere 
astonish  the  simple."  The  same  Council  (Can.  31) 
forbade  women  (supposed  to  be  the  wives  of 
bishops  and  presbyters)  to  write  litterae  pacificae 
for  the  laity,  or  to  receive  them.  The  Council 
of  Aries,  in  314  (Can.  9)  : — "  Concerning  those 
who  present  letters  of  confessors,  it  is  decreed 
that  such  letters  be  taken  from  them,  and  that 
they  receive  others  communicatory."  The 
Council  of  Carthage,  a.d.  348  (Can.  17)  :  "  Let  no 
clerk  or  layman  communicate  in  a  strange  con- 
gregation (in  aliena  plebe)  without  his  bishop's 
letters."  The  Council  of  Agatha,  in  505  (Can.  52), 
and  that  of  Epaone  in  517  (can.  6) :  "  Let  no  one 
grant  communion  to  a  presbyter,  or  deacon,  or 
clerk,  travelling  without  his  bishop's  letters." 

In  the  Capitularies  of  the  French  kings  we 
find  these  documents  called  litterae  peregrin- 
orum,  travellers'  letters  (cap.  v.  an.  806,  torn.  i. 
col.  456),  and  formatae  (1225).  The  last  name 
is  given  to  them  by  the  Council  of  Milevi,  a.d. 
416  (Can.  20):  "It  is  decreed  that  any  clerk 
who  desires  to  go  to  court,  wherever  it  be,  on  his 
own  business,  shall  receive  a  formata  from  his 
bishop.  But  if  he  shall  choose  to  go  without  a 
formata,  let  him  be  removed  from  communion." 
[Forma,  I.  682.] 

II.  The  same  names  were  given  to  those  let- 
ters which  bishops,  on  their  ordination,  sent  to 
other  bishops  as  an  offer  and  claim  of  commu- 
nion, and  to  letters  which  passed  between 
bishops  at  any  time  as  a  token  of  adherence  to 
the  same  faith.  Thus  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  "  If 
John,  the  most  religious  bishop  of  Antioch,  sub- 
scribe it  (a  confession  of  faith),  .  .  .  then  give 
to  him  ra  koivuiviko.  "  (Inter  Acta  Cone.  Eph. 
Labbe,  iii.) ;  that  is,  as  the  ancient  translation 
of  the  West  renders  it, — "  the  letters  com- 
municatory" (A'oi'.  Coll.  Cone.  col.  910;  Baluz. 
Sijnodicon,  c.  204).  A  more  common  expression 
was  KOLvoiviKo.  ypdfjLfj.aTa.  This  is  used  by  the 
Council  of  Antioch,  a.d.  269,  when  announcing 
to  the  popes  of  Alexandria  and  Rome  the  election 
of  Domnus  to  the  see  of  Antioch.  It  requested 
them  to  send  him  letters  of  communion,  that 
they  might  receive  the  like  from  him  in  return 
(Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  vii.  30).  Using  the  same 
term,  St.  Basil  challenges  those  who  accused  him 
of  being  in    communion   with    Apollinarius   to 


908 


KOINONIKON 


produce  any  letters  of  communion  that  had 
passed  between  them  (Epist.  343 ;  torn.  ii.  p. 
1122).  The  same  expression  used  by  Cyril  of 
Alexandria  {Ep.  ad  Maxirnian.  inter  Acta  Cone. 
Eph.  c.  81)  is  rendered  in  the  ancient  Latin 
version  of  the  Acts  of  the  Council  of  Ephesus  by 
the  unusual  phrase  of  litterae  communicativae 
(Baluz.  Aoua  Collect.  Concil.  col.  597).  In  the 
version  of  his  epistle  to  Theognostus  (Synod. 
c.  85)  we  have  the  more  common  litterae  com- 
municatoriae  (col.  793).  St.  Augustine,  writing 
in  397,  says  :  "  We  wrote  to  some  of  the  chiefs  of 
the  Donatists,  not  letters  of  communion  (commu- 
nicatorias  litteras),  which  now  for  a  long  time, 
owing  to  their  perversion  from  the  Catholic 
unity  throughout  the  world,  they  do  not  receive, 
but  such  private  letters  as  it  is  lawful  for  us  to 
address  even  to  Pagans "  (Ep.  xliii.  §  1).  He 
repeats  this  in  his  work  Contra  Litteras  Peti- 
liani  (I.  1).  The  same  father  declares  the  bishop 
of  Carthage  to  be  "  united  per  communicatorias 
litteras  to  theChurcli  at  Rome,  .  .  .  and  to  other 
lands,  whence  the  gospel  had  come  to  Africa  " 
(Ep.  xliii.  §  7).  He  again  and  again  speaks  of 
such  letters  as  a  sign  and  proof  of  the  inter- 
communion of  churches  (ihid.  §§  8,  16,  19). 
These  letters,  like  those  granted  to  travellers, 
came  under  the  general  head  of  formatae.  Thus 
Augustine,  speaking  of  a  schismatical  bishop, 
says,  "  We  asked  whether  he  could  give  letters 
communicatory,  which  we  call  formatae,  where 
I  wished  "  (Ep.  sliv.  §  5). 

HI.  A  Iroparion  in  the  Greek  liturgy,  which 
is  varied  for  "  the  day  or  the  saint "  (Goar,  Lit. 
Chrys.  p.  81 ;  Typicon  Sabae,  7).  It  is  now  sung 
after  the  response  to  the  Sancta  Sanctis,  and  be- 
fore the  hot  infusion  and  fraction.  Originally, 
however,  it  was  sung,  as  its  name  implies,  during 
the  communion  of  the  people.  This  is  evident 
from  the  following  statement  in  the  Chronicon 
Paschale  of  Alexandria  (tom.  i.  p.  714;  ed.  Nie- 
buhr).  "  This  year,  in  the  month  Artemisius,  the 
Roman  May,  12th  Indiction,  under  Sergius  the 
Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  was  first  introduced 
the  custom  that  after  all  have  received  the  holy 
Mysteries,  while  the  clerks  are  removing  the 
precious  ftins,  patens,  and  cups,  and  other  sacred 
utensils,  also  after  the  distribution  of  the 
Eulogiae  from  the  side-tables,  and  the  singing  of 
the  last  verse  of  the  koiyionicon,  this  antiphon 
should  be  sung,  Let  our  mouth  be  filled  with 
praise,"  kc.  This  was  in  the  year  624  of  our 
era.  In  the  Liturgy  of  St.  James,  from  which 
the  Greek  is  derived,  the  words,  "  0  taste  and 
see  how  gracious  the  Lord  is "  (from  Ps.  34), 
are  both  said  by  the  priest  and  sung  by  the 
choir  (Cod.  Liturg.  Assein.  v.  57)  before  the 
communion  of  the  former;  but  probably  the 
Greek  anthem  rather  took  the  place  of  four 
psalms  (23,  34,  145,  117),  which  were  said  at  the 
fraction  in  St.  James.  A  shorter  form  would  be 
sufficient,  when  the  communicants  became  fewer. 
The  words,  "  0  taste,"  &c.,  were  sung  at  Jeru- 
salem in  the  4th  century,  after  the  response  to 
the  Sancta  Sanctis,  and  therefore  also  before  the 
communion.  St.  Cyril,  addressing  the  newly 
baptized,  says  (Catech.  Myst.  v.  17),  "  After  this 
ye  hear  him  who  sings  with  divine  melody, 
exhorting  you  and  saying,  '  0  taste,'"  &:c.  In 
St.  JIark's  Liturgy,  the  celebrant  says  a  certain 
prayer,  "  or  else.  Like  as  the  hart,"  &c.,  i.e. 
rsaim42  (Liturg.  Orient.  Reuaud.  i.  162);  but 


LABARUM 

there  is  no  proper  koinonicon.  In  'the  Clementine 
"  the  33rd  Psalm  (34th)  is  to  be  said  while  all 
the  rest  are  communicating  "  (Coteler.  i.  405). 
The  Armenian  Liturgy  provides  proper  hymns  to 
be  sung  by  the  choir,  "  while  they  who  are  worthy 
are  communicating"  (Le  Brun,  Diss.  x.  art.  21). 
In  the  Coptic  rite  "  they  sing  from  the  psalm  " 
during  the  fraction,  which  is  followed  imme- 
diately by  the  communion  of  the  celebrant 
(Renaud.  i.  24).  In  the  Greek  Alexandrine  of 
St.  Basil,  "  the  people  say  the  50th  (51st)  Psalm 
and  the  koinonicon  for  the  day  "  between  the 
fraction  and  the  communion  (Renaud.  i.  84, 
345).  In  that  of  St.  Gregory,  only  the  105th 
Psalm  is  then  said  (ihid.  124).  In  the  Syrian 
St.  James,  used  both  by  Melchites  and  Jacobites, 
and  therefore  earlier  than  the  schism,  the 
koinonicon  is  represented  by  an  invitatory,  sung 
by  the  deacon  and  subdeacons  while  the  people 
are  communicating  (Renaud.  ii.  42) :  "  The 
Church  cries.  My  brethren,  receive  the  body  of 
the  Son ;  drink  His  blood  with  faith,  and  sing 
His  glory,"  &c.  A  similar  form  occurs  in  the 
Nestorian  Liturgy  (ibid.  596  ;  Lib.  Malah. 
Raulin,  326).  According  to  the  Abyssinian, 
which  comes  from  St.  Mark,  "skilled  persons 
chant  some  verses,  while  the  sacrament  is  minis- 
tered to  the  people,  .  .  .  which  the  people  repeat 
singing"  (Biblioth.  Max.  PP.  xxvii.  663). 

The  Greek  koinonicon  corresponds  to  a  hymn 
which  they  began  to  sing  at  Carthage  in  St. 
Augustine's  time,  "  when  that  which  had  been 
ofiered  was  being  distributed  to  the  people " 
(Retract,  ii.  11);  to  the  Antiphona  ad  Commu- 
nionem  of  Rome,  Said  to  have  been  introduced 
by  Gregory  I.  (Honorius,  Gemma  Animae,  i.  90) ; 
and  to  the  Antiphona  ad  Accedentes  of  the 
Mozarabic  Missal  (Leslie,  p.  7).  In  the  last,  we 
may  observe,  the  anthem  from  Whitsun  Eve  to 
Lent,  and  on  All  Saints'  day  is,  "0  taste  and 
see,"  &c.,  so  familiar  to  the  East.  It  cannot  now 
be  ascertained  whether  anything  was  sung  during 
the  communion  in  the  original  liturgy  of  Gaul 
(Liturgia  Gallicana,  Mabill.  53).         [W.  E.  S.] 

KYEIE  ELEISON.    [Litany.] 


LABARUM.  In  Christian  antiquity  the 
military  standard  bearing  the  sacred  monogram 
>tC  -P  ,  adopted  by  the  emperor  Constantine 
as  an  imperial  ensign  subsequently  to  his 
celebrated  vision  and  the  victory  over  Maxen- 
tius,  as  described  by  Eusebius  (Vit.  Const. 
lib.  i.  c.  28-31),  and  in  later  times  the  device 
itself,  or  the  cross  alone.  The  labarum  has  often 
been  spoken  of  as  if  it  were  something  altogether 
novel  both  in  form  and  use  (Gretser,  de  Cruce 
Ghr.  vol.  i.  p.  493).  But  the  thing,  and  probably 
also  the  name,  were  already  familiar  in  the 
Roman  army.  The  labarum  of  Constantine  was, 
in  fact,  nothing  more  than  the  ordinary  cavalry- 
standard  (vexiilum),  from  which  it  differed  only 
in  the  Christian  character  of  its  symbols  and 
decorations.  Like  that  it  preserved  the  primi- 
tive type  of  a  cloth  fastened  to  the  shaft  of  a 
spear,  and  consisted  of  a  square  piece  of  some 
textile  material  elevated  on  a  gilt  pole,  and  sus- 


LAB ARUM 

pendeJ  from  a  cross  bar,  by  which  it  was  kept 
expanded.  The  eagle  of  victory  surmounting 
the  shaft  was  replaced  by  tlie  sacred  monogram 
contained  within  a  chaplet.  The  emblems  em- 
broidered on  the  banner  were  also  Christian. 
They  were  usually  wrought  in  gold  ou  a  purple 
ground.  To  the  eye  of  the  early  Christians,  ac- 
customed to  discern  the  emblem  of  salvation  in 
everything  around  them,  the  cruciform  frame- 
work of  the  Roman  standard  had  already 
marked  it  out  as  an  appropriate  symbol  of  the 
true  faith.  "  In  your  trophies,"  writes  Ter- 
tuUian  (Apolog.  c.  16),  "  the  cross  is  the  heart 
of  the  trophy  ....  those  hangings  of  the 
standards  and  banners  (caiitabrorum  aliter  laba- 
ronim)  are  the  clothings  of  crosses " :  and 
Minucius  Felix  (c.  29),  "  the  very  standards,  and 
banners  (canUhra  aliter  lahara),  and  flags  of 
your  camps,  what  are  they  but  gilded  crosses, 
imitating  not  only  the  appearance  of  the  cross 
but  that  of  the  man  hanging  on  it."  Nor  was 
there  one  of  the  Roman  ensigns  the  consecration 
of  which  to  the  honour  of  Christ  would  have  so 
powerful  an  influence,  especially  ou  the  army. 
For,  as  Sozomen  informs  us,  "  it  was  valued 
beyond  all  others,  being  always  carried  before 
the  emperor,  and  worshipped  by  the  soldiery  as 
the  most  honourable  symbol  of  the  Roman 
power "  (Soz.  H.  E.  lib.  i.  c.  4).  When  there- 
fore Constantino  adopted  it,  consecrated  by  the 
symbols  of  his  newly  adopted  faith,  as  "  the 
saving  sign  of  the  Roman  empire"  {(TceTripiov 
<rt)fjLi1ov  rris  'Paifxaiicv  apxvs),  he  took  the  surest 
method  of  uniting  both  divisions  of  his  troops, 
pagans  and  Christians,  in  a  common  worship,  and 
leading  those  who  still  clave  to  the  old  religion 
to  a  purer  faith,  since,  to  quote  Tertullian  again 
(u.  s.),  "the  camp  religion  of  the  Romans  was 
all  through  a  worship  of  the  standards." 

Neither  was  the  word  labarum  a  newly-coined 
one.  Even  if  the  various  reading,  labarum  for 
cantahrum,  in  Tertullian  and  Minucius  Felix  is 
rejected,  Sozomen,  when  describing  the  result 
of  Constantine's  vision,  speaks  of  it  as  a  word 
already  in  use — "  he  commanded  the  artists  to 
remodel  the  standard  called  by  the  Romans 
labarum"  —  rb  Trapa  'Voiixaiois  KaXoxiixivou  \a- 
^iopov  {H.  E.  lib.  i.  c.  4).  According  to  Suicer 
(^sub  voce)  the  word  came  into  use  in  the  reign 
of  Hadrian,  and  was  probably  adopted  from  one 
of  the  nations  conquered  by  the  Romans.  The 
orthography  varies  in  different  writers,  as  is 
usual  with  a  half-naturalised  foreign  word.  It 
is  written  \d0wpov  by  Sozomen  and  Nicephorus 
(H.  E.  vii.  37),  and  Xa^ovpov  by  Chrysostom 
{Homil.  iii.  in  1  Tim.),  who  speaks  of  it  as  "  the 
royal  standard  in  war  usually  called  laburum." 
Its  derivation  is  still  uncertain,  "  in  spite," 
writes  Gibbon,  "  of  the  efforts  of  the  critics,  who 
have  ineffectually  tortured  the  Latin,  Greek, 
Spanish,  Celtic,  Teutonic,  Illyric,  Armenian,  &c., 
in  search  of  an  etymology."  We  find  Kafj.^dvw, 
"to  seize;"  €v\dfiiia,  "piety ;"  Aacfupa,  "spoils;" 
Kaicpos,  a  "  cloke ; "  and  even  the  Latin  labo?;  with 
other  still  more  far-fetched  derivations  enume- 
rated by  Gothofried  {Cod.  Theod.  vol.  ii.  p.  142). 
Ducange's  derivation  from  a  supposed  Celtic 
root,  lab  hair  =  panniculus  exercitus,  is  repu- 
diated by  Celtic  scholars.  The  word  is  most 
probably  of  Basque  origin,  in  which  language, 
according  to  Baillet  {Dictionnaire  Celtiqu:,  s.  v.) 
Idbarva    signifies    a    standard.      According    to 


LABAEUM 


909 


Larramendi  (Diccionario  Trilingue),  the  word  is 
of  Cantabrian  origin,  and  is  derived  from 
lauburu,  signifying  anything  with  four  heads  or 
limbs,  such  as  the  cruciform  framework  of  a 
military  standard.  Cantabrum,  used  as  a 
synonym  for  labarum,  indicates  the  country 
from  which  it  was  derived. 

The  form  of  the  labarum  is  very  minutely 
described  by  Eusebius  (T7f.  Const,  lib.  i.  c.  31): 
"  A  long  spear,  overlaid  with  gold,  formed  the 
figure  of  a  cross  by  means  of  a  transverse  bar  at 
the  top.  At  the  summit  of  the  whole  was  fixed 
a  wreath  of  gold  and  precious  stones,  within 
which  the  symbol  of  the  title  of  salvation  was 
indicated  by  means  of  its  first  two  letters,  the 
letter  P  being  intersected  by  X  in  the  centre 
(xiafo^ueVou  toO  p  Kara,  rh  ix^ra'naTov)  .... 
From  the  cross  bar  of  the  spear  was  suspended  a 
square  cloth  of  purple  stuff  profusely  em- 
broidered with  gold  and  precious  stones.  Be- 
neath the  crown  of  the  cross,  immediately  above 
the  embroidered  banner,  the  shaft  bore  golden 
medallions  of  the  emperor  and  his  children." 
This  original  standard  formed  the  pattern  of 
others  which  Constantine  ordered  to  be  made  to 
be  carried  at  the  head  of  all  his  armies.  Fifty 
of  the  stoutest  and  most  religious  soldiers, 
viracriTKTTai,  were  selected  by  him  as  the  per- 
petual guard  of  the  labarum,  which  was  to  be 
borne  by  them  singly  by  turns.  Eusebius  relates 
a  story  he  had  heard  from  the  emperor  himself 
of  a  fierce  engagement  in  which  the  soldier 
whose  duty  it  was  to  carry  it,  panic  struck, 
transferred  the  labarum  to  another  and  fled, 
paying  for  his  cowardice  with  his  life,  while  the 
soldier  who  boldly  carried  the  sacred  symbol 
escaped  unhurt  (Euseb.  u.  s.  lib.  ii.  c.  8).  Not 
content  with  having  it  represented  on  his 
standards,  Constantine  commanded  that  the 
monogram  should  also  be  engraved  on  the 
shields  of  his  soldiers  (ib.  lib.  iv.  c.  21).  Lac- 
tantius  (de  Mort.  Persec.  c.  44)  is  silent  as  to  the 
standard,  and  only  records  the  representation  on 
the  shields — "  transversa  X  litera,  summo  capite 
circumflexo  (i.e.  with  a  line  drawn  through  the 
middle  and  turned  into  a  loop  at  the  top,  form- 
ing the  letter  Bho)  Christum  in  scutis  notat." 

Prudentius  describes  the  monogram  as  deco- 
rating both  the  standards  (the  labarum  proper) 
and  the  shields  of  Constantine's  army  on  his 
triumphal  entrance  into  Rome  after  the  defeat 
of  Maxentius. 

"  Christus  purpureum  gemmanti  textus  in  auro 
Signabat  labarum  ;  clj'peorura  insignia  Christus 
Scripserat ;  ardebat  summis  crux  addita  cristis." 

Contr.  Symmach.  i.  487-489. 
and  again  : 
"  Agnoscas  Regina  (Roma)  libens   mea  signa  necesse 
est, 
In  quibus  effigies  crucis  aut  gemmata  refulget, 
Aut  longis  solido  ex  auro  praefertur  in  hastis." 

Jb.  464-466. 

and  speaks  of  its  acceptance  by  the  senate  as  an 
object  of  adoration : 

"  Tunc  ille  senatus 
Jlilitiae  uUricis  titulum,  Christique  verendum 
Nomen  adoravit  quod  collucebat  iu  armis." 

Ib.  494-496. 

Paulinus  furnishes  us  with  a  singularly  de- 
tailed description  of  the  monogram,  forming  a 
golden  cross,  depending  from  '^  "  corona  lucis," 


910 


LABAKUM 


in  the  basilica  of  St.  Felix  at  Nola,  explaining 
how  all  the  characters  of  XPICTOC  are  con- 
tained in  it : 

"  Nam  nota,  qua  bis  quinque  notat  numerante  Latino 
Calculus,  haec  Graecis  chi  scribitur,  et  mediam  rho 
Cujus  apex  et  sigma  tenet,  quod  rursus  ad  ipsam 
Curvatus  virgam  facit  o  velut  orbe  peracto. 
Nam  rigor  obstipus  facit  i  quod  In  HoUade  iota  est; 
Tau  idem  stylus  ipse  brevi  retro  acumine  ductus 
Efficit,"  kc.—Poem.  xix.  (Carni.  xi.  in  St.  Felicem). 

The  notes  of  Muratori  on  this  curious,  and  not 
very  easily  intelligible,  passage,  should  by  all 
means  be  consulted. 

Once  adopted  by  Constantine  as  the  imperial 
ensign,  it  was  continued  by  his  successors. 
Ambrose,  begging  the  emperor  Theodosius  to 
take  forcible  possession  of  a  Jewish  synagogue, 
exhorts  him  to  order  his  troops  to  carry  in  "  his 
victorious  ensign,"  i.e.  the  labarum  consecrated 
with  the  name  of  Christ  (Epist  lib.  vi.  Ep.  29)  ; 
and  in  another  passage  utters  the  following 
pi'ayer  for  the  success  of  Gratian's  arms  against 
the  Goths :  "  Turn,  0  Lord,  and  raise  the  stand- 
ard of*  Thy  faith.  Here  it  is  not  the  eagles,  nor 
the  flight  of-  birds  that  lead  the  army,  but  Thy 
Name,  0  Lord  Jesus,  and  Thy  worship"  (Ambros. 
d(i  Fide,  lib.  ii.  ad  fin.).  The  sacred  symbols 
were  naturally  removed  from  the  standards  by 
Julian  (Soz.  IT.  E.  lib.  v.  c.  17 ;  Greg.  Naz. 
cont.  Julian  I.  torn.  i.  p.  75),  but  were  restored 
by  Jovian  and  his  Christian  successors,  and 
continued  to  be  borne  by  the  later  Byzantine 
emperors. 


Examples  of  the  labarum,  both  as  a  standard 
and  as  borne  on  the  shield,  in  different  forms, 
are  abundantly  furnished  by  the  series  of 
imperial  medals  given  by  Ducange  in  his 
Familiae  Augustae  Byzantinae,  which  usually 
forms  part  of  the  same  volume  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolis  Christiana,  from  which  the  subse- 
quent illustrations  are  chiefly  drawn. 


II.  and  Constans: 


Fig.  1  is  from  a  tiny  coin  of  Constantine  IL, 
"  a  third  brass  of  the  smallest  size."  The 
engravings  are  much  larger  than  the  coins  they 


LABARUM 

represent.  This  "  most  important  of  the  numis- 
matic memorials  of  the  triumph  of  Christianity," 
"  of  a  rarity  commensurate  with  its  interest," 
(C.  W.  King,  Early  Christian  Numismatics, 
p.  25),  represents  the  labarum  as  described  by 
Eusebius.  The  spiked  end  of  the  shaft  of  the 
banner  transfixes  a  serpent  (cf.  Euseb.  Vit.  Const. 
iii.  3).  On  the  banner  are  emblazoned  three 
roundels  (interpreted  by  Mr.  King's  engraver, 
but  without  sufficient  warrant,  as  DEO),  above  is 
the  sacred  monogram  ;  on  the  exergue  CONS. 
The  obverse  bears  "  the  boyish,  not  to  be  mis- 
taken, features  of  Constantine  IL"  {Ibid.') 
Examples  of  Constantine  L  with  the  same 
j  reverse  type  are  in  existence  [Numismatics]. 
Fig.  2,  of  Constantino  IL  (tab.  v.  p.  21), 
represents  him  in  military  dress,  standing  on  a 
galley,  steered  by  Victory.  He  bears  a  phoenix 
on  a  globe  in  his  right  hand,  and  in  his  left  the 
labarum  in  the  form  of  a  banner,  with  the  sacred 
monogram ;  the  motto  is  Fel(icium)  Tcmp(o7-um)  * 
reparatio.  This  was  a  favourite  device  with 
Constantius  II.  and  Constans  (King,  u.s.,  p. 
68).     Fig.  3,  a  coin  of  Constans  (tab.  xi.  p.  33), 


3.    Coin  of  Constans.    From  Ducange. 


shews  the  emperor  holding  a  labarum  of  the 
same  form  in  his  right  hand,  with  the  motto 
Triumphator  Gentium  barhararum.  This  design 
is  frequently  repeated,  e.g.  tab.  xii.,  xiii.,  pp. 
35,  37  ;  tab.  ii.  p.  56.  The  emperor  is  some- 
times represented  holding  the  labarum  in  one 
hand  and  seizing  a  captive  in  the  other,  e.g.  a 
coin  of  Gratiau  (fig.  4,  tab.  ii.  p.  56);  at 
other  times  trampling  a  captive  under  foot 
(tab.  xiii.  p.  37).  A  not  unfrequent  design 
represents  the  labarum  planted  in  the  gi-ound 
with  fettered  captives  seated  beside  it,  e.g.  tab. 


vi.  p.  23 ;  vii.   p. 


i.   p.  27,  &c.      Some- 


times we  find  the  sacred  monogram  on  a  shield, 
as    in    fig.    5,   a   coin    of  Aelia    Flaccilla,   wife 


of  Theodosius  (pi.  i.  p.  61),  where  the  shield 
is  borne  by  a  seated  Victory.  As  examples 
of  the    monogram    alone,    we   give    a    coin    of 


Or  perhaps  Fel\ix\  Templpris]  Separatio. 


LABARUM 

Decentius,  fig.  6  (pi.  xiii.  p.  37),  and  one  of 
Justinian,  fig.  7  (pi.  ii.  p.  90),  as  well  as 
a  remarkable  gem  (tig.  8),  figured  by  Lipsius  dc 


LACUNARY  WORK 


911 


No.  5.    Coin  of  Aelia  Flaceilla.     From  Ducange. 

Gnice  (p.  74),  bearing  on  the  obverse  Victory 
bearing  a  palm  and  a  chaplet,  with  the  legend 
Vict.  Aug.     In  several  of  these  we  notice  the 


No.  6.    Coin  of  Decentius.     From  Ducange. 

Greek  characters  A,  D.,  on  either  side  of  the 
monogram.  The  meaning  of  this  addition  is 
elaborately  e.xplained  by  Paulinus,  I.e.     A  very 


Coin  of  Justinian. 


beautiful  representation  of  the  labarum  is  found 
on  a  lamp  engraved  by  Mamachi.  It  is  in  the 
usual  form  of  a  standard  supported  on  a  spear, 


No.  8.    From  a  Gem. 

with  the  sacred  monogram  encircled  with  a 
wreath  above,  and  ENTcoToiNIKA  {sic)  em- 
broidered on  the  banner  itself.  A  soldier  fully 
armed  stands  on  either  side  guarding  the  standard. 
[Lamp.] 

(Augusti,  Hdbch.  der  Christ.  Arch.  vol.  iii.  pp. 


571  ff. ;  Ducange,  Glossar.  sub  voc. ;  Euseb.  Vit. 
Const,  lib.  i.  c.  31  ;  lib.  ii.  c.  8 ;  lib.  iv.  c.  21  • 
Gothofried  in  Theod.  Cod.  vol.  ii.  pp.  143  ff. ; 
Gretser  de  Cnice,  lib.  ii. ;  King,  Early  Christian 
Xumismatics ;  Lipsius  de  Cruce,  c.  15,  16;  Meur- 
sius,  Glossar. ;  Milman,  Hist,  of  Christianity,  vol. 
ii.  p.  287  ;  Munter,  Sinnbilder,  pi.  iii.  Nos.  70,  71 ; 
Suicer,  Thesaurus,  sub  voc. ;  Vossius,  Etymol. 
sub  voc.)  [E.  v.] 

LABIS.    [Spoon.] 

LABOR  ANTES.     [Copiatae;  Fossarii.]; 

LABRA  (\dPpa),  a  form  of^the  Egyptian 
word  \avpa,  a  lane  or  narrow  street  (Epiphan. 
Haeres.  69),  has  been  misunderstood  (Macri, 
Hierolex.  s.  v.  Labra)  as  equivalent  to  "  parish  " 
or  "  district."     See  Laura.  [C] 

LACERNA.     [BiRRUs;  Paenula.] 

LACRYMATORY.  A  name  given  by  some 
modern  antiquaries  to  certain  small  vessels  not 
unfrequeutly  found  in  tombs,  once  supposed  to  be 
intended  to  contain  tears.  They  are  in  fact 
Vasa  unguentaria,  vessels,  intended  to  contain 
perfumes,  like  the  aXd^affrpov  of  the  Gospels. 
(Matt.  xxvi.  7,  etc.)  See  Soman  Antiquities 
found  at  Rougham,  described  by  the  late  Prof. 
Henslow  ;  edited  by  Prof.  Churchill  Babington  ; 
Beccles[1872].  Prof.  Babington  refers  to  Millin, 
Diet,  des  Beaux-Arts,  s.  v.  Lacrymatoire.     [C] 

LACTANTIUS,  Bede;  Letatius,  Usuard, 
one  of  the  Scillitan  martyrs,  July  17,  appears 
as  Lactatus,  July  18  {Mart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.). 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LACTICINIA,  dishes  prepared  from  milk 
and  eggs  (oioyaAa),  the  use  of  which  was  per- 
mitted, according  to  some  authorities,  in  Lent 
and  other  times  of  fasting  [Fasting  ;  Lent]. 

[C] 

LACTINUS,  Lacteanus,  Lactocus  or  Molac- 
tocus,  founder  of  the  abbey  of  Fresh  ford  (Aghad- 
hur)  and  abbat  of  Clonfert  (died  622),  com- 
memorated March  19.  Thei-e  was  a  spring 
sacred  to  him  in  Cassel  and  a  convent  (Lis- 
lachtin)  in  Ardfert  diocese  (v.  Acta  SS.  Mart, 
iii.  32).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LACTIS  DEGUSTATIO.  [Baptism,  §  66, 
L  164;  Honey  and  Milk,  I.  783.] 

LACTISSIMA,  i.e.  LAETISSIMA,  martyr, 
April  27  {Mart.  Hieron.  D'Achery.  Spic.  iv.). 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LACULATA,  sc.  vestis,  a  kind  of  dress,  in 
which  were  square  spaces  {lacus),  containing 
pictures,  added  in  various  ways  :  "  Laculata  est 
quae  lacus  quadratos  quosdam  cum  pictura  habet 
intextos,  aut  additos  acu."  (Isid.  Etym.  xix. 
22.)  For  this  sense  of  lacus,  cf.  Columella 
(i.  6),  where  the  word  is  used  for  square  spaces, 
with  which  granaries  are  divided  for  the  storing 
of  different  kinds  of  grain  separately.  (See 
Ducange,  Glossary,  s.  v.)  [R-  S.] 

LACUNARY  WORK.    {Lambris,  Fr.)  The 

htcunaria  or  latj'ieoria  were  hollow  spaces  or 
panels  originally  formed  by  the  planks  arranged 
at  regular  intervals,  to  compose  the  ceiling  of  a 
i-oom.      During  the   Romano-Byzantine    period 


912 


LADICUS 


tliese  were  gilded  and  inlaid  with  ivory  (Horace, 
Od.  ii.  18)  ;  sometimes  they  were  adorned  with 
paintings  (Suet.  Vit.  Ncr.  31).  The  vaulted 
or  waggon-roofed  variety  was  called  Camara  or 
Camera.  [Dict.  of  Gr.  and  Rom.  Antiq.  s.  v.] 
The,  panelling  was  applied  also  to  the  soffit  or 
under  surface  of  an  arch  ;  but  this  practice  is  appa- 
rently not  earlier  than  the  Renaissance,  and  was 
an  innovation  on  the  original  custom,  since  earlier 
arches  had  no  soffits  properly  so-called.  The 
ancient  basilicas  had  the  ground  of  these  recesses 
enriched  with  CaUsons  square,  trefoil,  hexa- 
gonal, in  much  variety;  often  again  with  roses, 
masques  of  animals,  and  such  like  ;  but  these  in 
later  examples.  The  lacunary  work  was  em- 
ployed both  in  public  and  private  buildings ; 
"  Laquearia,  quae  nunc  et  in  privatis  domibus 
auro  teguntur,"  says  Pliny  {Hid.  Natur.  xxxiii. 
18),  and  especially  in  Italy  the  ceilings  of  all  the 
rooms  of  a  house  would  be  of  this  kind  ;  some 
being  more  richly  ornamented  than  others.  It 
is  to  be  distinguished  from  mosaic  work  (musi- 
vum  opus) ;  see  Mosaic. 

When  in  the  third  and  fourth  centuries  A.D. 
the  Christians  began  to  erect  large  and  costly 
churches,  the  ceilings  were  often  ornamented  with 
this  work.  Eusebius  (  Vit.  Const,  lib.  iii.  capp. 
31-10)  tells  us  that  the  church  which  Constan- 
tine  built  at  Jerusalem  had  a  vaulted  roof 
{KUfj-dpay  KaKwvapiav),  of  which  the  whole  was 
divided  into  panels,  carved  and  gilded. 

Paulinus,  bishop  of  Nola  in  Campania  (a.D. 
409-431),  has  described  in  one  of  his  letters 
{Ep.  12,  ad  Severin.)  a  new  church  there,  upon 
which  the  highest  decorative  art  of  the  period 
appeai-s  to  have  been  exercised.  Of  this  the  ronf 
of  the  nave  and  galleries  were  panelled  (lacu- 
nato).  The  term  is  frequently  used  by  St. 
Jerome  (a.d.  340-420),  who  did  not  altogether 
sympathise  with  the  prevailing  habit  of  lavish- 
mg  adornment  on  churches.  He  says  {Ep.  2  ad 
Xepotian.'),  "  Marmora  nitent  auro,  splendent 
laquearia,  gemmis  altare  distinguitur,"  &c. 

Patiens,  bishop  of  Lyons,  is  recorded  to  have 
built  a  cathedral  church  in  that  city,  of  which 
we  have  a  contemporary  description  from  the 
pen  of  Sidonius  Apollinaris  (a.d.  431-482).  He 
says  : 

" Intus  lux  micat,  atque  biacteatum 
Sol  sic  sollicitatur  ad  lacunar 
Fulvo  ut  concolor  errct  in  metallo." 

That  is,  the  golden  sunshine  played  over  the 
golden  plates  of  the  panels  in  the  church. 

But  yet  the  lacunar  hardly  appears  to  have 
been  the  prevailing  style  of  ornamentation  in 
these  eai-Iy  centuries,  at  alJ  events  for  churches. 
It  was  revived  and  much  extended  under  the 
Renaissance.  [S.  J.  E.] 

LADICUS.    [Laudiceus.]  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAELIUS,  Spanish  martyr,  June  27  {Mart. 
Hicron.  D'Ach.).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAETANIA.    [Litany.] 
LAETANTIUS  [';.  Lactantius]. 

LAETUS.  (1)  Bishop  of  Leptina  in  Africa, 
martyred  by  Hunneric,  Sept.  G.  Ado,  &c.  {v. 
Baronius  and  Acta  SS.  Sept.  ii.  677). 

(2)  Presbyter  at  Orleans,  f  Nov.  5  (Usuard). 
[E.  B.  B.] 


LAITY 

LAIDGEN,  Jan.  11,  Colgan,  Acta  SS.  Hih.  p, 
57  =  Laidcend,  Jan.  12,  in  the  Felire  of  Aengus 
the  Culdee.  He  was  of  Clonfert,  A.D.  660  (i/arf. 
Donegal).  (2)  May  20.  (3)  Oct.  23.  (4)  of 
Achadh-raithen,  :Nov.  28  {ibid.).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAITY.  I.  In  the  Old  Testament,  when  the 
Israelites  in  general  are  distinguished  from  the 
priests,  they  are  spoken  of  as  "  the  people."  In  the 
Greek  of  the  Septuagint  this  is  6  \a6s.  See  ex- 
amples in  Lev.  iv.  3  ;  Deut.  xviii.  3  ;  Ezra  vii.  16  ; 
Is.  xxiv.  2 ;  Jer.  i.  18,  v.  31  ;  Hosea  iv.  9.  Hence 
the  use  of  \aiK6s  to  denote  one  not  of  the  priest- 
hood. Thus  Clemens  Alex,  says  that  the  hang- 
ing at  the  door  of  the  tabernacle  (Exod.  xvi.  36) 
was  a  "protection  against  lay  nnheliet"  {Strom. 
V.  5,  33).  The  author  of  the  Questions  and 
Ansirers  to  the  Orthodox,  ascribed  to  Justin 
Martyi',  observes  that  while  the  law  "  destroys 
by  fire  a  priest's  daughter  guilty  of  fornication, 
it  slays  by  stoning  the  daughter  of  the  layman  " 
(toO  AoVkoG  avSpoi)  {Resp.  ad  Qu.  97).  Philo 
calls  the  layman  of  his  nation  iSicoTrjs,  a  private 
person.  Thus  he  says  that  at  the  passover  "  the 
ISiHrai  do  not  bring  the  victims  to  the  altar, 
and  the  priests  sacrifice  ;  but  the  whole  nation, 
by  the  ordinance  of  the  law,  assumes  the  priestly 
office  "  for  the  occasion  {Je  Vit.  Mas.  iii.).  Un- 
less restrained  by  revelation,  the  first  Christians, 
being  educated  as  Jews,  would  naturally  draw  a 
somewhat  similar  line  between  their  own  office- 
bearers and  the  mass  of  believers.  How  far  they 
were  encouraged  to  do  so  by  their  inspired 
teachers  may  be  gathered  to  a  great  extent  from 
Scripture  itself.  Not  to  dwell  on  the  relation 
of  the  whole  body  to  the  Apostles,  whose  com- 
mission was  in  some  respects  extraordinary,  we 
find  each  local  church  or  congregation  subject 
to  other  rulers  {7}yovtx4vois,  Heb.  xiii.  17),  who 
were  "  over  them  in  the  Lord  "  (1  Thess.  v.  12  ; 
comp.  1  Tim.  iii.  5,  v.  17),  under  the  name  of 
overseers  (cViV/coxot,  bishops)  and  elders  {wpicr- 
jSurepoi,  whence  priest),  to  whose  teaching, 
exhortation,  and  rebuke,  and  to  whose  judgment 
in  some  things,  they  were  required  to  submit 
(1  Tim.  iv.  6,  11,  vi.  17;  2  Tim.  ii.  2,  iv.  2; 
Tit.  i.  9,  13,  ii.  15,  iii.  10).  To  their  care  and 
oversight  the  "laity"  were  committed,  as  a 
flock  to  the  shepherd  (Acts  xx.  28  ;  1  Pet.  v.  1,  2). 
The  distinction  was  observed  everywhere;  elders 
being  ordained  in  every  church  (Acts  xiv.  23  ; 
Tit.  i.  5  ;  comp.  Acts  xi.  30),  and  provision  was 
made  for  the  perpetuity  of  the  system  (2  Tim. 
ii.  2).  Sometimes  the  laity  were  distinguished 
as  "the  church"  or  "the  brethren."  E.g. 
"  when  Paul  and  Barnabas  were  come  to  Jeru- 
salem, they  were  received  of  the  church,  and  of 
the  apostles  and  elders  "  (Acts  xv.  4) ;  and  when 
"  the  apostles  and  elders,  with  the  whole  church  " 
send  a  letter  to  "  the  brethren  which  were  of 
the  Gentiles  in  Antioch  and  Syria  and  Cilicia," 
it  begins  thus,  "  The  apostles  and  elders  and 
brethren  send  greeting  unto  the  brethren  "  {ib. 
22,  23).  This  epistle  was  accordingly  delivered, 
not  to  the  rulers  of  the  church  at  Antioch,  but 
to  "  the  multitude  "  (30).  Compare  Acts  xii.  17  : 
"  Show  these  things  unto  James  (the  ruler)  and 
to  the  brethren;"  and  1  Tim.  iv.  6  :  "If  thou 
put  the  brethren  in  remembrance  of  these  things, 
thou  shalt  be  a  good  minister  of  Jesus  Christ." 
The  distinction  visible  iu  these  passages  is  pre- 
served  in  the  earliest  extra-Scriptural  records 


LAITY 

of  the  church.  Thus  Clement,  himself  bishop  of 
Eome,  in  an  epistle  by  which  he  sought  to  allay 
dissensions  at  Corinth,  addressing  "the  brethren" 
there,  says,  "  Ye  did  all  things  without  respect 
of  persons,  and  walked  by  the  laws  of  God,  being 
subject  to  those  who  had  the  rule  over  you,  and 
yielding  due  honour  to  the  presbyters  among 
you"  (^Ep.  i.  c.  1).  He  illustrates  the  relative 
position  of  the  laity  and  clergy  by  the  parallel 
of  the  Jewish  priesthood  and  people:  " To  the 
high-priest  his  proper  ministries  have  been 
assigned,  and  to  the  priests  their  proper  place 
appointed,  and  on  the  Levites  their  services  have 
been  imposed.  The  layman  (o  AaiKo's)  is  bound 
by  the  precepts  that  affect  laymen.  "  Let  each  of 
you,  brethren,  give  thanks  unto  God  in  his  own 
station  (jayfiari),  keeping  a  good  conscience, 
and  not  overstepping  the  appointed  rule  of  his 
ministry  "  (cc.  40,  41).  This  state  of  things  was 
to  continue  ;  for  the  apostles,  he  tells  us,  not  only 
appointed  the  first  rulers  in  each  church,  but 
also  "  gave  direction  how,  at  their  decease,  other 
approved  men  should  succeed  to  their  ministry  " 
(c.  44).  In  the  Visions  of  Hennas,  which  many 
critics  assign  to  the  age  of  Clement,  the  laity, 
under  the  name  of  "  the  elect,"  are  spoken  of  as 
being  taught  and  ministered  to  by  the  apostles 
and  bishops  and  doctors  (i.  e.  presbyters :  see 
Pearson,  Vind.  Ignat.  ii.  13,  3)  and  ministers  " 
(i.  e.  deacons)  {Fast.  i.  Vis.  iii.  5).  The  following 
sentence  from  Ignatius  is  common  to  all  the 
recensions :  "  My  soul  be  surety  for  them  who 
are  subject  to  the  bishops,  presbyters,  deacons  " 
(^Ep.  ad  Polycarp.  c.  vi. ;  Cureton,  Corp.  Ignat. 
p.  12).  In  the  epistles  known  to  Eusebius, 
A.D.  324  (^Hitt.  Eccl.  iii.  30)  such  expressions  are 
frequent.  In  Tertullian,  A.D.  192,  the  word 
" laicus "  occurs  often,  i^.g.  "The  chief-priest, 
which  is  the  bishop,  has  the  right  of  giving 
(baptism).  Then  presbyters  and  deacons,  not, 
however,  without  the  authority  of  the  bishop, 
for  the  honour  of  the  church,  which  being  saved, 
peace  is  saved.  From  another  point  of  view 
even  laymen  have  the  right"  {de  Baptismo, 
xvii.).  The  sijme  writer  says  of  certain  heretics 
that  among  them,  "  one  man  is  to-day  a  bishop, 
next  day  another.  To-day  one  is  a  deacon,  who 
to-morrow  will  be  a  reader ;  to-day  one  is  a 
presbyter,  who  to-morrow  will  be  a  layman;  for 
they  enjoin  priestly  (sacerdotalia)  duties  on  lay- 
men "  {de  Praescr.  Haerct.  c.  41).  In  the  so- 
called  apostolical  canons,  the  first  fifty  of  which, 
at  least,  are  supposed  to  have  been  collected 
about  the  end  of  the  2nd  century,  the  word  lay- 
man is  of  very  frequent  occurrence.  Thus,  "  If 
any  clerk  or  layman  who  is  segregated,  or  not 
received,  goes  to  another  city,  and  is  there  re- 
ceived (to  communion)  without  letters  com- 
mendatoiy,  let  both  receiver  and  received  be 
segregated"  (can.  12).  By  can.  31,  a  presbyter 
who,  in  contempt  of  his  bishop,  gathers  a  separate 
congregation,  and  all  the  clerks  who  adhere  to 
him  are  to  be  deposed,  "  but  the  laymen  to  be 
segregated."  See  also  canons  15,  24,  43,  48,  57, 
62-66,  69,  70,  71,  84,  85.  Cyprian,  a.d.  250, 
speaks  of  a  "  conference  held  with  bishops,  pres- 
byters, deacons,  confessors,  and  also  with  the 
laymen  who  stood  firm  "  (in  a  persecution)  for 
ronsultation  on  the  treatment  of  the  lapsed 
(Epist.  30,  ad  Pom.).  Elsewhere  he  says,  "  The 
faith  of  the  militant  people  (of  God)  is  disarmed, 
while  its  vigour  and  the  fear  of  Christ  is  taken 


LAITY 


913 


away.  Let  the  laity  see  how  they  provide  for 
this.  On  the  priest  falls  greater  labour  in 
asserting  and  defending  the  majesty  of  God " 
(_Ep.  59,  ad  Cornel.}.  The  more  fre(juent  name 
for  the  laity  with  this  writer  is  plebs,  e.g.  "  The 
clergy  and  people  (plebs)  and  the  whole  brother- 
hood received  with  joy  "  certain  schismatics  who 
had  returned  to  the  church  (Ej).  51,  ad  Corn.). 
He  warned  some  unruly  persons  that  "  when  a 
bishop  was  once  made  and  approved  by  the  testi- 
mony and  judgment  of  his  colleagues  and  the 
people  (plebis),  no  other  could  in  anywise  be 
appointed  "  (£/).  44,  ad  Corn.). 

II.  Laymen  duly  qualified  might  give  religious 
instruction  among  the  Jew.":.  In  the  synagogues 
it  was  usual  for  the  elder  to  ask  anyone  of  repute 
to  comment  on  the  lesson  for  the  day  (Luke 
iv.  17  ;  Acts  xvii.  2),  or  to  deliver  a  "  word  of 
exhortation"  (Acts  xiii.  15).  This  liberty  was 
continued  under  the  Gospel  in  the  case  of  those 
who  .had  the  gift  of  "  prophecy  "  (Rom.  xii.  6  • 
1  Cor.  xii.  10,  28,  xiv.  1-6,  31,&c.).  Among 
unbelievers  all  Christians  were  expected  to  teach 
the  gospel  as  opportunity  was  given.  "  They 
that  were  scattered  abroad  "  by  the  persecution 
on  the  death  of  Stephen  "went  everywhere 
preaching  the  word "  (Acts  viii.  4).  The  ma- 
jority of  these  would  be  laymen.  Thus  St.  Paul, 
before  he  received  the  laying  on  of  hands  (Acts 
xiii.  3),  "  preached  boldly  at  Damascus  in  the 
name  of  Jesus  "  (Acts  ix.  27)  ;  Aquila  and  Pris- 
cilla  "  expounded  unto  ApoUos  the  way  of  God 
more  perfectly "  (ib.  xviii.  26) ;  and  Apollos 
himself  •'  mightily  convinced  the  Jews,  and  that 
publicly,  shewing  by  the  Scriptures  that  Jesus 
is  the  Christ  "  (28).  "  At  first  all  taught  and 
baptized  on  whatever  days  and  seasons  occasion 
requii'ed  .  .  .  That  the  people  might  grow  and 
multiply,  it  was  at  the  beginning  permitted  to 
all  to  preach  the  gospel,  and  to  baptize,  and  to 
explain  the  Scriptures  in  church,  but  when  the 
church  embraced  all  places,  houses  of  assembly 
were  constituted,  and  rulers  (rectores)  and  the 
other  offices  in  the  church  were  instituted.  .  .  . 
Hence  it  is  that  now  neither  do  deacons  preach 
in  the  congregation,  nor  clerks  nor  laymen 
baptize  "  (Hilar.  Di.nc.  Coimn.  in  Ep.  ad  Eph. 
iv.  11,  12).  When  Demetrius  of  Alexandria  com- 
plained that  Origen,  who  was  not  a  priest,  had 
been  asked  by  the  bishops  of  the  district  to  "dis- 
course and  to  interpret  holy  Scripture  publicly 
in  church  "at  Caesarea,  the  bishops  of  Jerusalem 
and  Caesarea  denied  the  truth  of  one  ground 
taken  by  Demetrius,  viz.  that  laymen  had  never 
been  known  to  preach  before  bishops.  "  If," 
said  they,  "  any  persons  are  anywhere  found 
capable  of  benefiting  the  brethren,  they  are  en- 
couraged by  the  holy  bishops  to  preach  to  the 
people.  Tiius  at  Larandi,  Euelpis  was  asked  by 
Neon ;  and  at  Iconium,  Paulinus  by  Celsus  ; 
and  at  Smyrna,  Theodore  by  Atticus; — our 
brethren  now  in  bliss.  And  it  is  probable  that 
this  has  been  done  in  other  places  without  our 
knowing  it"  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  vi.  19).  Fru- 
mentius  and  Aedesius,  while  laymen,  laid  the 
foundation  of  the  church  in  Abyssinia  (Socr. 
Hid.  Eccl.  i.  19).  The  same  service  was  rendered 
to  Iberia  (Georgia)  by  a  female  captive,  who 
having  healed  by  her  prayers  the  king  and  his 
wife  and  son,  exhorted  them  to  believe  in  Christ, 
through  whose  name  their  cure  had  been  effected 
(Jih.  c.  20). 


914 


LAITY 


A  law  of  Valeutinian  and  Theodosius,  published 
in  394,  "  touching  laymen  who  presume  to  dis- 
pute about  religion,"  forbids  the  opportunitj' 
being  permitted  to  any  one  of  "coming  into 
public  and  discussing  or  handling  matters  of 
religion"  {Cod.  Theodos.  2  in  Capit.  Car.  Mag. 
vii.  195).  Four  years  later  a  council  held  at 
Carthage  decreed  that  "  a  layman  should  not 
dare  to  teach  in  the  presence  of  clerics,  unless 
they  themselves  aske  1  him;"  and  absolutely, 
that  "  no  woman,  however  learned  or  holy, 
should  presume  to  teach  men  in  a  meeting" 
(cann.  98,  99).  Leo  I.,  a.d.  453,  writing  to 
Maximus  the  patriarch  of  Antioch,  in  view  of 
danger  from  the  growth  of  the  Nestorian  and 
Eutychian  heresies,  entreats  him  to  take  order 
"  that  beside  those  who  are  priests  of  the  Lord, 
no  one  presume  to  claim  for  himself  the  right  to 
teach  or  to  preach,  whether  he  be  monk  or  lay- 
man "( £>i;'s<.  92,  c.  6).  He  repeats  this  in  a 
letter  to  Theodoret  of  Cyrus  {Ep.  93,  c.  6),  and 
expresses  a  hope  that  his  letter  to  Maximus 
would  be  dispersed  by  him  and  "  come  to  the 
knowledge  of  all."  The  council  in  Ti-ullo  at 
Constantinople,  A.D.  691,  declares  "  that  a  lay- 
man ought  not  to  dispute  or  teach  publicly, 
thence  arrogating  to  himself  the  right  to  teach, 
but  that  he  should  be  obedient  to  the  order 
handed  down  from  the  Lord."  Those  who  should 
violate  the  canon  were  to  be  segregated  for  forty 
days  (can.  64).  There  is,  we  think,  no  evidence 
that  laymen  were  at  any  time  permitted  to  read 
the  eucharistic  lessons,  either  in  the  East  or 
West.  A  law  of  Charlemagne  entirely  forbids 
it :  "A  layman  ought  not  to  recite  a  lesson  in 
church,  nor  to  say  the  alleluia,  but  only  the 
psalm  or  responsories  without  alleluia  "  (Cajsif. 
v.  112).    [Lection.] 

IIL  Hilary,  the  deacon,  as  above  quoted, 
appears  to  say  that  laymen  could  not  confer 
baptism  even  in  the  first  post-apostolic  age. 
This  was  probably  the  general  opinion ;  for  the 
Greek  compiler  of  the  Clementine  Constitutions 
ascribes  the  following  prohibition  to  the  apostles 
themselves :  "  We  do  not  permit  laymen  to  per- 
form any  of  the  sacerdotal  functions,  as  sacrifice 
or  baptism,  or  laying  on  of  hands,  or  the  lesser 
or  greater  benediction"  (iii.  10).  This  would 
make  them  absolutely  incapable ;  and  the 
opinion  of  their  incapacity  was  probably  widely 
spread  in  the  East  to  the  end  of  the  fii-st  four 
centuries  after  Christ.  St.  Basil,  a.d.  370,  im- 
plies that  he  held  it,  when  he  speaks  with  ap- 
probation of  an  argument  against  baptism  by 
schismatical  priests,  which  he  attributes  to 
Fii-milian,  one  of  his  predecessors  at  Caesarea, 
and  to  St.  Cyprian.  It  was  to  the  effect  that 
schismatical  priests  being  cut  off  from  the  body 
of  Christ,  and  thus  losing  their  orders,  having 
now  "  become  laymen,  have  no  power  either  to 
baptize  or  to  ordain,  being  no  longer  able  to 
impart  to  others  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
from  which  they  have  fallen  themselves.  On 
which  account  they  commanded  that  those  who 
came  to  the  church  from  them  (i.e.  from  any 
schismatical  body)  should  be  cleansed  by  the 
true  baptism  of  the  church  "  (Epist.  ad  Amphil. 
i.  can.  1).  An  ancient  Greek  scholium,  found  in 
one  MS.  of  this  epistle  {Cod.  Amberbnch.),  en- 
larging on  this  point,  says,  "  He  falls  from  the 
sacerdotal  grace,  which  he  received  from  Him  to 
whom  he  was  united,  and  becomes  for  the  future 


LAITY 

a  layman,"  not  able  to  impart  to  others  that 
which  he  no  longer  has,  nor  able  to  obtain  a  new 
supply  of  it  from  the  body  which  he  has  joined 
(Bever.  Fa?id.  ii.  annot.  221).  We  must  observe, 
however,  that  St.  Basil,  though  with  evident 
reluctance,  admitted  the  baptisms  of  priests  in 
schism,  feeling  himself  overruled  by  numbers  : 
"  But  since  it  has  seemed  good  to  some  of  those 
in  Asia,  out  of  consideration  for  the  multitude, 
that  their  baptism  should  be  received,  let  it  be 
received"  (Ep.  u.  s.).  May  we  not  suppose  that 
he  Nyfould  also  have  confessed,  if  the  question  had 
come  before  him,  that  the  church  had  power  to 
authorise  or  accept,  under  special  circumstances, 
the  baptisms  of  laymen  in  full  communion  with 
her? 

TertuUian,  on  the  other  hand,  whom  St.  Cy- 
prian used  to  call  his  master,  teaches  that, 
abstractedly,  laymen  have  power  to  baptize, 
but  that  they  can  only  e.xercise  it  by  permission, 
expressed  or  understood.  He  argues  that  "  what 
is  received  equally  (by  all)  can  be  imparted 
equally"  (by  all);  but  he  adds,  "How  much 
more  is  the  discipline  of  reverence  and  modesty 
incumbent  on  the  laitj'',  seeing  that  it  is  the  part 
of  those  greater  than  themselves  (i.e.  the  priests 
and  deacons)  not  to  take  on  them  the  otfice  of 
the  episcopate,  which  is  assigned  to  the  bishops. 
Emulation  is  the  mother  of  schisms  "  (dc  Bapt. 
17).  The  principle  laid  down  by  TertuUian 
receives  a  curious  illustration  from  the  well- 
known  story  told  by  Rufinus,  A.D.  390  (Hist. 
Eccl.  i.  14),  of  some  boys  baptized  in  play  by 
Athanasius  when  himself  "  quite  a  child  "  (Socr. 
A.D.  439,  Hist.  Eccl.  i.  15).  The  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria, who  happened  to  see  what  was  done  from 
a  distance,  finding  on  inquiry  that  water  had 
been  duly  used  and  the  right  form  of  woi-ds  said, 
decided,  after  conference  with  his  clergy,  that 
the  children  should  not  be  rebaptized,  but  he 
supplemented  their  irregular  baptism  by  con- 
firming them  himself.  There  is  a  difficulty  in 
the  story  from  the  great  youth  which  it  assigns 
to  Athanasius  about  the  year  312  ;  but  it  would 
not  have  been  related  by  Paifinus,  or  repeated  at 
length  by  Sozomen,  A.D.  460  (Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  17), 
without  some  protest,  if  the  ground  on  which 
the  bishop  was  said  to  have  acted  had  not  been 
widely  accepted  in  the  church  at  that  time. 

From  the  council  of  Elvira,  about  A.D.  300, 
we  first  learn  under  what  circumstances  it  was 
held  lawful  for  a  layman  to  baptize.  Its  38th 
canon  decraes  that  "  during  foreign  travel,  at 
sea,  or  if  there  be  no  church  near,  one  of  the 
faithful,  who  has  his  own  baptism  entire  (not 
clinic,  duly  confirmed,  and  probably  also  not 
impaired  by  lapse  in  persecution),  and  is  not  a 
bigamist,  may  baptize  a  catechumen  in  extremity 
of  sickness,  on  condition  that  if  he  recover,  he  take 
him  to  the  bishop  that  he  may  receive  the  benefit 
of  the  laying  on  of  hands."  St.  Jerome,  writing  in 
378,  says  that  "without  chrism  and  the  command 
of  the  bishop,  neither  presbyter  nor  deacon  have 
the  right  to  baptize ;  which  nevertheless  we 
know  to  be  often  permitted  to  laymen,  if  neces- 
sity compel.  For  as  one  receives,  so  can  he  also 
give  "  (Contra  Lucif,  9).  The  reader  will  ob- 
serve here  the  reasoning  of  TertuUian  very 
similarly  expressed.  St.  Augustine,  about  400  : 
"  If  any  layman,  compelled  by  necessity,  shall 
have  given  to  a  dying  man  that  which,  when  he 
received    it    himself,  he    learnt    the   manner  of 


LAITY 

giving,  I  know  not  if  any  one  could  piously  say 
that  it  ought  to  be  repeated.  For  to  do  it  with- 
out necessity  is  to  usurp  the  office  of  another ; 
but  to  do  it  under  pressure  of  necessity  is  either 
no  fault  or  a  venial "  {Contra  Epist.  Farmen.  ii. 
xiii.  29).  In  a  work  written  shortly  after  this 
he  shows  a  disposition  to  go  further,  and  to 
recognise  the  outward  act  under  whatever  cir- 
cumstances performed.  He  is  speaking  of  several 
questions  that  might  be  raised, — "  whether  that 
baptism  is  to  be  owned  which  is  received  from 
one  who  has  not  himself  received  it;"  whether 
it  is  valid,  whatever  the  faith,  or  motive,  or 
position  (as  a  catholic  or  schismatic)  of  the  giver 
or  receiver,  or  of  both,  &c.  He  even  includes 
the  case  of  baptism  conferred  on  the  stage  where 
the  actors  are  heathens,  and  here  he  clearly 
leans  to  the  affirmative,  if  the  person  baptized 
has  had  a  sudden  access  of  faith  at  the  time ; 
but  when  God  has  not  thus  interposed  (neque 
lUe  qui  ibi  acciperet,  ita  crederet,  sed  totum 
ludicre  et  mimice  et  joculariter  ageretur),  he 
thinks  that  only  an  e.xpi-ess  revelation  could 
decide.  He  would  in  all  such  questions  defer 
to  a  "plenary  council;"  but  an  answer  to  the 
last  must  be  sought  by  united  and  most  earnest 
prayer  {de  Bapt.  c.  Donat.  vii.  53).  He  says 
also  that  at  all  events  he  would  at  such  a 
council  "  not  hesitate  to  maintain  that  they 
have  baptism  who  have  received  it  consecrated 
by  the  words  of  the  gospel  anywhere  and  from 
any  one  whomsoever  without  deceit  on  their  own 
part  and  with  some  faith "  (J.b.  §  102).  In 
Gratian  (P.  iii.  de  Comccr.  iv.  21)  we  have  an 
extract  from  a  letter  ascribed  to  Augustine : — 
"  We  are  wont  to  hear  that  even  laymen  are 
accustomed  to  give  the  sacrament  which  they 
have  received  in  a  case  of  necessity,  when  neither 
bishops,  presbyters,  nor  any  of  the  ministers  are 
found,  and  the  danger  of  him  who  seeks  it,  lest 
he  die  without  that  sacrament,  is  pressing." 
In  another  passage  from  the  same  epistle  we 
find  a  story  (which  the  writer  confesses  to  be 
uncertain)  of  a  catechumen  and  a  penitent  in 
danger  of  being  shipwrecked  together.  As  they 
were  the  only  Christians  in  the  ship  the  peni- 
tent baptized  the  catechumen  and  was  in  turn 
reconciled  by  him.  What  they  did  was  approved 
by  all  {ib.  c.  36).  The  question  raised  by  St. 
Augustine,  as  to  the  effect  of  a  mock  baptism 
on  the  stage,  probably  suggested  a  tale  of  wonder 
which  we  find,  with  differences  of  detail,  both 
in  the  East  and  West.  An  actor  who  personated 
a  catechumen  receiving  baptism  was  said  to 
have  been  suddenly  and  miraculously  converted. 
One  version  lays  the  scene  at  Rome  in  the  pre- 
sence of  Diocletian,  about  285,  and  gives  the 
name  of  Genesius  to  the  comedian.  The  other 
calls  him  Gelasinus,  and  makes  the  place  Helio- 
polis  in  Phoenicia,  and  the  year  297.  In  both 
cases  the  neophyte  is  said  to  have  been  led  forth 
to  martyrdom  (Tillemont,  Mem.  Eccl.  in  St. 
Gene's).  The  authorities  are,  for  Gelasinus,  the 
Paschal  Chronicle  of  Alexandria,  compiled  in 
630  (p.  642);  and  for  Genesius,  some  Acta  of 
uncertain  date  which  were  copied  by  Ado  in  his 
Martijrologiuin  (a.d.  859)  at  Aug.  25. 

Gelasius,  bishop  of  Rome,  A.D.  494,  speaking 
of  deacons  : — "  Let  them  not  presume  to  baptize 
without  (the  authority  of)  the  bishops  or  pres- 
byters, unless  extreme  necessity  compel  them, — 
those  officers  being  perchance  settled  a  long  way 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  H. 


LAITY 


915 


off, — to  do  which  is  for  the  most  part  permitted 
even  to  lay  Chi-istians  "  {Epist.  ad  Episc.  Lucan. 
4-c.  §  7).  Isidore  of  Seville,  a.d.  610,  cites  our 
Lord's  words  to  the  apostles  (John  xx.  22,  23  ; 
Matt,  xxviii.  19)  to  shew  that  it  is  "not  lawful 
for  laymen  (privatis  =  tSiwrais)  nor  for  clerks 
not  of  the  higher  orders  (sine  gradu  ;  see  Vulg. 
1  Tim.  iii.  13),  to  baptize,  but  for  priests  only  " 
(sacerdotibus  =  bishops  and  presbyters).  There- 
fore, he  concludes,  it  is  not  lawful  even  for 
deacons  to  do  so  "  without  (the  authority  of) 
the  bishops  and  presbyters,  except  when  they 
are  far  absent  and  the  last  necessity  of  illness 
compel, — which  is  for  the  most  part  permitted 
even  to  the  lay  faithful,  lest  any  one  should  be 
called  out  of  this  world  without  the  saving 
remedy  "  {de  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  24). 

IV.  There  is  evidence  to  shew  that  during  the 
earlier  part  of  our  period  the  laity  came  up  to 
the  holy  table  to  make  their  offerings  and  to 
communicate.  Dionysius,  the  pope  of  Alex- 
andria, A.D.  254,  speaks  of  a  layman  as  "  going 
up  to  the  table,"  and  "  standing  at  the  table  " 
(Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  vii.  9).  Even  women  (nisi 
in  abscessu)  were,  according  to  him,  then  pei-- 
mitted  to  "  approach  the  holy  of  holies  "  and  to 
"  draw  near  to  the  holy  table  "  {Ep.  ad  Basilid. 
can.  2).  St.  Chrysostom : — "  Let  no  Judas,  no 
Simon,  come  up  to  the  table  "  {Horn.  50,  in  St. 
Matt.  §  3).  By  the  19th  canon  of  the  council  of 
Laodicea,  about  365,  it  was  "  permitted  to  those 
only  who  were  in  holy  orders  to  enter  the  place 
of  the  altar  and  to  communicate  there."  This 
probably  only  sanctions  a  custom  already  be- 
coming general.  Theodosius  the  Great,  at  Milan 
in  390,  took  his  offering  up  to  the  altar,  but  was 
not  allowed  to  remain  in  the  chancel  for  the 
communion  (Theodoret,  Hist.  Eccl.  v.  18).  In 
the  East,  however,  he  had  been  accustomed  to 
stay  and  to  communicate  within  the  bema  {ib. : 
comp.  Sozom.  Hist.  Eccl.  vii.  24).  His  grandson 
Theodosius  says  of  himself  in  431,  "We  draw 
near  the  most  holy  altar  only  to  offer  the  gifts, 
and  having  gone  into  the  enclosed  tabernacle  of 
the  sacred  circles,  at  once  leave  it"  {Concil. 
Labbe,  iii.  1237).  For  the  East  the  rule  was 
finally  settled  by  the  council  in  Trulto,  A.D.  691. 
It  forbade  any  of  the  laity  to  "  enter  within  the 
sacred  altar-place,"  except  the  emperor,  "when 
he  wished  to  offer  gifts  to  the  Creator  "  (can.  69). 
Turning  to  the  West  we  find  the  Council  of 
Tours,  A.D.  566,  permitting  "  the  holy  of  holies 
to  be  open  to  laymen  and  women  for  pi-ayer  and 
communion,  as  the  custom  is,"  but  forbidding 
laymen  to  "  stand  by  the  altar,  at  which  the 
sacred  mysteries  are  celebrated,  either  on  vigils 
or  at  masses "  (can.  4).  This  prohibition  was 
confirmed  by  a  council  held  at  some  uncertain 
place  in  France,  about  the  year  744  ;  but  the 
permission  is  not  also  repeated  (can.  6  ;  Capit. 
Reg.  Franc,  i.  153).  The  whole  of  the  canon  of 
Tours,  however,  appears  in  the  Capitularies  of 
Charlemagne  (vii.  279).  In  the  earliest  editions 
of  the  Ordo  Romanus,  the  bishop  is  represented 
as  "  going  down  "  to  I'eceive  the  gifts  of  the 
people,  and  being  "  conducted  back  to  the  altar  " 
after  receiving  them  {Mus.  Ital.  ii.  10,  74). 
This  exhibits  the  custom  at  Rome  in  the  8th 
century.  At  that  time  the  meu  and  women 
were  on  different  sides  of  the  church,  and  the 
clergy  went  to  their  several  places  to  communi- 
cate them  (i6.  10,  50).  In  an  epistle  of  Theo- 
3  0 


916 


LAMB,  THE  HOLY 


dosius  and  Valentinian  (^Codex  Theodos.  ix.  45) 
the  nave  (6  va6s)  of  the  church  is  called  ivKrrfpiov 
rod  Xaov,  "  the  praying-place  of  the  laity."  In 
a  law  of  Justinian,  a.d.  528  {Codex  I.  iii.  xlii.  10), 
the  clergy  are  exhorted  to  a  punctual  observ- 
ance of  their  hours  of  prayer  by  an  appeal  to 
the  example  of  "  many  of  the  laity,  who  for  the 
good  of  their  souls  constantly  frequent  the  most 
holy  churches,  and  shew  themselves  diligent  in 
the  practice  of  psalmody."  From  this  we  may 
infer,  as  probable,  that  at  that  time  laymen  often 
met  together  in  church  to  sing  psalms  out  of 
the  hours  of  public  worship,  and  when  the  clergy 
were  not  present.  [W.  E.  S.] 

LAMB,  THE  HOLY.  In  the  Orthodox 
Greek  Church  the  oblation  of  bread  for  the 
Liturgy  (j)  irpoff^opd,  ohlata)  is  prepared  of 
leavened  bread,  baked  with  special  care,  in  the 
form  of  a  moderate-sized,  round,"  flat  loaf  or  cake. 
In  the  centre  is  a  square  projecting  portion,  im- 
pressed with  a  stamp  called  the  seal  ((T(ppayis),^ 
consisting  of  a  cross,  in  the  angles  of  which  are 
stamped  the  words  fc  XC  N  I  KAj  «'•«•  'ItjcoCs 
Xpicrrhs  vLKa.  This  square  projection  is  called 
the  Hohj  Lamb,  or  in  the  rubrics  the  Holy 
Bread  (6  ayws  apros).  The  circular  {arpoyyv- 
AoeiSijs)  shape,  as  of  a  coin,  is  considered  by 
Dui-andus  (iv.  c.  41)  to  symbolise  the  price  of 
man's  redemption.  The  form,  however,  seems 
to  have  varied.  Gabriel  of  Philadelphia'^  {Apol. 
pro  Ecd.  Orient.')  states  that  the  bread  for  the 
oblation  was  made  either  round  or  square  ;  and 
adds  that  the  round  shape  is  symbolical  of  our 
Lord's  Divinity,  the  square  of  the  universality 
of  redemption.  Allatius,  too  (de  Eccl.  Occ.  et 
Orient.  Cone,  lib.  iii.  c.  15,  s.  18),  writes:  "The 
Greeks  when  they  make  the  bread  for  the  sacri- 
fice, for  the  most  part  do  not  make  it  round 
(ut  plurimum  non  rotundant),  but  draw  it  out 
into  four  arms  in  the  form  of  a  cross  :  they  then 
impress  the  seal  (sigillum),  just  explained,'^  in 
the  centre  of  the  cross  and  at  the  exti-emities  of 
each  arm.  The  priest  who  is  about  to  celebrate 
takes  the  bread,  in  the  Prothesis,  and  divides  it  in 
such  a  manner  that  each  portion  has  a  complete 
seal,  and  these  parts  are  called  seals  {a(ppay7Ses, 
signacula)."     [Fract:on.] 

According  to  this  aescription  each  portion 
would  be  approximately  square;  but  whether 
the  whole  oblation  be  round  or  square,  the  Holy 
Lamb  itself  is  square. 


IC 

XC 

KA 

Nl 

In  the  "office  of  the  Prothesis,"  called  5ici- 
Ta|jj  Tjjs  Qiias  Koi  Upas  Xnrovpyias,  which 
is  performed  in  the  chapel  of  the  Prothesis,  on 
the  north  side  of  the  bema,  as  introductory  to 
the  liturgy,  and  in  which  the  priest  assumes  the 
eucharistic  vestments,  and  selects  and  prepares 
the  elements  for  consecration ;  he  separates  the 


»  V.  Neale,  Introd.  p.  242. 

b  This  word  is  sometimes  used  for  the  impression ; 
sometimes  for  the  bread  itself,  as  bearing  the  impression. 

<^  Martene,  vol.  1.  p.  117. 

■1  This  is  identical  with  that  described  as  Impressed  on 
the  Holy  Lamb. 


LAMB,  THE 

"  lamb  "  from  the  rest  of  the  oblation,  cutting 
it  away  squarewise  with  the  "  spear  "  (^  ayia 
Ao'7X'7),  which  is  a  knife  in  the  form  of  an 
elongated  spear-head,  with  a  short  handle, 
ending  in  a  cross,  and  symbolical  of  the  spear 
which  pierced  our  Lord's  side ;  and  lays  it  on 
the  paten  or  disc  (o  ayios  SiV/cos),  arranging 
afterwards  in  a  specified  order  particles  {fxepl- 
5es)  cut  in  a  pyramidal  form  from  the  oblation. 

Five  loaves  or  oblations  are  usually  prepared 
in  the  Prothesis ;  in  the  Russian  Church  in- 
variably so,  according  to  King  (p.  144),  but  in 
Greece  one  only  is  often  prepared,  and  of  old  the 
number  varied.  The  oblation  thus  prepared  is 
covered  with  the  "  asteriscus  "  [p.  149],  a  sort  of 
frame,  consisting  of  two  bars  crossing  each 
other  and  joined  by  a  hinge  at  the  centre,  and 
bent  into  such  a  shape  as  to  form,  when  they 
are  at  right  angles,  a  support  for  the  "  veils," 
of  which  there  are  three ;  the  innermost  being 
called  5i(r/coKoAu^jua,  and  the  outer  a.rjp.  It 
then  remains  in  the  Prothesis  till  the  "great 
entrance,"  i.e.  of  the  Elements  in  the  liturgy. 

At  the  "  fraction  "  in  the  liturgy  the  priest 
breaks  the  Holy  Lamb,  there  called  "the  Holy 
Bread  "  (rhv  ayiov  &pTov),  into  four "  parts,  and 
an-anges  them  crosswise  in  the  disc,  thus — 

0 

EH      H 


a 


He  makes  the  sign  of  the  cross  over  the  chalice 
with  the  part  j^  I ,  which  he  then  puts  into 
the  chalice  ;    he  communicates  himself  and  the 


assistants  with    the    part      xc     '  ^^^  ^^^ 


maining  two  parts  are  divided  among  the  lay 
communicants  (Neale,  Introd.  518). 

For  details  of  the  office  of  the  Prothesis,  and 
their  symbolical  significance,  see  SiaTa|is  t^s 
Q^ias  Ka\  lepas  XeiTovpyias,  as  given  in  the 
Euchologion  mega ;  also  Goar,  Bit.  Graec.  (note 
in  S.  Joan.  Chrysost.  Missam) ;  Neale,  Introduc- 
tion, pp.  341,  &c. ;  JIartene,  de  Antiq.  Eccl.  Bit. 
vol.  i.  p.  117  ;  and  Allatius  (ut  supra). 

[H.  J.  H.] 

LAMB,  THE.  [In  Art.]  It  appears  best  to 
treat  early  representations  of  the  lamb  as  sym- 
bolic of  our  Lord  (whether  in  the  act  of  suffer- 
ing or  of  triumph),  apart  from  those  of  the 
sheep,  which  represent  human  members  of  the 
church  of  Christ.  They  are  frequently  brought 
together  on  the  sarcophagi,  and  especially  in  the 
later  mosaics  within  our  period,  as  at  SS.  Cosmas 
and  Damianus,  and  at  St.  Praxedes,  in  Rome  ;  and 


e  In  the  Roman  Liturgy  the  Host  (oblata)  is  divided 
into  three  parts:  in  the  Mozarabic  into  nine,  with  special 
symbolism. 


LAMB,  THE 

the  distinction  is  often  sustained  by  the  simple 
expedient  of  making  the  Divine  Lamb  of  larger 
size  than  His  followers,  as  Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p.  307 
(lib.  ii.  cap.  x.),  or  He  bears  the  cross  or  mono- 
gram (ib.  pp.  293,  295) :  both  at  p.  425.  In  the 
church  of  SS.  Cosmas  and  Damianus  (see  Ciam- 
pini,  Vetera  Monimenta,  vol.  ii.  tab.  xv.  xvi.)  three 
symbolic  phases  of  the  form  of  the  sheep  or  lamb 
are  set  forth.  First  He  is  represented  above  the 
keystone  arch  of  triumph  as  prone,  on  a  small 
highly-decorated  altar,  "  as  it  were  slain."  Be- 
low stand  full-length  figures  of  our  Lord  and 
saints  in  glory,  separated  by  the  narrow  belt  of 
Jordan,  JORDANES,  from  the  sheep  of  the  world 
helow,  who  are  issuing  from  the  gates  of  "  Jeru- 
salem" and  "Bethleem,"  to  gather  round  the 
central  Lamb  with  the  nimbus,  representing  tlie 
Lord  in  His  humanity  [Bethlehem].  After  the 
crucifixion,  eveiy  paschal  supper  must  have  been 
understood  to  prefigure  the  Lord's  death  by  its 
symbolic  lamb.  But  it  was  not  perhaps  till  the 
triumph  of  the  cross  under  Constantine,  when 
the  upright  or  penal  cross  had  taken  the  place 
of  the  decussated  symbol  [Cross  :  Monogram], 


LAMB,   THE 


9i: 


From  Aringhi,  i.  293. 

that  the  lamb,  as  victim,  came  to  be  a  constant 
object  of  contemplation,  and  His  image  began 
to  be  combined  with  the  cross.  In  the  great 
distresses  of  the  succeeding  centuries,  the  hopes 
and  imaginations  of  clergy  and  people  luay  well 
have  been  drawn  to  the  Book  of  Revelation, 
and  the  distinction  between  the  lamb  as  slain 
in  sacrifice  and  the  lamb  conquering  and  trium- 
phant seems  to  have  been  strongly  felt  and 
freely  insisted  on.  In  the  sixth  century,  and 
as  the  cross  gradually  became  exclusively  a 
symbol  of  the  manner  of  the  Lord's  death,  not 
as  of  old,  of  His  person  or  humanity,  the  lamb 
with  crown  or  nimbus  was  placed  at  the  inter- 
section of  the  limbs  of  crosses  [Crucifix],  and 
was  in  fact  a  mystic  crucifix,  with  reference  to 
the  image  in  the  Apocalypse,  until  the  human 
form  was  substituted  or  added  after  the  Quini- 
sext  Council.  See  Borgia,  de  Cruce  Vaticano  and 
de  Cruce  Vcliterna.  On  the  sarcophagus  of  Junius 
Bassus  (Bottari,  tav.  xv. ;  Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p.  277) 
the  spandrels  of  its  pillared  front  are  ornamented 
with  curious  sculptures  of  the  symbolic  lamb 
performing  miracles  and  acts  of  ministry,  mysti- 
cally selected  from  the  Old  and  New  Testaments. 
He  is  striking  water  from  the  rock,  changing 
water   into  wine,    administering    baptism    to   a 


smaller  lamb,  touching  a  mummy  Lazarus  with 
a  wand,  and  receiving  the  tables  of  the  law. 

The  lamb  appears  in  tlie  vault  mosaics  of  the 
chapel  of  Gal  la  Placidia,  in  liavenna,  and  is  pro- 
minent on  the  ornamented  capitals  of  St.  Vitale. 

In  a  quite  distinct  symbolism,  the  lamb  is 
found  accompanying  Adam  and  Eve  (Arino-hi  i. 
pp.  613,  621,  623)  as  the  sign  of  the  appointed 
labours  of  the  latter  in  spinning.  Abel  is  also 
seen  offering  a  lamb  (Bosio,  iii.  v.  p.  159  ; 
Bottari,  tav.  cxxxvii). 

Under  article  Gems  [vol.  i.  p.  718]  will  be 
found   a   highly    interesting    engraving    of   an 


Tomb  of  Junins  Bassns.  (Aringhi,  i.  277.  Bottari,  p.  xv.) 

annular  stone,  representing  the  Lamb  of  God 
surrounded  by  a  nimbus. 

The  lamb  appears  with  the  insignia  of  the 
Good  Shepherd  (the  pastoral  crook  and  vessel  of 
milk)  in  Aringhi  (i.  557)  from  a  painting  in  the 
Callixtine  catacomb.  Also  with  the  monogram, 
Aringhi,  i.  293,  Woodcut,  No.  1. 

In  Ciampini  (de  Sacr.  j^dif.  tab.  xiii.),  the 
usual  procession  of  the  sheep  of  the  Hebrew  and 
Gentile  folds  centres  in  a  lamb,  whose  blood  is 
received  in  a  chalice,  and  flows  away  in  five 
streams.  This  formerly  existed  in  the  ancient 
Basilica  of  the  Vatican,  but  had  been  restored 
by  Innocent  III.,  and  can  perhaps  with  difficulty 
be  taken,  as  it  stands  in  Ciampini's  plate,  for  an 


authentic  copy  of  the  ancient   condition  of  the 
mosaic.     He  is  represented  on  an  altar  table  in 
302 


918 


LAMB,  OFFERING  OF 


Ciampini  (V.M.  tab.  xv.  vol.  ii. ;  also  tab.  xlvii.), 
perhaps  with  reference  to  the  Paschal  Feast. 

Two  or  more  sheep  ot"  the  church  frequently 
accompany  the  Good  Sheplierd,  besides  the  one 
which  He  bears  on  His  shoulders.  They  are 
often  made  to  look  to  Him  with  an  expression  of 
awe  and  affection,  and  His  hand  is  sometimes 
extended  to  bless  them  (Aringhi,  i.  531,  532, 
573,  587,  from  catacomb  paintings ;  on  sarco- 
phagi, i.  295,  303,  307). 

The  Chukch  is  supposed  to  be  symbolised  by 
the  curious  painting  of  a  lamb  between  two 
wolves  [vol.  i.  p.  389].  The  original  is  rude  in 
execution.  As  an  emblem  of  innocence,  the 
lamb  is  found  in  Boldetti,  p.  365,  and  with  an 
Orante,  Bosio,  p.  445.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

LAMB,  OFFERING  OF.  The  general 
rule  as  to  oblations  upon  the  altar  was  that 
nothing  should  be  offered  there  but  the  first 
fruits  of  corn  and  grapes  in  their  season  (^Can. 
Apost.  3,  Cone.  African,  can.  4),  and  bread  and 
wine  for  the  eucharist  were  constantly  offered. 
In  some  churches,  as,  e.  g.  the  Galilean,  the  rule 
was  not  so  strict,  so  that  money  and  other 
things  were  permitted  to  be  offered  (Cone.  Aurel. 
i.  can.  16)  ;  and  it  appears  from  a  passage  in 
Walafrid  Strabo  (d.  849)  {de  Rebus  Eeclcs.  c.  18), 
that  a  custom  even  existed  in  some  places  of 
consecrating  a  lamb,  or  offering  it  upon  the 
altar,  on  Easter  Day.  This  accusation  is  repeated 
by  Photius,  patriarch  of  Constantinople  a.d.  866, 
in  his  letter  against  the  doctrines  and  practices 
of  the  West  {Ep.  2,  ad  Pair.).  The  writers  who 
replied  to  Photius  in  defence  of  the  Western 
church,  Eatramnus  and  Eneas,  bishop  of  Paris, 
do  not  apparently  deny  the  existence  of  such 
a  custom.  Du  Pin  {Gent,  ix,  p.  113)  notices 
that  an  example  of  this  usage  is  to  be  found 
in  the  life  of  St.  Udalric,  and  that  a  form  was 
provided  in  the  old  Ordo  Romanus  for  con- 
secrating the  lamb  to  be  sacrificed.  Cardinal 
Bona,  too  {Rer.  Liturg.  ii.  8,  n.  5),  may  be  cited 
as  a  witness  to  the  truth  of  the  statement. 

At  first  sight  the  practice  looks  very  like  a 
continuation  of  the  Jewish  passover.  The  strong 
repulsion,  however,  of  the  church  from  Jewish 
practices  in  those  ages  seems  to  render  this 
unlikely ;  and  we  must  probably  regard  it  as 
being  a  singular  and  extremely  crude  way  of 
indicating  a  mystical  reference  to  the  sacrifice 
of  Jesus  Christ,  the  Lamb  of  God. 

It  can  only  have  been  an  infrequent  and 
obscure  practice,  and  after  the  period  mentioned 
we  hear  no  more  of  it.  [S.  J.  E.] 

LAMBERT  (1)  Bishop  of  Maestricht  f  709 
(al.  A.D.  696),  comm.  Jun.  5,  Mart.  Metr.  Bede : 

"  Junius  in  Nonis  mundo  miratur  ade(m)ptum 
Et  Sancti  Lantberti  animam  trans  sidera  verti," 

but  Sept.  17  (as  a  Martyr)  Mart.,  Bed.,  Hieron., 
GelL,  Ado.,  Rab.,  Us.,  Notk.,  Cal.  Angl.,  Stab., 
Autis. : 

"  Lambertus  quintum  denum   (xv.  Kal.  Oct.)  virtute 

coronat 

Factio  quern  caesum  semper  tremibunda  pavescit." — 

Wandelbert. 

A  church  with  shrine  was  erected  on  the  site  of 

the  martyrdom,  and  Grimoald,  son  of  Pepin,  was 

killed   there  while  praying  for  his  sick  father, 

A.D.  714.     Thither,   in   a.d.  727,  the  relics    of 


LAMPEA 

Lambert  were  translated  from  St.  Peter's  church, 
Maestricht,  and  the  see  also,  and  the  saint 
became  patron  of  the  city  of  Liege,  that  grew 
up  round  his  cathedral.  The  shrine  was  un- 
hurt when  the  church  was  burnt  by  the  Nor- 
mans, A.D.  882  {Acta  SS.  Sept.  v.  556).  Dec.  24 
was  the  local  anniversary  of  the  translation  {v. 
Reiner,  ib.  p.  552).  There  were  also  churches  to 
him,  before  A.D.  770,  at  Nyvels  and  Hermael, 
near  Maestricht,  where  the  blind  and  lame  were 
cured  on  occasion  of  the  aforesaid  translation 
(v.  Godescalcus,  ib.  p.  580).  Lidge  appears  to 
liave  been  a  favourite  pilgrimage.  Sept.  17  is 
noted  as  a  feast,  in  Cal.  Verd.,  and  a  9th  cent, 
calendar  discovered  by  Binterim  (Denkwurdig- 
keiten,  v.  i.  460). 

LAMBERT  (2)  Bishop  of  Lyons,  7th  century, 
t  Apr.  14,  church  at  Fontenelle  dedicated  to  him, 
Oct.  1.  {Mart.  Hieron.  Florentini ;  Acta  SS.  Boll. 
Apr.  ii,  215.) 

(3)  Martyr  at  Saragossa,  commemorated  Apr. 
16  {lb.  p.  410).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAMBESE,  COUNCIL  OF  {Lambesitanwn 
Concilium),  said  to  have  been  held  (a.d.  240)  at 
Lambese  in  Algeria,  when  ninety  bishops  con- 
demned Privatus  for  heresy,  as  we  learn  from 
St.  Cyprian  {Ep.  55  :  comp.  Mansi,  i.  787). 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

LAMBESES,  martyrs  of,  in  Africa,  Feb.  23 
(Mart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.),  namely,  Luciana,  Felix, 
and  36  others.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAMMAS,  a  name  applied  in  England  to 
August  1,  the  festival  of  St.  Peter  in  the 
Fetters  (ad  Vincula)  [Petkr,  St.,  Festivals 
of].  Somner's  account  of  it  {Diet.  Sax.  Lat. 
Angl.  s.  V.)  is,  that  Lammas  is  a  corruption  of 
Hlafmaesse,  or  loaf-mass,  because  it  was  an  an- 
cient custom  to  offer  on  that  day  loaves  made  of 
the  new  corn  [Fruits,  Offering  of  ;  Loaves, 
Benediction  of].  A  fanciful  hypothesis  is, 
that  St.  Peter  became  patron  of  lambs,  from  the 
Lord's  words  to  him,  "  Feed  my  lambs  "  (John 
xxi.  15).  [C] 

LAMPADARY  {KaixTraUpios).  1.  An  official 
of  the  Greek  church,  whose  business  it  was  to 
set  the  wax-tapers  in  their  places  before  they 
were  kindled.  (Heineccius,  Abbildung  der  Griech- 
ischen  Kirche,  ii.  299  ;  ill.  48,  58.) 

2.  An  officer  of  the  Imperial  Court  at  Con- 
stantinople, whose  duties  are  but  imperfectly 
known.     (Ducange,  s.  v.)  [C] 

LAMPADIUS,  martyr  at  Antioch,  July  19 
{Mart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.,  Eptern.).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAMPADUS,  "our  father  the  wonder- 
worker," hermit  of  Irenopolis,  commemorated 
July  4  {Men.  Basil.)  He  has  a  special  office  July 
5  in  the  present  Byzantine  liturgy.  From  this 
it  appears  that  "  the  cave,  where  his  precious 
and  holy  relic  "  lay,  was  at  one  time  a  favourite 
pilgrimage  (Arcudius,  AnthoL).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAMPASUS,  martyr  at  Africa,  Feb.  19 
{3fart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.,  Gellon.).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAMPRA.  Easter  Day  is  sometimes  called 
XafMirpd  (sc.  ■^/te'po  or  KvpiaKri)  simply.  Thus, 
the  Pentecostarion  (quoted  by  Suicer,  Thesaurus 


LAMPROPHOKIA 

s.  V.)  speaks  of  el  KavoviS  ttjs  XajXTrpas  fiera 
raiv  eip/xSiv,  the  canons  [of  odes]  for  Easter  Day, 
with  the  hirmoi.  [C] 

LAMPROPHOKIA  (\afx7rpo<popia),  the  wear- 
ing of  white  clothing  (iadris  Aafiirpd),  especially 
by  the  baptized  in  the  week  following  their 
Baptism  [§  60,  I.  163].  (Suiccr's  Thesaurus, 
s.  TV.  \afj.Trpo(j)op€a},  Xafiirpocpopia,  \afnrpocp6- 
pos.)  [C] 

LAMPS.  The  lamps  of  the  early  Christians 
have  been  found  in  many  places  in  great  abun- 
dance, more  especially  in  the  catacombs  of  Rome 
and  other  cemeteries.  For  the  early  Christians 
were  accustomed,  in  common  with  Jews  and 
pagans,  to  place  lamps  in  the  company  of  the 
dead  *  (Raoul  Rochette  in  Me'in.  de  I' Acad,  des 
Inscr.  t.  xiii.  pp.  758-764  (1838)  ;  Birch,  Anc. 
Pott,  part  iv.  c.  ii.  ;  Martigny,  Diet.  s.  v.  Larnpes 
Chre'tiennes,  and  the  references).  Lamps  of  clay 
were  found  upon  sarcophagi,  at  Vulci,  in  1834, 
with  Christian  symbols,  in  company  with  coins 
of  Coustantine  and  his  successors  (Raoul-Ro- 
chette,  M.  s.  p.  763) ;  and  have  been  met  with 
either  outside  or  inside  Christian  tombs  and 
chambers  in  Rome,  Naples,  Corneto,  Syracuse, 
Aries,  Lyons,  Carthage,  and  Alexandria.  Others, 
of  bronze,  with  chains  attached  for  suspension, 
have  been  exhumed  from  the  subterranean  gal- 
leries and  crypts  of  Rome,  and  in  some  rare  cases 
hanging  from  the  roof  or  vault ;  also  clay  lamps 
and  candlesticks  have  been  discovered  in  niches 
in  the  same  situations,  to  give  light  to  guide  the 
wanderer  through  the  gloom  (Martigny,  u.  s.  and 
references).  A  few  (of  clay)  have  been  found  in 
churches  in  Egypt,  and  were  probably  used  for 
evening  service  (see  Ducange,  s.  v.  Lucernariurri). 
Clay  lamps,  with  Christian  sj-mbols,  have  also 
been  met  with  among  the  ruins  of  the  Palatine 
in  Rome,  and  of  houses  in  Geneva  (De  Rossi, 
Bull  diArcli.  Crist.  1867,  pp.  23-28),  and  in  the 
recent  excavations  in  and  about  Jerusalem,  in 
other  places  beside  tombs.  Indeed  clay  lamps 
have  been  found  in  very  many  parts  of  the 
ancient  Christian  world ;  but  not  always  bear- 
ing Christian  svmbols.     Manv  from  the  Roman 


LAMPS 


919 


a  Many  of  them  shew  signs  of  having  been  much  used, 
and  there  is  little  doubt  that  from  about  the  4th  century- 
lamps  and  candles  were  often  kept  alight  before  the 
tombs  of  the  saints.  This  excited  the  indignation  of 
Vigilantius  (a.d.  404),  who  thought  It  heathenish  and 
idolatrous ;  St.  Jerome  {wlv.  Vigil,  c.  7),  who  is  inclined 
to  excuse  it,  as  done  "  pro  honore  martyrum,"  nevertheless 
styles  it  "  imperitla  et  simplicitas  sjiecularium  hominum 
vel  certe  religiosarum  foeminarum."  Not  very  long  after- 
wards, however,  Perpetuus,  bishop  of  Tours,  left  pro- 
vision in  his  will  (a.d.  474),  "  ut  oleum  paretur  pro  Domini 
Martini  sepulcro  indesiuenter  illustrando "  (D'Acbery, 
Spicil.  t.  iii.  p.  303,  ed.  1723).  At  an  earlier  period 
more  dislike  was  felt  to  keep  lights  burning  during  the 
day  in  cemeteries.  The  c<juncil  of  Elvira  in  Spain  (a.d. 
324 .?)  says  in  its  34th  canon :  "  Cereos  per  diem  placuit  in 
coemeterio  non  incendi :  inquietandi  enim  sanctorum 
spiritus  non  sunt,"  where,  however,  we  have  a  converse 
superstition.  See  Bingham,  ^Inii'g.  lib.  viii.  c.  6,  $21.  The 
practice  of  placing  lamps  within  sepulchres  was  easily 
explained  in  a  pious  sense,  "ad  signiiicandum  lumine 
fidei  illustratos  sanctos  decessisse,  et  modo  in  superna 
patria  lumine  gloriae  splendere  "  (St.  Jerome,  quoted  by 
Martigny,  Diet.  p.  351),  but  both  the  references  {adv. 
Vigil,  et  Vit.  Paulae,  tacitly  taken  from  Boldetti,  Cimit. 
p.  525)  are  erroneous. 


catacombs,  for  example,  have  only  scallops  and 
ornamental  patterns  of  various  kinds  (Ferret. 
Cat.  de  Borne,  t.  iv.  pi.  xix.) ;  and  the  same  re. 
mark  may  be  made  of  some  of  the  lamps  from 
Jerusalem  in  the  museum  of  the  Palestine 
Exploration  Fund,  rea.sonably  presumed  to  be 
Christian  (Rev.  G.  J.  Chester  in  Recovery  of 
Jerusalem,  pp.  484-486,  with  figures),"  as  well 
as  of  others  from  Egypt  and  various  other  coun- 
tries contained  in  the  British  Museum.  In  our 
own  country  early  Christian  lamps,  like  all 
other  Christian  works  of  the  Roman  period, 
are  of  the  rarest  possible  occurrence.  Hiibner 
{Inscr.  Brit.  Lat.  p.  240,  n.  27)  mentions  one 
in  the  museum  at  Newcastle,  with  the  chrisma 
(•]^),  and  there  is  another,  of  red  clay,  in  the 
collection  of  the  Rev.  S.  S.  Lewis,  with  the  same 
device  in  the  centre  and  palm  branches  at  the 
sides,  found  in  Cannon  Street,  London  (very  like 
that  figured  by  Bartoli,  Ant.  Luc.  part  iii.  t.  22). 
A  third  was  found  at  Colchester,  of  pale  terra- 
cotta, having  the  chrisma  slightly  raised  and 
coloured  black  (Journ.  Brit.  Arch.  Assoc.  1855, 
p.  91,  and  H.  Syer  Cuming,  in  litt.).  Lamps 
were  also,  though  rarely,  made  of  silver.  In 
an  inventory  of  church  plate  delivered  by  Paul 
of  Cirta  to  the  persecutors  in  the  time  of 
Diocletian,  occurs  the  item,  "  lucernae  argen- 
teae  septem  "  (Ad  calc.  Optati,  p.  266  in  Bing- 
ham, M.S.);  and  it  appears  that  a  silver  lamp 
has  been  found  in  Rome  (R.  Rochette,  u.  s. 
p.  759);  a  single  example  of  an  amber  lamp, 
without  any  ornament,  has  also  been  met 
with  in  the  same  city,  in  the  cemetery  of  St. 
Callixtus  (Boldetti,  Cimit.  p.  297,  t.  i.  7).  The 
forms  and  symbols  which  the  terra-cotta  and 
bronze  lamps  present  are  sufficiently  different 
to  make  it  desirable  to  describe  them  separately. 
(a)  Terra-cotta  lamps. — They  are  of  various 
forms,  but  one  of  the  most  common  is  that 
which  much  resembles  a  modern  teapot.  It  has 
a  round  body,  with  one  or  two  apertures  for 
oil ;  an  ascending  handle,  often  looped  or  per- 
forated for  suspension ;  and  a  horizontal  spout 
opposite  the  handle  for  the  wick.  But  the 
handle,  body,  and  spout,  are  all  liable  to  modifi- 
cations of  form,  and  the  first  and  last  (often 
nearly  obsolete)  are  sometimes  wholly  wanting. 
The  lamp  may  thus  approach  the  form  of  a  boat 
or  of  a  shoe,  to  both  which  it  has  been  some- 


*>  Among  these  is  an  Arabesque  pattern,  which  may  be 
intended  for  vine  branches,  where  Jlr.  Chester  supposes  a 
reference  to  the  Eucharist  to  be  intended.  The  vine 
branch  with  grapes  is  realistically  represented  on  a  lamp 
of  yellow  unglazed  clay  of  the  common  type  from  Melos, 
in  the  writer's  possession,  where  many  Christian  lamps, 
nearly  all  bearing  the  cross,  have  been  found ;  it  may 
■possibly  be  Christian.  A  not  very  legible  potter's  mark  (.'), 
perhaps  E<I> :  MH,  is  cut  on  the  under  side.  Potters' 
marks  have  not  been  found  on  any  Christian  lamps  at 
Jerusalem,  and  they  would  seem  from  the  silence  of 
authors  to  be  very  rare  on  Christian  lamps  generally.  De 
Rossi  mentions  a  lamp  with  the  Good  Shepherd  and  vine- 
branches,  recently  found  in  the  Palatine  excavations, 
having  on  the  under  side  "the  name  of  the  potter  or 
proprietor  of  the  works  stamped  in  beautiful  letters,  as  on 
thepagan  lamps,  reading  ANNI  SER."  probably,  as  he 
suggests,  for  Anni  Serviani.  The  letters,  he  thinks,  are  of 
the  2nd  or  3rd  century ;  so  that  this  will  be  amongst  the 
earliest  Christian  lamps  in  existence  {Bull.  diArch.  Crist. 
1867,  p.  15,  and  1870,  p.  79,  pi.  vi.  figs.  1,2).  Mr.  H.  Syer 
Cuming  has  a  similar  specimen. 


920 


LAMPS 


times  compcai-ed ;  indeed,  it  was  sometimes  made 
in  direct  imitation  of  these  objects  either  in  clay 
or  in  bronze. <=  Occasionally  the  handle  is  of  a 
whimsical  form,  as  a  female  holding  palm- 
branches  (Perret,  Cat.  vol.  iv.  pi.  xv.  fig.  3),  or, 
it  may  have  a  crescent  outline  (Seroux  d'Agin- 
court,  Heciieil,  pi.  xxiv.  n.  4).  Pagan  lamps  are 
not  rarely  made  in  imitation  of  altars  and  other 
objects  (see  Birch,  passim);  and  we  have  an 
example  of  a  Christian  lamp  in  the  form  of  an 
altar  (Perret,  ic.  s.  pi.  xix.  fig.  4). 

The  great  mass  of  the  terra-cotta  lamps  found 
in  the  catacombs  of  Rome,  "  lesquelles  sont  au 
premier  rang  des  objets  d'antiquit^  chretienne 
qu'on  en  retire "  (Raoul  Rochette,  Catac.  de 
Bomo,  p.  49),  appear  to  be  of  the  4th  and  5th 
centuries ;  some  are  considered  to  be  older  (Se'- 
roux  d'Agincourt,  Becueil,  passim),  while  a  few 
seem  to  be  later.  Martigny  (Bid.  p.  152)  thinks 
that  a  great  many  (un  grand  nombre)  may  be  re- 
ferred to  the  2nd  or  to  the  3rd  century  ;  but  this 
is  perhaps  too  much  to  say.  Those  of  Gaul  may 
be,  like  the  sepulchral  inscriptions,  mostly  of  the 
5th  and  6th  centuries  ;  but  it  would  be  interesting 
to  investigate  the  dates  of  Christian  lamps  more 
accurately  than  appears  to  have  been  done  at 
present.  Several  recently  found  in  the  Palatine 
in  Rome,  bearing  the  fish,  lamb,  palm,  chrisma, 
and  cross,  are  considered  by  De  Rossi  to  be  of 
the  4th  and  5th  centuries ;  but  others  with  the 
two  last  types  (ornamented  with  gems)  he  in- 
clines to  place  in  the  6th  century.  Two  of  the 
three  lamps  from  Geneva  figured  by  him  (one 
with  the  Apostles'  heads,  the  other  with  a  palm- 
tree),  he  places  in  the  4th  century ;  the  other 
bearing  a  chrisma,  beautifully  inlaid  with  crosses, 
squares,  cSic,  about  the  beginning  of  the  6th. 
(See  his  Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.  1867,  pp.  11,  24, 
25.)  Those  from  Egypt  in  the  British  Museum 
are  probably  of  the  4th  and  5th  centuries.  The 
principal"!  types  are  as  follows : — 

(1)  Christ  as  the  Good  Shepherd.  Bearing  a 
sheep  on  his  shouldei-s,  probably  from  Rome"^ 
(Bartoli,  Ant.  Luc.  Sap.  pars  iii.  t.  28,  Rome, 
1691).  The  same  type,  with  other  sheep  at  his 
feet,  sun  and  moon  above,  accompanied  by  ark 
and  dove,  scenes  from  Jonah's  life,  &c.,  cata- 
combs of  Rome.     (Id.  29,  and   Perret,   Cat.  de 


<=  Without  referring  to  pagan  examples,  we  have  a 
notable  instance  of  the  boat  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  (see 
below) ;  a  bronze  lamp,  on  whose  handle  a  dove  is 
perched,  and  which  may  therefore  not  improbably  be 
Christian,  the  body  of  which  is  a  foot  in  the  soldier's  shoe 
(caliga),  is  figured  by  Licetus  (Luc.  Ant.  p.  770) ;  another, 
in  the  form  of  a  boot,  with  palm  branches  on  the  sides,  of 
terra  cotta,  probably  Christian,  is  figured  by  Boldetti, 
Cimit.  p.  64. 

*  It  is  probable  that  among  the  lamps  found  in  Africa 
more  especially,  of  which  the  museums  of  Turin  and 
Algiers  possess  large  collections,  there  may  be  types  not 
here  enumerated.  See  Martigny's  remarks  on  the  rarity  of 
their  emblems  {Diet.  p.  353).  The  figures  of  lamps  in  the 
older  books  of  Licetus,  &c.,  are  but  rarely  quoted,  being 
of  rude  execution.  Some  of  these  and  various  others  are 
repeated  in  Matranga's  edition  (Rom.  1841)  of  Mamachi's 
Origines  et  Antiq.  ChriUianae,  especially  in  torn,  iii., 
while  sime  would  seem  to  have  been  originally  executed 
for  Matranga's  work.  The  subjects  are  (with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  labarum,  see  below)  of  the  same  general  cha- 
racter as  those  which  are  here  mentioned  independently. 

"  When  the  locality  of  the  lamps  figured  in  this  book 
is  expressly  mentioned,  it  is  always  Rome;  where  in- 
deed the  title-page  professes  that  they  were  all  found. 


LAMPS 

Lome,  vol.  iv.  pi.  xvii.  fig.  2  ;  De  Rossi,  Bull,  di 
Arch.  Crist.  1870,  pp.  85-88.)  The  same  type  of 
the  shepherd,  vine  branches  at  the  sides,  Rome. 
(Perret,  u.  s.  pi.  xiii.  fig.  1 ;  see  also  a  previous 
note.)  Others  in  De  Rossi,  Bull.  Arch.  1870,  pi.  1 
(from  Ostia),  and  Sacken  und  Kenner,  Die  Samm- 
lungen  des  K.K.  Milnz-  und  Antiken-Cahinctes,  p. 
256  (Wien,  1866),  who,  as  well  as  other  writers, 
observe  the  similarity  of  the  style  of  the  figure 
to  that  of  Hermes  Kriophoros.  Some  of  these 
may  probably  be  earlier  than  the  4th  century. 


Clay  Lamp,  with  Chnst  accomp  iinetl  by  augelb,  Ac      (De  Ro  si.) 

(2)   Chnst    accompanied    by    angels.      Chiist 
standmg,   havmg    a   cruciform   nimbus   m   the 


LAMPS 

Byzantine  style,  bearing  a  long  cross,  between 
two  flying  angels,  trampling  on  a  lion  and 
adder  (cf.  Ps.  xci.  13).  The  Palatine,  Rome; 
of  the  florid  style,  probably  later  than  the  5th 
century.  (De  Rossi,  Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.  1867, 
p.  12,  fig.  1.  Another  and  more  perfect  example 
in  the  Castellani  collection,  exhibited  (1876)  in 
the  British  Museum.)  Christ  seated,  front 
view,  between  two  flying  angels,  each  holding  a 
crown.  Found  in  a  subterranean  chamber  at 
Corneto,  full  of  Christian  lamps,  given  to  R. 
Rochette  by  Melch.  Fossati,  who  regarded  it  as 
a  Transfiguration,  but  this  is  doubtful.  (R.  Ro- 
chette, u.  s.,  p.  762,  note  ;  Martigny,  u.  s.  p.  352.) 

(3)  Fish,  a  symbol  of  Christ.  Rome,  Catacombs, 
and  Palatine.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  12,  fig.  5 ; 
Perret,  u.  s.  pi.  vii.  fig.  1,  and  pi.  ix.  fig.  3.) 
Carthage  (British  Museum).  Fish  surrounded 
by  six  dolphins  ;  very  fine  work  in  red  clay, 
Algeria.  (Martigny,  u.  s.  p.  353.)  See  also  below, 
under  Inscriptions,  and  Fish  (vol.  i.  p.  673). 

(4)  Lamb,  a  symJml  of  Cnrist.  Rome,  Cata- 
combs, and  Palatine.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  12, 
fig.  2 ;  Perret,  u.  s.  pi.  ix.  fig.  2.) 

(5)  Chrisma  or  monograin  of  Christ.  As  X  com- 
bined with  P  (>^ ),  having  a  circle  in  centre ; 
paim-branches  at  the  sides  of  the  lamp  (Bartoli, 
u.  s.  t.  22).  With  loop  of  P  to  left ;  beautiful 
gemmed  work  ;  probably  about  the  6th  century  ; 


LAMPS 


921 


clay  Lamp,  with  j^'emmed  cLrisma.    (De  Rossi.) 

Rome.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  12,  fig.  8.  For  similar 
work  compare  Birch,  Anc.  Pot.  vol.  ii.  fig.  192.) 
Others  in  Se'roux  d'Agincourt,  u.  s.  pi.  xxiv. 
fig.  vii.  ;  De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  12,  figs.  3  and  4  ; 
Perret,  passim,  &c.  With  loop  of  P  to  left, 
formed  like  a  crook ;  Rome.  (Seroux  d'Agin- 
court,  M.   s.   pi.   xxiv.    fig.    ix.)     The   chrisma, 


besides  being  found  on  Roman  lamps  in  various 
forms,  occui-s  also  commonly  in  Gaul  (Martigny, 
u.  s.),  and  has  been  met  with  in  Britain  (see 
above),  and  in  the  catacombs  of  Syracuse  (British 
Museum)  and  in  Carthage  (British  Museum), 
and  doubtless  in  many  other  places. 

(6)  Alpha  and  Omega  (a  monogram  between 
them) ;  Rome.  (Sei'oux  d'Agincourt,  u.  s.  t. 
xxiv.  fig.  vi.)  Chrisma  between  them,  the  let- 
tei-s  inverted  (Rev.  S.  S.  Lewis). 

(7)  The  Cross.  Latin  cross,  with  circle  in 
centre  (De  Rossi,  ?;.  s.  p.  12,  fig.  6);  Greek  cross 
(Perret,  u.  s.  pi.  xiii.  fig.  4).  Including  five 
circles,  and  various  pellets,  a  representation  of  a 
pendant  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  13,  fig.  11  ;  Seroux 
d'Agincourt,  u.  s.  pi.  xxiv.  fig.  viii.).  All  the 
above  are  from  Rome.  With  the  extremities 
forked,  accompanied  by  an  inscription  (see  be- 
low); also  the  Maltese  cross;  Jerusalem.  (Chester, 
u.  s.  pp.  481r-5,  both  figured.)  The  cross  is  com- 
mon on  Gaulish  lamps,  and  found  on  several 
vases  from  Milo  (Melos)  (Martigny,  u.  s.).  Car- 
thage (gemmed  work)  ;  Calymna  (one  curiously 
formed  of  lozenges,  with  open  centre) ;  Egypt. 
(All  in  the  British  Museum.) 

(8)  AjMstles.  Figure  seated  on  a  throne  sur- 
rounded by  twelve  heads ;  De  Rossi  thinks  a 
prince  or  other  illustrious  convert  is  j-epresented 
as  in  the  midst  of  the  Apostles;  Geneva,  in  the 
ruins  of  a  house.  Probably  of  the  5th  century. 
(De  Rossi,  u.s.  p.  25,  fig.  1.)  Heads  of  the 
twelve  Apostles  surrounding  a  gemmed  chrisma  ; 
Roman  catacombs.  {Mns.  Gorton,  t.  84 ;  Perret, 
U.S.  pi.  xiii.  rig.  2.)  [Two  heads,  suggested  to  be 
Peter  and  Paul,  in  caps  surmounted  by  cruciform 
stars,  are  really  those  of  the  Dioscuri ;  same 
localitv.  (Seroux  d'Agincourt,  u.  s.  pi.  xxiv. 
fig.  5.)] 

(9)  Fisherman,  as  symbol  of  an  Apostle. 
Holding  net  and  staff  in  his  right  hand,  a  fish 
in  his  left ;  on  reverse  of  lamp  a  gemmed  cross. 
{Mus.  Corton.  t.  85.) 

(10)  Female  saint  between  angels,  Carthage. 
(British  Museum.) 

(11)  CoC'\,  symbol  of  vigilance  (Martigny,  u.  s. 
p.  177),  by  some  presumed  to  refer  to  St.  Peter 
(Chester,  u.  s.  p.  483) ;  Rome.  (Perret,  u.  s. 
pi.  ix.  fig.  4.     Compare  one  in  Brit.  Mus.) 

(12)  Dore,  symbol  of  innocence,  Rome.  (Perret, 
u.  s.  pi.  XV.  fig.  4.)  Common  on  lamps  of  Gaul. 
(Martigny,  n.  s.)  Carthage ;  on  one  lamp  two 
doves  facing;  on  another,  one  only.  (British 
Museum.)     See  also  Sacken  und  Kenuer,  u.  s. 

(13)  Pencock,  with  tail  spread  out,  and 
ornamented  with  three  nimbi ;  emblematic  of 
the  Trinity.  In  Mr.  H.  Syer  Cuming's  collec- 
tion. (Cuming,  in  hit.  See  also  Journ.  Brit. 
Arch.  Assoc.  1855,  p.  91.) 

(14)  Horse,  symbol  of  the  end  of  life's  course; 
Rome.     (Perret,  u.  s.  pi.  xix.  fig.  2.) 

(15)  5^a<7.  (Cf  Ps.  xlii.  1.)  Rome  ?  (Licet., 
de  Lucern.  Antiq.  recond.  p.  927,  with  fig.) 
Algeria  (Miinter,  Symb.  p.  112,  referred  to  by 
Martigny,  u.  s.  p.  353). 

(16)  Hire,  supposed  to  be  symbol  of  the 
swiftness  of  life,  Lyons;  on  a  vase  of  red  clay, 
in  the  possession  of  the  abbe  JIartigny.  (Mar- 
tigny. u.  s.  p.  353.    See  also  p.  368,  s.  v.  Llevrc.) 

(17)  Frog,  as  a  symbol  of  the  resurrection. 
Egypt,  in  the  catacombs  of  Alexandria  among 
other  places,  in  conjunction  with  the  cross. 
(Birch,  Am.  Pott.  vol.  i.  p.  52 ;  Chester,  u.  s.  p. 


922 


LAMPS 


483.  See  also  below  under  Inscriptions.)  Sevei-al 
examples  iu  the  British  Museum.  Many  lately- 
found  bear  a  late  Greek  A  (A),  impressed  on  the 
bottom,  probably  for  Alexandria,  where  they 
were  made.  Chestei-,  in  Academy,  Feb.  5,  1876, 
p.  123,  who  has  some  valuable  remarks  on  the 
varied  forms  of  these  lamps. 

The  symbolic  interpretation  of  the  frog  may 
be  regarded  as  determined  by  the  inscription 
given  below ;  but  it  is  not  so  certain  that  some 
of  the  animals  mentioned  above  were  meant  to 
have  any  symbolical  interpretation  whatever. 
Some  of  them  occur  on  Pagan  lamps  (Birch,  u.  s. 
vol.  ii.  p.  289),  as  does  also  the  lion,  which  like- 
wise is  found  on  a  lamp,  of  Christian  fabric 
apparently,  in  the  British  Museum.  This  ani- 
mal was  sometimes  taken  as  a  Christian  symbol 
of  watchful  power.  (Martigny,  u.  s.  p.  369.  See 
also  the  articles  in  this  Dictionary  under  the 
titles  of  the  animals  named  above.) 

(18)  Chalice,  Western  Christendom.  (Chester, 
M.  s.  p.  483.)  One  with  two  handles,  a  tree 
springing  from  it,  Calymna  (British  Museum). 
Cf.  Chalice,  vol.  i.  p.  337. 

(19)  Palm-tree,  Rome.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p. 
13,  fig.  9.)     Geneva.    {Id.  p.  25,  fig.  2.) 

(20)  Palm  branches,  Rome.  (Perret,  m.  s.  pi. 
xiii.  fig.  4,  and  pi.  xix.  fig.  4.)  Jerusalem,  much 
conventionalised.  (Chester,  m.  s.  pp.  483-4,  one 
figured.)     Egypt.    (British  Museum.) 

(21)  Star,  inscription  around  ;  see  below ; 
Egypt.  (Seroux  d'Agincourt,  u.  s.  pi.  xxii.  fig.  14.) 

The  following  subjects,  to  say  nothing  of 
doubtful  types,  are  from  the  Old  Testament : — 

(22)  jVoaA's  ark  and  dove.  See  above,  under 
No.l. 

(23)  Scenes  from  life  of  Jonah.  See  above, 
No.  1.  Jonah  beneath  gourd.  (Mamachi,  u.  s. 
torn.  i.  p.  254,  tab.  iv.  fig.  3.)  Jonah  and  the 
whale  (a  sea-dragon).     (British  Museum.) 

(24)  Spies  bearing  grapes,  Carthage.  (British 
Museum.) 

(25)  Jewish  candlestick,  under  various  forms. 
With  seven  branches,  six  being  bent  in  the 
middle  at  right  angles ;  palm  branch  (?)  on 
either  side.  Catacombs  and  Palatine,  Rome. 
(Seroux  d'Agincourt,  u.  s.  pi.  xxiv.  fig.  iii. ;  De 
Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  7,  fig.  12.)  No  palms,  and 
branches  of  candlestick  curved  (Birch,  Anc. 
Pott.  vol.  ii.  fig.  192  ;  Bartoli,  u.s.  t.  32  ;  per- 
haps a  Jewish  work ;  probably  from  Rome). 
Quite  conventionalised  Rome  (Perret,  u.  s.  pi. 
xiii.  fig.  5) ;  sometimes  with  a  Christian  inscrip- 
tion; Jerusalem.  (Chester,  u.  s.  pp.  484,  485, 
one  figured.)  Algeria.  (Martigny,  u.  s.  p.  353.) 
Carthage.    (British  Museum.) 

Of  pagan  types,  Christianised,  we  have  the 
following : 

(26)  Venus  holding  apple,  transformed  into 
an  Eve,  as  Seroux  d'Agincourt  suggests,  but? 
Catacombs  of  Rome ;  good  work,  and  probably 
of  a  very  early  period.  (Seroux  d'Agincourt, 
u.  s.  pi.  xxiv.  fig.  2.) 

(27)  Orpheus,  who  is  made  as  a  kind  of  symbol 
of  Christ.  Catacombs  of  Rome.  (Perret,  u.  s. 
pi.  xvii.  n.  i.) 

There  are  also  some  other  lamp-types  of  the 
Christian  period,  but  which  can  hardly  be  in- 
tended to  bear  an}'  Christian  significisncc.  The 
most  curious  is  a  fish  swallowing  an  aquatic 
bird  (De  Rossi,  Bull.  diArch.  Crist.  18  TO,  tav.  iv. 
n.  9,  seemingly  about  the  6th  century) :  another 


LAMPS 

is  a  man  killing  a  lion  with  a  sword  (British 
Museum).  Some  lamps  appear  to  bear  Christian 
portraits,  either  full-length  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  1867, 
p.  25),  or  the  bust  only  ;  one  in  the  British  Mu- 
seum has  apparently  the  head  of  an  emperor, 
perhaps  of  Justinian. 

Passeri  {Lucern.  Fict.  vol.  iii.  pp.  126-7,  t. 
xcii.)  publishes  a  lamp  of  the  usual  type  bearing 
the  Graces,  at  the  bottom  of  which  is  a  cross, 
in  dotted  lines,  which  leads  him  to  suspect  that 
it  is  made  by  a  Christian  artist ;  and  adds,  "  nam 
et  aliae  plures  apud  me  asservautur,  quae 
omnino  Christianae  sunt,  et  tamen  ethnicorum 
symbolis  atque  imaginibus  adornantur,  prae- 
sertira  Victoriae,  Herculis,  Palladis  et  ApoUinis 
citharoedi  sive  Orphei,  quas  omnes,  cum  per 
otium  licebit,  sua  in  sede  collocatas  publlcabimus." 
This  promise  does  not  appear  to  have  been  ful- 
filled; and  the  Christianity  of  such  lamps  (the 
Orpheus-type  excepted)  may  be  questioned.  De 
Rossi  cannot  accept  the  cross  on  the  bottom  of 
a  lamp  "  per  segno  certo  di  Christianesimo " 
{Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.  1870,  p.  80). 

The  same  types,  as  was  to  be  expected,  are 
not  found  in  all  places  where  Christian  lamps 
have  been  discovered  in  considerable  numbers. 
The  Rev.  G.  J.  Chester  observes  of  those  of  Jeru- 
salem :  "  Many  lamp-types  of  more  Western 
Christendom,  from  the  catacombs  of  Rome,  Syra- 
cuse, and  Carthage,  such  as  the  Good  Shepherd, 
the  Sacred  Monogram,  the  Dove,  the  Cock  of  St. 
Peter,  and  the  Chalice,  are  entirely  absent ;  and 
the  same  may  be  said  of  the  disgusting  and  pro- 
bably Gnostic  device  of  the  toad "  [rather  frog] 
"  associated  with  the  cross,  so  often  found  in  the 
catacombs  of  Alexandria  and  elsewhere,  in  Egypt. 
The  earthenware  bottles,  with  the  effigy  of  St. 
Menas,  an  Egyptian  saint,  who  flourished  in  the 
4th  century  ....  so  commonly  found  with 
Christian  lamps  in  Egypt,  are  also  absent.  [See 
Bockh,  C.  I.  G.  p.  8978  and  Academy,  u.  s.]  The 
usual  symbols  of  the  Jerusalem  lamps,  which  are 
all  of  a  rude  and  cheap  description  .  .  .  are  the 
cross  .  .  .  ;  the  seven-branched  candlestick  .  . 
.  .  and  the  palm  branch  ....  These  emblems, 
which  the  Christians  of  the  mother  of  churches 
used  and  rejoiced  iu,  in  common  with  their  bre- 
thren in  more  western  lands,  are  all  more- or  less 
conventionalised,  and  are  represented  in  a  dis- 
tinctive and  different  manner."  {Recovery  of 
Jerusalem,  pp.  483-4.) 

The  types  commonly  occupy  the  disc  or  centre 
of  the  body  of  the  lamp,  while  the  sides  are  either 
plain  or  more  usually  decorated  with  floral  or 
geometrical  ornaments,  or  with  subordinate  types, 
as  a  wreath  of  palm-branches,  or  medallions  en- 
closing the  chrisma,  &c. ;  or,  more  rarely,  they 
bear  inscriptions.  In  the  lamps  of  Palestine,  how- 
ever, the  emblems  are  placed  along  the  edge,  and 
not  in  the  body  of  the  lamps,  which  are  in  most 
cases  not  round  but  pear-shaped  (7?ecou.  of  Jerus. 
p.  484). 

Inscriptions  on  terra-cotta  lamps. — These  are 
rare,  only  three  being  contained  in  Bockh 's  Greek- 
Christian  inscriptions,  though  a  few  others  are 
now  known.  The  following  are  the  most  im- 
portant : — 

(1)  Seroux  d'Agincourt,  Recucih  p.  59,  pi. 
xxii.  fig.  14;  Bockh,  C.  I  G.  n.  8980  : 

TOT  AnOT  nOATOKTOC  {sic), 

i.  e.  rov  ayiov  YloXv^vKrov  {the  Holy  Polyeuctus) 


LAMPS 

written  near  the  edge  of  a  lamp,  with  a  star  in 
the  centre,  found  in  a  church  at  Coptos  in 
Upper  Egypt,  probably  dedicated  to  that  saint. 
Others  of  the  same  character,  bearing  the  names 
of  St.  Sergius,  abbat,  and  St.  Christina,  abbess 
(a/i;ua),  and  St.  Cyriaous,  may  be  seen  in  Bockh, 
nos.  8979,  8981,  and  Birch,  Anc.  Pott.  vol.  i. 
p.  52.  The  lamp  in  the  Roman  College,  on 
which  is  written  in  ink  O  AFHOC  CAKEPAOC, 
may  have  been  destined  for  the  priests'  use. 
(S«e  Martigny,  u.s.) 


LAMPS 


923 


(2)  G.  J.  Chester,  Recov.  of  Jerusalem,  p.  485, 
with  figure ; 

*a>C  XT  *EN1  nAClN, 

i.e.  ^ws  XpKTTOv  (palvei  -kcktiv  (the  light  of  Christ 
shines  to  all ;  adapted  from  1  John  ii.  8).  Another, 
similar,  accompanied  by  a  cross ;  both  are 
from  Jerusalem.  The  same  inscription  variously 
blundered  occurs  on  several  lamps  found  in  the 
same  neighbourhood,  on  more  than  one  of  which 
the  Jewish  candlestick  occupies  the  same  posi- 
tion as  the  cross  in  the  lamp  here  figured.     The 


Clay  Lamp, 

museum  at  Leyden  has  a  lamp  (from  Egypt  ?) 
inscribed  *u,C  EH  *a.TOC  (Light of  Light);  and 
Dr.  Birch  mentions  the  same  legend,  and  also 
OEOAOriA  ©EOT  XAPIC  (  Theology  is  the  grace 
of  God),  as  occurring  on  Christian  lamps  from 


Egypt  (M.S.).  Of  other  lamps  from  Jerusalem  one 
bears  the  same  candlestick  with  seven  lights, 
and  reads  in  letters  partly  inverted,  Kvxvapia 
KaXa.  (beautiful  lights),  in  allusion  to  the  type. 
Another  appears  to  have  IX©  for  IX0TC  (the 
Fish).  See  Chester,  as  above  (where  more  in- 
formation may  be  found),  and  the  Egyptian  lamps 
in  the  British  Museum. 

(3)  Chabouillet,  Catal.  des  Camees,  ^c.  de  la 
Bibl.  hnpe'r.  p.  607.  (A  drawing  sent  to  him  by 
M.  Muret.)  A  lamp,  doubtless  found  in  Egypt, 
formerly  in  the  collection  of  the  Abbe'  Greppo, 
has  upon  it  the  representation  of  a  frog,  with  a 
cross  and  the  inscription — 

EFo)  EIMI  ANACTACIC, 
The  transformations  of  the  frog  seemed  to  the 
designer  symbolical  of  the  Resurrection ;  there 
seems  no  necessity  to  suppose  any  Gnostic  feel- 
ing. The  words  are  an  adaptation  from  John 
si.  25. 

(4)  A  lamp  is  figured  by  Matranga  in  ]\Iama- 
chi,  Orig.  et  Antiq.  Christ,  tom.  iii.  p.  37,  tab.  vi. 
fig.  2,  on  which  a  labarum  of  considerable 
size  stands  between  two  soldiers ;  on  the  tablet 
below  the  wreathed  chrisma  is  written  in  two 
lines,  EN  THTTn  (sic)  NIKA.  The  margin 
is  finely  decorated  with  leaves,  wreaths,  and 
medallions.  Apparently  from  the  catacombs 
of  Rome  (in  coemeteriis  repertum).  This  is 
termed  vetustissirmim  monumentum ;  it  may  be 
of  about  the  5th  or  6th  century,  to  judge  from 
the  figure. 


Clay  Lamp,  with  labaram  between  soldiers,  reading  ev  TOVTia 
(mlisiielt)  fUa.     (Matrauga.) 

(5)  Raoul  Rochette  (u.  s.  p.  763)  mentions  that 
lamps  of  the  4th  century  were  found  in  1834  in 
a  little  Christian  cemetery  at  Vulci,  bearing  the 
type  of  heads  surrounded  by  a  nimbus,  with  in- 


924 


LAMPS 


scriptions  terminating  with  pax  cum  SANTIS  (sic) 
or  CUM  ANGELis.  The  early  part  probably  men- 
tioned the  name  of  the  person  buried. 

With  regard  to  the  paste,  glaze,  and  style  of 
art,  it  varies  a  good  deal.  The  greater  part 
appear  to  be  of  the  bright  red  uuglazed  ware, 
called  false  Samian,  which  have  been  found  in 
Egypt,  among  other  places,  where,  however,  the 
art  of  making  lamps  "  seems  to  have  been  in  a 
very  low  condition,  and  certainly  inferior  to  its 
state  in  Rome  and  the  provinces  of  Greece  and 
Asia  Minor."  (Birch,  u.  s.  i.  52,  ii.  291.)  The 
lamps  of  Palestine  are  of  unequal  merit,  none 
being  very  high  ;  while  among  the  Roman  lamps, 
of  various  ages,  some  are  of  very  good  work. 

The  number  of  Christian  lamps,  of  terra-cotta, 
which  enrich  the  museums  of  Europe,  to  say 
nothing  of  those  in  private  hands,  is  very  large; 
Martigny  calls  them  almost  infinite  (ii.  s.).  In 
this  country  the  museum  of  the  Palestine  Ex- 
jdoration  Fund  contains  the  largest  collection  of 
Christian  lamps  of  that  region  :  in  the  British 
Museum  there  is  a  considerable  number  (between 
one  and  two  hundred)  of  others  from  yarious 
localities. 

(b)  Bronze  lamps. — With  regard  to  the  lamps 
of  bronze,  which  have  been  found  in  the  cata- 
combs and  elsewhere,  they  are  generally  thought 
to  be  for  the  most  part  of  a  later  age  than 
those  of  clay ;  and  some  of  those  which  are 
preserved  in  museums  lie  under  a  suspicion  of 
being  forgeries  (Martigny,  Diet.  p.  352).  They 
have  sometimes  one  spout,  sometimes  two,  and  are 
generally  pierced  for  suspension  by  chains,  some 
of  which  still  exist.  The  chains  sometimes  met 
in  an  inscribed  tablet,  which  was  itself  suspended. 
The  curved  pin  for  trimming  the  wick  is  occa- 
sionally found  attached  (Boldetti,  ti.  s.  p.  64). 
The  earlier  symbols,  as  the  fish,  hardly  ever 
occur ;  the  chrisma  is  frequent,  and  also  the 
cross.  Several  of  these  lamps  are  figured  by 
Bartoli,  p.  iii. ;  Perret,  tom.  v.  u.  s.  tabb.  23,  24, 
25,  26,  30,  31 ;  Bottari,  Boma  Sotterr.  t.  iii. 
tav.  ccvi.-ccviii. ;  and  the  British  Museum  has 
about  twenty  others.^ 

The  following  notice  of  the  Christian  types 
which  occur  on  bronze  lamps  must  suffice : — 

(1)  Chrisma. — The  handle  formed  by  the 
chrisma  in  a  circle,  surrounded  by  vine  leaves 
(Bartoli,  t.  23).  The  same,  surrounded  by 
Jonah  and  his  gourd  (i6.  t.  30).  The  same, 
plain,  with  transverse   bar,   accompanied   by  a 


LAMPS 

and  01 ;  an  inscribed  tablet  above  (see  figure,  id. 
t.  24).  The  same  form  of  chrisma,  on  which  a 
dove  perches  (id.  i.  26), 


f  There  are  also  some  figured  in  tlie  older  work  of 
Licetus,  partly  taken  tVom  Casalius,  winch  seem  to  be  of 
metal.  See  a  very  curious  onp,  if  it  be  genuine,  with  two 
spouts,  a  star  on  the  body  of  the  lamp,  and  a.  horseman 
standing  on  the  side  attached  to  the  handle,  whicli  is  a 
circle  enclosing  a  chrisma,  p.  TSi2;  also  another,  p.  870 
(not  made  for  suspension),  having  the  Good  Shepherd 
bearing  a  sheep,  his  head  radiated,  a  suspicious  pecu- 
liarity. For  others  more  like  those  mentioned  in  the 
text,  see  pp.  951,  954,  994,  which  lust  gives  a  female 
called  a  Venus,  under  a  gourd,  otherwise  much  resem- 
bling Bartoli,  t.  30.  If  indeed  the  two  figures  represent 
the  same  specimen,  the  drawing  of  Licetus  is  vi  ry  bad; 
yet  this  seems  to  be  the  ca^e:  see  Bellori's  remarks. 

The  writer  desires  to  express  his  special  oblisation  to 
Mr.  Percy  Gardner  for  drawing  up  descriptions  of  tlie 
more  important  bronze  lamps  contained  in  the  British 
JIuseum,  as  well  as  to  the  other  officers  of  the  museum 
for  affording  him  every  facility  to  inspect  the  object 
mentioned  both  in  this  and  in  his  other  articles. 


Bronze  Lamp,  with  handle  formed  by  thu  chrisma,  and  a  and  (o 
beariiin:  the  name  of  Nonius  Attlcus  vir  clarissimus  et  illustris 
(Bartoli.) 

(2)  Cross. — Handle  formed  by  a  cross,  above 
which  dove  (Perret,  u.  s.  t.  v.  fig.  5).  Other 
handles  are  formed  by  crosses  of  various  forms 
(British  Museum).  By  a  cross,  on  the  top  of 
a  gryphon's  head,  a  chrisma  on  the  body  of  the 
lamp  (Bartoli,  t.  25).  Same  type,  but  lamp  has 
two  spouts,  and  no  chrisma  (British  Museum  ; 
same  type,  but  done  above  cross  ;  Syracuse, 
recently  found ;  Rev.  S.  S.  Lewis).  By  a  cross 
placed  between  and  overshadowed  by  wings 
(British  Museum).  A  cross  placed  in  the  middle 
of  an  ornamented  handle,  with  three  central 
discs  (British  Museum).  A  few  of  the  above 
lamps  are  somewhat  boat-shaped. 

(3)  Bird. — Body  of  lamp  in  the  shape  of  a 
phoenix  (British  Museum,  two  specimens).  Cf. 
Licetus,  p.  871  (with  figure).  Others  in  British 
Museum  in  form  of  a  peacock  or  a  duck,  pro- 
bably Christian. 

(4)  Palm  branches. — Placed  near  the  nozzles 
(Bottari,  u.  s.  t.  ccviii). 

(5)  Boat,  as  a  symbol  of  the  Church  (see  Mar- 
tigny. Diet.  s.  V.  '  Navire  '). — (a)  A  bronze  lamp 
in  the  form  of  a  boat,  is  now  in  the  cabinet  of  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  (Bartoli,  u.  s.  t.  31 ; 
Cahier  et  Martin,  Melanges  Archeol.  vol.  iii.  p.  15  ; 
Perret,  u.  s.  t.  1).  Two  figures  (Peter  steering 
and  Paul  preaching")  are  at  the  ends  of  the  boat, 
which  bears  an  inscription  on  a  label  at  the  top 
of  the  mast  in  three  lines  : 

DOMINVS  LEGEM 

DAT  VALERIO  SEVERO 

EVTROPl  VIVAS. 

This  inscription  has  long  been  a  puzzle  for  the 
learned.  (See  Bellori  at  the  end  of  Bartoli,  p.  11 ; 
also  Martigny,  Diet.  p.  352.)  De  Rossi  (BiiH.  di 
Arch.  Crist.  1867,  p.  28)  seems  to  have  hit  on 
the  true  explanation,  by  suggesting  that  Eutro- 
pius  is  the  praenomen  of  Valerius  Severus ;  and 
that    the    acclamation    congi'atulates    him    on 


LAMPS 

having  accepted  the  law  of  the  Gospel,  he  having 
previously  a  pagan. 


LAMPS 


925 


^i®Mi!  M  VI  [LI  pfe|U=n 


This  most  interesting  lamp  was  discovered 
during  excavations  of  the  Mons  Coelius  at  Rome, 
in  the  17th  century,  and  appears  to  have  been 
first  published  by  De  la  Chausse  in  his  Museiun 
Eomanum,  Rom.  1690,  and  has  since  been  re- 
peatedly noticed,  but  only  recently  correctly 
drawn  by  M.  Giniez.  It  is  probably  one  of  the 
earliest  Christian  bronze  lamps  known,  being 
found  along  with  other  antiquities  "  of  a  good 
period  of  the  empire  "  (Bellori). 


(6)  Bronze  lamp,  perhaps  intended  for  a  boat, 
of  very  fine  work,  terminating  at  the  poop  in  a 
gryphon's  head,  an  apple  in  his  mouth  ;  the 
chrisma,  on  which  a  dove  is  perched,  is  between 
its  eai-s ;  on  the  body  of  the  lamp  is  another 
chrisma;  at  the  other  end  (the  prow)  is  a  dol- 
phin, with  a  loaf  (?)  in  his  mouth. 

The  dolphin,  though  no  true  fish,  is  here,  as 
elsewhere,  taken  to  be  the  symbol  of  Christ  (as 
a  fish).  The  apple  in  the  dragon's  mouth  is 
interpreted  by  Monsignor  Bailies  to  be  the  apple 
of  Eve ;  while  the  loaf  in  the  dolphin's  mouth  is 
regarded  by  him  as  the  living  bread  of  the 
Eucharist.     [See  Dolphin,  Fish,  Gems.] 

Probably  (see  De  Rossi)  of  the  end  of  the  4th 
or  beginning  of  the  5th  century.  Found  in  the 
excavations  of  Porto.  (De  Rossi,  Bull,  di  Arch. 
Crist.  1868,  p.  77,  tav.  1,  fig.  1,  and  for  1870, 
pp.  72-76.) 

It  should  be  added  that  lamps  as  well  as 
candles  were,  from  the  -ith  century  onwards, 
placed  in  churches  on  candelabra  suspended 
from  the  roof.  These  were  of  metal,  bronze, 
silver,  or  even  gold.  Allusion  is  repeatedly  made 
to  them  in  the  Liber  pontificalis,  and  elsewhere  ; 
they  were  often  of  large  size  and  elaborate  orna- 
mentation. They  were  commonly  known  by 
the  name  of  Pharos  (watch-tower)  or  Corona, 
indicative  of  their  general  shape.  (See  Ducange, 
Gloss,  under  each  word ;  and  Martigny,  Diet. 
p.  153.)  They  were  of  various  forms  as  respects 
details.  (See  Papias,  quoted  by  Ducange,  u.  s. 
Pharus.)  A  representation  of  one  which  ap- 
proaches our  period  is  given  in  a  MS.  of  about 
the  9th  century  by  Spallart,  Tubl.  Hist,  des  Cost, 
et  Moeurs,  pi.  xx.  n.  4,  referred  to  by  Guenebault 
(see  below).  It  is  in  the  form  of  an  architec- 
tural composition  surrounded  by  towers.  See 
CORO]^A  LUCis.  (For  copious  references  to  the 
earlier  and  later  literature  of  Christian  lamps, 
see  Fabricius,  Bihl.  Antiq.  pp.  1035,  1036;  Guene- 
bault, Diet.  Iconogr.  des  Monum.  Chre't.  p.  105, 
Paris,  1843.  In  M.  Cahier's  paper  on  the  Couronne 
de  lumiere  d'Aix-la-Chapelle  is  much  information 
about  early  Christian  lamps  and  chandeliers 
(Cahier  et  Martin,  Me'l.  d ' Archeol.  yo\.  iii.  pp. 
1-61).  There  are  also  treatises  by  Fauciulli,  De 
Lampadibus  et  Lucernis  peiisilihus  in  sacris  aedi- 
bus  Christianorum,  4to.  (with  plates) ;  and 
Greppo,  Sur  Vusage  des  Cierges  et  des  Lampes 
dans  les  premiers  siecles  de  I'Eglise,  Lyon,  Svo. 
1842,  which  the  writer  has  not  seen.)*     [C.  B.] 


a  Since  the  above  was  written  the  Rev.  S.  S.  Lewis  has 
called  the  writer's  attention  to  an  able  paper  by  M.  de 
Villefosse  in  the  Musire  Arche'ologique  for  1875,  entitled 
"Lampes  Chreliennes  inedites"  (3),  to  which  is  added  an 
enumeration  of  the  Chrisdan  lamps  (15)  in  the  Museum 
of  the  Louvre.  Most  of  them  have  the  same  general 
types  as  those  named  in  this  article ;  but  the  following 
from  Algeria  and  Tunis  are  additional: — (1)  The  Three 
Children  in  the  furnace,  in  Phrygian  caps,  accompanied 
by  the  Guardian  Angel;  (2)  The  M.igi  (in  Phrygian  caps) 
and  the  Star  (imperfect) ;  both  these  are  figured  ;  C3)  Bust 
of  St.  Paul  (?);  (4)  Daniel  (?).  All  are  of  clay.  Mr. 
VV.  R.  Coopor,  in  a  paper  On  Ihf  Iioriis  Myth  in  lieUtion 
to  ChriUianitt/,  read  before  the  Victoria  Institute  (JIarch 
6,  1876),  meiitions  two  terra-cotta  lamps,  shewing  the 
influence  of  the  Horus  myth  on  Christian  works  of  art. 
One  in  the  Boston  Museum,  of  wliich  he  gives  a  figure, 
bears  "  a  large  Gre-k  cross,  which  completely  divides  it 
into  tour  sections,  in  the  two  lower  of  which  is  placed  the 
crux  ansata,  or  the  mystical  cross  of  life,  which  was 


926        LAMPS,  LIGHTING  OF 

LAMPS,  LIGHTING  OF.  Lamps  in 
churches  were  in  early  Christian  times  lighted 
just  before  the  beginning  of  vespers,  which  were 
originally  appointed  to  be  said  at  the  twelfth 
hour,  i.e.  the  last  hour  before  sunset,  whence 
the  office  itself  is  sometimes  called  duodecima. 
"  Prima  sic  dici  debet,  pungentibus  jam  radiis 
solis,  et  respera  adhuc  declinantibus  radiis  ejus." 
"  In  aestivo  vero  tempore  adhuc  altius  stante  sole 
Lucernaria  inchoentur  propter  breves  noctes" 
(^Reg.  S.  Bened.  cc.  c.  34).  The  Benedictine 
practice  in  the  last  century  is  said  to  have  been 
to  say  vespers  in  the  winter  at  3  P.M.,  in  the 
summer  at  3J  P.M.  (Grancolas.  Com,  in  Brev. 
cap.  xxxviii.) 

The  lighting  of  the  lamps  was  accompanied 
by  certain  prayers  and  psalms.  These  were 
known  as  psalnii  and  preces  lucernales  (St.  Basil, 
adAmphil.  ;  St.  Jerome,  Ep.  ad  Laetam,  &c.),  and 
the  office  of  vespers  as  lacernarium  or  lucernalis'^ 
V.  lucernaria  hora  (St.  Aug.  Sermo  i.  ad  f  rat  res  in 
Er.).  "  Hora  nona  [i.e.  as  the  context  shews, 
after  the  ninth  hour]  lucernarium  facimus,"  and 
the  hours  of  prayer  are  thus  enumerated : 
"  hora  tertia,  sexta,  nona,  lucernarium,  medio 
noctis,  gallicinio,  mane  primo."  [S.  Jerome 
in  P$.  119  (12U).]  The  apostolic  constitutions 
also  bid  the  faithful  come  together  at  eventide  to 
sing  psalms  and  offer  prayers,  and  they  call  Ps. 
140  (141)  eirtXvxviov  (i.'  59  and  viii.  35). 

These  psalms  and  prayers  were  originally  said 
separately  from,  and  as  introductory  to,  vespers 
properly  so  called ;  later  they  were  incorporated 
into  the  office,  the  first  part  of  which  was  known 
as  Lucernarium,  or  in  Greek  rh  Kvxvi-iiiv,  and 
the  whole  office  of  vespers  was  sometimes, 
though  less  accurately,  called  by  the  same 
name.  The  directions  for  the  '"  lychnic  "  in  the 
Greek  Euchology,  for  a  solemn  vigil  {aypvirvia), 
are  as  follows  :  The  officer  who  put  the  lamps 
or  candles  in  their  places  was  called  AojUTroSo- 
ptos ;  he  who  lighted  them,  KaTayopidprjs  (al. 
KaTTfiyopidpris,  Goar,  272). 

The  priest,  having  vested  in  the  sacristy  (i'epa- 
relov),  comes  out  and  censes  the  whole  church 
and  the  icons,  and,  entering  into  the  bema,  censes 
the  holy  table,  saying  with  a  loud  voice — 
"  Glory  be  to  the  holy,  and  consubstantial,  and 
life-giving  and  indivisible  Trinity,  in  all  places 
now  and  ever,  and  to  ages  of  ages.  R.  Amen." 
Then  the  superior,  or  the  appointed  monk  (6) 
irpoiCTTws  ii)  6  laxdels  fx-ovaxos^),  sings  the 
prooemiac  psalm,  i:e.  Ps.  103  (104),  the  priest 
remaining  within  the  bema,  with  the  holy  doors 
closed.  At  the  verse,  "  When  Thou  openest  Thy 
"hand  they  are  filled  with  good,"  he  comes  out 
with    the    canonarch   (or   precentor — juera   rov 


always  held  In  the  hands  of  the  Egyptian  gods  and  god- 
desses, and  which  the  good  spirit  applied  to  the  lips  of 
the  mummy  to  hring  it  again  to  life."  (Catacombs  of 
Alexandria.)  He  considers  the  adaptation  of  Egyptian 
sacred  emblems  to  Christian  purposes  to  be  clear  enough 
in  these  figures.  Another  from  Dendereh,  which  he 
figures  after  Denon,  has  the  crux  ansata  for  the  principal 
cross,  the  looped  postern  of  which  surrounds  the  mouth 
of  the  lamp,  and  the  central  stem  is  extended  upwards, 
Bo  as  to  resemble  a  Greek  cross  also.  No  inscription  on 
either  lamp. 

»  By  this  term,  however,  Cassian  appears  to  mean 
Jfocturns. 

b  St.  Basil,  Ep.  37,  ad  Xeocaesar tenses. 


LAMPS,  LIGHTING  OF 

Kuivouapxov  %  and,  after  a  prescribed  reverence, 
goes  to  his  place :  the  canonarch  remains  stand- 
fug  in  the  centre,  and  recites  the  stichi,  or 
veT-sicles  for  the  day.  At  the  verse  of  the  psalm, 
"In  wisdom  hast  Thou  made  them  all,""*  the 
priest  removes,  and,  standing  bare-headed,  says 
the  "  prayers  of  the  lychnic  "  before  the  holy 
doors.  These  prayers  are  seven  prayers  for 
pardon  and  protection  during  the  night,  each 
ending  in  the  usual  manner  with  the  ascription 
of  praise.  After  their  conclusion  the  priest  says 
the  great  "  synapte  "  (tV  /J-eyd-KT^v  avva-KT-i]v). 
The  appointed  section  (or  Cathism — Kadia/xa)  of 
the  Psalms  is  then  said,  and  after  that  the 
deacon  says  the  little  "  synapte." '  The  office  of 
vespers  proper  is  then  continued. 

When  there  is  no  vigil,  the  rite  is  simple. 
The  holy  doors  are  not  opened,  but  the  priest, 
standing  before  them  bare-headed  and  vested  in 
a  stole,  says  with  a  loud  voice — "  Blessed  be  our 
God  in  all  places  now  and  ever,  and  to  ages  of 
ages."  Then  the  superior  or  the  appointed 
monk  recites  the  prooemiac  psalm  without 
modulation  {x^na,  i.e.  "  fusa  voce  sine  cantu," 
&c.,  Goar),  and  the  rest  of  the  office  is  gone 
through  as  before. 

In  the  Ambrosian  office,  the  antiphon  at  the 
opening  of  vespers  is  still  called  "  Lucernarium," 
and  contains  an  obvious  allusion  to  the  name. 

That  for  ordinary  Saturdays  and  Sunday  is  : 

"  For  Thou.  0  Lord,  shall  light  my  candle ;  0  Lord  my 
God,  make  my  darkness  to  be  light. 

"  V.  For  in  thee  I  shall  discomfit  a  host  of  men  [Lat. 
eripiar  a  tentatione] ;  0  Lord  my  God  make  my  darkness 
to  Ije  light. 

"  Iterum.    For  Thou,  O  Lord,"  &c. 

and  that  for  other  week  days : 

"  The  Lord  is  my  light  and  my  salvation  ;  whom  then 
shall  1  fear  ? 

"  V.  The  Lord  is  the  strength  of  my  life :  of  whom  then 
shall  I  be  afraid  ? 

"  Iterum.    The  Lord  is  my  light,"  &c. 

The  Mozarabic  vespers  also  begin  (after  the 
Kyrie  Eleison  and  Paternoster,  said  secretly) 
with  the  salutation  by  the  priest,  "  In  nomine 
Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi  lumen  cum  pace.  E. 
Deo  Gratia,"  and  the  "  Lauda  "  which,  with  its 
prayer,  immediately  follows,  has  reference  to 
the  old  rite,  and  is  of  precisely  the  same  cha- 
racter as  the  Ambrosian  "  lucernarium." 

The  well-known  hymn  attributed  by  some  to 
St.  Ambrose,  "  Deus  qui  certis  legibus  noctem 
discernis    ac    diem,"     said    in    the    Mozarabic 


=  This  word  is  interpreted  by  Goar  (p.  29),  "  Canonum 
dux  et  inceptor,"  and  may  be  sufficiently  nearly  repre- 
sented by  Precentor. 

d  Tbere  is  a  difficulty  in  understanding  these  direc- 
tions, as  the  verse,  "  In  wisdom,"  &c.,  occurs  earlier  in 
the  psalm  than  "  When  thou  openest,"  &c. 

'  The  word  synapte  {(rvvavrfi)  is  explained  by  Goar  as 
"  prayers  compiled  (compositas)  for  various  persons  and 
objects,  and  collected  into  one;  whence  the  Greeks  call  it 
(ruva-TTTri,  we  {i.e.  the  Latins)  coUecta."  Its  form  is  that 
of  a  Litany,  with  Kyrie  KleUon  repeated  after  each  clause. 
Of  the  two  forms,  here  called  great  and  small,  one  is 
fuller  than  the  other.  Prayers  of  this  character  are  alfo 
called  Urevri,  from  their  length,  sometimes  also  clpTji/tKa, 
because  the  first  petition  they  cont;iin  is  for  peace,  or 
Sia-KovLKOL,  because  said  by  the  deacon.  They  are  of 
varied  form  and  contents,  and  occur  very  frequently  in 
the  Greek  offices.  The  earliest  form  of  a  synapte  is  given 
in  the  Apostolic  Constitution,  viii.  9. 


LAMPS,  LIGHTING  OF 

breviary  on  the  second  Sunday  in  Lent,  is  headed 
in  a  hymnary  printed  by  Thomasius,  vol.  ii., 
"  recedente  sole,  ac  die  cessante,  hora  incensi 
Lucernae  ;"  and  the  hymn  of  Prudentius,  "  In- 
ventor rutili  Dux  bone  fulminis,"  is  called 
"Hymnus  ad  incensum  Lucernae."  This  is 
the  ordinary  opinion.  Lesley,  however,  in  the 
preface  to  the  Mozarabic  Missal,  gives  reasons 
derived  from  the  composition  of  the  hymn  in 
ftivour  of  its  having  been  composed,  not  for 
daily  use,  but  for  the  lighting  of  the  Paschal 
canr'le  on  Easter  Eve.  The  hymn  is  said  in  the 
Mozarabic  breviary  on  the  Sunday  after  the 
Octave  of  the  Epiphany,  and,  according  to 
the  Sarum  and  York  rites,  on  Easter  Eves  at 
the  benediction  of  the  Paschal  candle. 

See  also  Martene,  De  Ant.  Ril.  iv.  42,  &c. ; 
Grancolas,  Commen.  in  Brev.  Rom.  i.  c.  38,  &c. ; 
Casali,  de  Veter.  Sacr.  Christ.  Eitib.  c.  44 ; 
Gavanti,  sec.  iv.  c.  6. 

Reference  to  the  Lxicernarium  may  be  seen  in 
the  following  collects,  which  are  the  first  collects 
(oratioues)  at  vespers  in  the  Ambrosian  rite  on 
an  ordinary  Wednesday  and  Friday. 

On  Wednesday. — Vespertinum  incensum  nos- 
trum quaesumus  Domine,  clementer  intende,  ut 
ignitum  eloquiem  tuum  credentium  corda  puri- 
ticet.     Per  Dominum. 

On  Friday. — Gratias  tibi  agimus,  omnipotons 
Deus,  quod  declinante  jam  die,  nos  vespertini 
luminis  claritate  circumdas  :  petimus  immensam 
clementiam  tuam  :  ut,  sicut  nos  hujus  luminis 
claritate  circumvallas,  ita  Sancti  Spiritus  tui 
luce  corda  nostra  illuminare  digneris.  Per 
Dominum.  [H.  J.  H.] 

LAMPSACUS,  COUNCIL  OF  {Lnmpsa- 
cenum  concilium),  held  at  Lampsaki  on  the  Helles- 
pont, A.D.  364,  as  Pagi  shews.  Orthodox  bishops 
were  invited  to  it;  and  it  is  described  as  "a 
council  of  Homoousians  by  Sozomen  (vi.  7)  if 
the  reading  is  correct.  But  those  who  directed  it 
must  have  been  really  Semi-Arians  ;  for  they  pro- 
fessed to  be  partisans  of  the  Homoiousian  foi-mula, 
and  of  the  creed  published  at  Antioch,  besides 
siding  with  Macedonius  by  whom  the  godhead  of 
the  Holy  Ghost  was  denied.  What  made  Sozo- 
men think  well  of  them  probably  was  that  they 
were  treated  with  marked  favour  by  Valenti- 
nian  ;  while  they  condemned  the  extreme  party 
which  Valens  espoused,  and  which  he  ordered 
them  into  exile  for  dissenting  from.  On  this 
too  they  seem  to  have  despatched  a  still  more 
orthodox  account  of  themselves  to  Rome,  which 
contented  Liberias  (Soc.  iv.  12 ;  comp.  Mansi,  iii. 
378,  and  Roman  Councils,  16).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

LANCE,  HOLY  {kyia  \6yxn,  cultellus) ;  a 
liturgical  instrument  of  the  Greek  Church,  in 
the  shape  of  a  small  knife  formed  like  a  spear. 
The  annexed  representation  from  Goar  gives  its 
form.  It  is  used  in  the  common  Greek  rite  in 
the  preparatory  office  of  prothesis  to  divide  th* 
Host  from  the  holy  loaf  previous  to  consecration. 
This  earlier  fraction,  the  primitive  antiquity  of 
which  is  doubtful,  is  distinctly  symbolical,  and 
has  no  reference  to  the  subsequent  distribution, 
for  which  another  fraction  has  always  been 
made.  The  typical  allusion  to  the  circumstances 
of  our  Lord's  Passion  receives  greater  force  and 
vividness  in  the  Greek  Church,  from  the  use  of 
the  "  holy  spear  "  for  the  division  of  the  loaf,  as 


LANDULF 


927 


commemorative  of  the  piercing  of  our  Lord's 
body  by  the  Roman  soldier.  The  priest  makes 
four  cuts  to  separate  the  host  from  the  oblation, 
and  also  stabs  it  more  than  once,  accompanying 


The  Holy  Lance.    (From  Goar.) 


every  cut  or  stab  with  appropriate  texts  of 
Scripture,  e.g.  "  He  was  led  as  a  lamb  to  the 
slaughter,"  "  One  of  the  soldiers  with  a  spear 
pierced  His  side,"  &c. 

The  use  of  the  holy  spear  is  not  found  in  the 
purely  Oriental  liturgies,  e.g.  those  of  the 
Syrians  and  Egyptians,  a  fact  which  leads 
Renaudot  to  question  whether  the  rite  is  of 
primitive  antiquity,  since  these  churches  bor- 
rowed their  discipline  from  the  Greek  Church 
in  the  earliest  ages.  It  is  entirely  unknown  in 
the  Western  Church. 

(Augusti,  Handbuch,  vol.  ii.  p.  751  ;  Bona,  Eer. 
Liturg.  lib.  i.  c.  xxv.  §  6  ;  Goar,  Euchol.  p.  116 ; 
Neale,  Eastern  Church,  p.  342 ;  Scudamore,  Not. 
Euch.  p.  539.)  [E.  v.] 

LANCIANA,  martyr  at  Amecia  in  Pontus, 
Aug.  18  {Mart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.).         [E.  B.  B.] 

LANDAFF,  COUNCILS  OF  {Landacensia 
concilia).  Three  such  are  given  in  Mansi  (ix.  763 
sqq.)  dated  A.D.  560 ;  but,  even  if  genuine,  they 
were  simply  meetings  of  the  bishop,  his  three 

j  abbats,  and  his  clergy,  for  excommunicating  or 
absolving  great  ofienders  :  in  the  1st  case  Meuric, 

I  in  the  2nd  Morgan,  kings  of  Glamorgan :  in  the 
3rd  Gwaednerth,  king  of  Gwent ;  all  of  them 
under  Oudoceus  third  bishop  of  Llandaff,  and 
therefore  scarcely  before  the  7th  century.  "  The 
book,  however,  in  which  these  records  occur  is  a 
compilation  of  the  12th  century"  (Haddan  and 
Stubbs,  Councils  and  Documents,  i.,  notes  to  pp. 
125  and  147).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

LANDEBEKT.  [v.  Lambert  (1).] 

LANDELIN,  founder  of  the  abbeys  of 
Lobbes,  and  of  St.  Crispin  at  Valenciennes, 
t  June  15,  A.D.  687  (v.  Acta  Sanctorum,  Jun.  iii! 
538).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LANDEEIC,  bishop  and  founder  of  the 
Maison  Dieu  at  Paris  (7th  cent.),  f  June  10  (v. 
Acta  Sanctorum,  Jun.  ii.  280).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LANDOALD,  apostle  of  Ghent,  commemo- 
rated March  19  (v.  Acta  Sanctorum,  Mar.  iii.  35), 
also  June  10  (MS.  Eal.  Belg.).  [E.  .B.  B.] 

LANDKADA,  abbess  of  Bilsen  under  Lam- 
bert, t  July  8  {Acta  Sanctorum,  Jul.  ii.  619). 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LANDRIC,  bishop  of  Metz,  c.  700,  f  Apr. 
17  {Acta  Sanctorum,  Apr.  ii.  483). 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LANDS  OP  THE  CHUECH.  [Property 
OF  THE  Church.] 

LANDULF,  bishop  of  Evreux,  Aug.  13  (7th 
century)  {Mart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.),  called  Laudulf, 
Acta  Sanctorum,  Aug.  iii.  96.  [£.  B.  B.] 


928 


LANDUS 


LANDUS.  [y.  Lannus.] 

LANIPENDIA.  In  the  Rule  of  Caesarius 
for  Virgius  (c.  27  in  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  p.  732)  the 
care  of  the  wool  from  which  the  sisters'  habits 
■were  to  be  made  is  committed  to  the  care  of  the 
superior  (praepositae)  or  the  kmipendia,  the 
sister  appointed  to  take  charge  of  the  woollen 
manufacture.  The  word  is  used  in  a  similar  sense 
by  Pauius,  Digest.  24,  1,  38.  [C] 

LANISTA.  (1)  A  trainer  of  gladiators,  who 
frequently  contracted  for  the  supply  of  swords- 
men for  Roman  spectacles.  The  horror  which 
the  Christians  felt  for  GLADIATORS  [see  the 
word]  was  of  course  intensified  in  the  case  of  one 
who  was  regarded  as  a  trader  in  man's  flesh,  and 
an  accessary  to  murder.  Thus  Tertullian  {de 
Idol.  c.  11)  says  that  if  homicides  are  excluded 
from  the  church,  lanistae  are  of  course  excluded. 
What  they  had  done  by  the  hands  of  others,  they 
must  be  reputed  to  have  done  themselves. 

Prudentius  (c.  Symmach.  ii.  1095),  speaking  of 
the  inhumanity  of  the  vestals  in  going  to  the 
gladiatorial  shows,  seems  to  use  lanista  in  the 
sense  of  a  gladiator  simply : 

"  sedet  ilia  verendis 
Vittarum  insignis  phaleris  fruiturque  lanlstis." 

(2)  The  word  lanista  was  sometimes  used 
contemptuously  by  Christian  writers  to  designate 
a  priest  who  actually  slew  victims  with  his 
hands.  Thus  Ennodius  of  Ticino  (f  521),  in  his 
sermon  on  the  dedication  of  a  church  of  the 
Apostles  on  the  site  of  an  idol's  temple  {Diet.  ii. ; 
in  Migne,  Patrol.  63,  p.  2(38  C),  speaks  of  the 
multitude  of  victims  slain  by  the  butcher-priests 
(per  lanistas).  He  even  speaks  of  the  priest 
under  the  Mosaic  law  as  "  lanista  Judaicus." 
{Beaed.  Cerei,  Opusc.  ix.  260  B.) 

(Bingham's  ^niij.  XVI.  x.  13;  Maori ///erote. 
s.  v.  Lanista.')  [C] 

LANITANUS  or  LAMTANUS,  martyr  at 
Thessalonica,  June  25  (Mart.  Eieron.  D'Ach.). 
[E.  B.  B.] 

LANNUS,  martyr  at  Horta  in  Italy,  May  5 
(v.  AA.  SS.  Mav,  ii.  49 ;  compare  p.  9=^). 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LANTA,  martyr.  May  31  or  June  1  (Mart. 
Eieron.  D'Ach.).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LANTEEN.  [In  Architecture.]  The  ele- 
vated portion  of  the  fabric  covering  the  intersec- 
tions of  the  nave  and  transepts  of  a  church.  In 
the  earlier  churches  of  the  dromical  or  basilican 
plan  the  cruciform  arrangement  is  not  of  fre- 
quent occurrence  ;  where  it  is  met  with  it  is 
sometimes  merely  indicated  by  the  position  of 
the  columns,  no  corresponding  alteration  being 
made  in  the  roof.  Sometimes  the  transept  takes 
the  form  of  another  nave  with  its  own  continu- 
ous roof  placed  at  right  angles  to  the  true  nave, 
from  which  it  is  separated  by  the  "arch  of 
triumph."  Neither  of  these  arrangements 
allows  of  the  introduction  of  a  lantern.  The 
earliest  examples  of  this  feature  are  met  with  in 
the  Lombard  churches,  epecially  those  of  Pavia, 
in  which  a  combination  was  attempted  of  the 
long  nave  and  aisles  of  the  old  basilicas,  and  the 
dome  of  the  Byzantine  churches.  The  section  of 
St.  Michael's,  at  Pavia  [Gallery,  I.  706],  affords 


LAODICEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

a  very  good  example  of  this  combination.  ^N" 
there  see  the  centre  of  the  cross  elevated  into  a 
low  octagonal  tower,  covered  with  a  tiled  ro-i 
containing  a  hemispherical  cupola,  supported  >>u 
arched  pendentives.  We  have  a  similar  arrange- 
ment in  the  churches  of  San  Pietro  in  cielo  d'oro, 
built  by  king  Luitprand,  after  A.D.  712,  and  San 
Teodoro,  c.  750,  in  the  same  city.  This  novel 
feature  speedily  found  general  favour,  and  by 
the  influence  of  the  Carlovingian  kings  of  Italy, 
the  Lombard  style  having  passed  into  the  Rhenish 
provinces  and  into  France,  the  lantern  was 
universally  adopted  in  later  churches.      [E.  V.] 

LAODICEA,  COUNCILS  OF  {Laodicma 
Concilia).  (1)  Held  at  Laodicea,  in  Phrygia, 
whither  St.  Paul,  according  to  the  inference 
drawn  from  Col.  iv.  16,  addressed  a  letter  now 
lost  (Westcott,  Canon,  p.  408,  and  App.  E.) : 
and  St.  John  a  remonstrance,  as  one  of  the 
churches  named  in  the  Apocalypse.  Its  date 
has  been  much  canvassed.  It  was  once  thought 
contemporary  with  the  council  of  Neo-Caesarea, 
and  prior  to  that  of  Nicaea.  Beveridge  says  the 
mention  of  the  Photinians  in  the  7th  canon 
negatives  this,  as  there  was  no  such  sect  then. 
But  Ferrandus  the  deacon,  in  quoting  this  canon, 
omits  the  Photinians.  The  Isidorian  version  does 
the  same.  Besides,  the  classing  of  Photinians, 
who  were  fell  heretics,  between  the  Novatiaus 
and  Quartodecimans,  who  were  merely  schis- 
matics, in  a  canon  where  no  others  are  named, 
seems  more  the  act  of  a  scribe  than  a  council. 
Dionysius,  however,  bears  out  the  Greek.  On 
other  grounds  it  may  be  said  that  these  canons, 
having  been  from  the  earliest  times  placed  after 
the  canons  of  Antioch  in  the  code  of  the  church, 
we  can  hardly  date  them  earlier  than  A.D.  341  ; 
and  if  their  connexion  with  a  council  of  Illyria, 
suggested  by  Beveridge  (Annot.  p.  193),  and 
with  the  semi-Arian  bishop  Theodosius,  sug- 
gested by  Godfrey  {ad  Philostorg.  viii.  3-4),  be 
allowed,  probably  not  earlier  than  a.d.  375 
[Illyrian  Council,  I.  813].  It  would  be  thus  a 
semi-Arian  council,  like  that  of  Antioch,  whose 
canons  were  received  ultimately  by  the  church 
for  their  intrinsic  worth.  We  will  consider  the 
form  in  which  they  have  come  down  to  us 
further  on.  They  were  59  in  number,  all  on 
discipline :  but  the  59th,  when  given  in  full,  is 
sometimes  divided,  so  as  to  form  a  60th. 

By  the  1st  second  marriages  may  be  condoned 
after  a  time.  By  the  11th  the  appointment  of 
female  presbyters  (TrpefffivTi5es)  is  forbidden. 
Fourteen  canons,  beginning  with  the  14th,  relate 
to  services  in  church,  and  should  all  be  studied, 
particularly  the  19th,  which  is  a  locus  classicus 
on  the  ordering  of  the  liturgy.  The  35th  seems 
directed  against  the  errors  which  St.  Paul  con- 
demns (Col.  ii.  18).  The  45th  forbids  baptizing 
after  the  second  week  in  Lent.  The  46th  ap- 
points Maundy  Thursday  for  the  redditio  symholi. 
The  50th  forbids  the  breaking  of  the  Lenten  fast 
on  that  day.  By  the  52nd  weddings  and  birth- 
days are  not  to  be  celebrated  in  Lent.  By  the 
57th  bishops  are  not  to  be  ordained  in  future  to 
villages  and  country  places  :  and  all  who  have 
been  are  to  do  nothing  without  leave  from  the 
city  bishop.  The  presbyters  destined  to  be  their 
substitutes  are  to  be  similarly  bound. 

And  now  comes  the  59th  canon,  of  which  there 
is  a  shorter  and  a  longer  form :  the  longer  con- 


LAODICEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

taiuing  a  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testaments,  specified  as  what  ought  to  be 
read  in  church  by  this  council.  But  this  half  of 
the  canon  is  not  found  in  the  Latin  vei-sion  of 
these  canons  by  Dionysius,  nor  in  the  Greek  col- 
lection of  John  Scholasticus,  any  more  than  in 
the  Latin  collections  of  Martin  or  Cresconius 
all  of  which,  however,  exhibit  the  shorter  form. 
Again,  it  is  omitted  in  most  Greek  as  well  as 
Latin  MSS.  of  these  canons.  On  these  grounds 
Professor  Westcott,  after  considerable  research, 
and  with  a  praiseworthy  desire  to  be  impartial, 
has  decided  against  its  genuineness  (Canon,  pp. 
382-90,  and  App.  D.  1).  But  he  has  here  de- 
ferred too  much  to  his  German  authorities,  and 
by  so  doing  has  missed  more  than  one  cardinal 
point  in  this  inquiry.  This  is  how  the  matter  really 
stands.  We  seem  to  know  of  no  Greek  version 
of  these  canons  earlier  than  the  one  represented 
by  Dionysius  in  his  translation.  They  form  part 
of  the  165  canons  which  he  says  he  translated 
from  the  Greek.  And  this  version  could  not 
have  been  known  to  the  West  much  earlier  than 
his  own  time,  or  these  canons  would  not  have 
been  omitted  entirely  from  the  older  Latin  col- 
lection described  as  the  Prisca  Versio,  of  which 
the  oldest  MS.  is  in  the  Bodleian,  and  from  other 
collections  indicated  by  the  Ballerini  (cfe  Ant. 
Coll.  ii.  3). 

Yet  that  there  must  have  been  another  Greek 
version  of  them  circulating  in  the  West,  coinci- 
dently  with,  if  not  before,  the  Dionysian  one,  is 
clear,  for  this  reason.  The  Isidorian  version  of 
these  canons  includes  this  catalogue :  and  among 
the  canons  attributed  to  the  council  of  Agde, 
A.D.  506,  by  Hincmar  and  others  (Mansi,  viii. 
323,  with  the  note),  no  less  than  four  of  these 
Laodicean  canons,  the  20th,  21st,  30th,  and  36th, 
ai"e  reproduced  word  for  word,  except  where 
MSS.  differ,  in  the  Latin  of  the  Isidorian  vei-sion 
(i6.  p.  366).  Thus  this  catalogue  must  have 
been  circulating  in  Spain  and  in  the  south  of 
France,  translated  of  course  from  the  Greek 
when,  or  possibly  before,  Dionysius  published 
his  version  in  which  it  is  wanting. 

Another  even  more  cardinal  point  remains. 
Anybody  who  will  compare  the  form  in  which 
these  canons  are  presented  to  us  by  Dionysius, 
with  all  the  others  translated  by  him,  will  see 
dii'ectly  that  it  cannot  have  been  the  form  in 
which  they  were  passed,  but  that  it  is  a  mere 
abstract,  identical  with  the  form  in  which  all 
canons  are  quoted  in  the  Greek  collection  of 
John  Scholasticus  (nff>l  rod,  &c.),  and  the  Latin 
collections  of  Ferrandus  and  Martin.  The  ab- 
stract supplies  merely  the  principle,  not  the 
details  of  each  canon.  Dionysius  translated  all 
the  other  canons  in  full,  because  the  Greek  con- 
tained them  iu  full.  Of  the  Laodicean  he  trans- 
lated no  more  than  a  summary,  because  the 
Greek  contained  no  more.  The  Greek  from 
which  the  Isidorian  version  was  made  was  like- 
wise no  less  an  abstract,  except  in  this  one  case. 
Thus,  except  in  this  one  case,  the  original  canons 
have  not  been  preserved,  which  accounts  for 
tlieir  late  appearance ;  and  there  is  a  reason 
both  for  this  exception  and  also  for  its  not  having 
obtained  general  currency.  Particular  churches 
had  their  own  catalogues  of  the  Scriptures — 
their  own  use — which  they  would  not  have  ex- 
changed for  another.  Accordingly,  Ferrandus 
and    Martin    have    dispensed   themselves    from 


LAODICEA,  COUNCILS  OF      929 

including  any  catalogue  in  their  collections. 
Dionysius  includes  the  African  in  his,  because 
he  was  giving  the  African  canons  in  full.  Cres- 
conius has  it  in  his  collection  for  the  same  reason, 
but  omits  it  in  his  compendium,  on  grounds 
similar  to  those  on  which  the  Laodicean  was 
omitted  in  the  Greek  copy  which  Dionysius  and 
others  had  before  them.  John  Scholasticus,  pa- 
triarch of  Constantinople,  where  probably  there 
was  no  earlier  use,  gives  that  of  the  apostolic 
canons,  as  being  most  authoritative.  Anyhow,  he 
would  have  shrunk  from  borrowing  on  such  a 
point  from  this  synod,  it  being  a  semi-Ai-ian  synod. 
Professor  Westcott  has  not  failed  to  observe 
that  the  Laodicean  Catalogue  is  identical  with 
that  of  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem.  Just  so,  but 
was  not  St.  Cyril  connected  at  one  time  with 
the  semi-Arians  ?  Still  further,  may  not  its 
origin  be  thus  held  to  account  satisfactorily  for 
its  getting  into  the  Spanish  collection  ?  In 
general  the  Latin-speaking  churches  were  much 
attached  to  the  books  of  Wisdom  and  Ecclesi- 
asticus,  of  Tobit  and  Judith,  which  the  African 
catalogue  receives  freely,  but  which  this  ex- 
cludes, and  to  the  Apocalypse,  which  this  ex- 
cludes also. 

Let  us  now  see  which  way  intrinsic  considera- 
tions point.  The  first  half  orders  that  no  private 
psalms,  nor  uncanonical  books,  should  be  read  in 
church.  What  were  private  psalms  ?  There 
was  just  one  such,  at  all  events,  that  was  popu- 
lar in  the  Alexandrian  church.  It  is  called 
sometimes  "  a  private  psalm  of  David ; "  and 
sometimes  "  extra  numerum."  But  it  is  reck- 
oned the  151st  psalm  by  St.  Athanasius  him- 
self (£/>.  ad  Marccll.  §  25);  and  it  is  also  found 
as  such  in  the  Alexandrine  Codex.  Now%  in  the 
latter  half,  or  catalogue,  the  Psalter  is  pointedly 
said  to  consist  of  150  psalms,  as  if  with  the 
direct  object  of  excluding  this.  Again,  what  is 
the  one  book  of  the  New  Testament  which  is  not 
found  in  this  catalogue  ?  It  is  the  Apocalypse — 
certainly  not  the  least  known  in  Asia  Minor  ; 
yet  when  we  recall  the  character  of  the  special 
reference  to  the  Laodicean  church  which  it  con- 
tains, its  absence  from  the  traditional  list  of 
books  to  be  read  in  that  church  is  surely 
natural. 

But  for  this  one  omission  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment, and  saving  that  Baruch  is  coupled  with 
Jeremiah  in  the  old,  and  no  reading  of  the  Apo- 
ciypha  tolerated  in  church  at  all,  this  Laodicean 
catalogue  coincides  with  our  own  throughout : 
and  it  is  identical  with  that  of  St.  Cyril,  as  has 
been  said,  and  embodies  the  mature  judgment 
expressed  by  Eusebius,  a  still  more  pronounced 
partisan  and  contemporary.  Thus  its  genuine- 
ness really  presents  no  opening  for  attack  on 
general  grounds  ;  while  the  special  arguments 
in  its  fovour,  intrinsic  as  well  as  external,  are 
full  as  strong  as  we  could  expect,  always  bearing 
in  mind  that  these  canons  have  come  down  to  us 
through  a  collector,  and  not  in  the  shape  in 
which  they  passed  (Mansi,  iii.  563-600  with  the 
notes ;  Hefele,  §  93).  The  parallel  case  which 
occurs  in  Cresconius  illustrates  this  to  a  nicety. 

Possibly  these  canons  had  not  been  added  to 
the  code  of  the  church  when  it  was  confirmed  at 
Chalcedou  ;  yet  they  must  have  formed  part  of 
it  when  Dionysius  translated  them,  and  as  such 
been  confirmed  by  the  quinisext  and  7th  coun- 
cils.    But  whether  the  59th  was  confirmed  in 


930     LAODICEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

its  longer  or  its  shorter  form,  it  was  certainly 
not  confirmed  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Apocalypse 
from  the  church  catalogue. 

2.  A.D.  481-2,  at  which  Stephen  junior,  who 
had  been  elected  to  the  see  of  Antioch,  but 
thrust  out  on  false  charges,  was  restored 
(Mansi,  vii.  1021).  [K.  S.  Ff.] 

LAOSYNACTES  {KaocrwaKr-ns),  an  official 
of  the  patriarchal  church  of  Constantinople, 
whose  business  it  was  to  assemble  the  deacons 
and  take  care  that  they  attended  to  their  duties. 
(Suicer,  Thesaurus,  s.  v.)  [C] 

LAPETA,  COUNCIL  OF  {Lapetense  Con- 
cilium), one  of  three  synods  held  A.D.  495,  or 
thereabouts,  under  Barsumas,  Nestoriau  arch- 
bishop of  Nisibis,  at  Lapeta,  near  Bagdad.  Three 
canons  are  given  to  it;  but  a  thirteenth  has 
been  cited.  By  the  third  of  them  all  the  clergy, 
as  well  as  the  laity,  are  permitted  to  marry  at 
their  diseretion  (Mansi,  viii.  143,  et  seq.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

LAPIDES  SACRI.  I.  Bounds  or  landmarks, 
so  called  because  originally  consecrated  to  Ju- 
piter by  Numa  Pompilius  (Festus,  s.  v.  Ter- 
minus). 

They  must  be  distinguished  from  the  mile- 
stones or  milliaria,  which  were  also  known  as 
lapides.  (DiCT.  OF  Ge.  and  Rom.  Ant.  art. 
Milliare ;  Terminalia.) 

The  reverence  for  boundaries  was,  however, 
of  far  older  growth.  The  Mosaic  law  forbade 
the  removal  of  a  landmark  (Deut.  xxvii.  17). 
Josephus  (Antiq.  Jud.  lib.  i.  c.  2)  attributes  the 
first  use  of  boundaries  to  Cain. 

Among  the  Greeks  landmarks  were  commonly 
put  under  the  protection  of  some  divinity  (Plato, 
de  Leg.  viii. ;  Ulpian,  Collat.  Leg.  Mosaic,  xii. ; 
Paulus,  Sentent.  i.  16,  and  v.  22,  2). 

Caius  Caesar  (a.d.  37-41),  in  his  agrarian 
law,  imposed  a  fine  on  those  who  should  remove 
landmarks,  dolo  malo,  of  fifty  aurei,  to  go  to  the 
state  {Digests,  lib.  xlvii. ;  tit.  de  Termino  Moto, 
22,  n.  3). 

Nero  (a.d.  54-68)  ordered  the  slave  who 
should  commit  this  offence  to  be  put  to  death, 
unless  his  master  would  pay  the  penalty  (jb.  and 
see  Callistratus,  de  Cognitionibus,  lib.  3,  5). 

Hadrian  (a.d.  117-138)  promulgated  a  law 
punishing  the  offence  with  various  periods  of 
imprisonment,  with  forced  labour  or  with  stripes, 
according  to  the  position  and  age  of  the  offender 
(ib.  n.  2). 

In  the  Corpus  Juris  Civilis  a  great  mass  of 
references  has  been  collected  by  way  of  com- 
mentary on  these  laws,  which  may  be  consulted 
with  advantage. 

Later  codes  are  much  less  distinct  than  the 
foregoing  in  their  provisions,  and  less  severe. 
In  the  code  of  Theodosius,  A.D.  438  (lib.  is.  tit. 
1 ;  de  Accusatione,  lib.  1),  we  have  merely,  "  qui 
fines  aliquos  invaserit,  publicis  legibus  subju- 
getur." 

Similarly  in  that  of  Justinian,  A.D.  529  (lib. 
ix.  tit.  2,  de  Accusationibus  et  Inscriptionibus), 
"eos  qui  termiuos  effoderunt,  extraordinarid  anim- 
adversione  coerceri  deberi,  praeses  provinciae  non 
ignorabit." 

II.  This  phrase  is  also  employed  to  censure 
the  effacing  of  the  ancient  boundaries  of  dioceses, 
by  bishops  desirous  of  extending  their  jurisdic- 


LAPSI 

tion.  Pope  Innocent  (a.d.  402-417),  in  one  of 
his  letters  {Ep.  8,  ad  Florentiurri),  reminds  the 
bishop  to  whom  he  wrote  that  the  Scriptures 
forbade  the  removing  of  boundaries,  and  that 
therefore  he  should  abstain  from  endeavouring 
to  reduce  others  under  his  rule.  In  this  sense 
wc  find  pope  Leo  I.  (a.d.  440-461)  also  writing 
to  Anastasius,  bishop  of  Thessalonica  {Ep.  i.  c.  8): 
"  Suis  igitur  termiuis  contentus  sit  quisque,  nee 
supra  mensuram  juris  sui  affectet  augeri." 

Among  the  False  Decretals  are  to  be  found 
many  instances  of  the  employment  of  the  j)hrase 
in  this  symbolic  sense,  which  is  so  far  an  evi- 
dence of  usage  at  the  time  when  they  were 
concocted. 

III.  In  the  record  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
second  Nicene  Council,  a.d.  787,  we  find  sacred 
images  or  statues  referred  to  under  this  phrase- 
ology. [S.  J.  E.] 

LAPSI.  The  term  applied  to  Christians  who 
in  time  of  persecution  denied  their  faith.  In  the 
early  persecution  under  Domitian,  a.d.  95-6, 
when  it  may  be  presumed  that  all  who  had 
been  converted  to  Christianity  had  counted  the 
cost  of  their  profession,  the  name  does  not  occur. 
But  the  severe  onslaught  on  Christianity  which 
was  made  a  century  later,  in  the  reign  of 
Severus,  foxind  the  Christians  less  prepared  to 
resist  unto  blood  in  behalf  of  their  religion. 
Some  bribed  the  soldiers  and  accusers  to  over- 
look them,  others  paid  a  sort  of  periodical  tax  to 
secure  toleration.  The  exemption  thus  par- 
chased,  though  stopping  short  of  a  positive 
lapse,  was  at  best  a  compromise  ;  and  although 
the  usage  was  permitted  by  some  bishops,  it, 
like  flight  in  time  of  persecution,  was  abhorrent 
to  the  rigid  Montani-sm  of  TertuUian  (Tertull. 
de  FvA)d  in  Persecutione,  cc.  12,  13).  The  next 
pei*secution  was  that  under  the  emperor  Decius, 
A.D.  249-51.  It  was  a  systematic  attempt  to 
eradicate  Christianit}',  not  so  much  by  pujting 
its  adherents  to  death,  as  by  compelling  them  to 
recant.  Participation  in  a  heathen  sacrifice  was 
the  test  ordinarily  applied.  And  the  shameful 
eagerness  with  which  Christians  rushed  to  purge 
themselves  by  this  test,  and  even  carried  their 
infants  with  them,  is  disclosed  by  Cyprian  (de 
Lapsis,  cc.  6,  7).  Multitudes  also  only  avoided 
the  actual  sacrifice  by  bringing  certificates 
[LiBELLi]  from  the  magistrates  to  the  effect 
that  they  had  offered.  During  the  troubles  of 
the  church  under  Valerian,  A.D.  258-60,  instances 
of  recantation  were  far  more  rare.  But  in  the 
final  persecution,  which  began  under  Diocletian, 
A.D.  303,  and  raged  with  intense  severity  until 
the  edict  of  Constantine  establishing  religious 
equality,  A.D.  313,  the  Christians  were  exposed 
to  a  new  trial,  to  which  numbers  succumbed. 
An  attempt  was  made  to  extirpate  the  sacred 
scriptures,  and  the  lapsi  who  delivered  up  their 
books  were  branded  with  the  name  of  Tradi- 

TORES. 

The  treatment  of  the  lapsed  who  had  polluted 
themselves  with  Paganism  in  the  Decian  per- 
secution occupies  a  considerable  part  of  the 
Epistles  of  Cyprian.  His  treatise  de  Lapsis, 
written  immediately  after  the  termination  of  the 
persecution,  is  an  appeal  to  them  to  seek  re- 
admission  into  the  church  by  penitence.  The 
terms  however  on  which  they  should  be  ad- 
mitted were  not  easily  decided.     Cyprian  him- 


LAPSI 

self  had  gone  into  concealment  while  the  perse 
cution  was  hottest,  a  course  which  somewhat 
compromised  him  in  the  eyes  of  the  Eoman 
clergy  {Ep.  viii.),  but  which  he  defended  on  the 
ground  that  he  had  received  a  divine  direction 
\Ep.  svi.  3),  and  that  his  presence  only  exaspe- 
rated the  fury  of  the  populace  (^Ep.  xx.  1,  de 
Lapsis,  c.  8).  From  his  concealment  he  had  to 
determine  how  the  lapsed  should  be  treated. 
The  matter  was  complicated  by  a  practice  which 
appears  to  have  originated  in  the  African  church 
during  the  Severan  persecution  (Tertull.  ad 
Martyr,  c.  1),  of  confessors  and  martyrs  giving 
letters  of  recomm.endation  to  penitents,  request- 
ing the  bishops  to  shorten  their  penance.  The 
practice  was  kept  in  some  order  by  deacons 
visiting  the  martyrs  in  prison,  and  guiding  and 
checking  them  in  the  distribution  of  their 
favours  (£):».  xv.  1).  On  the  cessation  of  the 
Decian  persecution  the  privilege  was  greatly 
abused  ;  for  not  only  were  letters  given  to  any 
indiscriminately,  but  given  in  the  name  of 
martyrs  who  wero  dead  {Ep.  xxvii.  1,  2),  and 
given  in  such  a  form  as  to  include  the  friends  of 
the  petitioner  {Ep.  xv.  3).  The  custom  after- 
wai-ds  led  to  such  disorders  as  to  call  for  the 
interference  of  councils  (Cone.  Eliber.  c.  25, 
1  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  9).  The  holders  of  these 
letters  demanded  immediate  communion,  which 
some  bishops,  yielding  to  the  popular  clamour, 
granted  {Ep.  xxvii.  3).  The  decision  of  Cyprian 
was  that  the  holders  of  letters  of  martyrs  who 
were  pressed  by  sickness,  might  be  at  once 
restored  after  confession,  even  before  a  deacon  if 
death  was  imminent  (Ep.  xviii.)  and  after  impo- 
sition of  hands  (Ep.  xix.) ;  but  that  the  rest 
must  wait  till  tranquillity  was  restored  and 
"  the  bishops  meeting  with  the  clergy  and  in 
the  presence  of  the  laity  who  stood  fast,"  could 
grant  them  the  public  peace  of  the  church.  If 
any  meanwhile  received  the  lapsed  into  com- 
munion, they  should  themselves  be  excommuni- 
cated {Ep.  xxxiv.  Iv.  3).  This  decision  was 
announced  to  the  Roman  clergy  (Ep.  xxvii.)  and 
to  the  confessors  at  Rome  (Ep.  xxviii.),  and  met 
with  the  approval  of  the  Roman  church  (Ep).  xxx.). 
In  the  spring  of  251  Cyprian  returned  to 
Carthage,  and,  in  a  council  with  his  bishops 
(^Ep.  Iv.  4),  made  a  formal  investigation  into 
the  case  of  the  lapsed.  The  conclusion  announced 
was  that  libellatics  were  to  be  received  at  once 
(^Ep.  Iv.  14) ;  that  some  who  had  once  sacrificed, 
but  when  put  to  the  trial  a  second  time,  rather 
«ndured  banishment  and  confiscation  of  goods, 
were  likewise  to  be  restored  (Epp.  xxiv.  xxv.); 
that  others  who  had  at  first  confessed  Christ,  and 
when  afterwards  exposed  to  torture  denied  Him, 
and  had  been  doing  penance  for  three  years, 
should  no  longer  be  excluded  (Ep.  Ivi.) ;  and 
that  those  who  were  sick  should  receive  peace 
only  at  the  point  of  death  (Ep.  Ivii.  1).  Of  the 
remainder,  the  penance  should  be  long  pro- 
tracted, but  the  hope  of  ultimate  communion 
not  denied  (Ep.  Iv.  4).  These  decisions  were 
also  submitted  to  Rome,  and  accepted  by 
Cornelius  in  a  largely-attended  synod  (Ep.  Iv.  5). 
So  matters  remained  till  the  following  year, 
when  Cyprian  receiving,  as  he  intimated,  a 
divine  warning  of  the  renewal  of  the  persecu- 
tion, announced  to  Cornelius  that  a  Carthaginian 
synod  had  resolved  to  receive  into  communion 
all  the  lapsed  who  desired  to  return  (Ep.  Ivii.). 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II, 


LASEEN,  ORDEE  OF 


931 


It  was  on  the  solution  of  these  questions  that 
Novatian  broke  away  from  the  church.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  difficulty  two  letters  attributed 
to  him  (Epp.  xxx.  xxxvi.  apud  Cyp.)  requested 
that  the  lapsed  who  were  sick  might  be  restored 
to  communion.  But  afterwards,  when  his 
notions  had  become  more  rigid,  he  took  up  the 
position  that  the  church  had  no  power  to 
restore  them  on  any  terms  ;  he  did  not  deny 
that  they  might  personally  repent,  but  that  any 
repentance  could  ever  lead  to  a  re-admission  to 
church  communion.  A  lapser  by  a  unanimous 
decree  of  the  Western  church  was  debarred 
from  ordination  (Ep.  Ixvii.  6).  And  a  priest 
who  lapsed  was  restored  only  to  lay  communion. 
Cyprian  indignantly  repudiates  the  libel  that  the 
lapsing  priest  Trophimus  was  allowed  after  due 
penitence  to  resume  his  sacerdotal  functions  (Ep. 
Iv.  8).  But  in  troubled  times  these  rules  could 
not  always  be  enforced  (Bingham,  Antiq.  VI. 
ii.  4).     [Compare  Libelli.]  [G.  M.] 

LAEGIO,  martyr  at  Augsburg,  Aug.  12, 
Usuard  (from  Acts  of  St.  Afra).  He  may  be  the 
same  as  the  following,  and  Augsburg  a  mistake 
for  August.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LARGUS,  martyr  on  Salarian  Way,  trans- 
lated to  Ostian  Way  by  pope  Marcellus  ;  com- 
memorated March  16  (Mart.  Eom.  Gell.,  Bede, 
Ado,  Usuard,  Wand.) ;  and  Aug.  8  (Kal.  Bucher ; 
Mart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.,  Gell. ;  Mart.  Ado,  Usuard), 
(others  do  not  name  him  this  day);  and  (2) 
martyr  in  the  East,  Aug.  9  (Mart.  Jlieron.)  ;  and 
(3)  at  Aquileia,  Mart.  16  (Usuard),  17  (Hieron. 
I)'Ach.)  are  probably  the  same.  Is  the  name 
Aquileia  introduced  from  the  martyrdom  of 
Hilary  ?  [E.  B.  B.] 

LARNAX  (\dpva^)  is  sometimes  used  for  a 
coffin.  Thus  the  author  of  the  life  of  St. 
Martina  of  Rome  (Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  p.  18)  says 
that  her  body  was  placed  in  a  coffin  or  shrine  of 
onyx  (onychinum  larnacem).  Compare  Torigi 
de  Cryptis  Vatkanis,  p.  551,  2nd  ed.  (Maori 
Hierolex.  s.  v.  Larnax).  [C] 

LASCO,  martyr  in  Asia,  Feb.  23  (cod.  Usuard. 
Marchian.).  D'Achery's  edition  of  the  Mart. 
Hieron.  has  Cosco.  It  may  be  the  name  of  a 
place,  or  a  confusion  with  Grisco.         [£.  B.  B.] 

LASREN,  Lasrian,  Laisrenn,  Molaisi,  Dolaisi, 
are  forms  of  a  name  under  which  are  distin- 
guished or  confounded — (1)  son  of  Nadfraech, 
abbat  of  Devenesh,  on  Lough  Erne,  d.  Sept.  12, 
563,  commemorated  at  Belach  Ui  Michen,  Sept. 
15.  (2)  or  Lazarinus,  abbat  of  Durrow,  3a-d 
abbat  of  lona,  d.  Sept.  16,  a.d.  605.  (3)  at 
Men  (in  Queen's  Co.  ?),  Sept.  16.  (4)  on  Lough 
Laoigh  in  Ulster,  Oct.  25.  (5),  (6),  (7),  (8), 
Dec.  26,  Jan.  17  and  19,  March  8.  (9)  son  of 
Caire,  hermit  at  Lamlash,  on  coast  of  Arran, 
abbat  of  Rathkill  and  Leighlin,  consecrated  bishop 
at  Rome  ■i-639,  commemorated  April  18  (Mart. 
Donegal,  p.  105,  Bp.  Forbes,  Kalendars  of 
ScAtisk  Saints,  p.  407  (who  names  him  Molio, 
because  a  cave  at  Lamlash  is  called  St.  Molio's 
cave);  Acta  SS.  Bolland.  Apr.  ii.  540).  (10) 
abbat  of  Innis  Murray,  f  -A-^g-  l-»  ^'-  Reeves, 
Adamnan,  p.  287.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LASREN,  ORDER  OP,  or  Molaisi,  one  of 
the   eight  orders  of  Irish  monks.     This  Lasren 
was    either   (1)  celebrated   for  love  of  a   stone 
3  P 


932 


LASSAEA 


prison  and  of  hospitality,  or  (2)  "  a  flame  of  fire 
with  his  comely  choristers."  (^Martyrology  of 
Donegal,  Dublin,  1864,  pp.  245-247.)  [E.  B.  B.] 

LASSAEA,  virgin,  Jan.  29  (Colgan,  AA. 
SS.  Hihern.).  Thirteen  others  are  commemorated 
in  the  Mart.  Donegal,  q.  v.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LATEEAN,  COUNCIL  OF  (Lateranensc 
Concilium),  held  a.d.  649,  soon  after  the  ac- 
cession of  pope  Martin,  in  the  church  called 
Constantine's,  at  his  palace  on  the  Lateran, 
and  chronologically  the  first  of  that  name. 
Its  deliberations  were  purely  doctrinal  and 
antimonothelite.  Its  acts  have  come  down  to 
us  in  Greek  as  well  as  in  Latin,  though 
Latin  was,  of  course,  the  language  employed. 
The  Greek  documents  are  said  to  have  been 
translated  into  Latin  in  each  case  by  one  of  the 
Roman  notaries,  before  they  were  read  out : 
letters  from  the  African  church,  being  in  Latin, 
were  read  out  as  they  stood.  The  number  of 
bishops  subscribing  to  it  was  106,  almost  all 
Italians,  including  the  pope;  and  of  its  sessions, 
or  secretaries — so  called  from  being  held  in  the 
sacristy — five.  The  first  was  opened  by  a  speech 
from  the  pope,  followed  by  a  letter  to  him  from 
Maurus,  bishop  of  Eavenna,  to  the  same  effect, 
which  was  read  and  approved.  At  the  second, 
other  orthodox  documents  addressed  to  himself 
or  his  predecessor  were  recited.  At  the  third, 
writings  of  a  contrary  description,  by  Theodore, 
bishop  of  Pharan,  and  the  patriaixhs  of  Alex- 
andria and  Constantinople,  Gyms  and  Sergius, 
together  with  the  Ecthesis  of  the  emperor  Hera- 
clius,  inspired  by  the  latter,  were  produced  and 
reflected  upon.  At  the  fourth,  after  some 
further  comments  on  what  had  been  read  at  the 
third,  two  more  documents  of  the  same  kind 
were  rehearsed: — 1,  a  letter  of  Paul,  actual 
patriarch  of  Constantinople,  to  the  late  pope 
Theodore ;  and  2,  the  Type  of  Coustans,  the 
reigning  emperor.  Both  having  been  pronounced 
•unsound,  codices  of  the  dogmatic  rulings  of  each 
of  the  previous  five  general  councils  were  pro- 
duced from  the  papal  archives  and  read  out  in 
answer  to  them  all.  Among  these  was  the  cele- 
brated ordinance  at  the  end  of  the  definition  of 
the  fourth  council,  on  the  unalterableness  of  the 
creed.  Attention  was  again  directed  in  the  last 
session  to  that  subject,  by  reciting  what  the  fifth 
council  had  said  of  its  entire  agreement  with  the 
other  four,  and  with  all  the  great  fathers  and  doc- 
tors of  the  church  :  extracts  from  whom  were 
then  read,  to  shew  their  harmony  with  each 
other.  Similarly,  passages  were  produced  after- 
wards from  the  works  of  earlier  heretics,  to  expose 
their  agreement  with  the  errors  that  were  now 
broached.  Twenty  canons  followed  in  condemna- 
tion of  Monothelism  and  its  patrons  in  the  East, 
who  are  several  times  mentioned  by  name  ;  com- 
plete reserve  being  maintained  about  pope  Hono- 
rius  throughout.  Letters  to  announce  this  re- 
sult, or  in  connexion  with  this  subject,  were 
despatched  by  the  pope  to  the  emperor  Constans, 
tlie  metropolitans  of  Carthage  and  Philadel)ihia, 
and  other  churches  of  the  East ;  besides  an  en- 
cyclic to  the  faithful  in  general.  In  all  of  them 
he  styles  himself  "  servus  servorum  Dei."  Mau- 
rus, bishop  of  Ravenna,  it  should  be  added,  in 
writing  to  him,  arrogates  the  same  stvle. 
(Mansi,  x.  789-1188.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 


LAUDA 

LATEECULUS.  A  tile  or  earthenware- 
tablet  on  which  the  times  of  the  moveable  fes- 
tivals, or  at  least  of  Easter,  were  inscribed,  with 
the  view  of  giving  public  notice  of  them.  Thus- 
the  4th  council  of  Orleans  (a.d.  541)  enacted 
(c.  1)  that  Easter  should  be  celebrated  according 
to  the  laterculus  or  cycle  of  bishop  Yictorius.. 
That  confusion  arose  in  Spain  at  a  somewhat  later 
date  from  the  difference  of  the  Paschal-cycles  in 
use  (diversa  observantia  laterculorum)  is  evident 
from  the  5th  canon  of  the  4th  council  of 
Toledo  (a.d.  633),  which  enjoins  the  several 
metropolitans,  three  months  before  Epiphany, 
to  consult  each  other,  and  when  they  have 
ascertained  the  proper  day  for  the  celebration 
of  Easter  to  signify  it  to  their  comprovincial 
bishops. 

(Maori  Hierolex.  s.  v.  Laterculus.')  [C] 

LATIN,  USE  OF  [Liturgical  Language]. 

LATINA,  martvr,  June  2  {Mart.  Ilieron. 
D'Ach.).  ■  [E.  B.  B.] 

LATINUS,  bishop  of  Brescia  (2nd  century),. 
March  24  {Acta  Sanctorum,  March,  iii.  473). 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LATOPOLIS,  COUNCIL  OF  {LatopoU- 
tanum  Concilium),  a.d.  347,  at  Latopolis,  in 
Upper  Egypt,  at  which  St,  Pachomius  was  put 
on  his  defence.    (Mansi,  iii.  141.)        [E.  S.  Ff.] 

LATEOCINALIS  is  a  name  given  to  the 
synod  which  met  at  Ephesus  A.D.  449  [Ephesus, 
Council  of  (6),  I.  615].  It  was  also  applied 
by  pope  Nicolas  to  the  "  ccnciliabulum" 
assembled  by  Photius,  patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople, in  the  year  863.  [C] 

LATUINUS,  first  bishop  of  Seix  in  Nor- 
mandy, t  June  20  {Acta  S3.  Jun.  v.  10).  The 
name  is  almost  certainly  Teutonic.      [E.  B.  B.] 

LAUDA.  (1)  A  short  antiphon  which 
occurs  after  the  gospel  in  the  Mozarabic  mass. 
In  the  Begula  prefixed  to  the  breviary,  a  lauda 
is  thus  distinguished  from  an  antiphona — ^^  Anti- 
phona  est,  quae  dicitur  sine  Alleluia  ;  et  Lauda 
quae  cum  Alleluia  dicitur."  But  a  laud(C  retains 
its  name  when  Alleluia  is  omitted  at  the  proper 
season.  The  Gospel  is  concluded  with  "  Amen," 
and  then  after  the  salutation  "  The  Lord  be  with 
you,"  Pi.  "And  with  thy  spirit,"  follows  the 
Lauda.  The  normal  form  is  a  verse,  usually, 
though  not  always,  taken  from  the  Psalms,  p-re- 
ceded  and  followed  by  Alleluia.  Thus  the  Lauda 
for  Ascension  Day  is  "  Alleluia,  V.  God  is  gone 
up  with  a  merry  noise,  and  the  Lord  with  the 
sound  of  the  trump.  Alleluia."  After  the  first 
Sunday  in  Lent  Alleluia  is  omitted  till  Easter 
Eve,  when  it  is  resumed  ;  an  additional  latida 
without  Alleluia  being  said  on  that  day  after  the 
Epistle.  On  the  Thursday  before  Easter  the 
Lauda  is  longer  than  usual,  and  consists  of  seven 
verses  (not  consecutive)  of  Ps.  cviii.  (cix.  Eng. 
Ver.)  ;  and  on  Good  Friday  there  is  no  Lauda, 
but  Preces  instead. 

In  the  Ambrosian  mass  the  corresponding  anti- 
phon is  called  Antiphona  post  Evangelium.  In 
the  Roman  there  is  nothing  which  corresponds, 
and  the  Creed  follows  the  Gospel  immediately. 

(2)  An  antiphon  of  the  same  character  as  the 
foregoing,  but  longer,  and  broken  up  into  vei'se- 


LAUDACIA 

and  response,  several  of  which  occur  in  the  day- 
hours  of  the  Mozarabic  breviary.  They  vary 
with  the  office  of  the  day.  They  are  thus 
said : — 

At  Vespers,  two  ;  one  at  the  beginning  of  the 
office,  short,  and  usually  with  a  reference  to  the 
time  of  day  ;  the  other  before  the  hymn,  some- 
what longer,  and  with  "Glory  and  honour," 
&c.  (*),  introduced  before  the  last  clause.  Also 
at  the  close  of  the  office  after  the  benediction, 
additional  laudae  are  found.  Most  frequently 
o^e,  though  often  two  or  more  (for  instance,  on 
the  tliird  Sunday  in  Lent  there  are  as  many  as 
six),  each  followed  by  a  short  prayer  (oratio), 
generally  a  reproduction  of  the  sentiment  of  the 
Lauda.  These  correspond  in  some  measure  to 
the  Commemorationes  of  the  Roman  breviary. 

At  lauds  two  are  said  in  the  course  of  the 
office,  and  one,  or  sometimes  moi-e,  each  with  its 
prayer  at  the  end,  as  at  vespers. 

At  each  of  the  lesser  hours,  except  compline, 
when  there  is  none,  a  lauda  is  said  before  the 
hymn.  This  is  the  general  arrangement,  but 
there  are  of  course  exceptions.  There  is  also  a 
short  "  commemoration"  (of  the  time  of  day) 
after  vespers  and  lauds  daily,  which  consists  of 
a  short  lauda  and  a  prayer. 

As  specimens  of  the  ordinary  form  of  lauda, 
those  for  the  first  vespers  of  the  first  Sunday  in 
Advent  may  be  given : — 

Lauda  at  the  beginning  of  the  Office. — "From 
the  rising  up  of  the  Sun,  unto  the  going  down  of 
the  same.  P.  The  Lord's  name  be  praised.  V. 
Blessed  be  the  name  of  the  Lord,  from  this  time 
forth  for  evermore." 

[This  Lauda  never  has  "  Alleluia."] 

Before  the  Hymn. — "Alleluia.  Send  us  help 
from  the  sanctuary ;  and  strengthen  us  out  of 
Sion,  0  Lord.^  P.  When  we  call  upon  thee. 
Alleluia,  Alleluia.  V.  We  will  rejoice  in  thy 
salvation,  and  triumph  in  the  name  of  the  Lord 
our  God.  P.  And  strengthen  us  out  of  Sion,  0 
Lord.  V.  Glory  and  honour,  &c.  P.  When  we 
call  upon  thee."  [H.  J.  H.] 

LAUDACIA  (^Mart.  Gell.);  Laudaia  (fl'/eron. 
D'Ach.) ;  martyr,  July  26.  Probably  a  copyist's 
error  for  the  place  Laodicea.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAUDACUS.    [Laudiceus.] 

LAUDANA  or  LAUDUNA.  In  Anastasius 
Vitae  Pontiff,  (s.  v.  Adrian,  §  325,  Migne),  we 
read  that  pope  Adrian  made  two  "  laudanas"  of 
silver,  weighing  eight  pounds  each,  which  he 
placed  over  the  Rugae  [probably  doors  or 
curtains]  of  the  presbytery,  where  the  silver 
arch  is.  Calepinus  supposes  these  laudanae  to 
have  been  rods  or  cornices  of  silver ;  but  in  fact 
their  nature  and  use  appear  to  be  altogether 
matter  of  conjecture. 

(Maori  Hierolex. ;  Ducange,  Gloss,  s.  v.)    [C] 


LAUDS 


933 


»  The  Mozarabic  form  of  the  Gloria  Patri  is  "  Gloria 
et  Honor  Patri  et  Filio  el  Spiritui  Sancto  in  saecula  saecu- 
lorum.'  The  word  Honor  was  added  at  the  fourth  coun- 
cil of  Toledo,  the  addition  being  justified  by  the  words 
of  Ps.  28  [£•.  r.  29]  v.  2,  "  Afferte  Domino  gloriam  et 
honorem,"  &c.,  and  by  the  ascription  of  praise  in  Apoc. 
V.  12,  "  Dignus  est  Agnus. .  .accipere  honorem  et  gloriam 
et  benedictionem"  (^Brecis  Missae  Muzarabum  Explicatio, 
A.  Lorenzana). 

•>  This  "  P  "  is  explained  by  Arevalus  as  Psalmus.  It 
has  also  been  taken  to  stand  for  Presbyter. 


LAUDEMIUM  (also  written  Laudimium). 
The  name  which  is  given  to  the  price  which  a 
farmer  or  a  vassal  paid  to  the  owner  or  feudal 
lord  of  the  and  on  being  invested  with  the  posses- 
sion of  a  copyhold  tenure  [Emphyteusis],  or 
on  a  renewal  of  the  investiture  ;  or  for  the  right 
of  alienating  the  fief  to  another.  "Concessimus 
quod  de  feodis  et  retrofoodis  in  emphitheosin 
....  datis  ....  nulla  financia  debeatur,  nisi 
seu  fuerint  castra,  ville,  seu  loca  alia  ....  quo  a 
nobis  in  feudum  vel  homagium,  seu  ad  servitium 
aliud  teneantur,  de  quibus  alienationem  fieri 
nolumus  sine  nostro  Laudemio,  aut  nostra  gratia 
speciali."  (Prjecep.  Lud. :  x.  Fr.  licg.,  quoted 
by  Ducange.)  The  amount  of  the  Laudemium 
varies^.  In  Germany  it  is  stated  to  be  2  per  cent, 
of  the  estimated  value  of  the  property  at  the 
time  of  entering  or  renewal :  and  in  Bavaria, 
and  practically  in  a  large  part  of  Germany,  to 
amount  to  5  per  cent,  of  that  value.  The  law 
of  emphyteusis  was  derived  from  the  Roman  law, 
and  introduced  into  ecclesiastical  law  with  but 
slight  modification  of  the  civil  procedure.  The 
object  of  e?n/)A^<t,'!<sis  was  always  real  property, 
usually  land,  but  it  might  be  a  building.  The 
owner  of  the  property  was  called  dominus  emphy- 
teuseos;  and  the  tenant,  emphyteuticarius,  or 
emphyteuta. 

The  word  laudes  is  used  in  a  similar  sense  for 
the  price  paid  by  a  vassal  to  his  feudal  lord  for 
the  power  of  alienating  his  fief  to  another ;  and 
laudare  in  the  sense  of  receiving  such  laudes. 
The  words  laudemium  and  laudes  both  imply  the 
consent  and  approbation  which  the  feudal  lord 
gives  to  the  translation,  (v.  Ducange  in  loco, 
Pichler,  Jus  Can.  lib.  ii.  lit.  xvii.  24,  &c.) 

[H.  J.  H.] 

LAUDICEUS,  bishop,  buried  in  the  cemetery 
of  Callistus,  and  perhaps  after  the  time  of  Sixtus 
III.  commemorated,  with  the  other  popes  and 
bishops  there  buried,  on  Aug.  9  TDe  Rossi,  Roma 
Sott.  ii.  33-46,  228,  229).  '         [E.  B.  B.] 

LAUDOMAE  [v.  Launomarus]. 

LAUDS  (1),  see  HouES ;  Office,  the  Divine. 

(2)  Under  the  Lower  Empire  when  public 
honour  was  done  to  a  great  personage  the 
acclamations  of  the  people,  which  took  a  con- 
ventional shape,  were  called  Laudes  (Gr.  TroAu- 
XpS^iov).  The  customary  formula  under  the 
heathen  emperors  may  be  learnt  from  the  cries 
of  the  Roman  army  on  an  occasion  mentioned  by 
Lampridius  (^Vita  Diaduin.):  "Jupiter  Optime 
Maxime,  Macrino  et  Antonino  vitam.  Tu  scis, 
Jupiter,  JIacrinus  viuci  non  potest.  Tu  scis, 
Jupiter,  Antoninus  vinci  non  potest  "  (Lindenbr. 
in  Ammian.  Hist.  xvii.  13).  After  a  speech  of 
Constantius  to  his  soldiers  (a.D.  358)  the  whole 
assemblage  of  them,  "  vocibus  festis  in  laudes 
imperatoris  assurgens,  Deumque  ex  usu  testata 
non  posse  Constantium  vinci,  tentoria  laeta  re- 
petit  "  (Ammian.  u.  s.).  Whether  they  gave  a 
Christian  turn  to  the  laudes  or  retained  the  old 
cry  does  not  appear.  The  historian  uses  the 
word  Deum  in  the  case  of  Julian  (363),  whose 
soldiers  would  certainly  appeal  to  Jupiter: 
"  Principem  superari  non  posse  Deum  usitato 
more  testati  "  (xxiv.  1)  ;  and  it  is  worthy  of  note 
that  the  soldiers  of  Valens,  when  deserting  to 
Procopius  at  Mygdos  in  365,  called  Jupiter  to 
witness  :  "  Testati  Jovem  invictum  Procopium 
3  P  2 


934 


LAUDULF 


fore  "  Qbid.  sxvi.  6).  The  custom,  however,  at 
length  assumed  a  Christian  character,  and  was 
observed  even  in  churches.  When  St.  Augustine, 
in  a  synod  held  in  the  church  of  the  Peace  at 
Hippo,  A.D.  426,  proposed  Eraclius  as  his  coad- 
jutor with  right  of  succession,  "a  populo  acclama- 
tum  est.  Deo  Gratias :  Christo  Laudes,  dictum 
est  vicies  terties.  Exaudi  Christe,  Augiistino 
vita,  dictum  est  sexies  decies.  Ta  patron,  te 
episcopun,  dictum  est  octies "  (August.  Epist. 
213,  §  1).  A  similar  instance  occurs  in  the  his- 
tory of  a  synod  hel  I  under  Symmachus,  who 
became  pope  in  498  :  "  Exaudi,  Christe.  Sym- 
macho  papae  vita  sit,"  was  repeated  twelve 
times  (Gratian,  ii.  xvi.  57).  About  the  year  520 
we  read  of  the  legates  of  the  bishop  of  Kome 
being  met  by  Justin  the  emperor  and  Vitalian 
the  consul,  "cum  gloria  et  laudibus  "  (Anast. 
Biblioth.  Vitae  Pont.  E.  n.  53  ;  comp.  nn.  84, 
105  ;  Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc,  vi.  11).  The  por- 
traits of  the  usurper  Phocas  and  his  wife  were 
received  with  acclamations  at  Rome  on  April  25, 
602,  "in  the  basilic  of  Julius  by  all  the  clergy 
and  senate,"  the  cry  being,  "Exaudi,  Christe. 
Phocae  Augusto  et  Leontiae  Augustae  vita " 
(Relatio  inter  Epp.  Greg.  M.  xi.  1 ;  Labbe,  Cone. 
v.  1509  ;  comp.  Vita  Greg.  auct.  Joan.  Diac. 
iv.  20).  On  one  of  Charlemagne's  visits  to 
Kome  Hadrian,  while  "celebrating  masses  to 
Almighty  God,  caused  lauds  to  be  paid  to  the 
aforesaid  Charles  "  (Anast.  u.  s.  n.  97).  When 
the  same  prince  was  crowned  by  Leo  HI.  on 
St.  Peter's  Day,  800,  the  lauds  were,  "  Carolo 
piissimo  Augusto  a  Deo  coronato,  magno,  paci- 
fico  imperatori "  (ibid.  98).  After  anointing 
him  the  pope  said  mass,  or  more  probably  pro- 
ceeded with  it — the  account  being  thus  con- 
tinued :  "  Et  peracta  missa  ....  obtulit  ipse," 
&c.  From  later  authorities  we  learn  that 
acclamations  in  a  mass  took  place  after  the 
collect.  See  Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  i.  iv.  iii. 
13  ;  Ordo  Rom.  xii.  i.  2,  xiii.  7,  10  (ante  episto- 
1am  post  orationem),  xiv.  31 ;  in  Mus.  Ital.  ii. 
They  were  at  length  formed  into  litanies  to 
Christ  and  the  saints — e.g.  the  priest  says  thrice 
and  the  clerks  respond,  "Christus  vincit,  Chris- 
tus  regnat,  Christus  imperat.  Then  the  priest 
says,  Exaudi  Christe.  The  clerks  answer,  Ki- 
colao  summo  Pontifici  et  universali  papae  vita. 
The  litany  follous.  Salvator  mundi,  Tu  ilium 
adjuva.  S.  Petre,  S.  Paule,  S.  Andrea,  &c. 
And  the  response  to  each  is,  Tu  ilium  adjuva. 
Then  follows,  Exaudi  Christe.  Ludovico  a  Deo 
coronato,  magno  et  pacifico  regi  vita  et  victoria. 
Eedemptor  mundi,  Tu  ilium  adjuva.  S.  Mi- 
chael, S.  Gabriel,  S.  Raphael,  S.  Joannes,  &c., 
vnth  the  response  to  each,  Tu  ilium  adjuva ;"  and 
similarly  for  any  number  of  persons,  fresh  saints 
being  invoked  for  each  (Bona,  Rer.  Lit.  ii.  v.  8, 
from  Goldastus,  Antiq.  Aleni.  ii.  2).  Compare  a 
form  in  Martene  u.s.  from  a  Soissons  MS.  Du- 
randus  {Pontificale  MS.  cited  by  Sala  on  Bona 
u.  s.)  speaks  of  lauds  which  began  like  the  fore- 
going (Christus  vincit,  etc),  as  said  not  after 
the  collect,  but  "  immediately  after  the  Kyrie 
eleison."  [W.  E.  S.] 

LAUDULF  [v.  Lahdulf]. 

LAUNOMARUS,  abbat,  f  at  Dreux,  Jan.  19 
(Gth  or  7th  centuiy),  Usuard  (Wandelbert  ?),  r. 
Acta  SS.,  Jan.  ii.  593.  [E.  B.  B.] 


LAURENCE,  ST. 

LAURA.  The  small  monastic  communities 
in  Egypt,  Palestine,  and  Syria,  called  Lauras,  are 
a  connecting  liuk  in  the  history  of  the  rise  and 
progress  of  monachism,  between  the  solitary  as- 
ceticism of  the  hermitage  and  the  more  organ- 
ised, less  self-dependent  asceticism  of  the 
monastery.  A  laura  was  an  aggregation  of 
separate  cells,  under  the  not  very  strongly  de- 
tiued  control  of  a  superior,  the  inmates  meeting 
together  only  on  the  first  and  last  days,  the  old 
and  new  Sabbaths,  of  each  week  for  their  common 
meal  in  the  refectory,  and  for  their  common 
worship  in  the  chapel  attached  to  each  of  these 
lauras.  On  the  other  days  of  the  week  they 
dwelt  apart  irom  one  another,  each  in  the  silence 
and  solitude  of  his  cell,  subsisting  on  bread  and 
water,  the  oidinary  fare  of  the  primitive  founders 
of  monasticism.  The  cells,  though  separate, 
were  in  close  proximity  to  one  another,  like  the 
wigwams  of  an  Indian  encampment,  and  all 
clustering  round  the  chapel  of  the  community. 
(Bened.  Anian.  Concord.  Regul.  Menardi  Comment. 
in.  i. ;  Du  Cange,  Glossar.  Lat.  s.v.  Laura  ;  Joan. 
Hierosol.,  Vit.  Joan.  Damasc.  p.  693.)  Usually 
each  cell  contained  one  inmate  only  ;  but  under 
Pachomius,  in  Tabenna,  three  resided  together  in 
each  cell  (Sozom.  H.  E.  iii.  14). 

The  origin  of  the  word  "  Laura  "  is  uncertain. 
By  one  account  it  is  Ionic  (Du  Cange,  Giossar.  Gr. 
s.v.)  ;  by  another,  it  is  a  contraction  of  the  Greek 
for  labyrinth  (\a^vpiv6oi)  and  expressive  of  the 
narrow  pathways  winding  in  and  out  among  the 
cells  ("  wynds  ") ;  more  probably  it  is  another 
form  of  '•  labra  "  (\a/8pa),  the  popular  term  in 
Alexandria  for  an  alley  or  small  court.  (Suicer, 
Thes.  Eccles.  s.v. ;  Epiphan.  Haeres.  xlix.)  The 
worst  explanation  of  the  word  is  that  which 
derives  it  from  "  ol  \aol  peovfft,'"  as  if  it  wei'e 
a  thoroughfare,  along  which  a  crowd  streams. 

One  of  the  most  celebrated  lauras  was  one 
founded  by  Chariton,  a  hermit,  at  Pharan,  near 
Jerusalem  (Bulteau,  Hist,  de  I'Ordre  de  S. 
Benoist,  I.  i.).  Others  are  recorded  to  have 
been  founded  in  the  5th  century  by  Sabas,  a  cele- 
brated desert-saint,  Gerasimus,  Euthymius  and 
the  empress  Eudocia. 

As  the  coenobitic  life  became  more  prevalent, 
young  and  inexperienced  monks  were  discouraged 
generally  from  venturing  on  the  solitary  life 
without  previous  training  with  other  monks, 
under  the  authority  and  supervision  of  an  abbat. 
Thus  Euthymius  advised  the  youthful  Sabas  to  quit 
his  separate  cell  in  the  laura,  and  to  join  a  coeno- 
bium  for  a  time  (Cyril.  Scythopol.  Vit.  S.  Sab.). 
Gerasimus  is  said  to  have  established  a  coeno- 
bium  in  the  midst  of  his  laura  (Cyril,  Scythopol. 
Vit.  S.  Euthym.). 

Obviously  life  in  a  laura  incurred  a  twofold 
danger,  being  exposed  at  the  same  time  to  the 
temptations  peculiar  to  solitude,  and  to  those 
which  are  incidental  to  a  number  of  persons  living 
together  under  no  strict  rule,  without  much  re- 
straint of  any  kind,  and  without  the  necessity  of 
constant  occupation.  The  denizens  of  a  laura  are 
sometimes  termed  "  lauretae "  (Mosch.  Prat. 
cc.  3,  4) ;  they  have  been  compared  to  the 
"  inclusi  "  of  Western  monachism,  but  there  are 
many  points  of  difference.  [See  Inclusi.] 

[I.  G.  S.] 

LAURENCE,  ST.  [in  Art].  St.  Laurence 
usually  carries  a  copy  of  the  Gospels  to  denote 


LAURENCE,  ST. 

his  office  of  deacon.  In  the  church  of  St.  Lau- 
rence, in  Agro  Vorano,  at  Rome,  there  is  a 
mosaic  of  the  6th  century,  representing  the 
martyr  with  an  open  book  in  his  hand,  on  which 
may  be  read  the  words  "  dispersit,  dedit  pau- 
peribus"  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  tab.  Ixvi.  2),  in 
allusion  to  his  kindness  to  the  poor. 


St  Laurence.    From  Martigny. 

Like  other  martyrs  he  bears  a  cross,  frequently 
jewelled  (Aringhi,  ii.  354).  In  the  basilica  of 
Galla  Placidia,  at  Ravenna,  there  is  a  mosaic 
shewing  him  standing  before  the  heated  gridiron, 
holding  the  cross  and  the  Gospels  {Vet.  Mon. 
i.  Ixvii.).  On  the  bottom  of  a  glass  cup  the 
sacred  monogram,  with  A  on  one  side  and  ai  on 
the  other,  is  placed  behind  the  head  of  the  saint 
(Bottari,  tab.  cxcviii.).  Sometimes  we  find  him 
seated  between  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  as  though 
the  Apostles  having  introduced  him  into  the 
heavenly  city  were  giving  him  an  honourable 
place  therein  (Buonarr.  p.  104).  Another  glass 
cup  has  the  figure  of  the  saint,  with  the  legend 
Victor  Vivas,  in  nomine  Lavreti  (Buonarroti, 
xix.  2);  this  cup  may  very  likely  have  been 
used  at  an  agape  on  the  martyr's  day,  which 
was  observed  at  Rome  with  m'uch  solemnitv. 
Lupi  (Dissert,  e  Lett.  i.  192-197)  describes 
two  ancient  representations  of  the  martyrdom 
of  St.  Laurence ;  one,  a  cameo,  shews  the'  saint 
stretched  upon  a  gridiron,  while  two  execu- 
tioners stir  the  fire  beneath,  and  a  third  brings 
wood  to  replenish  it ;  in  the  other,  a  leaden 
medallion,  we  see  the  martyr  at  the  moment 
of  death ;  his  soul,  personified  by  a  female 
figure,  ascending  with  clasped  hands,  receives 
a  crown  from  the  outstretched  arm  which 
symbolises  the  Almighty  ;  the  emperor,  laurelled 
and  sceptred,  is  seated  in  a  curule  chair,  and 
seems  by  his  attitude  to  be  giving  directions  ; 
a  slave  stands  by  his  side.  Arevallo  (in  Prudent. 
p.  936)  gives  a  glass  which  represents  the 
martyr  face  downwards  on  the  gridiron,  his 
name  lavreciv  being  written  above. 

(Martigny,  Bict.  das  Antiq.  Chret.  s.  v.)   [C] 

LAURENCE  (Laurentiu?,  Lorenzo,  Laurent, 
Louwerijs),  chief  deacon  of  Rome,  broiled  to  death 
Aug.  10,  A.D.  258. 

The  fact  is  not  mentioned  by  extant  writers 
till  the  middle  of  the  4th  century,  and  yet  had 


LAURENCE  935 

an  immediate  and  wide-spread  influence  (which 
it  will  be  the  object  of  this  article  to  trace)  on 
the  life  of  the  church. 

It  may  be  taken  as  a  typical  instance  of  mar- 
tyrdom,  so  that  under  this  head  it  will  be  pos- 
sible to  gather  specimens  of  all  the  honours  that 
were  paid  to  martyrs. 

I.  As  administrator  of  the  charities  of  the 
metropolitan  church,  Laurence  is  celebrated 
in  ancient  liturgies  almost  as  much  as  for  his 
sufferings.  "  He  hath  dispersed,  he  hath  given 
to  the  poor,"  is  quoted  in  the  Greek  cathisma. 
and  is  the  introit  in  the  Gregorian  missaL 
The  Mozarabic  lessons,  Ecclus.  xxxi.  5-12- 
2  Cor.  ix.  7-13 ;  Matt.  vi.  19-34,  apply  rather  to 
the  deacon  than  to  the  martyr,  and  there  is  the 
same  epistle  in  the  Ambrosian  liturgy  (Patrol. 
Ixxxv.  811).  Nor  did  he  only  administer  tem- 
poral relief,  but  the  reading  of  the  Gospel  and 
the  cup  of  the  Lord.  Hence  the  late  legend  o< 
his  connexion  with  the  Holy  Grail.  However 
he  had  died,  all  the  Christians  and  all  the  poor 
of  Rome  would  have  felt  his  loss. 

_  II.  When  such  a  man  was  stretched  naked 
(anAQieeU,  lit.  'simplified,'  Menologij  of  Basil) 
on  an  iron  grating  over  a  slow  fire,  and  "  his 
living  limbs  hissed  over  the  coals  "  (the  phrase 
is  found  alike  in  the  Roman  Sacramentaries  of  Leo 
and  of  Gelasius,  in  the  Mozarabic  and  the  Gothic), 
the  grief,  the  horror,  the  admiration,  and  the 
awe,  would  make  it  an  anniversary  never  to  be 
forgotten.  The  death  by  torture  of  a  Roman 
citizen  was  not  a  common  thing.  It  was  a  deed 
intended  to  strike  terror  far  and  wide. 

in.  His  anniversary  is  fixed  to  Aug.  10  by  the 
Feriale  of  Liberius  (a.d.  354),  and  the  universal 
consent  of  Western  and  Byzantine  calendars. 
Aug.  11,  if  ever  found,  is  merely  a  slip.  In  the 
metrical  martyrology  of  Bede,  for  '  bissenis ' 
read 

"  Bis  hinis  victor  superat  Laurentius  hostem." 
The  lectionary  of  Luxeuil  and  sacramentary  of 
Bobbio  are  said  to  stand  alone  in  the  West  in 
omitting  Laurence  (Patrol.  Ixxxv.  811).  But  as 
the  same  sacramentary  commemorates  Laurence 
daily  in  the  ordinary  mass,  it  is  manifest  that 
the  omission  only  shews  that  Columban's  monks 
had  no  special  service  for  the  day,  not  that 
they  omitted  the  commemoration.  He  is  found 
in  the  Feilire  of  Aengus  the  Culdee. 

There  does  not  seem  to  be  the  same  general 
consent  about  any  other  festival  of  the  church 
whatsoever. 

IV.  Priidentius,  in  his  hymn  for  the  day.  de- 
clares that  from  that  day  forward  the  worship  of 
the  foul  gods  grew  cold,  that  his  death  was  the 
death  of  the  temples  (ttipl  ffTi(pa.vwv,  iii.  497, 
509).  The  canon  in  the  Greek  liturgy  speaks  of 
him  (ode  5)  as  "  finally  plucking  down  the  me- 
morial of  the  impious  conceit  of  the  erring." 

If  this  be  so,  it  is  important  to  fix  the  epoch 
of  his  death.  Now  this  may  be  done  with  certainty, 
though  from  the  close  of  the  5th  century  onwards 
there  was  a  wide-spread  error  as  to  the  date, 
which  referred  it  to  the  jjcrsecution  of  Decius. 
We  are,  however,  enabled  to  correct  the  error  by 
the  abundant  evidence  that  Laurence  suffered  a 
ie^v!  days  after  pope  Xystus  or  Sixtus  II.  And 
we  know,  from  the  contemporary  evidence  of 
Cyprian,  that  Sixtus  was  executed  on  the  6th 
of  August  in  the  opening  of  the  persecution  of 


936 


LAURENCE 


Valerian,  A.D.  258  (Cypr.  Ep.  82,  ed.  Migne). 
Cyprian  himself  suffered  in  the  following  month. 
v.  Now  generally  the  Greek  menologies,  the 
Egyptian- Arabic  menology  (v.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  tom. 
li.  125  b),  the  Spanish-Gothic  calendar  (Migne, 
Patrol.  Ixxxv.  1051),  and  the  Mozai-abic  missal 
and  breviary,  transfer  Xystus  from  the  6th  to  be 
subordinated  to  and  celebrated  along  with  Lau- 
i-ence  on  the  10th.  This  is  the  more  remarkable, 
as  Xystus  is  said  to  hare  been  of  Greek  extrac- 
tion, and  as  the  Mozarabic  lessons  are  concerned 
■with  the  diaconate  of  Laurence.  The  fact  that 
while  Ambrose  has  separate  hymns  (72,  73)  for 
Sixtus  and  Laurence,  Prudentius  has  only  one 
for  both,  seems  to  shew  that  these  were  the 
primitive  arrangements  in  Spain.  They  are  quite 
peculiar  to  that  country  in  the  West.  The 
Synaxarion  in  the  menology  of  Basil  makes  Xystus 
say  to  Laurence,  "  To-morrow  we  are  delivered 
up."  But  Prudentius  (like  Ambrose,  de  Off.  i.  41) 
makes  him  predict  the  martyrdom  of  the  latter 
after  an  interval  of  three  days,  c.  28. 

VI.  The  canon  in  the  Greek  liturgy  is  addressed 
to  Laurence  alone,  and  consists  of  eight  odes,  32 
troparia  on  the  Acrostic  [see  I.  14]. 

AavpeVrioc  KpaTLUTOV  vfxvia  irpo^povuii. 

Vn.  In  Ethiopia  Laurence  seems  to  be  com- 
memorated as  Lavernius  on  Nahasse  15  =  Aug.  8 
(v.  Ludolf,  Comm.  Hist.  Ethiop.  p.  425).  In  the 
ancient  Syrian  martyrology,  Sixtus  is  the  only 
Roman  martyr  (see  De  Rossi,  Roma  Sotterranea, 
ii.  376).  Eusebius  in  his  history  seems  ignorant 
of  the  martyrdom  even  of  Sixtus.  Cyprian  does 
not  mention  Laurence.  The  calendar  of  Carthage, 
like  the  rest  of  the  West,  distinguishes  the  fes- 
tivals of  Xystus  and  Laurence. 

VIII.  There  is  another  saint  joined  with  Lau- 
rence in  the  Greek  liturgy,  his  jailor  and  convert 
Hippolytus,  whose  name  seems  to  have  suggested 
that  he  should  be  dragged  along  the  ground  by 
wild  hoi'ses  till  he  died : 

Toi/'lTTTroAvTOi'  tJTTroSea-fiior  Xlyia 
€vavTiov  TTao^ovTOi  Tjj  KATJtret  7Tddo<;. 

His  death  is  clearly  mentioned  as  subsequent  to 
those  of  Laurence  and  Xystus.  The  calendar  of 
Polemeus  Silvius  at  Rome  in  A.D.  448,  includin 
nine  only  of  the  most  popular  festivals,  omits 
Xystus,  imt  inserts  both  Laurence  and  Hippo- 
lytus (Migne,  Pair.  Lett.  xiii.  676). 

IX.  These  two  festivals  were  the  great  harvest 
home  of  the  Roman  church.  St.  Laurence's  day 
is  still  the  signal  for  burning  the  stubble  in  the 
Campagna  (Knight,  Latium,  3).  So  the  rustics 
would  perhaps  be  better  able  to  resort  to  the 
city  for  the  second  festival,  which  is  graphi- 
cally described  by  Prudentius. 

X.  The  Sacramentary  of  Leo  has  only  one 
mass  distinctly  for  Hippolytus's  festival,  but 
seven  for  Sixtus,  and  fourteen  for  Laurence. 
The  1st,  10th,  and  12th  of  these  seem  to  be 
for  his  vigil,  for  they  speak  of  '  preventing '  his 
day.  There  is  also  a  mass  for  the  vigil  in  the 
Sacramentaries  of  Gelasius  and  Gregory. 

XI.  In  the  Sacramentary  of  Gregory,  two 
masses  are  given  on  the  day  itself,  an  early  and 
a  public  mass.  The  Capitulare  given  in  Martene 
( J7tes.  V.  76),  which  is  referred  by  De  Rossi  to 
the  opening  year  of  Benedict  11.,  gives  the  gospel 
for  the  vigil  Matt.  svi.  24-28 ';  for  the  early 
mass  Matt.  x.  37-42 ;  for  the  public  mass  John  xii. 
24-26.     One  of  Augustine's  sermons  for  the  fes- 


LAUEENCE 


tival  (Sermon  305)  is  on  the  last-named 
Sermon  304  refers  to  Prov.  xxiii.  1,  2  as  the  Old 
Testament  lesson.  Serncons  302  and  303  seem  to 
refer  to  Matt.  v.  12  and  Luke  xxi.  19  as  read  in 
the  gospel  for  the  day,  but  the  references  may 
really  be  to  Matt.  x.  42  and  Matt.  xvi.  25,  in 
which  case  the  arrangements  would  be  the  same 
in  Africa  as  at  Rome,  and  Sermon  303,  in  which 
he  complains  of  the  small  attendance  and  great 
heat,  would  be  preached  at  the  vigil.  In  the 
modern  Roman  missal  the  gospel  is  John  xii. 
24-26  still,  and  the  epistle  is  abridged  from  that 
in  the  Mozarabic  and  Ambrosian  liturgies.  Chry- 
sologus  of  Ravenna,  in  his  135th  sermon,  quotes 
Phil.  i.  29  as  part  of  the  epistle  for  the  day. 
This  would  be  very  applicable  to  the  deacon  in 
the  absence  of  his  bishop.  To  Maximus  of  Turin 
three  homilies  (74-76)  and  four  sermons  (70-73) 
on  this  feast  are  ascribed.  The  3rd  of  these 
sermons  (72)  is  word  for  word  the  same  as  is 
ascribed  to  Leo.  Three  times  m  the  other  sermons 
he  quotes  Luke  xii.  49,  which  may  have  been  one 
of  the  gospels  read  at  the  festival  in  Turin. 

XII.  The  Sacramentary  of  Gelasius,  though  it 
does  not  give  a  second  mass  to  the  day,  gives 
vesper  collects  such  as  this: — "  Jlay  his  blessing 
be  with  us  in  Thy  glory  whose  confession  in  Thy 
virtue  has  to-day  been  made  our  plea."  Cf.  2  Pet. 
L3. 

XIII.  The  Sacramentary  of  Gregory  does  not 
give  a  special  service  for  the  octave.  No  more 
does  the  modern  missal,  though  the  day  is  still 
observed.  This,  and  the  octave  of  Peter  and 
Paul,  are  the  only  two  in  Usuard.  The  per- 
manence of  his  felicity  is  made  in  Leo  and 
Gelasius  the  ground  for  a  repeated  memorial 
of  it. 

XIV.  The  Gothic  missal  has  neither  vigil  nor 
octave.  From  the  absence  of  a  triple  benedic- 
tion the  feast  would  seem  to  have  been  less 
important  in  France  than  those  of  Andrew, 
Stephen,  John,  the  Holy  Innocents,  Cecilia  and 
Clement.  Neither  Boniface  nor  Charlemagne 
prescribe  it  as  a  holiday  (sabbatizandum),  only 
Chrodogang  names  it  among  those  on  which 
there  is  to  be  full  service  (Bintcrim,  Denkwur- 
digkeiten,  t.  5,  pt.  1,  p.  299).  In  this  missal 
Sixtus  and  Hippolytus  are  not  associated  with 
Laurence  on  his  day,  but  he  is  commemorated 
in  the  proper  prefaces  on  theirs  as  well  as  on 
his  own.  The  Sacramentary  of  Leo  says  much 
of  Sixtus  leading  the  way  for  his  deacons,  but  it 
commemorates  two  others  of  them  along  with 
him.  The  Gothic  missal  applies  the  same  thus : 
"He  was  an  example  to  others,  for  Laurence 
followed."  And  on  the  13th  it  says :  "  Who 
when  Hippolytus  was  yet  occupied  in  the  tyrant's 
service  of  a  sudden  madest  him  the  fellow  of 
Laurence."  So  the  Mart.  Jlieron.,  which  belongs 
to  Auxerre,  names  both  Laurence  and  Hippo- 
lytus on  the  6th,  as  well  as  on  their  own  days. 

XV.  In  the  Greek  church  the  triple  festival 
falls  -vithin  the  octave  of  the  Transfiguration, 
which  is  therefore  commemorated  on  it.  Hence 
in  one  echos  the  martyrdoms  are  viewed  as 
themselves  a  theophany. 

XVI.  In  the  litany  used  at  compline  through- 
out Lent,  in  the  Greek  church,  Laurence  is  named 
next  to  the  Apostles  and  Stephen.  He  is  in- 
voked in  the  Breton  Litany  (Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
Councils,  ii.  82).  Also  in  the  Coronation  Litany 
(Muratori,  lAt.  Rom.  ii.  463). 


LAURENCE 

XVII.  He  is  commemorated  in  the  ordinary 
canon  of  the  mass,  in  the  Gelasian,  Prankish 
and  Gregorian  missals,  and  in  that  of  Bobbio. 
He  is  put  next  to  the  early  popes  and  Cyprian. 

(For  the  Western  liturgies  in  the  above  article 
we  have  used  Muratori  Liturgia  Eomana,  t.  i. 
389-401,  658-662;  t.  ii.  108-113,  625-629; 
also  t.  i.  696 ;  ii.  3,  693,  777-  For  the  Eastern, 
Arcudius,  Anthologica.) 

Churches  op  St.  Laurence. 
A.  Borne,  Foris  Murum. 

I.  The  Basilica  di  San  Lorenzo  fuori  is  said 
to  have  been  founded  by  Constantine  (Anastasius, 
Vita  Silvcstri). 

n.  Of  Sixtus  in.  we  are  told,  "  Moreover  he 
made  a  basilica  to  the  blest  martyr  Laurence, 
which  Valentinianus  Augustus  (the  3rd)  granted, 
where  also  he  offered  gifts  "  (Anast.  Vit.  xlvi.). 
This  was  a  new  basilica  beside  the  old.  Re- 
dedication  of  it  to  Laurence,  Sixtus  and  Hip- 
poly  tus  is  mentioned  in  the  Mart.  Hieron., 
Nov.  2  (De  Rossi,  Roma  Sott.  ii.  36).  Hilary  made 
■beside  the  church  of  Laurence,  monasteries  and 
■a  bath  and  a  praetorium  of  St.  Stephen  (Anast. 
Vit.  xlviii.).  Then  after  the  one  year's  popedom 
-of  Anastasius,  Symmachus  in  the  days  of  Theo- 
doric,  "constructed  beside  the  church  of  St. 
Laurence,"  as  well  as  of  St.  Paul  and  St.  Peter, 
"habitations  for  the  poor"  (Anast.  Vit.  liii.). 
We  read  in  the  time  of  Belisarius  (a.d.  537), 
that  "  the  churches  and  bodies  of  the  martyrs 
were  exterminated  by  the  Goths  "  (Anast.  Vit. 
Ix.  §  99). 

Anastasius  tells  us  that  Pelagius  H.  (a.d. 
577-590),  who  was  made  pope  at  a  time  when 
the  Lombards  were  devastating  Italy,  and  when 
there  were  such  rains  as  threatened  a  deluge 
{and  would  therefore  endanger  a  church  built 
on  a  hillside),  "  made  over  the  body  of  the  blest 
martyr  Laurence  a  basilica  constructed  from 
the  foundation,  and  adorned  his  sepulchre  with 
tablets  of  silver  "  (Anast.  Vit.  Ixv.).  The  mosaic 
inscription  enables  us  to  identify  the  presbytery 
or  most  ancient  part  of  the  present  church  as 
identical  with  this  church  of  Pelagius.  The  old 
pavement,  recently  brought  to  light,  dates  from 
the  6th  century. 

For  a  discussion  of  this  basilica  De  Rossi  in  the 
Bulletini  for  1864  may  be  consulted. 

B.  Rome,  within  the  Walls. 

I.  In  Damaseo,  parochia.  — We  are  told  by 
Anastasius  that  Pope  "  Damasus  made  two  basi- 
licas, one  to  St.  Laurence  near  the  theatre  of 
Pompey,  another  outside  the  walls  on  the  Aure- 
lian  Way,  where  he  himself  rests,"  t385. 

II.  In  Fontc. — S.  Lorenzo  in  Fonte  is  near  the 
Forum  of  Trajan  on  the  way  to  the  Esquiline, 
and  is  said  to  contain  the  fountain  that  sprang 
up  at  his  prayers  to  enable  him  to  baptize 
Hippolytus.  This  church  may  also  have  been 
founded  by  Damasus :  see  an  ejiigram  in  Migne 
(^Patrol,  xiii.  411  n.). 

III.  In  Lucinae. — The  church  in  Lucinae,  which 
is  on  the  site  of  the  Horologium  of  Augustus,  is 
said  by  Tillemont  to  be  often  mentioned  in  the 
time  of  Symmachus,  A.D.  498-514  (Tillem.  AUm. 
-iv.  597). 

IV.  In  Miranda,  monasterium. — S.  Lorenzo  in 
Miranda  is  in  the  temple  of  Antoninus  Pius,  and 
iFaustinae  in  the  Forum,  near  the  church  of  St. 


LAURENCE 


937 


Adriano,  in  the  old  temple  of  the  Three  Fates. 
There  was  a  monastery  that  had  long  been  in 
ruins  and  inhabited  by  seculars,  that  Adrian  re- 
stored in  the  name  of  SS.  Adriano  and  Lorenzo 
and  richly  endowed. 

v.  In  regione  tertia,  parochia.  —  Simplicius 
(a.d.  468-483)  constituted  a  hebdomada [Octave] 
for  the  third  region  at  St.  Laurence,  that  presby- 
ters should  remain  there  for  the  sake  of  penitents 
and  baptism.  S.  Lorenzo  a'  Monti  may  repre- 
sent the  parish,  but  not  the  site  of  the  church. 

VI.  In  Panis  perna. — The  church  in  Panis 
perna  is  said  to  be  where  Laurence  was  put  to 
death  in  the  baths  of  Olympias.  There  have 
been  many  conjectures  as  to  the  name,  but  it  is 
simply  explained  by  the  f;\ct  that  there  was  a 
temple  of  Silvanus  or  Pan  at  this  place  (see 
Venuti,  Antichitii  di  Soma,  c.  vi.  p.  101). 

VII.  Ad  Taurellum. — The  roof  of  a  church  of 
Laurence  ad  Taurellum,  "  dum  nimis  vetustissi- 
mum  inerat,"  was  repaired  by  Adrian.  Of  S. 
Lorenzo  in  piscibus,  de'  PP.  delle  scuole,  close  to 
St.  Peter's,  I  find  no  trace  unless  it  be  this. 

VIII.  In  Formosa. — The  church  in  Formosa  was 
close  to  the  church  of  St.  Cyriacus,  probably 
therefore  on  the  Pincian  (Anastasius,  Vita  Adri- 
ani  Pair.  xcvi.  n.  95).  This,  and  those  in  Lucina 
and  in  Damaseo,  were  the  three  important 
churches  of  Laurence  in  Rome  in  Charlemagne's 
time.  Montfaucon  (Diar.  Ital.  c.  14,  p.  205)  gives 
no  reason  for  identifying  it  with  Panis  perna. 

IX.  In  Palatinis,  Monasterium. — There  was  a 
monastery  of  St.  Laurence  "  on  the  Palatine  in  the 
deserts"  that  Adrian  restored  and  joined  with 
a  monastery  of  Stephen,  called  Bajanda.  It 
is  often  mentioned  later,  as  a  limit  of  floods. 
Mr.  Burn  {Rome,  p.  177,  see  plan  at  p.  155) 
thinks  he  has  identified  the  basilica  of  Jove, 
where  Laurence  was  tried,  as  on  the  Palatine. 

XI.  Oratorium  in  the  lateran. — There  was  a 
chapel  of  Laurence  in  the  Lateran  where  Toto 
was  ordained,  A.D.  768. 

XII. — Stations  in  the  Churches. — There  were 
stations  in  the  churches  and  basilica  on  LXX™*- 
Sunday  ad  S.  laurentium  ;  gospel,  the  labourers 
in  the  vineyard. 
Foris  Murum. 

The  Friday  after  the  1st  Sunday  in  Lent. 
The  ord  Sunday. 

The  Saturday  before  the  5th  Sunday. 
Ihe  Wednesday  after  Easter.    John  xxi. 
In  Lucinae  ;  Friday  after  the  Zrd  Sunday  in 

Lent. 
In  Damaseum ;    Tuesday  after  the  ith  Sun- 
day. 
Those  in  italics  are  still  observed. 

•C.  Elsewliere. 
I.  In  Constantinople. — The  relics  of  St.  Ste- 
phen are  said  to  have  been  brought  by  Eudocia, 
the  wife  of  Theodosius  II.,  to  Coustautinople  in 
A.D.  439,  and  laid  in  the  church  of  St.  Laurence 
there,  which  her  husband's  sister  Pulcheria  had 
built  near  her  own  palace,  in  a  place  called 
Petrion  or  Blachernae,  on  the  left  of  the  Ceratine 
Gulf,  in  front  of  a  church  of  the  Virgin.  Mar- 
cellinus  Comes  (in  De  la  Eigne,  vi.  1,  365) ; 
Theodorus  Lector  {ib.  505)  ;  Procopius  (de  Aedit. 
Justin,  i.  6,  17).  The  union  of  the  relics  of 
Stephen,  Laurence,  and  Agnes  in  this  church  is 
said  to  be  commemorated  Sept.  29,  but  is  not 
in  the  Menology  of  Basil  (Tillem.  iv.  598). 


938 


LAUEENCE 


II.  At  L'avjnna. — There  was  in  the  beginning 
of  the  5th  century  a  church  of  St.  Laurence  at 
Ravenna. 

III.  At  Milan. — The  basilica  of  St.  Lorenzo  at 
Milan  was  originally  the  cathedral.  There  is 
an  epigram  on  it  by  Ennodius,  bishop  of  Ticino 
(a.d.  505),  poem  Ivi.  (De  la  Eigne,  Bihl.  Vet. 
Fatr.  vi.  1,  301). 

IV.  At  Tivoli  and  Porto. — There  was  also  a 
church  of  Laurence  at  Tivoli,  restored  by 
Leo  III.  And  at  Porto  he  had  both  a  church 
and  a  monastery  on  the  island,  with  vineyards 
attached. 

V.  At  Norcia  there  was  a  church  destroyed 
by  the  Lombards,  and  rebuilt  by  Sanctulus,  as 
we  are  told  by  Gregory  the  Great  {Dial.  3,  3G). 

VI.  In  Switzerland.  —  At  Brionum  Castra 
(probably  Brione,  in  the  Val  Verzasca)  there 
was  a  church  of  St.  Laurence  burnt  down  by 
the  Lombards,  in  the  rebuilding  of  which  a  cele- 
brated miracle  occurred.  See  Gregory  of  Tours 
{Glor.  Mart.  i.  42). 

VII.  In  Gaul. — The  churches  of  St.  Laurence 
traceable  in  Gaul  are — 

a.  At  Vienne,  built  by  St.  Severus  about  a.d. 
450,  on  a  hill  between  four  mountains  above  the 
town,  with  a  treasure  found  on  the  spot  {Acta  SS. 
August,  t.  ii.  p.  350). 

6.  To  St.  Laurence  and  St.  Germain  at  Cler- 
mont, built  by  Eoricus,  king  of  the  Goths,  where 
St.  Gall  was  buried  (Greg.  Tur.  ffist.  Franc,  ii.). 

c.  A  monastery  in  Paris  in  the  time  of  Clotaire, 
of  which  St.  Domnolus  was  abbat  before  he  was 
bishop  of  Le  Mans.  It  is  now  a  parish  in  the 
faubourgs  (see  Greg.  Tur.  Jlist.  Franc,  vi.  9,  25). 

d.  On  Mont  Lois,  near  Tours,  built  by  Per- 
petuus, sixth  bishop  of  that  city  (^ibid.  x.  6). 

VIII.  In  Africa. — Relics  of  Laurence  were 
deposited  under  an  altar  at  Setif,  in  Africa,  in 
A.D.  452  (De  Rossi,  Foma  Sott.  i.  220). 

(2)  An  earlier  martyr  named  Laurentius 
is  mentioned  by  Cyprian  (Ep.  34),  commend- 
ing Celerinus:  "His  grandmother,  Celerina, 
was  long  ago  crowned  with  martyrdom ;  also 
his  uncle  on  the  father's  side,  Laurence, 
and  on  the  mother's  side  Egnatius.  Sacrifices 
for  them,  as  ye  remember,  we  offer  as  often  as 
we  celebrate  in  common  the  passions  and  anni- 
versary days  of  the  martyrs."  Yet  the  Calendar 
of  Carthage  knows  no  other  Laurence  but  the 
saint  of  Aug.  10.  The  little  Roman  martyrology 
celebrates  him  along  with  Celerinus  on  Feb.  3, 
but  it  appears  by  the  Mart.  Hieron.  that  this 
day  properly  belongs  to  Celerina,  and  that  the 
African  Laurence  belongs  to  Sept.  24  or  28. 

(3)  Another  is  mentioned  April  12.  {Mart. 
Hieron.) 

(4)  Laurentinus  and  Pergentinus,  boys,  bro- 
thers, martyred  at  Arezzo  under  Decius,  June  3. 
{Mart.  Bom.)  The  Mart.  Hieron.  mentions 
Laurentius  only. 

(5)  The  martyrdom  of  Laurence  and  Hippoly- 
tus  under  Decius  at  Fossombrone  (Forum  Sem- 
pronianum),  Feb.  2  {Mart.  Hieron.)  is  very  sus- 
picious. St.  Apronianus  is  commemorated  the 
same  day.  The  cathedral  of  Fossombrone  is 
sacred  to  this  St.  Laurence.  {Acta  SS.  Feb.  i. 
286.) 

(6)  The  illuminator,  bishop  of  Spoleto,  Feb.  3. 
Seemingly  an  apocryphal  personage.  {Acta  SS. 
Feb.  i.  362.) 


LAVABO 

LAUEENCE  (7)  On  May  10,  the  Byzantine 
distich  is, — 

(TvvaXXayri  Tt9  ffpbs  @€bv  AavpevTiio 
TTovoii  'ESefi  Aa/36i/Ti  tt)V  iroppiuTtovrjv. 

{Acta  SS.  May,  ii.  389.) 

(8)  Presbyter  of  Novari,  and  ecclesiastical 
writer  of  the  4th  century.  Martyred,  with  the 
boys  he  taught,  by  the  Arians  on  April  30. 
{Acta  SS.  April,  iii.  763.) 

(9)  Archbishop  of  Milan,  f  July  19,  a.d.  512. 

(10)  Bishop  of  Siponto  in  Apulia,  f  Feb.  7, 
A.D.  550.     {Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  57.) 

(11)  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  f  Feb.  2,  A.D. 
619.  Into  Laurencekirk  in  Scotland  no  woman 
might  enter.     {Acta  SS.  Feb.  i.  289.) 

(12)  Bishop  of  Xaples,  f  July  19,  a.d.  717. 

[E.  B.  B.] 
LAUEENTINUS.    [Laurence  (4).] 

LAUEIANUS,  of  Seville,  killed  Julv  4  (6th 
century).     {Mart.  Hieron.)  [E.'  B.  B.] 

LAUEINUS,  martyr  of  Terni,  Aj.ril  14. 
{Mart.  Hieron.)  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAUEUS  (1)  and  Florus,  twins,  sculptors, 
thrown  into  a  well  in  lUyricum  by  Licinius. 
Their  relics  were  revealed  to  Constantino,  and 
brought  by  him  to  their  native  Byzantium, 
August  18.     {Menology  of  Basil.) 

(2)  Of  St.  Malo,  7th  century,  f  Sept.  30. 
{Acta  SS.  Sept.  viii.  692.)  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAUSTEANUS,   died  640,  commemorated 
Apr.  11  {Men.  Scot.),  as  well  as  Lasren,  Apr.  18. 
[E.  B.  B.] 

LAUTO,  bishop  of  Coutances,  f  Sept.  22, 
A.D.  568.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAVABO.  The  description  of  the  Eucharistie 
rite  by  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  {Catech.  Myst.  v.  2, 
p.  325)  begins  with  the  deacon  presenting 
water  to  the  celebrant  {r<S  iepu),  and  the  pres- 
byters who  encircle  the  altar,  for  the  purpose  of 
ablution.  And  this  (Cyril  continues)  was  not 
merely  for  the  sake  of  personal  cleanliness,  it 
was  a  symbolic  act,  to  which  refer  the  words  of 
David,  "  I  will  Avash  my  hands  in  innocency, 
0  Lord,  and  so  will  I  go  to  thine  altar"  (Ps. 
XXV.  [E.  V.  xxvi.]  6.)  It  does  not  appear  from 
this  whether  the  verse  was  actually  chanted' 
during  the  ablution,  though  its  appositeness  is 
recognised.  (Compare  Dionys.  Areop.  Hierarch. 
Feci.  c.  3.)  According  to  some  MSS.  of  the 
Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  (Daniel,  Codex  Lit. 
iv.  330),  the  priest  and  deacon  after  vesting  for 
the  liturgy  wash  their  hands  in  the  prothesis,. 
saying,  "  Ni'ifo^oi  tv  aOi^ois,"  and  the  rest  of 
the  psalm.  In  the  Roman  rite,  the  washing  of 
the  hands  occurs  after  the  oblation  of  the  un- 
consecrated  elements,  and  thus  precedes  the 
preface  and  the  more  solemn  part  of  the  office. 
After  the  censing  of  the  altar  and  the  priest, 
while  the  deacon  is  censing  the  other  ministers, 
the  priest  washes  his  hands,  saying,  "Lavabo 
inter  innocentes  manus  meas  et  circumdabo 
altare  tuum,  Domine,"  and  the  rest  of  the  psalm.. 
As  Amalarius  of  Metz  (f  837)  does  not  mention 
this  custom,  it  was  probably  introduced  in 
the  Roman  office  after  he  wrote  his  treatises  de 
Ecclesiasticis  Officiis  and  Eclogae  de  Officio  Missae 


LAVACRUM 
LAVACRUM.    [Baptism;  Font.] 

LAVATORY  [Monastic].  Monasticism  has 
never  been  partial  to  frequent  personal  ablutions. 
On  the  contrary,  it  has  from  the  first  discouraged 
them,  as  a  form  of  self-indulgence,  and  as  incon- 
sistent with  bodily  austerities.  Probably  this 
inherent  antipathy  to  bathings  and  washings  was 
in  great  measure  a  result  of  the  reaction  from 
the  luxury  and  licentiousness  of  the  Roman  baths 
under  the  empire.  Certainly  the  maxim  which 
places  cleanliness  next  to  godliness  has  no  place 
in  the  biographies  of  the  saints  and  heroes  of 
monasticism,  even  in  climates  where  bathing 
would  seem  almost  one  of  the  necessities  of  life. 
Jerome  warns  ascetics  against  warm  baths  as 
morally  enervating  (Hieron.  Ep.  ad  Ihistic.'); 
and  in  a  letter  to  one  of  his  female  disciples 
denounces  every  sort  of  bathing  for  women  (Id. 
Ep.  ad  Laet.).  Augustine  allows  a  bath*  once 
a  month  only  (Aug.  Ep.  109).  This  aversion  to 
bathing  is  one  of  the  many  indications  of  the 
tendency,  which  seems  inseparable  from  monas- 
ticism, to  the  Manichean  notion  of  matter  being 
intrinsically  evil. 

The  various  monastic  rules  agree  very  closely 
in  discouraging  the  use  of  baths.  Even  the  tole- 
rant rule  of  the  great  Benedict  only  permits 
them  for  those  who  are  weak  and  delicate,  for- 
bidding them  generally  ("  tardius  eoncedatur  ") 
for  the  young  and  healthy  (Bened.  Ecg.  c.  36). 
Evidently  he  is  speaking  only  of  baths  within 
the  walls  of  a  monastery ;  bathing  in  a  river  or 
lake,  or  in  the  sea,  being  of  course  out  of  the 
question  (cf.  Martene  ad  he).  Hildemarus  in- 
terprets the  expression  "  tardius  "  to  mean  only 
before  the  three  great  festivals  —  Christmas, 
Easter,  Whitsuntide.  Other  commentators  re- 
strict the  phrase  to  Christmas  and  Easter  only ; 
others  take  it  as  a  permission  for  the  monks  to 
bathe  after  doing  any  very  dirty  work,  &c. 
(Martene  ad  loc.)  Similarly,  Isidorus  Hispalensis 
orders  baths  to  be  used  very  sparingly,  only  as  a 
remedy,  never  for  gratification  (Isidor.  l^eg.  c. 
20).  The  rule  of  Caesarius  of  Aries  permits 
them  only  in  cases  where  the  doctor  prescribes 
them,  and  without  any  regard  to  the  inclina- 
tion of  the  patient  (Caesar.  lieg.  c.  39).  The 
rule  ascribed  to  Augustine  is  to  the  same  effect 
(Heg.  Aug.  c.  29),  and  adds  that  no  monk  is  to 
go  alone  to  the  baths,  nor  to  choose  his  com- 
panions, but  that  two  or  three  of  the  brethren 
are  to  be  told  olf  by  the  prior  for  this  purpose. 
In  the  same  way  the  council  of  Aachen  in  A.D. 
817  enacts  that  the  control  and  regulation 
of  the  baths  is  to  belong  to  the  prior  {Cone. 
Aquisgr.  c.  7).  An  anonymous  rule,  which  has 
been  ascribed  to  Columbanus,  called  Regula 
Cujusdam,  orders  delinquent  monks,  as  a  penance, 
to  make  the  necessary  preparations  for  the 
washing  of  their  brethren's  heads  on  Saturdays, 
and  for  their  baths  just  before  the  great  festi- 
vals, especially  Christmas  {Reg.  Cuj.  c.  12;  cf. 
Columban.  Poenitcnt. ;  ap.  Menard,  Comment,  ad 
loc).  Radegundis  is  said  to  have  built  baths  for 
the  use  of  the  nuns  in  the  convent  (of  Ste.  Croix) 
which  she  founded  at  Poitiers  ;  before  long  some 

*  III  his  Confessions,  where  he  describes  his  grief  for 
the  death  of  his  mother,  he  speaks  of  bathing  as  recom- 
mended to  him  for  his  depression  of  spirits,  and  mentions 
an  absurd  derivation  of  the  Greek  word  ^oj^avdov  as 
meaning  a  relief  to  anxiety. 


LAW 


939 


irregularities  occurred,  which  the  abbess  was 
accused  of  conniving  at,  in  regard  to  the  use  of 
these  baths  (Gregor.  Turon.  Hist.  Franc,  x.  16). 
See  further  Martene,  de  Antiquis  Ecclesia'e 
Eitihus.  [I.  G.  S.] 

LAW. 

SYLLABUS. 

I.  "  Law "  and  "  Law  of  Nature,"  and  early  Christian 

authorities  iipon. 

II.  Positive  Law  of  the  State.    Attitude  of  the  earlier 

Christians  to. 

Law  of  the  State  as  directly  affecting  the  Christian 
Church  before  Constantine,  and  legislation  of 
Constaiitine. 

Legislation  between  time  of  Constantine  and  of  Jus- 
tinian. 

Justinian's  legislation. 

Legislation  of  the  Barbarian,  Frank,  and  English. 
kings. 

Legislation  of  Charlemagne. 

III.  Internal  legislation  of  the  aiurch. 

The  word  Law  has  this  in  common  with  tho 
Latin  jus,  the  French  droit,  and  the  Germaa 
recht,  that  it  is  at  once  abstract  and  concrete. 
It  means  both  the  idea  of  rules  of  conduct 
proceeding  from  a  competent  authority  and 
also  the  rules  themselves.  The  word  and  the 
various  meanings  conveyed  by  it  have  been 
submitted  to  searching  criticism  of  late  years  in 
this  country,  especially  by  Bentham  and  writers 
more  or  less  distinctly  influenced  by  him.  The 
only  part  of  the  controversies  thus  originating 
which  is  relevant  here  is  that  which  relates  to 
the  use  of  the  word  law,  in  such  expressions  as 
"  Law  of  Nature,"  "  Natural  Law,"  "  Law  of 
God,"  "  Moral  Law."  It  is  not  very  satis- 
factory nor  historically  true  to  conclude,  with 
Mr.  Austin  {Lectures  on  Jurisprudence),  that 
the  original  use  of  the  term  Laio  is  a  political 
one,  and  that  the  ethical  and  theological  uses 
are  wholly  metaphorical  and  derived.  Sir  H. 
S.  Maine's  review  of  the  history  of  the  expres- 
sion "  Law  of  Nature  "  {Ancient  Law,  chap,  iv.), 
rather  supports  the  doctrine  that  the  expression 
was  borrowed  from  quite  another  region  than 
the  political  one,  and  that  it  was  in  the  task  of 
correcting  and  amending  this  one  that  it  found 
its  most  worthy  uses.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
Hooker's  opposition  of  "  humane  law,"  "  that 
which  men  probably  gathering  it  to  be  expe- 
dient they  make  it  a  law,"  to  that  other  law 
which,  "  as  it  is  laid  up  in  the  bosom  of  God, 
they  call  eternal,  receiveth  according  to  the 
different  kinds  of  things  which  are  subject  unto 
it  different  and  sundry  kinds  of  names,"  cer- 
tainly expresses  a  logical  distribution  of  law  as 
old  as  the  Christian  Church  itself,  and  some- 
what older.  The  constant  references  in  Cicero's 
writings  to  the  distribution  of  jus  into  natura 
and  lex  (see  particularly  Be  Leg.  i.  15,  16,  and 
Orat.  partit.  37),  are  especially  interesting  from 
the  attention  which  Lactantius  (vi.  8)  calls  to 
them,  in  the  celebrated  passage  in  which,  citing 
Cicero's  panegyric  on  the  "  vera  lex  recta  ratio 
naturae  congruens  constans  sempiterna,"  he  i 
speaks  of  "  dei  lex  ilia  sancta  ilia  coelestis  quam 
Marcus  Tullius  in  libro  de  Kepublici  tertio 
poene  divina  voce  depinxit."  The  expressions 
of  St.  Paul  in  reference  to  a  law  written  in  the 
hearts  of  the  Gentiles  (Rom.  ii.  15)  are  quite  in 
accordance  with  the  doctrines  of  the  leading 
Roman  jurists  a  century  after  his  time,  when 


940 


LAW 


Roman  law  was  at  its  climax ;  as  for  instance 
appears  from  the  language  of  Paulus  (47  Dig. 
iii.  1,  §  3)  about  theft,  "  quod  lege  naturali  pro- 
hibitum est  admittere."  The  early  Christian 
writers  constantly  allude  to  the  law  of  nature, 
and  often  base  elaborate  arguments  either  on 
its  existence  or  on  its  precepts.  Thus  Origen 
(c.  Celsum,  viii.  52)  speaking  of  the  persuasion 
he  had  of  the  salvation  of  the  heathen  whose 
lives  had  been  good,  and  recalling  noble  prac- 
tical maxims  laid  down  even  by  the  enemies  of 
the  faith,  says,  "  you  will  find  no  men  in  whom 
the  common  notions  of  what  is  good  and  bad, 
just  and  unjust,  have  been  wholly  blotted  out." 
So,  again,  Tertullian  {ach.  Jvd.  cap.  v.)  says  he 
contended  that  "  before  the  law  of  Moses  was 
written  on  tables  of  stone,  there  was  an  un- 
written law  which  was  naturally  understood 
and  held  in  trust  by  the  patriarchs."  St.  Am- 
brose {Epist.  ad  Bom.  cap.  v.)  divides  the 
"  natural  law  "  into  three  parts,  one  concerned 
with  shewing  honour  to  the  Creator,  another 
with  leading  a  good  life,  and  a  third  with 
making  known  God  and  the  right  way  of  life 
to  others.  St.  Jerome  (^Epist.  ad  Galat.  chap. 
iii.)  says  that  by  this  "  legem  naturaleni  "  Cain 
acknowledged  his  offence,  and  Pharaoh,  before 
the  law  was  given  by  Moses,  confessed  his  mis- 
deeds. St.  Chrysostom  builds  an  elaborate  argu- 
ment on  the  existence  and  import  of  a  law  of 
nature  (^Homil.  xii.  ad  Pop.  Ant.),  and  says  that 
"  at  the  beginning  God  made  the  knowledge  of 
good  and  evil  self-taught ;  for  we  stand  in  no 
need  of  learning  that  indulgence  is  evil  and  self- 
irestraint  good,  but  we  know  it  from  the  first ; " 
and  "  when  He  said  '  thou  shalt  do  no  murder,' 
He  did  not  add,  '  for  murder  is  doing  wrong ; ' 
but  He  simply  said,  '  thou  shalt  do  no  murder,' 
thereby  merely  forbidding  what  was  sinful  with- 
out teaching  why  it  was  so."  The  general 
subject  of  the  attitude  of  the  earlier  writers, 
Christian,  Jewish,  and  Heathen,  towards  the 
law  of  nature,  will  be  found  discussed  in  such 
works  as  Selden,  '  De  Jure  Naturae  et  Gen- 
tium secundum  disciplinam  Hebraeorum,'  Pu- 
fendorf,  '  Jus  Gentium  et  Naturae,'  and  the 
Prolegomena  to  Grotius,  'De  Jure  Belli  et 
Pacis.'  From  the  above  extracts  it  will  suffi- 
ciently appear  from  what  sources  a  knowledge 
•of  the  law  of  nature  was  to  be  extracted,  and 
what  was  the  import  of  the  assertion  of  the 
later  canonists  that  no  dispensation  from  it  was 
obtainable. 

As  contrasted  with  the  "Law  of  Nature," 
what  is  sometimes  called  "  Positive  Law  "  may 
be  considered  under  three  heads  : — L  Such  part 
of  the  general  laws  of  the  state  as  happened  to 
affect  Christians  because  of  conflicts  of  allegiance 
to  which  it  casually  gave  rise.  II.  Such  special 
laws  of  the  state  as  were  enacted  in  different 
countries  and  at  successive  epochs  for  the  pur- 
pose of  regulating  the  Christian  society,  and 
determining  the  organisation  of  the  Church ; 
and  III.  Such  internal  regulations  as  were  made 
by  the  church  itself,  either  in  pursuance  of 
what  it  held  to  be  an  inherent  legislative  autho- 
rity, or  in  the  character  of  a  subordinate  legis- 
lature, exercising  permissive  powers  in  depen- 
dence on  the  state. 

I.  The  attitude  of  Christians  towards  the 
general  law  of  the  state  in  the  territory  of 
which  they  found  themselves,  was  broadly  de- 


LAW 

fined  for  them  at  the  very  opening  of  Christian 
history,  in  the  words  so  much  quoted  in  after 
times,  "  Render  unto  Caesar  the  things  which 
are  Caesar's,"  and  in  the  part  of  the  twelfth 
chapter  of  St.  Paul's  epistle  to  the  Romans,  in 
which  the  Apostle  discusses  the  relation  of  the 
members  of  the  Church  to  the  "powers  that  be." 
It  would  seem  that  during  the  whole  of  the 
first  century  no  questions  of  seriously  conflicting 
allegiance  presented  themselves,  the  only  aspect 
in  which  the  early  church  found  itself  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  laws  of  the  empire  being  that  it 
was  not  formally  incorporated  among  the  recog- 
nised cults,  that  is,  it  was  not,  like  Judaism,  a 
"  religio  licita."  Nevertheless  Tertullian  in- 
timates that  it  had  slipped  in  as  such,  and  that 
Tiberius  had  even  proposed,  on  receiving  the 
report  of  Pontius  Pilate,  to  give  Christ  a  place 
among  the  gods  (^Apol.  c.  5,  and  26).  Pliny's 
letter  to  Trajan  (about  A.D.  Ill)  describes  the 
Christians  in  Bithyuia  as  a  law-abiding  people, 
"  bound  together  by  no  unlawful  sacrament,  but 
only  under  mutual  obligations  not  to  commit 
theft,  robbery,  adultery,  or  fraud."  It  was, 
however,  when  he  submitted  them  to  the  test 
of  adoration  before  the  statues  of  the  gods  and 
of  the  emperors,  and  the  malediction  of  Christ, 
that  they  were  recalcitrant.  The  amount  of 
subservience  to  customs  bearing  the  semblance 
of  idolatry  which  was  justifiable  in  a  Christian 
became  the  subject  of  serious  perplexity  between 
the  period  at  which  the  Christians  had  grown 
to  be  numerous  and  important  enough  to  attract 
public  attention,  and  that  at  which  the  church 
secured  its  political  victory  over  paganism. 
The  diflSculty  was  encountered  at  two  points ; 
one,  where,  owing  to  general  suspicion  on  other 
grounds,  a  Christian  was  subjected  to  the  test 
of  sacrificing  or  doing  an  overt  act  of  worship 
to  the  emperor ;  the  other,  where  the  common 
functions  of  a  civil  or  military  life  involved  what 
seemed  to  be  idolatrous  usages.  It  is  a  matter 
of  some  doubt  how  far  the  Christians  of  the 
2nd  and  3rd  centuries  consented  to  serve  in  the 
imperial  armies,  though  the  expressions  of 
Christian  writers,  and  the  arguments  of  Ter- 
tullian with  respect  to  the  extent  to  which 
Christians  might  go  in  receiving  military  re- 
wards, leave  no  doubt  as  to  the  prevalent 
opinion  that  service  was  not  sinful  in  itself,  nor 
as  to  the  actual  practice  (Tertull.  de  Corona 
Mint.  cap.  xi. ;  see  Milman's  History,  bk.  ii. 
cap.  vii.  and  Neandei-).  Some  of  the  Christian 
writers  bestow  great  pains  in  solving  fine  casu- 
istical problems  as  to  how  far  conformity  might 
go.  Thus  Tertullian  (de  Idololatrid,  cap.  xvii.) 
thinks  a  Christian  might  walk  simply  in  a  pro- 
cession but  must  not  sacrifice,  nor  give  the  word 
for  another  to  sacrifice,  nor  place  the  victims, 
nor  bind  their  temples,  nor  pronounce  any 
solemn  words,  nor  make  any  adjuration.  Then, 
again,  he  discusses  the  question  as  to  what  slaves 
and  faithful  freemen  should  do  when  their 
masters  or  patrons  are  officially  engaged  in 
sacrificing.  He  intimates,  in  another  place 
{Apol.  c.  34),  that  it  might  be  allowable  to  call 
the  emperor  lord  but  not  god. 

With  respect  to  the  general  duty  of  obeying 
the  law  of  the  state,  the  Christian  writers  are 
unanimous  in  upholding  it.  Indeed  they  habitu- 
ally base  their  defence  against  imputations  from 
without  on  their  loyalty.     Thus  Justin  Martyi* 


LAW 

(^Apol.  i.  17)  says  that  "  wherever  we  are  we 
-pay  the  taxes  and  tribute  imposed  by  you,  as  we 
were  instructed  to  do  by  Him,"  and  "  while  we 
worship  God  alone  in  all  other  matters,  we 
cheerfully  submit  ourselves  to  you,  confessing 
you  to  be  the  kings  and  rulers  of  men."  Irenaeus 
(v.  24),  speaking  even  more  strongly,  and  allu- 
ding to  the  perpetual  "  calumny  of  the  devil  " 
to  the  contrary,  says,  "  we  ought  to  obey  powers 
and  earthly  authorities,  inasmuch  as  they  are 
constituted  not  by  the  devil  but  God;"  and 
"  that  kings  are  the  ministers  of  God,  and  are 
put  in  authority  by  the  command  of  that  same 
One  to  whose  command  men  owe  their  very 
existence."  Tertullian  {Apol.  c.  42)  presents  a 
vivid  picture  of  the  complete  implication  of  the 
life  of  the  Christians  with  that  of  the  pagans, 
in  a  passage  which  leaves  no  doubt  that  it  was 
the  persuasion  of  the  church  that  conformity 
was  a  general  duty,  and  nonconformity  only  a 
particular  exception  from  it.  "  Itaque  non  sine 
foro  non  sine  macello  uon  sine  balneis  tabernis 
officiis  tabulis  nundinis  vestris  coeterisque  com- 
merciis  cohabitamus  in  hoc  saeculo  :  navigamus 
et  nos  vobiscum  et  militamus  et  rusticamur  et 
mercamur  ;  proinde  miscemus  artes,  opera  nostra 
publicamus  usui  vestro." 

Later  Christian  history,  however,  brought 
forward  a  wholly  new  class  of  problems  arising 
out  of  the  active  interference  of  the  secular 
government  with  the  internal  affiiirs  of  the 
church.  This  led  to  the  question  being  mooted 
which  has  never  been  theoretically  answered  as 
to  how  far  the  chuixh  and  its  members  are 
morally  entitled  to  resist  a  law  which  indirectly 
affects,  as  they  think  perniciously,  the  interests 
of  the  church.  The  letter  of  Gregory  the 
Great,  addressed  to  the  emperor  Maurice  (a.d. 
582-602),  who  had  interdicted  all  persons  occu- 
pying civil  functions  from  becoming  clerks  or 
entering  a  monastery,  may  be  cited  in  order  to 
shew  what  was  probably  a  characteristic  mode 
of  solving  such  problems  after  the  time  that  the 
church  became  an  authority  competing  with  the 
state.  "  As  for  me,  submitting  to  thy  order,  I 
have  sent  this  law  to  the  various  countries  of 
the  earth,  and  I  have  said  to  my  serene  lords  in 
this  paper  whereon  I  have  deposited  my  reflec- 
tions, that  this  law  goes  against  that  of  the  all- 
powerful  God.  I  have  therefore  fulfilled  my 
duty  upon  each  side  ;  I  have  rendered  obedience 
to  Caesar,  and  I  have  not  been  silent  as  to  what 
appeared  to  me  to  be  against  God."  (Greg.  M. 
Epist.  Hi.  p.  65.) 

II,  The  laws  of  the  state  specially  affecting 
the  Christian  Church  may  affect  it  as  a  corpo- 
rate society,  or  assemblage  of  corporate  societies  ; 
or  may  affect  its  officers  individually  ;  or  its 
members  individually.  And  among  the  laws 
that  affect  the  members  of  the  church  indi- 
vidually will  properly  be  included  all  those 
which  confer  privileges  or  impose  disabilities  on 
any  persons  whatever  on  the  ground  of  their 
not  being  members  of  the  church.  Thus  the 
general  purposes  of  the  laws  directly  affecting 
the  church  may  be  arranged  as  those  of  (1) 
conferring  privileges,  or  imposing  disabilities  on 
members  of  the  church  as  such,  or  upon  other 
])ersons  not  being  such,  as,  e.g.,  Jews,  pagans, 
heretics,  and  apostates  ;  (2)  prescribing  and  con- 
trolling the  organisation  of  the  chm-ch,  per- 
sonal and  material;  and,  with  this  view  con- 


LAW 


941 


ferring  privileges  or  imposing  disabilities  on 
church  officials  of  all  classes  ;  (3)  regulating  the 
property  of  the  church,  of  its  officers,  and  of  its 
members  ;  (4)  determining  questions  of  dispu- 
table jurisdiction  in  respect  of  ecclesiastical, 
civil,  and  criminal  suits  and  offences ;  and  (5) 
giving  effect  to  the  internal  legislation  of  the 
church  itself.  It  might  be  expected  that  at 
some  periods  of  church  history  some  of  the 
classes  of  laws  owing  their  origin  to  these  diffe- 
rent purposes  would  be  found  to  be  more  promi- 
nent than  the  rest,  and  at  other  periods  other 
classes  of  laws.  Indeed,  it  is  the  case  that  for 
long  periods  together  some  of  these  classes  of 
laws  often  seem  to  be  wholly  absent,  either 
through  the  inactivity  of  the  state,  or  from 
there  being  no  materials  recognisable  by  the 
state  on  which  law  could  operate.  For  instance, 
in  early  days  the  whole  of  the  civil  law  as 
affecting  the  church  would  be  gathered  up  in 
the  disabilities  and  penalties  inflicted  on  its  in- 
dividual members.  But  between  the  time  of 
Pliny's  letter  and  the  persecution  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  4th  century,  under  Galerius  and 
Diocletian,  the  organisation  of  the  church  was 
becoming  recognised,  if  not  formally  protected, 
and  even  the  property  of  the  church  secured 
to  it  by  law. 

Thus  it  seems  that  about  the  time  of  Alexander 
Severus  (a.d.  222),  "Christian  bishops  were 
admitted  at  court  in  a  recognised  official  cha- 
racter, and  Christian  churches  began  to  rise  in 
different  parts  of  the  empire,  and  to  possess 
endowments  in  land  "  (Milman,  ii.  231).  "  The 
Christians  "  (says  Gibbon,  writing  of  this  period, 
c.  xvi.)  "  were  permitted  to  erect  and  consecrate 
convenient  edifices  for  the  purpose  of  religious 
worship  ;  to  purchase  lands,  even  at  Rome  itself, 
for  the  use  of  the  community ;  and  to  conduct 
the  elections  of  their  ecclesiastical  ministers  in 
so  public,  but  at  the  same  time  in  so  exemplary, 
a  manner,  as  to  deserve  the  respectful  attention 
of  the  Gentiles."  But  the  history  of  a  few 
years  later  shews  upon  what  a  frail  foundation 
these  privileges  rested;  and  it  was  not  till  after 
Constantine's  victory  over  Maxentius  in  A.D.  312 
that  the  legal  rights  and  duties  of  the  Christian 
church,  its  officers,  and  its  members,  began  to 
be  ascertained  with  a  constantly  advancing  pre- 
cision. It  is  not  necessary  to  distinguish  here 
the  successive  steps  by  which  Constantino  first 
supported  by  his  legislation  paganism  and 
Christianity  impartially  ;  then  co-operated  with 
the  organisation  of  the  church ;  and  finally  (as 
in  his  dealings  with  Arius)  overbore  that  organi- 
sation by  the  weight  of  his  personal  authority. 
There  are  scarcely  enough  materials  in  existence 
to  decide  the  question  as  to  how  far,  at  any 
time,  Constantine  went  in  suppressing  the  use 
of  pagan  rites  by  the  general  law.  After  re- 
viewing all  the  autliorities  and  the  passages  in 
Euscbius  directly  bearing  on  the  point.  Dean 
Milman  is  of  opinion  that  Constantine  only 
abolished  two  kinds  of  sacrifices,  that  is,  private 
sacrifices  connected  with  unlawful  acts  of  the- 
urgy or  of  magic  ;  and  the  state  sacrifices  here- 
tofore offered  by  the  emperor  himself,  or  by 
others  in  his  name.  The  passage  in  the  Theo- 
dosian  Code  {Cod.  Th.  xvi.  10,  2),  from  a  law 
of  Constans  in  which  he  cites  an  edict  of  his 
father,  is  distinctly  in  favour  of  an  universal 
prohibition.      "Cesset  superstitio,  sacrificiorum 


942 


LAW 


aboleatur  insania.  Nam  quicunque  contra  legem 
divi  Frincipis  parentis  nostri  et  hanc  nostrae 
inansuetudinis  jussionem  census  fuerit  sacrificia 
celebrare  competens  in  eum  viudicta  et  praesens 
sententia  exseratur."  We  have  in  the  Theodo- 
sian  Code  very  clear  indications  of  the  legal 
measures  by  which  Constantine  (1)  fenced  round 
the  Christian  community,  by  inflicting  dis- 
abilities on  those  outside,  as  in  the  law  (6W.  Th. 
V.  1)  to  the  eil'ect  that  all  privileges  given  in 
respect  of  religion  attached  only  to  "  Catholicae 
legis  observatoribus ;  haereticos  autem  atque 
schismaticos  non  tantum  ab  his  privilegiis 
alienos  esse  sed  etiam  diversis  muneribus  con- 
stringi  et  subici ;  "  (2)  recognised  the  organisa- 
tion of  the  church  by  allowing  slaves  to  be 
manumitted  "  in  gremio  Ecclesiae,"  provided  it 
was  done  "sub  aspectu  antistitum"  (Cod.  Th. 
iv.  71),  and  supported  its  institutions  by  allow- 
ing no  other  business  than  emancipations  and 
manumissions  to  be  performed  on  Sunday  (Cod. 
Th.  iii.  12,  1,  2,  3).  Constantine  also  exempted 
the  clergy  from  the  burdensome  liability  to 
serve  on  town  councils  (Cod.  Th.  xvi.  2;  1,  2, 
3).  A  provision  was,  however,  introduced  which 
throws  light  on  the  notion  of  ordination  pre- 
vailing at  the  time,  to  the  effect  that  if  any 
one  should,  subsequently  to  the  making  of  the 
law,  become  ordained  solely  in  order  to  evade 
his  civil  obligations,  he  must  be  restored  to  his 
civil  character  (restitui  et  civilibus  obsequiis 
inservire).  The  whole  of  this  law  may  be  in- 
structively contrasted  with  the  legislation  of 
Justinian  (Cod.  i.  4,  26),  by  which  he  specially 
provides  for  bishops  becoming  an  essentially 
constituent  part  of  provincial  town  councils. 

In  the  two  hundred  years  which  intervened 
between  the  time  of  Constantine  and  that 
of  Justinian,  legislation  directly  affecting  the 
Christian  church  made  rapid  progress  in  all  its 
departments.  It  was  in  the  joint  reign  of  Gra- 
tian,  Valentinian,  and  Theodosius  (a.D.  380)  that 
the  formal  law  was  passed  which  figures  in  the 
codesboth  of  Theodosius  and  of  Justinian,  by  which 
Chi-istianity  was  constituted  the  exclusive  reli- 
gion of  the  Roman  empire,  both  in  the  East  and 
in  the  West.  "  We  command  all  who  read  this  law 
to  embrace  the  name  of  Catholic  Christians, 
deciding  that  all  other  idiots  and  madmen  should 
bear  the  infamy  attaching  to  their  heretical 
opinions,  and  as  they  will  first  meet  with  the 
penalty  of  divine  vengeance,  so  they  will  after- 
wards receive  that  condemnation  at  our  hands 
which  the  Heavenly  Judge  has  empowered  us  to 
administer."     (Cod.  Jus.  I,  i.  1.) 

From  this  period  laws  begin  to  appear  for 
determining  questions  of  disputable  jurisdiction, 
such  as  the  law  of  Arcadius  and  Honorius  A.D 
399  (Cod.  Th.  xvi.  11,  1),  giving  the  bishops  ex- 
clusive jurisdiction  in  "religious  "  matters,  but  in 
these  only  :  "  quotiens  de  religione  agetur  episco- 
pos  convenit  judicare:  coeteras  vero  causas  quae 
ad  ordinaries  cognitores  vel  ad  usum  publici  foris 
pertinent  legibus  oportet  audiri."  At  the  very 
end  of  the  Theodosian  Code  appears  what  is  called 
an  "extravagant"  law  of  Valentinian, Theodosius, 
and  Arcadius,  "  de  episcopal!  judicio,"  prescrib- 
ing that  bishops  be  not  occujiied  in  trying  ordi- 
nary matters,  but  whenever  a  matter  presented 
itself  relating  to  Christian  authority  (quae 
pertineat  ad  Christianam  facultatem),  it  should 
be  decided  by  the  highest  priestly  functionary  in 


LAW 

the  district  (see  Acdientia  Episcopalis,  1. 152), 
The  special  penalties  imposed  on  immoral  clergy 
belong  also  to  the  part  of  the  law  which  regu- 
lates and  supports  the  organisation  of  the 
church.  Such  were  those  imposed  by  the  law  of 
Valens  and  Valentinian  (a.D.  370,  Cod.  Th.  xvi. 
11,20)  on  ecclesiastics,  or  "ex  ecclesiasticis  vel 
qui  continentium  se  volent  nomine  nuncupari 
viduarum  ac  pupillarum  domos  adeant ;"  they 
were  "publicis  exterminari  judiciis,"  and  were 
held  incapable  to  take  any  benefit  under  a  will 
of  a  woman  to  whom  they  had  attached  them- 
selves under  pretext  of  religion.  The  practice 
of  requiring  such  laws  as  directly  affect  the 
church  to  be  publicly  read  in  the  church,  is  an 
interesting  token  of  the  public  recognition  of 
these  Christian  buildings.  The  law  just  cited  is 
said  to  have  been  read  in  the  churches,  "  lecta  in 
ecclesiis ;"  and  Theodosius  the  younger  had  his 
law  against  the  Nestorians,  and  Constantine  his- 
letter  to  the  church  of  Alexandria,  in  absolution 
of  Athanasius,  read  in  the  churches;  and  the 
practice  was  in  use  under  the  Visigoths  at  the 
close  of  the  laws  of  which  people  we  read, 
"Suprascriptas  leges  omnes  lectas  in  ecclesia  S. 
Mariae  Toleti  sub  die  xi.  Kalend.  Feb." 

The  laws  affecting  the  Christians  which  were 
enacted  between  the  time  of  Constantine  and  the 
publication  of  the  Theodosian  Code  in  A.D.  438, 
are  mostly  contained  in  the  16th  book  of  that 
code,  the  code  itself  having  been  promulgated  in 
the  same  year,  both  in  the  Eastern  and  Western 
empires.  The  next  important  legislative  events 
occurred  in  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century,  in 
the  reign  of  Justinian.  The  product  of  Jus- 
tinian's legislative  exertions  in  respect  of  the 
church  appears  in  the  first  book  of  his  code  (the 
revised  edition  of  which — the  only  one  which  has 
come  down  to  us, — was  published  in  A.D.  534), 
and  his  Novells  which  cover  a  period  of  legisla- 
tion extending  from  A.D.  535  to  A.D.  565.  The  first 
book  of  the  code  also  contains  the  laws  which 
had  been  passed  by  successive  emperors  since  the 
publication  of  the  Theodosian  Code.  Of  this  in- 
termediate period  between  A.D.  438  and  A.D.  534, 
there  appear  in  Justinian's  Code  (Book  2)  several 
important  laws  regulating  the  rights  and  liabi- 
lities of  the  clergy,  confirming  the  claims  of  the 
church  to  have  property  transferred  to  it  in  life 
and  on  death  {Cod.  i.  2,  14),  directing  the 
clergy  as  to  the  administration  of  property  left 
by  will  for  the  redemption  of  captives,  and  for 
the  use  of  the  poor  (i.  3,  28),  and  determining 
the  rights,  duties,  and  general  functions  of  those 
betaking  themselves  to  a  conventual  and  monastic 
life.  The  right  of  sanctuary  as  available  in  all  parts 
of  the  empire  is  explicitly  vindicated  and  defined 
by  a  law  of  Leo  I.  in  a.d.  466.     (Cod.  i.  12,  6.) 

The  comprehensive  legislation  of  Justinian,  es- 
pecially that  which  took  place  between  A.D.  535 
and  A.D.  565,  and  is  recorded  in  his  Novells,  ex- 
tends to  all  the  branches  of  law  in  which,  accord- 
ing to  the  above  classification,  it  is  possible  for 
the  civil  law  directly  to  affect  the  Christian 
community.  It  will  be  convenient  to  review  the 
general  character  of  the  laws  passed  in  Justi- 
nian's reign  in  conformity  with  that  classifica- 
tion. 

(1.)  Of  laws  conferring  privileges  or  im- 
posing disabilities  on  individual  members  of  the 
church,  or  on  other  persons  because  they  are 
not  such  members,  the  fifty-second  constitutioa 


LAW 

{Novell.  Autli.')  is  an  instance,  the  effect  of  which 
was  to  exclude  Jews.  Samaritans,  Montanists, 
and  other  heretics  (aliter  respuendos  homines 
quos  nondum  hactenus  recta  et  immaculata 
fides  illucet  sed  et  in  tenebris  sedent  animis  vera 
non  sentientes  sacramenta)  from  the  beneficial 
exemptions  enjoyed  by  the  orthodox  in  respect  ot 
service  on  town  councils,  and  to  allow  their  tes- 
timony in  courts  of  law  only  in  cases  in  which 
the  interest  of  an  orthodox  suitor,  or  that  of  the 
state  seemed  to  call  for  it.  Another  instance  is 
supplied  by  the  limitation  of  the  newly  conceded 
rights  of  intestate  succession  in  accoi'dance  with 
natural,  instead  of  the  older  civil  relationship  to 
those  who  belonged  to  the  "Catholic  Faith." 
(^Nov.  Authen.  114.)  Yet  a  further  instance  is  the 
law  forbidding  marriages  between  god-parent 
and  god-child  (^Cod.  v.  4,  26)  on  the  ground  that 
"  nothing  else  could  so  surely  introduce  an  affec- 
tionate paternal  relationship,  and  thereby  justly 
foi-bid  marriage,  as  a  tie  of  this  sort  by  which 
souls  are  bound  together  through  the  mediation 
of  God." 

(2.)  With  laws  regulating  and  protecting  the 
organisation  of  the  church  Justinian's  legisla- 
tion is  replete,  and  the  134th  Novell  is  a  small 
code  in  itself.  Bishops  and  monks  were  abso- 
lutely forbidden  to  act  as  guardians,  and  priests 
and  deacons  were  allowed  to  act  only  on  their 
formal  request,  and  they  were  all  forbidden  to 
undertake  any  civil  function.  The  bishops  were 
forbidden  to  move  from  place  to  place  without 
the  permission  of  the  metropolitan  or  the  em- 
peror. The  bishops,  patriarchs,  and  archbishops 
in  each  province  were  to  assemble  once  or  twice 
a  year,  and  to  examine  into  all  causes  and 
offences.  By  the  59th  Novell  it  is  forbidden  to 
introduce  the  "  sacred  mysteries "  into  private 
houses,  unless  certain  of  the  clergy  were  espe- 
cially invited  with  the  approval  of  the  bishop. 
The  limitation  of  the  number  of  the  clergy,  and 
of  the  expenses  attending  on  ordination,  were 
carefully  provided  for  {Nov.  Auth.  3,  5,  16). 

(3.)  Of  laws  regulating  the  property  of  the 
church  the  seventli  constitution  is  an  important 
specimen.  It  lays  down  the  general  principle 
that  no  church  or  church  officer  is  entitled  to 
part  with,  by  gift,  sale,  exchange,  or  perpetual 
lease,  any  immovable  property  of  the  church,  or 
the  sacred  vessels  of  the  church,  save  only  (in 
this  last  case)  for  the  redemption  of  prisoners, 
the  right  of  the  Government  to  force  a  sale  at 
a  fair  price  being  reserved.  A  later  law  {Nov. 
Auth.  43)  permits  the  alienation  of  immovables 
in  the  case  of  inability  to  pay  state  dues,  and  if 
the  income  of  the  immovables  does  not  suffice  ; 
and  a  still  later  law  {Nov.  Auth.  67)  provides 
that  lands  and  other  immovables  left  to  the 
church  by  will  for  the  redemption  of  captives, 
or  for  the  support  of  the  poor,  may  be  sold  for 
the  purpose  should  it  appear  that  no  certain  in- 
come from  the  property  can  be  relied  upon  other- 
wise [Alienation,  I.  50].  To  the  same  class  of 
topics  belong  the  legal  restrictions  upon  building 
churches,  monasteries,  and  houses  of  prayer  with- 
out first  making  a  preliminary  grant  of  the 
])roperty  to  provide  for  the  services  {Nov.  Auth. 
tJ9,  2). 

(4.)  Laws  regulating  jurisdiction,  of  course, 
became  increasingly  precise  at  this  period,  and 
the  final  >lovell,  already  cited,  contains  nume- 
rous provisions  ou   the   subject.     By  the  80th 


LAW 


943 


Novell,  persons  having  any  cause  of  action 
against  monks,  ascetics,  or  nuns,  must  bring  the 
case  before  the  bishop;  by  the  129th  Novell,  the 
bishop  might,  in  case  a  judge  deferred  giving 
sentence,  either  press  the  judge  to  proceed  or 
himself  investigate  the  case  afresh,  pronounce 
sentence,  and  report  the  neglect  to  the  empei-or. 
Provision  was  also  made  for  parties  trying  their 
case  before  a  friendly  tribunal  composed  of  the 
judge  and  the  bishop,  so  as  to  avoid  the  necessity 
of  referring  the  case  to  the  tribunal  at  the  capital. 
Bishops  administering  justice  with  partiality  were 
to  be  punished.  In  the  134th  Novell  important 
provisions  are  contained,  by  which  all  causes  of 
complaint  against  a  member  of  the  clerical  body 
are  to  be  laid,  in  the  first  instance,  before  the 
bishop,  and  the  sentence,  if  accepted  by  both 
parties  within  ten  days,  is  to  be  carried  out  by  the 
civil  judge  ;  if  the  sentence  is  not  accepted  the 
civil  judge  is  to  examine  the  case  afresh,  and  if  he 
differs  from  the  bishop  an  appeal  is  allowed  (see 
Appeal,  I.  126).  In  criminal  cases,  if  the  bishop 
condemns,  the  convicted  clerk  is  first  to  be  shorn 
of  his  "  honour  and  grade  "  according  to  eccle- 
siastical rules,  and  is  then  tried  by  the  civil 
judge.  If  the  civil  judge  is  approached  first, 
and  the  prisoner  is  found  to  be  a  clerk,  the  case 
must  go  before  the  bishop,  who,  if  he  finds  the 
clerk  guilty,  is  to  deprive  him  of  his  office  and 
hand  him  back  for  sentence  to  the  civil  judge. 
If  the  bishop  does  not  find  him  guilty  he  is  to 
defer  the  deprivation,  while  security  is  taken  and 
the  case  referred  to  the  emperor  for  his  decision. 
(5.)  As  to  laws  enforcing  the  internal  legis- 
lation of  the  church,  the  120th  Novell  is  im- 
portant, the  first  chapter  of  it  solemnly  giving 
the  force  of  law  to  the  sacred  ecclesiastical  rules 
expounded  or  established  by  the  four  Councils  of 
Nicaea,  Constantinople,  Ephesus,  and  Chalcedon. 
Subsequently  to  the  time  of  Justinian,  the 
Iconoclastic  controversy  in  the  East  (commencing 
A.D.  726)  is  interesting,  in  reference  to  the  pre- 
sent subject  as  exhibiting  the  firm  legislative 
control  that  the  Eastern  emperors  either  re- 
tained or  assumed  to  themselves  over  the  ritual 
of  the  church.  The  conquests  of  Justinian  in 
Italy  led  to  his  complete  body  of  laws  being 
applied  en  m':isse  to  the  subjects  of  his  re-con- 
quered provinces,  for  whose  use  the  Novells,  or 
such  of  them  as  originally  appeared  in  the  Greek 
language,  were  translated  into  Latin.  But  before 
the  victories  of  Justinian  in  Italy  the  Theodosian 
Code  had  already  been  introduced  in  an  almost 
complete  shape  into  the  code  of  the  Visigoths 
issued  in  A.D.  506  by  Alaric  11.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Theodoric,  his  father-in-law,  who 
united  thereby  the  kingdoms  of  the  Ostrogoths 
and  the  Visigoths.  In  this  way  it  appears  that 
in  the  early  part  of  the  sixth  century  the  laws 
affecting  the  church,  as  they  were  embodied  in 
the  Theodosian  Code  and  in  the  code  and  Novells 
of  Justinian,  were  introduced  into  Italy  almost 
simultaneously  from  the  East  and  the  West ;  and 
it  may  be  conjectured  that,  in  this  way,  the 
legislation  of  Justinian,  as  well  as  of  his  pre- 
decessors, became  the  basis  of  the  legislation  of 
the  barbarian  kings.  There  is  reason,  however, 
to  suppose  that  the  barbarian  kings  were  less 
disposed  to  interfere  with  the  internal  order  of 
the  church  than  the  Eastern  emperors.  They 
were  mostly  Arians,  they  were  not  gifted  with 
the  theological  subtletv  which    seems  to   have 


9U 


LAW 


distinguished  some  of  the  rulers  in  the  East,  and 
some  of  the  most  eminent  of  them  are  conspicuous 
either  for  toleration  or  for  religious  indilference 
(see  Guizot's  Civilisation  in  France,  Lect.  xii.). 
In  an  edict  of  Clothaire  II.  (a.d.  615)  we  have  a 
distinct  recognition  of  the  principle  that  the 
clergy  are,  in  the  first  instance,  to  be  tried  by 
an  ecclesiastical  and  not  by  a  civil  court ;  and, 
for  the  case  of  suits  between  the  clergy  and 
other  persons,  a  court  is  established  composed 
of  chiefs  of  the  church  sitting  together  with 
the  ordinary  secular  judge.  The  law  of  the 
Eipuarian  Franks  (Lex  Hip.  xxxi.  §  3,  Iviii. 
§  1)  provides  for  the  clergy  being  tried  by  the 
Koman  law.  The  Salic  law,  in  its  oldest  form, 
bears  few  marks  of  ecclesiastical  legislation,  and 
is  almost  exclusively  occupied  with  defining  the 
pecuniary  penalties  for  civil  and  criminal  oflences. 
In  its  reformed  shape  it  wears  the  impress  of  the 
mature  ecclesiastical  legislation  of  Charlemagne. 
The  laws  of  the  Saxon  kings  in  various  English 
kingdoms  afford  instruction  as  to  contempo- 
raneous legislation  in  all  the  German  kingdoms 
under  the  influence  of  the  Roman  church.  The 
code  of  Ethelbert,  who  seems  to  have  begun  to 
reign  about  a.d.  561,  contains  a  number  of  pre- 
cise regulations  on  general  matters,  of  which 
only  the  first  touches  the  church,  robbery  from 
which  is  to  be  punished  by  a  fine  of  twelve  times 
the  value  stolen  ;  robbery  from  the  bishop,  by  a 
line  of  eleven  times  the  value  ;  from  a  priest,  oi 
nine  times  ;  a  deacon,  of  six  times ;  and  so  on. 
In  the  code  of  Wihtraed,  who  seems  to  have 
begun  to  reign  in  a.d.  691,  there  is  a  fair  amount 
of  ecclesiastical  legislation,  including  the  principle 
that  the  church  shall  enjoy  immunity  from  taxes, 
and  sundry  minute  rules  in  respect  of  compen- 
sation for  offences  by  and  against  the  clergy. 
The  celebrated  laws  of  Ina,  who  came  to  the 
throne  about  a.d.  688,  mark  a  distinct  stage  in 
social  and  political  advance.  While  dealing 
largely  with  the  common  criminal  offences, 
against  which  the  previous  codes  were  mainly 
directed,  they  also  contain  numerous  specific  laws 
directly  affecting  the  church  ;  as  that,  "  the  minis- 
ters of  God  shall  observe  their  own  proper  laws  "  ; 
that  "  children  shall  be  brought  to  be  baptized 
within  thirty  days,  under  a  penalty  of  thirty 
solidi  " ;  that  "  a  slave  doing  work  at  his  master's 
bidding  on  the  Lord's  day  shall  thereby  become 
free  "  ;  and  that  "  the  right  of  sanctuary  availed 
to  save  the  life  of  a  criminal,  but  he  must  make 
compensation  "  (Wilkins's  Leges  Anglo-Saxonicae 
Ecclesiasticae  et  Civiks).  Some  curious  instances 
of  the  active  co-operation  of  the  church  and  the 
state  in  respect  of  punishing  the  offences  of  the 
clergy  against  the  ordinary  civil  and  criminal 
law  in  the  earlier  part  of  tlie  seventh  century  in 
Britain  appear  in  some  very  early  works  cited 
by  Mr.  Haddan  and  Professor  Stubbs  {Councils 
and  Ecclesiastical  Documents  relating  to  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  1869).  The  Liber  Landa- 
vensis  (a  compilation  of  the  twelfth  century) 
records  the  excommunication  by  Oudaeus,  bishop 
of  Llandaif,  at  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  cen- 
tury, of  Mensig  and  of  Morgan,  kings  of  Glamor- 
gan, for  murder,  after  sweai'ing  amity  upon  relics 
in  the  bishop's  presence,  in  each  case  lands  being 
given  to  the  see  of  Llandaff  by  the  culprit  when 
reconciled.  The  same  work  records  similar  pro- 
ceedings in  the  case  of  a  fratricide  committed  by 
Gwoednerth,  king  of  Gweat ;  and  in  other  cases 


LAW 

Eddius,  in  his  life  of  Wilfrid  (a.d.  709),  mentions 
that  the  holy  bishop,  Wilfrid,  on  one  occasion,, 
standing  before  the  altar,  and  turning  to  the 
people,  "  enumerated  before  the  kings  the  lands 
which  previous  kings  had  granted  and  the  sacred 
sites  which  the  British  clergy  had  deserted  ia 
flying  before  the  enemy."  This  seems  to  imply 
a  re-endowment  by  the  Saxon  kings  with  lands 
previously  held  by  the  British  church. 

The  legislation  of  Charlemagne,  which  con- 
tinued through  his  entire  reign,  that  is,  from 
A.D.  768  to  a.d.  814,  and  which  was  reproduced 
over  and  over  again  in  closely  resembling  forms 
in  the  different  countries  successively  reduced 
under  his  rule,  recalls  that  of  Justinian  by  its 
comprehensiveness  and  its  particularity.  Never- 
theless, the  capitularies  of  Charlemagne  not  only 
mark  the  progress  which  the  church  had  made 
during  the  past  200  years  in  internal  organisa- 
tion, but  they  also  seem  to  bespeak  the  spon- 
taneous energy  of  the  church  in  legislating  for 
itself,  rather  than  the  mere  weight  of  imperial 
authority,  to  which  so  many  of  the  earlier  laws 
were  due.  Much  of  Charlemagne's  legislation  in 
respect  of  the  church  is  identical  with  that  of 
Justinian,  and  with  that  lof  the  earlier  Saxon 
codes,  and  this  affords  evidence  that  legislation 
of  this  sort  was  largely  controlled  by  ecclesias- 
tical usage  and  tradition,  and  by  the  direct  in- 
fluence exercised  by  the  authorities  of  the  church 
on  the  civil  lawgiver. 

It  will  be  convenient  to  exemplify  Charle- 
magne's legislation  by  reference  to  such  of  the 
main  department  of  possible  legislation  in  refe- 
rence to  the  church  as  were  above  distinguished 
for  the  purpose  of  convenient  arrangement,  and 
are  alone  prominent  at  this  date.      They  concern 

(1)  the   organisation  and   ritual   of  the  church, 

(2)  the  property  of  the  church,  of  its  officials, 
and  of  its  members,  and  (3)  jurisdiction. 

(1.)  In  respect  of  the  organisation  and  ritual 
of  the  church,  the  laws  of  Charlemagne  are  ex- 
tremely numerous  and  precise.  Thus  (Cap.  A.D. 
769)  priests  are  to  be  subject  to  their  bishops, 
and  to  give  an  exact  account  on  the  first  day  of 
Lent  of  their  ministry,  and  of  the  rites  they 
have  performed  ;  and  to  entertain  the  bishop  ou 
his  visitations.  No  priest  is  to  undertake  the 
care  of  a  church  without  the  bishop's  assent,  nor 
to  pass  from  one  church  to  another.  Priests  are 
not  to  celebrate  mass  except  in  places  dedicated 
to  God,  or,  if  upon  a  journey,  in  a  tent  and  at  a 
table  consecrated  by  the  bishop.  The  bishops 
and  clergy  were  specially  interdicted  from  en- 
gaging in  battle  or  accompanying  the  armies,  ex- 
cepting a  few  bishops  with  their  attending  priests 
selected  to  perform  sacred  duties ;  also  from 
hunting  with  dogs  and  keeping  hawks  and 
falcons.  Every  bishop  was  to  visit  his  diocese 
(parochia)  once  a  year,  and  put  a  stop  to  pagan 
rites  and  ceremonies  (auguria,  phylacteria, 
incantationes  vel  omnes  spurcitias  gentilium). 
Bishops  were  to  have  due  authority  over  priests 
and  other  clerics  within  their  diocese  (Cap.  A.D. 
779),  and  to  be  themselves  subject  to  the  metro- 
politans. A  bishop  was  not  to  receive  a  cleric 
attached  to  another  diocese,  nor  to  ordain  him  to 
a  higher  function.  The  faith  and  good  life  of 
candidates  for  ordination  was  to  be  investigated 
by  the  bishop,  and  fugitive  clerics  and  strangers 
were  not  to  be  received  or  ordained  without 
"  literae  commendaticiae "    and   the    licence   of 


LAW 

their  own  bishop  (Cap.  A.D.  789).  Bishops  were 
precisely  directed  as  -to  the  subjects  of  their 
preaching,  such  as  belief  in  the  doctrines  of  the 
Trinity,  of  the  Incarnation,  and  of  the  Resurrec- 
tion, sins  for  which  eternal  punishment  was  due, 
love  of  God  and  one's  neighboui-,  faith,  hope, 
humility,  patience,  alms,  confession,  and  the  like. 
A  number  of  general  directions  were  given  to  the 
clergy  as  to  conduct,  such  as  in  respect  of  swear- 
ing in  the  course  of  conversation  (sed  simjjliciter 
cum  puritate  et  veritate  omnia  decet),  enter- 
ing taverns,  getting  drunk,  or  making  others  so, 
and  preaching  the  gospel  to  the  people  on  festal 
and  the  Lord's  days.  Precise  regulations  are 
given  as  to  the  observance  of  the  Lord's  day. 
No  servile  work  was  to  be  done,  or  journeys  un- 
dertaken, except  for  purposes  of  warfare,  fetching 
food,  and  burying  the  dead.  Everyone  was  to 
attend  church,  and  the  celebration  of  the  mass, 
and  praise  God  for  all  the  good  things  He  had 
done  on  that  day.  Official  public  meetings  and 
the  public  administration  of  justice  were  not  to 
take  place  on  that  day,  except  in  cii-cumstances 
of  urgent  necessity  (Cap.  A.D.  789,  de  partibus 
Saxoniae).  The  bodies  of  Christian  Saxons  were 
to  be  buried  in  the  cemeteries  of  the  church,  and 
not  in  the  "  tumuli  "  of  the  pagans.  Children 
were  to  be  baptized  within  a  year,  or  a  fine  was  im- 
posed on  the  person  responsible  for  the  neglect.  The 
right  of  sanctuary  was  defined  very  much  in  the 
same  language  as  in  earlier  laws.  Homicides  and 
other  persons  accused  of  committing  crimes 
punishable  with  death  would  not  be  excused  by 
taking  refuge  in  a  church,and  no  food  must  be  given 
them  there  (Cap.  a.d.  779).  By  a  later  capitulary 
of  A.D.  789  none  were  to  be  violently  expelled 
from  a  sanctuary,  but  they  were  to  remain  till 
a  formal  judicial  inquiry  could  take  place  (dum 
placitum  praesentetur) ;  see  also  Cap.  a.d.  803, 
3.  Breaking  into  a  church  -was  an  offence 
punishable  with  death.  A  synod  was  to  meet 
twice  a  year  (Cap.  a.d.  806).  A  province  was 
never  to  be  divided  between  two  metropolitans. 
Lastly  (Cap.  a.d.  803),  reading  in  church  was  to 
be  distinct  (lectiones  in  ecclesia  distincte 
legantur). 

(2.)  As  to  the  propcHy  of  the  church,  a  con- 
siderable part  of  Charlemagne's  laws  is  concerned 
with  regulating  the  right  to  tithes.  The  general 
principle  of  paying  tithes  is  laid  down  in  the 
capitulary  of  a.d.  789  ("  De  partibus  Saxoniae  "), 
that  every  one,  noble  as  well  as  free  born,  should 
give  the  tenth  part  of  his  substance  and  his 
labour  to  the  church  and  the  priests."  The 
principle  is  affirmed  over  and  over  again,  and 
applied  in  detail  to  various  kinds  of  property. 
The  history  of  this  part  of  Charlemagne's  legis- 
lation is  passed  succinctly  in  review  by  Professor 
Brewer  in  an  Appendix  to  his  Endowment  and 
Establishment  of  the  Church  of  England,  Part 
L,  to  which  it  is  suflScient  for  the  present  pur- 
pose to  refer.  Bishops  and  abbats  were  cautioned 
as  to  bestowing  a  diligent  custody  on  the  trea- 
sures of  the  churches,  lest  by  treachery  or  neg- 
ligence any  gems,  vases,  or  other  treasures  be 
lost  (Cap.  A.D.  806,  3).  It  was  specially  provided 
(Cap.  A.D.  804,  3)  that  if  any  one  wishes  to  build 
a  church  on  his  own  property,  he  must  first  have 
the  bishop's  assent  and  licence,  and  that  the 
ancient  tithes  payable  to  the  older  churches 
must  not  be  diverted  to  the  new  one. 

(3.)  With  respect  to  Jwmc?(ciwn,  no  judge  was 


LAW 


945 


to  punish  a  priest,  deacon,  or  cleric,  "  without 
the  consenting  knowledge  of  the  pontifex,"' 
under  pain  of  separation  from  the  church  till  he 
confesses  and  amends.  Bishops  were  to  admin- 
ister justice  to  the  clergy  in  their  dioceses  ;  and 
if  an  "  abbat,  priest,  deacon,  sub-deacon,  does  not 
obey  the  bishop,  the  metropolitan  must  interpose, 
and  if  he  cannot  settle  the  matter,  the  parties 
must  come  to  the  king  "  cum  Uteris  metropoli- 
tani"  (Cap.  a.d.  7'J4).  Priests  accused  of  crimes 
were  to  be  tried  at  a  synod  in  accordance  with  a 
capitulary  of  pope  Innocent's;  if  they  were  con- 
victed, they  were  to  be  removed  from  the  sacer- 
dotal office.  By  Cap.  a.d.  812,  if  bishops  and 
abbats  could  not  settle  their  disputes  they  must 
come  before  the  king  himself.  All  other  officials 
were  warned  against  presuming  to  try  such 
high  matters  without  special  authorisation  from 
the  king.  The  decrees  of  the  councils  of  Kicaea, 
Chalcedon,  Antioch,  and  Sardica  were  incorporated 
in  the  legislation.  From  the  preface  to  some  of 
the  capitularies,  it  seems  that  the  laws  were  in 
fact  passed  as  much  by  the  authority  of  the 
church  as  by  that  of  the  state.  Thus  the 
capitulary  of  a.d.  779  opens  "  Anno  feliciter 
undecimo,  &c.  qualiter  congregatis  in  vnxiin  syno- 
dali  concilio  facto  capitulare  episcopis  ahhatibus 
virisque  inlustribus  comitibus  una  cum  Domino 
nostro  se,"  &c.     [See  Capitulary.] 

III.  The  laws  made  by  the  church  itself, 
whether  in  pursuance  of  an  inherent  legislative 
faculty  it  holds  itself  to  possess,  or  as  a  sub- 
ordinate legislature  dependent  on  the  state, 
must  be  considered  under  the  heads  of  (1)  the 
modes  by  which  the  law  has  at  different  periods 
been  made,  and  (2)  the  modes  by  which  it  has- 
been  enforced.  (1.)  It  will  have  been  seen  from 
the  preceding  review  to  what  an  extent  at 
different  periods  and  from  opposite  causes,  such 
as  the  complete  preponderance  of  the  state  over 
the  church  at  one  period  and  the  intimate  impli- 
cation of  the  state  with  the  church  at  another, 
the  same  authority  which  enacted  laws  for  the 
state  also  prescribed  the  most  mimxte  regulations 
for  the  internal  order  of  the  church,  and  often  at 
the  same  moment  and  in  the  same  document.  So 
true  is  this,  that  in  the  case  of  some  of  the  capitu- 
laries of  Charlemagne,  and  of  the  legislative  acts 
of  the  early  Saxon  kings  in  England,  it  is  hard  to 
say  whether  the  law-making  authority  was  a 
church  synod  or  the  king  surrounded  by  his 
ordinary  councillors,  the  bishops,  abbats,  and 
chief  secular  officials  in  the  kingdom.  Neverthe- 
less, the  church  claimed  fi-om  the  earliest  times 
the  right  of  independent  legislation,  though  the 
limits  of  this  right  became  soon  contested  in 
practice  through  the  interposition  of  the  Eastern 
emperors,  and  in  theory  also  as  soon  as  the 
church  of  Rome  assumed  for  itself  the  claim  of 
being  the  chief,  or  even  the  exclusive  organ  of 
church  legislation  (see  Council,  I.  473  ;  Canon 
Law,  I.  265;  Decretal,  I.  539),  and  thereby 
precipitated  the  inevitable  controversy  with  the 
secular  authority  in  different  countries. 

(2.)  The  modes  by  which  the  church  has  been 
enabled,  or  has  attempted,  to  make  her  laws 
effective  by  applying  suitable  penalties  for  their 
infraction  have  always  been  in  f;ict  largely  sub- 
ject to  the  explicit  or  implicit  control  of  the 
state,  and  the  more  so  as  the  church  and 
the  state  became  co-extensive.  Nevertheless, 
the  church  has  also  succeeded  in  herself  punish- 


046 


LAW 


ing  her  own  members  and  officers  for  breaches  of 
lier  laws,  and,  in  the  times  of  her  greatest 
strength,  has  done  so  even  when  the  ofTender, 
as  in  the  case  of  Theodosius  the  Great,  was  a 
crowned  head.  Apart  from  excommunication, 
partial  or  total,  temporary  or  permanent,  and 
public  reproof  or  degradation  of  office,  the  most 
common  forms  that  ecclesiastical  penalties  gra- 
dually took  was  the  enforcement  of  some  painful 
austerity  or  discipline  [Penitence],  subse- 
quently commuted  for,  or  admitting  of,  a  re- 
gular substitute  in  a  fine.  [Fines,  I.  671.] 
it  is  well-known  by  what  gradual  but  cer- 
tain steps  this  notion  of  accepting  pecuniary 
compensation  for  some  of  the  lighter  offences 
gradually  led  to  the  principle  of  admitting  for 
all  but  a  very  few  "  mortal "  sins  a  like  satisfac- 
tion ;  and  then  to  the  whole  system  of 
Indulgences  [I.  834]  by  which  ecclesiasti- 
cal penalties  were  mitigated.  An  examination 
of  the  older  Salic  law  and  the  Ripuarian  law, 
already  alluded  to,  will  go  far  to  explain  how  the 
notion  of  pecuniary  compensation  for  sins  so 
easily  took  root  in  the  Western  church.  It  was, 
in  fact,  the  common  form  of  all  the  civic  legis- 
lation in  the  German  kingdoms  which  was  not 
directly  borrowed  from  Rome.  It  has,  however, 
been  observed  that  Tertullian's  education  as  a 
lawyer  led  him  in  his  treatise  De  Focnitenfid 
(c.  19),  to  regard  the  ecclesiastical  fine  exacted 
for  "  homicidium,  idololatria,  fraus,  negatio,  blas- 
phemia  et  fornicatio,"  rather  as  a  "  satisfactio  " 
or  temporary  security  for  future  good  conduct 
than  as  a  penalty  for  past  transgressions.  Pro- 
bably both  ideas  coalesced  in  the  late  church  law 
relative  to  penance. 

The  question  naturally  suggests  itself  how 
far,  before  the  death  of  Charlemagne,  the  church 
was  in  a  position  to  rely  upon  the  co-operation 
of  the  state  in  enforcing  her  own  laws  and  the 
procedure  of  her  own  courts  ;  for  instance,  by 
imparting  to  a  sentence  of  deprivation  its  appro- 
priate civil  consequences.  The  truth  was  that, 
Ironi  the  times  of  the  earlier  Christian  emperors, 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishops,  in  respect  of 
■certain  matters  and  persons,  was  placed  upon 
exactly  the  same  level  as  the  jurisdiction  of  a 
civil  court  (see  especially  the  law  of  Honorius 
and  Theodosius  II.,  a.d.  408,  giving  the  force  of 
a  civil  judgment  to  the  sentence  of  a  bishop  on 
a  voluntary  reference  to  his  arbitration — a  law 
often  imputed  to  Constantine, — and  Justinian's 
134th  Novell  already  cited).  Again,  under  the 
municipal  government  of  the  empire,  in  all  the 
later  stages  of  its  history,  the  bishop  was  in- 
timately concerned  in  civic  administration  of 
the  most  secular  kind  in  all  the  chief  towns 
and  especially  at  Rome  (see  1  Cod.  Jus.  iv.,  and 
Guizot's  Civilisation  in  Europe,  Lect.  ii.  and 
Gibbon  in  reference  to  Gregory  I.  chap.  xlv.). 
Lastly,  Charlemagne,  in  constituting  his  itinerant 
magistracies,  combined  in  one  commission  a 
Comes  and  a  bishop,  "  ut  uterque  pleniter  suum 
ministerium  peragere  possint"  (Cap.  a.d.  803, 
chap.  iv.).  It  thus  resulted  that  all  the  machinery 
was  constantly  at  hand  for  enforcing  the  judg- 
ment of  the  bishop  in  strictly  ecclesiastical 
matters  in  the  same  way  as  the  judgment  of  a 
secular  court. 

But,  furthermore,  it  is  to  be  borne  in  mind 
that  the  canons  by  which  ecclesiastical  penalties 
were  imposed  were,  up  to  the  death  of  Charle- 


LAW 

magne,  scarcely  distinguishable  from  the  ordinary 
laws  of  the  empire.  Thd  legislative  body  was, 
as  often  as  not,  constituted  in  exactly  the  same 
way  whether  engaged  in  secular  or  religious 
legislation,  and  frequently  discharged  both 
classes  of  business  at  the  same  sitting.  Both 
Justinian  and  Charlemagne  expressly  incorpo- 
rated among  the  published  laws  of  the  realm 
the  canons  of  four  general  councils  (not  the 
same  ones)  ;  an  incessant  control  and  supervision 
is  exercised  by  the  civil  ruier  over  the  sitting 
of  councils,  and  provision  is  made  for  the  time 
being  fairly  distributed  between  secular  and 
religious  business.  Thus  king  Sigibert,  in 
addressing  Desiderius,  the  bishop  of  Cahors 
(a.d.  650),  directs  that  no  "  synodale  concilium  " 
be  held  in  his  kingdom  without  his  knowledge. 
The  seventeenth  council  of  Toledo  in  A.D.  694 
decreed  that  in  the  first  three  days  of  every 
such  assembly  ecclesiastical  affairs  should  be 
debated,  and  then — but  not  till  then — the  affairs 
of  the  state;  and  Charlemagne  (Cap.  A.D.  811, 
chap,  iv.)  directs  that  the  abbats,  bishops,  and 
counts  are  to  be  distributed  into  different 
chambers  with  a  view  to  laymen  not  interfering 
with  ecclesiastical  affairs.  Again,  while  it  is 
probable  enough  that  during  the  pei-iod  here 
concerned  excommunication  was  felt  to  be  a 
heavier  punishment  than  any  ordinary  punish- 
ment known  to  the  secular  laws,  and  therefore 
needed  no  supplement  from  these,  there  are 
signal  instances  on  record  of  specific  legislation 
for  the  purpose  of  moderating  or  increasing  the 
effect  of  an  ecelesiastical  sentence.  Thus,  in 
A.D.  595,  Childebert  makes  a  decree  against 
those  who,  on  being  excommunicated  for  murder, 
still  continue  obstinate.  Pepin  (Cap.  a.d.  755) 
makes  a  similar  decree  :  "  Si  aliquis  ista  omnia 
contemserit  et  episcopus  emendare  minime 
potuerit  regis  judicio  exilio  condemnetur  ; " 
and,  lastly,  Charlemagne,  in  redressing  a  curious 
abuse  which  followed  from  persons  excommuni- 
cated for  murder  wandering  about  the  country 
and  presenting  scandalous  exhibitions  of  distress, 
decrees  (a.d.  789)  "nee  isti  nudi  cum  ferro 
sinantur  vagari  qui  dicunt  se  data  sibi  poeni- 
tentii  ire  vagantes.  Melius  videtur  ut  si 
aliquid  inconsuetum  et  capitale  crimen  com- 
miserint  in  loco  permaneant  laborantes  et 
servientes  et  poenitentiam  agentes  secundum 
quod  sibi  canonice  impositum  est." 

It  may  be  said,  generally,  that  up  to  the 
epoch  at  which  the  legal  organisation  of  the 
church  was  distinct  and  complete  enough  to 
enable  the  pope  to  contend  on  equal  terms 
with  the  emperor,  either  the  necessities  for 
secular  aid  in  support  of  ecclesiastical  discipline 
were  too  rare  to  attract  general  attention,  or 
such  general  harmony  of  spirit  and  such  a  use 
of  common  judicial  machinery  prevailed,  as  to 
disguise  the  real  character  and  amount  of  the 
secular  interference,  or  the  extreme  eccle- 
siastical penalties  were  in  practice  more  potent 
than  any  civil  ones,  and  therefore  stood  in  no 
need  of  support  from  these. 

(See  Phillips,  Kirchenrecht ;  Walter,  Kirchcn- 
recht ;  Bickell,  Gesckichte  des  Kirchenrechtes ; 
Hebenstreit,  Historia  ■  Jurisdictionis  Ecclesias- 
ticae ;  Biener,  de  Collectionibus  Canonum  Eccle- 
siae  Graecae ;  Baluze,  Capitnlaria  Begum  Fran- 
corum  ;  Gengler,  Germanische  Denkmdler ;  Had- 
dan    and    Stubbs,    Councils    and   Ecclesiastical 


LAWSUITS 

Documents  illustrative  of  the  Ecclesiastical  His- 
ory  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland;  Wilkins, 
Leges  Anglo- Saxoniae  Ecclesiasticae  et  Civiles ; 
Codex  Theodosianus  ;  Corpus  Juris  Civilis.') 

[S.  A.] 
LAWSUITS.    [Litigation.] 

LAWYERS.  The  attitude  of  the  church 
towards  lawyers,  as  towards  all  persons  holding 
anything  like  official  positions,  was,  during  the 
era  of  persecutions,  that  of  suspicion  and  almost 
dislike.  In  some  churches  they  could  not  be 
oraained  ;  for  we  find  in  a  letter  of  pope  In- 
nocent I.  (A.D.  402-417)  (-£>.  23,  ad  Cone. 
Tolet.  c.  2)  that  he  complained  of  the  custom 
existing  in  the  Spanish  church  of  admitting 
such  to  ordination,  and  proposed  "  that  no 
one  should  be  admitted  to  the  clerical  order 
who  had  pleaded  causes  after  he  was  bap- 
tized." That  this  represents  the  practice  of  the 
Eoman  church  there  can  be  little  doubt,  nor 
that  the  rule  was  soon  extended  over  the 
French  and  Spanish  churches.  And  he  orders 
that  for  the  future  such  persons,  if  ordained, 
should  be  deposed,  together  with  those  who 
ordained  them :  "  ut  quicunque  tales  ordinati 
fuerint,  cum  ordinatoribus  suis  deponantur."  We 
find  the  council  of  Sardica  (a.d.  347)  enacting  in 
its  thirteenth  canon  that  a  lawyer  (o-xoAaffTi/cbs 
airh  ■T^)s  ayopas)  might  proceed  through  the 
grades  of  reader,  deacon,  and  priest,  even  to  the 
episcopate,  if  he  were  a  suitable  man.  But  as 
Du  Pin  observes  {Cent.  iv.  p.  261),  the  Sardican 
canons  were  never  received  by  the  whole  church, 
nor  embodied  in  the  collection  authorised  by  the 
council  of  Chalcedon. 

We  find  that  such  legal  assistance  as  was 
required  by  a  church  or  diocese  was  in  the  East 
often,  perhaps  usually,  rendered  by  a  clergyman. 
The  record  of  the  council  of  Ephesus  shews  us 
Asphalius,  a  presbyter  of  Antioch,  managing 
the  law  business  (ra  irpayfiara  rrjs  uvttjs  €k- 
K\r]tTias)  of  that  church.  Similarly  John,  who 
appears  in  the  account  of  the  Constantinopolitan 
council  held  under  Flavian  A.D.  448),  and  eccle- 
siastical history  affords  many  other  instances. 

And  in  the  course  of  another  hundred  years, 
this  state  of  things  had  so  far  developed  that  it 
was  necessary  for  Justinian  to  prohibit  (^Novell. 
cxxiii.  c.  6)  the  clergy  from  practising  in  the 
courts,  or  discharging  the  official  function  of 
bail  or  surety:  "Sed  neque  procuratorem  litis, 
aut  fidejussorem  pro  talibus  causis  episcopum, 
aut  alium  clericum,  cujuslibet  gradus,  aut  mon- 
achum  proprio  nomine,  aut  ecclesiae,  aut  mon- 
asterii  sinimus;"  and  the  reason  assigned  is 
that  they  would  be  thereby  hindered  in  their 
sacred  ministry.  In  earlier  times,  the  apostolic 
canons  (can.  6)  had  briefly  forbidden  bishop, 
priest,  or  deacon,  to  undertake  any  secular  cares, 
on  pain  of  deposition.  The  Theodosian  code  has 
many  provisions  against  the  oppressions  practised 
by  those  holding  legal  offices;  excessive  and 
illegal  exactions,  maintenance  for  themselves 
while  on  their  circuits,  and  such  like,  which  do 
not  immediately  concern  us  here. 

The  quotation  given  above  from  the  Kovellae 
of  Justinian  shews  that  a  need  was  actually  ex- 
perienced by  churches  and  religious  houses  for 
the  aid  of  men  learned  in  the  law  in  the  manage- 
ment of  their  property  and  the  defence  of  suits 
at   law.     The   need   grew  with  the  growth  of 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  11. 


LAY  COMMUNION 


94^ 


ecclesiastical  possessions  ;  and  a  tendency  shewed 
itself  among  the  clergy  and  monasteries  even 
in  the  West,  to  find  the  men  required  out  of  the 
members  of  their  own  body,  in  spite  of  the 
canonical  prohibitions,  which  seem  to  have  been 
in  a  great  degree  arbitrary  from  the  first,  or 
which  at  best  rested  on  a  tradition  descending 
from  the  period  of  the  persecutions.  Pope  Ge° 
lasius  (492-496)  admitted  these  officers  to  the 
minor  orders :  "  Continue  Lector,  aut  Notarius, 
aut  certe  Defensor  effectus,  post  tres  menses 
existat  Acolythus."  The  formula  with  which 
the  defensores  were  admitted  is  curious  :  "  Si  nulli 
conditioni  vel  corpori  teneris  obnoxius,  nee  fuisti 
clericus  alterius  civitatis,  aut  in  nullo  canonum 
obviant  statuta,  officium  Ecclesiae  Defensorum 
accipias,"  &c.  We  may,  perhaps,  conclude  from 
a  letter  of  pope  Gregory  the  Great  (590-604) 
that  the  notaries  of  the  church  of  Rome  were 
usually  subdeacons  (lib.  vii.  Ep.  17). 

But  by  the  time  Ave  come  to  the  latter  part 
of  the  7th  century,  we  find  that  these  legal 
offices  were  for  the  most  part  in  the  hands  of 
laymen,  at  all  events  in  Gaul.  The  second 
council  of  Macon  (a.d.  585)  had  a  canon  for- 
bidding lawyers  to  prosecute  suits  on  the  Lord's 
Day,  under  pain  of  being  disbarred  (can.  1). 
And  we  find  among  the  Decreta  of  pope  Euge- 
nius  II.  (a.d.  824)  one  forbidding  "  advocati," 
evidently  laymen,  to  usurp  or  seize  by  force  any 
recompense  beyond  what  they  wore  entitled  to 
by  ancient  right  and  custom.  [S.  J.  E.] 

LAY  BAPTISM.  [Baptism,  §  80,  I.  167; 
Laitv,  §  3.] 

LAY  COMMUNION.  Offences  which  in 
a  layman  were  punished  by  a.(popt(rix6s,  segrega- 
tion or  suspension  of  the  right  to  communicate, 
were  in  the  clergy  punished  by  reduction  to 
"lay  communion."  That  is  to  say,  they  were 
reduced  to  the  condition  of  laymen,  deprived  of 
office,  and  forbidden  to  exercise  their  clerical 
functions.  When  a  clerk  was  said  to  be  denied 
lay  communion,  it  meant  that  he  was  excommu- 
nicated as  well  as  deprived.  As  two  erroneous 
opinions  have  been  maintained  respecting  lay 
communion,  one  that  it  meant  communion  in 
one  kind,  the  other  that  it  was  reception  of  the 
sacrament  with  the  laity,  i.e.  without  the  bema 
or  the  chancel,  it  is  desirable  to  illustrate  the 
subject  by  an  ample  chain  of  testimony.  The 
15th  Apostolical  canon  orders  that  any  clergy- 
man staying  in  another  diocese  against  the  will 
of  his  own  bishop,  shall  not  be  allowed  to  cele- 
brate, "  but  may  nevertheless  communicate  there 
as  a  layman."  By  the  62nd,  a  clerk  who  had 
denied  Christ,  or  his  own  office,  in  a  time  of  per- 
secution, was  "after  penance  to  be  received  as  a 
layman."  Cornelius  of  Rome  writing  to  Fabius 
of  Antioch,  about  251,  says  of  one  of  the  bishops 
who  had  consecrated  Novatian,  but  afterwards 
confessed  his  fault,  "  All  the  people  present  en- 
treating for  him,  we  communicated  with  him  as 
a  layman  "  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  v.  43).  When 
Rufinus  translates  this,  about  the  year  490,  he 
says,  "  He  was  received  into  lay  communion," 
that  phrase  having  sprung  up  in  the  interval. 
Cyprian,  writing  in  252,  says  of  Trophimus,  who 
is  supposed  to  be  the  bishop  mentioned  by  Cor- 
nelius, "  He  was  so  admitted  that  he  communi- 
cates as  a  layman  "  {Epist.  55  ad  Anton.).  Two 
years  later  the  same  father  says  that  Basilides, 
3  Q 


948 


LAY  COMMUNION 


another  offending  bishop,  on  his  repentance, 
"  thought  himself  sufficiently  happy,  if  it  were 
granted  him  to  communicate  even  as  a  layman  " 
{Ep.  67  ad  Felicem,  &c.).  Again,  in  a  letter  to 
Stephen  of  Rome,  a.d.  256,  St.  Cyprian  declares 
that  it  had  been  decided  at  Carthage  "  by  con- 
sent and  common  authority "  that  presbyters 
and  deacons,  who  had  fallen  into  heresy  or 
schism,  should  "  on  their  return  be  received  on 
this  condition,  that  they  should  communicate  as 
laymen"  {Epist.  72  ad  Staph.).  There  is  extant 
an  account  of  a  council  held  in  that  city  in  the 
same  year,  at  which  a  bishop  delivered  it  as  his 
opinion,  that  "all  schismatics  and  heretics  who 
had  turned  to  the  church  should  be  rebaptized, 
but  that  those  who  seemed  to  have  been  ordained 
should  also  be  received  among  the  laity  "  (sent. 
4).  The  council  of  Elvira,  a.d.  305,  orders  that 
a  deacon  who  had  committed  a  great  crime  before 
ordination,  and  did  not  come  forward  as  his  own 
accuser,  should  be  five  years  in  penance,  and  then 
"receive  lay  communion"  (can.  76).  This  is 
the  earliest  instance  of  the  use  of  that  expres- 
sion. At  the  council  convened  at  Cologne  to 
consider  the  case  of  the  Arian  bishop  of  that 
city,  one  of  the  bishops  present  expressed  him- 
self thus  :  "  Because  Euphrates  denies  that  Christ 
is  God,  I  agree  that  he  cannot  be  a  bishop,  who 
ought  not  to  receive  even  lay  communion " 
(Synod.  Agripp.  sent.  2).  This  council  is  assigned 
with  some  doubt  to  the  year  346.  We  may 
observe  that  in  the  last  two  instances  there  is  a 
probable  reference  to  the  Eucharist,  the  reception 
of  which  was  the  chief  privilege  and  sign  of 
communion  in  the  other  sense.  In  347  the 
council  of  Sardica  decreed  that  if  two  bishops 
whom  it  deposed  "  asked  for  lay  communion,  it 
should  not  be  denied  them  "  (can.  19).  St.  Atha- 
nasius,  writing  in  349  or  the  year  following, 
says  that  it  was  "  notorious,  and  a  thing  beyond 
doubt  with  every  one,  that  CoUuthus  (who  had 
affected  the  title  and  performed  the  acts  of  a 
bishop)  had  died  a  presbyter,  and  that  every 
ordination  by  him  had  been  annulled,  and  all 
ordained  by  him  in  the  schism  had  been  made 
laymen,  and  so  came  to  synaxis  "  (Apol.  contra 
Arianos).  St.  Basil  A.D.  370  :  "  Those  clerks 
who  sin  a  sin  unto  death  are  deposed  from  their 
order,  but  not  kept  from  the  communion  of  lay- 
men. For  thou  shalt  not  punish  the  same 
offence  twice"  (ad  Amphiloch.  c.  32).  Siricius 
of  Rome,  a.d.  385 :  "  Let  any  clerk  who  shall 
have  married  either  a  widow,  or  at  all  events  a 
second  wife,  be  at  once  stripped  of  every  privi- 
lege of  ecclesiastical  dignity,  lay  communion 
only  being  conceded  to  him  "  (Epist.  ad  Himer. 
c.  11).  At  a  general  African  council  assembled 
at  Hippo  in  393,  it  was  decreed  that  the  Donatist 
clergy  should  on  their  return  to  the  church  be 
"  received  into  the  number  of  the  laity  "  (can.  41). 
The  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  400  (can.  4)  decreed 
that  a  subdeacon  who  married  for  the  third 
time  should,  after  suspension  from  communion 
for  two  years,  "  being  reconciled  by  penance, 
communicate  among  laymen."  A  Roman  council 
under  Felix,  A.D.  487,  of  bishops  who  had  been 
rebaptized  among  heretics :  "  It  will  be  proper 
that  they  lie  under  penance  (should  they  repent) 
to  the  last  day  of  their  life  ;  and  that  they  be 
not  on  any  account  present  at  the  prayers,  not  of 
the  faithful  only,  but  even  of  the  catechumens, 
to  whom  lay  communion  only  is  to  be  restored  at 


LAY  COMMUNION 

their  death  "  (can.  2).  The  council  of  Agde,  in 
France,  A.D.  506,  of  clergymen  guilty  of  crime : 
"  Deposed  from  the  honour  of  office  let  such  an 
one  be  thrust  into  a  monastery,  and  there  let 
him  receive  lay  communion  only  as  long  as  he 
lives"  (can.  50).  The  council  of  Lerida,  in 
Spain,  A.D.  524,  of  clergymen  who,  after  pro- 
fessing repentance,  had  fallen  again  into  gross 
sin  :  "  Let  them  not  only  be  deprived  of  the 
dignity  of  office,  but  not  even  receive  the  holy 
communion,  except  when  dying  "  (can.  5).  Here 
the  sacrament  is  distinctly  meant,  by  the  recep- 
tion of  which  they  might  have  been  consigned  to 
"  lay  communion  "  in  its  true  and  proper  sense. 
The  council  of  Orleans,  a.d.  538,  orders  that 
any  clerk,  from  a  subdeacon  upwards,  who  shall 
cohabit  with  his  wife,  be  "  deposed  from  office 
according  to  the  decrees  of  former  canons,  and 
be  content  with  lay  communion  "  (can.  2),  By 
two  other  canons  of  this  council,  the  offenders 
are  to  be  reduced  to  lay  communion,  but  that 
phrase  is  not  employed.  In  one  case,  "  deposed 
from  office,  communion  being  granted  to  him,  he 
is  to  be  thrust  into  a  monastery  for  the  whole 
period  of  his  life  "  (can.  7)  ;  in  the  other,  "  com- 
munion being  granted  to  him,  he  is  to  be  de- 
graded from  his  order "  (can.  26).  That  "  lay 
communion  "  was  used  as  a  punishment  to  the 
end  of  our  period  and  later  appears  from  the  fol- 
lowing chapter  out  of  the  6th  book  of  the  Capitu- 
laries of  the  French  Kings  collected  by  Benedict 
the  deacon,  A.D.  845  :  "  If  any  bishop,  presbyter, 
or  deacon,  or  subdeacon  shall  go  to  the  war,  and 
put  on  warlike  arms  for  fighting,  let  him  be  de- 
posed from  every  office,  so  that  he  have  not  even 
lay  communion"  (c.  Ixi.  Comp.  Canones,  Isaac 
Episc.  Lingon.  tit.  xi.  c.  x.). 

From  the  foregoing  extracts  it  will  be  inferred 
that  the  expression  "  lay  communion "  had 
generally  no  immediate  reference  to  the  reception 
of  the  Eucharist.  It  merely  denoted  the  whole 
position  of  a  layman  in  full  communion  with  the 
church.  But  as  that  sacrament  was  only  given 
to  persons  in  full  communion  with  the  church, 
it  came  to  the  same  thing  whether  a  deposed 
clerk  were  said  to  be  allowed  lay  communion, 
or  to  receive  the  sacrament  of  the  holy  commu- 
nion. One  who  passed  out  of  penance  into  lay 
communion  would  of  course  be  formally  absolved 
by  the  bishop,  before  he  could  receive  the  sacra- 
ment ;  but  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that 
any  form  of  admission  was  generally  employed, 
when  a  disqualified  cierk  passed,  without  per- 
forming penance,  into  the  position  of  a  lay  com- 
municant. Thei-e  appears,  however,  to  have 
been  one  exception  in  the  church  of  Rome,  if  we 
may  trust  to  an  Epistle  ascribed  to  Innocent  I., 
about  404,  but  believed  on  good  grounds  to  be 
spurious  :  "  It  is  the  law  of  our  church  to  grant 
lay  communion  only  to  those  who  come  over 
from  the  heretics  (who  however  have  been 
baptized  among  them)  by  the  imposition  of 
hands  "  (Ep.  ad  Epist.  Maccd.  c.  4). 

A  criminous  clerk  fell  into  lay  communion  by 
the  application  of  a  principle  laid  down  by  many 
councils  and  writers;  viz.  that  one  who  had 
been  under  public  penance  was  incapable  of 
orders.  Thus  St.  Augustine :  "  It  hath  been 
most  strictly  decreed  that  after  penance  per- 
formed for  crime  liable  to  condemnation  no  one 
should  be  a  clergyman"  (Ep)ist.  185,  ad  Bonif 
c.  X.  §  45).    [See  Penitence  ;  Orders,  Holy.] 


LAY  COMMUNION 

Heretics  returning  to  the  church  were  always  sub- 
jected to  this  discipline.  St.  Augustine  represents 
the  Donatists  arguing  thus  :  "  If,  say  they,  it 
behoves  that  we  do  penance  for  having  been  out 
of  the  church,  and  against  the  church,  that  we 
may  be  capable  of  salvation,  how  is  it  tliat  we 
remain  clerks  or  even  bishops  after  that  pen- 
ance ?  "  {ibid.  §  44).  Replying  to  this,  St.  Augus- 
tine says  in  eflect  that  their  recognition  was  not 
good  in  itself  for  the  church,  but  was  permitted 
in  order  to  end  a  worse  evil,  the  continuance  of 
the  schism.  When  the  Nicene  council,  a.d.  325, 
admitted  the  Novatian  clergy  to  communion,  it 
imposed  no  penance,  and  even  allowed  them  to 
retain  their  rank  and  exercise  their  functions,  if 
they  live  in  places  where  there  was  room  for  it 
(can.  8).  When  Cornelius  of  Rome,  251,  re- 
ceived the  Novatian  presbyter  Maximus  to  com- 
munion, he  also  permitted  him  to  continue  in  his 
office  (Epist.  49,  inter  Epp.  Cypr.'). 

II.  There  was  another  punishment  for  offend- 
ing clerks,  of  which  we  read  in  a  few  canons 
under  the  name  of  communio  peregrina,  the 
communion  of  travellers,  or,  as  it  has  been  less 
properly  rendered,  of  strangers.  The  3rd  canon 
of  Riez,  A.D.  439,  directs  that  a  schismatical 
bishop  shall  on  his  return  to  the  church  either 
be  "encouraged  by  the  title  of  chorepiscopus, 
as  the  8th  canon  of  Nicaea  speaks,  or  by  peregrine 
communion,  as  they  say."  The  council  of  Agde 
orders  that  contumacious  and  neglectful  clerks 
shall  have  "  peregrine  communion  assigned  to 
them,  but  so  that  when  penance  shall  have 
corrected  them,  they  may  be  again  enrolled  and 
reassume  their  order  and  dignity  "  (can.  2).  Here 
we  observe  in  passing  that  the  penitentia  of 
which  this  canon  speaks  must  be  repentance  or 
private  penance  ;  because,  as  we  have  seen,  no 
one  could  exercise  any  clerical  function  who  had 
ever  been  subject  to  public  penance.  The  same 
council  says:  "If  any  clerk  shall  have  stolen 
from  a  church,  let  peregrine  communion  be 
assigned  to  him  "(can.  5).  The  16th  canon  of 
Lerida  directs  that  a  clerk  who,  on  the  death  of 
his  bishop,  had  stolen  anything  from  his  house, 
or  fraudulently  concealed  anything,  shall  be 
condemned  with  the  longer  anathema,  as  guilty 
of  sacrilege,  and  that  the  communion  of  tra- 
vellers be  hardly  granted  to  him."  The  2nd 
and  5th  canons  of  Agde  appear  in  the  code  of 
Charlemagne  and  his  successors  compiled  by 
Angesisus  and  Benedict  in  the  9th  century 
{Capit.  Eeg.  Franc,  i.  1075,  1094,  1225). 

Peregrine  communion  has  been  supposed  by 
several  writers  to  be  identical  with  lay  commu- 
nion. That  they  differed,  and  how,  will  appear 
from  the  following  considerations.  (1.)  There 
would  otherwise  be  no  propriety  in  the  name, 
travellers  having  no  more  to  do  with  lay  com- 
munion than  residents.  (2.)  The  council  of 
Agde  in  one  canon  (50)  imposes  lay  communion 
on  clerks  guilty  of  capital  offences,  forgery,  and 
false  witness :  while  others  inflict  peregrine 
communion  on  contumacy  (c.  2)  and  theft  from 
a  church  (c.  5).  From  this  we  infer  that  the 
latter  penalty  was  something  less  severe  than 
the  former.  (3.)  Again,  the  2nd  canon  of  Agde 
shows  that  a  clerk  reduced  to  peregrine  commu- 
nion might  be  restored ;  whereas  we  have  seen 
that  lay  communion  was  for  life.  (4.)  The  name 
suggests  the  nature  of  the  punishment.  It 
appears  to  intimate  that  the   clerk  on  whom  it 


LAZAKUS 


949 


was  inflicted  was  placed  in  the  position  of  a 
traveller  who  came  to  a  strange  church  without 
bringing  letters  of  communion.  [See  KoiNO- 
NiKON.]  Such  a  visitor  was  admissible  to  the 
less  sacred  offices  of  religion,  but  not  permitted 
to  receive  the  Eucharist  until  a  letter,  vouching 
for  him,  arrived  from  his  own  bishop.  Hence 
we  see  that  peregrine  communion  involved  ab- 
stention from  the  sacrament  for  a  time,  which 
lay  communion  did  not.  [W.  E.  S.] 

LAY  ELDERS.     [Elders.] 

LAZARUS  (1).  In  Ethiopia  his  first  death 
is  commemorated  March  13,  his  resurrection 
March  16,  his  second  rest,  in  Cyprus,  of  which 
he  was  bishop.  May  22.  From  Citium  in  Cyprus 
his  relics  were  brought  to  Constantinople,  Oct. 
17,  A.D.  890,  by  Leo  the  Wise  (Tillem.  ii.  36). 
Before  that  time  he  had  no  fixed  day  among  the 
Greeks,  unless  he  be  meant  by  Lycarion,  Feb.  8 
{Menol.  Basil.),  but  was  celebrated  on  the  vigil  of 
Palm  Sunday  (Tillem.  ii.  37).  At  Rome  in  the 
7th  century  he  was  commemorated  with  Martha 
only,  Dec.  17 — a  custom  seemingly  taken  from 
their  convent  near  Bethany  (Mart.  Bom.; 
Usuard). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Milan,  f  Feb.  11,  a.d.  449. 
(Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  521.) 

(3)  The  name  occurs  in  the  3fart.  Hieron. 
April  12. 

(4)  Oct.  18.     (Cal  Ethiop.^ 

(5)  With  Thalassius,  Dec.  6'.     (Col.  Ethiop.) 

[£.  B.  B.] 
LAZARUS  (in  Art).  The  Resurrection  of 
Lazarus  is  naturally  a  subject  very  frequently 
represented  in  Christian  Art.  We  find  it  in 
catacombs,  churches,  and  cemeteries,  in  paint- 
ings, sculptures,  and  mosaics,  on  simple  slabs, 
and  on  sarcophagi  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  ii.  tab. 
97).  In  some  cases,  where  no  such  painting, 
mosaic,  and  sculptui-e  exists,  either  outside  or 
inside  the  tomb,  we  find  small  statues  of  Lazarus, 
in  metal  or  ivory,  affixed  to  the  exterior.  In 
early  representations  of  this  great  event,  Lazarus 
appears  as  a  small  mummy-like  figure  swathed 
in  bandages,  the  head  is  bound  with  a  napkin, 
which  surrounds  the  face,  leaving  it  uncovered 
(Buonarroti,  Vetri,  tab.  vii.  1).  The  Lord  stands 
before  this  figure,  which  is  placed  upright  at 
the  entrance  to  a  small  temple,  and  in  most 
instances  He  touches  it  with  a  rod.  Sometimes 
He  extends  His  right  hand,  whilst  in  the  left 
He  holds  a  half-opened  volume  (Bottari,  tab. 
xxviii.-xlii.  etc.).  In  some  examples  the  right 
hand  is  free,  and  raised  in  the  act  of  benediction 
according  to  the  Latin  form  (Aringhi,  ii.  121), 
sometimes  His  hand  is  laid  upon  the  head  of 
Lazarus  (id.  ii.  183).  An  example  in  the  ceme- 
tery of  Callixtus  (id.  i.  565)  shews  us  an  exact 
representation  of  a  chrysalis  instead  of  the 
swathed  figure;  possibly  allusion  to  the  resur- 
rection may  be  here  intended.  On  some  Gal- 
lican  sarcophagi,  Lazarus  appears  extended  on 
the  ground,  no  tomb  being  visible,  as  in  an 
example  in  the  "  Muse'e  Lapidaire "  of  Lyons 
(No.  764;  Millin,  Midi  de  la  France,  Atlas, 
pi.  ]xv.).  On  glass  cups,  where  the  greater 
portion  of  the  design  is,  as  usual,  in  gold,  the 
graveclothes  are  in  silver  (Buonarroti,  vii.  2  ; 
Perret,  iv.  pi.  xxxii.  97).  Disregarding  the 
sacred  text,  we  find  some  artists  giving  folding- 
doors  to  the  tomb  of  Lazarus  (Buonarroti,  vii. 
3  Q  2 


950 


LAZAEUS 


3),  though  it  was  in  fact  closed  with  a  stone. 
Sometimes  it  is  hewn  out  of  the  natural  rock, 
without  any  attempt  at  architecture  (Aringhi, 
ii.  331),  and  shrubs  are  placed  upon  the  two 
steps  at  the  entrance. 

Some  artists,  who  probably  had  but  a  slight 
acquaintance  with  Jewish  customs,  have  placed 
the  body  of  Lazarus  in  a  sarcophagus  (Bottari, 
tab.  Ixxxix.),  adorned  with  lions'  heads,  and 
even  supported  by  sphinxes,  subjects  of  very 
rare  occurrence  in  early  Christian  Art  (ib.  tab. 
cxciii.).  The  diminutive,  even  infantine,  pro- 
portions of  the  body  of  Lazarus,  as  represented 
by  ancient  artists,  cannot  fail  to  excite  attention. 
It  may  be  that  the  beginning  of  a  new  life  is 
thus  symbolized ;  but  more  probably  this  is 
only  an  instance  of  a  custom  frequent  in  other 
representations  of  the  Lord's  miracles,  of  making 
the  object  of  the  miracle  small  in  comparison 
with  the  Lord  Himself  [Blind,  Healing  OF,^ 
L  241].  A  curious  fresco  in  the  cemetery  of 
Kennes  (Aringhi,  ii.  329),  shews  the  swathed 
figure  standing  on  the  flat  without  any  support, 
and  without  the  usual  temple.  In  paintings 
and  on  glass  [Glass,  I.  730],  the  two  essential 
figures — the  Lord  and  Lazarus — are  alone  repre- 
sented. A  fragment  of  a  mosaic  given  by  Marchi 
{3fonum.  tab.  xlvii.)  furnishes  perhaps  the  only 
exception  to  this  rule.  In  this,  a  female  figure, 
presumably  one  of  the  sisters  of  Lazarus,  kneels 
at  the  feet  of  the  Lord,  and  extends  her  hands 
towards  him. 


Lazarus.    From  JIartigny. 

This  is  of  much  more  frequent  occurrence  m 
the  bas-reliefs  of  sarcophagi.  These  are  of  more 
recent  date,  and  always  complete  the  scene  with 
the  figures  of  Martha  and  Mary  (Aringhi,  i. 
335),  or  at  least  the  latter,  prostrate  or  kneeling, 
at  the  feet  of  the  Saviour  (ih.  i.  323,  etc.),  or 
sometimes  devoutly  kissing  his  hand  (ib.  i.  423). 
A  curious  sepulchral  stone,  unfortunately  broken, 
shews  two  hands  behind  the  Lord,  all  that  re- 
mains of  a  figure,  probably  that  of  Mary,  which 
formerly  stood  there  (Ferret,  iv.  13).  Sometimes 
the  scene  is  completed  and  enlarged  by  the 
figures  of  two  or  more  disciples,  towards  whom 
the  Lord  turns  as  if  to  draw  their  attention  to 
the  miracle  (Aringhi,  1.  427). 


LECTEEX 

The  Christian  artists  of  these  early  times  fre- 
quently connect  Old  and  New  Testament  subjects, 
between  which  any  real  or  fancied  analogy  is 
traceable.  Thus,  in  many  instances,  particu- 
larly on  sarcophagi,  we  have  Moses  sti-iking  the 
rock,  introduced  as  a  pendant  to  the  resun-ec- 
tion  of  Lazarus.  We  even  find  the  two  subjects 
united,  as  in  the  fresco  of  an  arcosolium  given 
by  Aringhi  (ii.  123).  In  another  fresco  in  the 
cemetery  of  Rennes,  the  figures  of  the  Lord  and 
Moses  are  nearly  identical  in  dress,  in  attitude, 
and  even  in  countenance  (ib.  329).  Even  on 
simple  sepulchral  slabs  we  find  the  two  subjects 
associated  in  a  similar  manner  (Ferret,  v.  pi. 
Ixiii.  29). 

The  tomb  of  Lazarus  was  guarded  with  reli- 
gious care  by  the  faithful,  and  visited  by  them 
with  the  other  sacred  and  memorable  places  in 
Palestine  (Jerome,  Epist.  ii.).  We  learn  from 
Jerome  also  (De  Loc.  Heh.  s.  v.  Bethania) 
that  a  church  was  built  upon  the  site.  This  is 
also  mentioned  by  Bede,  but  it  seems  certain 
that  there  was  no  church  there  in  the  time  of 
Constantine,  as  the  itinerary  of  Jerusalem  made 
in  that  emperor's  reign  contains  no  allusion  to 
it.     (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chr^t.  s.  v.) 

[C] 

LEA  (1)  Widow,  friend  of  Jerome,  t  at  Beth- 
lehem, March  22  {Acta  SS.  Mar.  iii.  381). 

(2)  Martvr  in  Africa,  Sept.  28  (Mart.  Hier. 
Florentini).'  [E.  B.  B.] 

LEACUS,  martyr  at  Nicomedia,  Jan.  27 
(Mart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.),  in  Africa,  Mart.  Gellon. 
[E.  B.  B.] 

LEANDER.  Bishop  of  Seville,  and  con- 
verter of  Goths  from  Arianism  under  Recared,. 
commemorated  Feb.  27,  Ado  (Usuard).  His  name 
is  added,  without  specification,  in  the  Hierony- 
mian  Martt.  Also  on  Feb.  28  (D'Ach.  Spicileg. 
iv.  630).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LECERUS,  deacon  at  Antioch,  Jan.  1.^ 
(Mart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LECTERN  (ledorium,  lectoria).  A  standing 
desk  in  a  church,  from  which  certain  portions  of 
service  were  read.  It  appears  to  have  been  of 
later  introduction  than  the  Ambo  [Ambo],  and 
to  have  differed  from  that  by  being  placed  in  the 
centre  of  the  choir  instead  of  at  the  side.  Lec- 
toria  are  very  frequently  mentioned  in  the  "  liber 
pontificalis  "  of  Anastasius  among  the  gifts  made 
by  the  popes  to  the  basilicas.  They  are  described 
as  being  of  large  size,  often  made  of,  or  coated 
with,  the  precious  metals,  and  richly  moulded 
and  embossed.  They  were  usually  provided  with 
candelabra  (cerostata)  standing  on  either  side, 
lighted  on  Sundays  and  festivals  (Anastas.  pp. 
397,  419,  546).  Leo  III.  (a.d.  795,  816)  gave  a 
lectorium  "  of  purest  silver  of  wondrous  size  " 
with  candelabra  to  St.  Peter's  (Anastas.  p.  399). 
Leo  IV.  (a.d.  847-855)  also  gave  to  the  same 
basilica  one  of  silver,  chased,  standing  on  four 
feet,  surmounted  by  a  lion's  head,  with  four 
candelabra  plated  with  silver  (ib.  552).  St. 
Eligius  is  stated  to  have  plated  a  lectorium  with 
gold  (Audoeuus,  Vit.  S.  Elig.  apud  Ducange). 
iiariulphus  (apud  Ducange)  speaks  also  ot 
lectoria  constructed  of  marble,  silver  and  gold. 

The  cloth  that  covered  a  lectorium  was  termed 
lectorinus.  (Annal.  Mediolan.  apud  Muratori, 
torn.  xvi.  col.  810.)  [E.  V.] 


LECTICARIUS 

LECTICARIUS.  The  name  given  in  Jus- 
tiuiau's  Novella  43  (Pi-ef.)  to  the  members  of  a 
guild  for  interring  the  dead,  from  their  carrying 
the  Icctica  or  bier.    See  COPIATAE,  Decanus  (!.)• 

[C] 

LECTION  {Lectio  :  avayvoiais ;  Let^on ;  Eng. 
Lesson),  The  words  arayvaxris  and  Lectio  may 
be  taken  in  a  wider  sense  to  include  all  readings 
which  formed  part  of  Divine  Service.  [Epistle  ; 
Gospel  ;  PROPHEcy.]  The  word  Lection  is  here 
however  taken  in  a  narrower  sense,  to  denote 
the  readings  of  selected  passages  during  the 
ordinary  daily  ofBce.  Such  readings  were  of 
three  kinds. 

1.  Passages  of  Holy  Scripture. 

2.  Passages  from  comments  or  homilies  of  the 
Fathers. 

3.  Acts  of  Martyrs  or  other  saints. 

The  readings  from  Holy  Scripture,  of  which 
Justin  Martyr  speaks,  wei'e  connected  with  the 
administration  of  the  Eucharist,  and  are  therefore 
to  be  regarded  rather  as  corresponding  to  the 
Epistle,  Gospel,  and  Prophecy  of  later  times, 
than  to  the  lections  with  which  we  are  now  con- 
cerned. It  is  not  until  a  later  date  that  we  find 
distinct  indications  of  the  mingling  of  lections 
with  Psalmody,  as  in  the  Hour-Offices  of  the 
present  day. 

There  are  in  the  Eastern  Daily  Offices  no  lec- 
tions from  Scripture.  The  scheme  of  service 
given  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (ii. 
37-62)  contains  none,  and  even  to  this  day  the 
ordinary  Greek  offices  are  entirely  devoid  of 
them.  In  the  morning  office  on  Sundays  and 
Festivals  the  Gospel  is  read.  That  lections  from 
Scripture  were  in  use  in  the  province  or  district 
represented  at  the  council  of  Laodicea,  in  the 
fourth  century,  we  have  distinct  evidence  in  the 
canon  quoted  below,  though  ultimately  another 
system  prevailed  in  the  East  generally.  This 
system  was  that  of  the  intermixture  of  Odes  with 
psalms ;  and  Archdeacon  Freeman  regards  these 
odes  as  the  equivalents  of  the  Western  lections, 
which,  with  their  long  responsories,  came  to  be  in 
fact,  "  a  long  and  elaborate  piece  of  music  inter- 
rupted at  intervals  by  a  very  brief  recitative  out 
of  Holy  Scripture  "  {Dicine  Service,  i.  70,  125, 
345).  We  may  perhaps  regard  this  absence  of 
lections  from  the  Eastern  offices  as  an  indication 
of  their  connection  with  the  synagogue,  where 
Moses  appears  to  have  been  read  "  every  Sab- 
bath day  "  only. 

The  council  of  Laodicea,  about  A.D.  360,  en- 
joined (c.  17)  that  in  the  assemblies  for  worship 
(trwaleffi)  the  psalms  should  not  be  said  in  con- 
tinuous series,  but  that  between  each  psalm 
there  should  be  a  lection  (Juvayvoxris)  ;  and  this 
only  from  Canonical  Scripture  [Canonical 
Books,  I.  279].  At  a  somewhat  later  date, 
John  Cassian  tells  us  (Z)e  Coenob.  Inst.  ii.  4) 
that  throughout  all  Egypt  the  custom  was  to 
divide  the  psalms  into  groups  of  twelve ;  after 
the  saying  of  each  twelve  there  followed  two 
lections,  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament. 
This  very  ancient  custom  is  observed  (ha  says) 
the  more  religiously  in  all  the  monasteries  of 
that  district,  because  it  was  reputed  to  be  no  in- 
vention of  man,  but  to  have  been  brought  from 
heaven  by  an  angel.  The  third  council  of 
Carthage  (c.  47)  forbade  anything  but  canonical 
Scripture  to  be  read  in  churches.  St.  Augustine 
also  {Epist.  64,  c.  3)  speaks  of  the  danger  of 


LECTION 


951 


reading  in  the  church  other  writings  than  those 
contained  in  the  canon  received  by  the  church. 
Isidore  of  Seville  {Eegula,  c.  7)  says  that  in  the 
office  •'.he  lections  were  taken  generally  from  the 
Old  and  New  Testament,  but  on  Saturdays  and 
Sundays  from  the  New  only. 

The  Rule  of  Caesarius  ad  Monachos  (c.  20)  pre- 
scribes that  in  vigils  from  the  month  of  October 
to  Easter  there  should  be  two  Nocturns  and  three 
"  Missae  "  [i.e.  lections,  whether  from  the  Bible 
or  from  Passions];  also  (c.  25)  that  on  every 
Sabbath,  every  Lord's  day,  and  every  Festival, 
there  should  be  twelve  psalms,  three  antiphons. 
and  three  lections  ;  one  from  the  Prophets,  one 
from  the  Apostle,  and  a  third  from  the  Gospel. 
The  Rule  of  Aurelian  (Migne,  Patrol,  vol.  68, 
p.  304)  orders  in  the  nocturns  on  ordinary  days 
two  lections  of  the  Apostle  or  the  Prophets,  and 
Capitulum  in  Paschal  nocturns  three,  from  the 
Acts,  the  Apocalypse,  and  the  Gospels.  It  also 
(c.  14)  enjoins  that  the  ordinary  course  of  the 
lections  be  interrupted  and  proper  lections  sub- 
stituted, on  festivals. 

St.  Benedict's  Rule  (c.  9)  prescribes  that  in 
the  winter  half  of  the  year,  when  the  long  nights 
permitted  prolonged  nocturns,  after  the  saying 
of  six  psalms  and  the  abbat's  benediction,  while 
all  sat  on  benches  there  should  be  read  in  turns 
by  the  brothers  from  the  book  on  the  lectern 
three  lections,  with  a  responsory  at  the  end  ot 
each,  the  last  responsory  followed  by  a  Gloria. 
These  lections  are  to  be  not  only  from  the  Old 
and  New  Testament,  but  also  from  the  exposi- 
tions of  Scripture  by  orthodox  doctoi-s  and 
Catholic  Fathers  of  the  highest  repute  (nomina- 
tissimis).  After  these  three  lections  come  the 
remaining  six  psalms,  with  Alleluia;  then  the 
lection  of  the  Apostle  {i.e.  the  Capitulum)  said 
by  heart,  the  verse  and  the  Kyrie  Eleison.  Who 
are  to  be  reckoned  "  nominatissimi  doctores  "  is 
matter  of  some  doubt ;  some  only  reckon  Am- 
brose, Jerome,  Augustine,  and  Gregory  to  belong 
to  this  class  ;  others  add  such  writei's  as  Basil, 
Hilary,  John  Chrysostom,  Gregory  Nazianzen, 
and  Bede.  See  the  note  on  c.  9  in  the  Eegiila 
Commentata  (Migne,  Patrol,  vol.  66,  p.  272). 

We  learn  iVom  the  Miracula  S.  Stephani  (ii. 
2 ;  in  Martene,  iv.  v.  2)  that  a  letter  of  bishop 
Severus  was  read  after  the  canonical  lections. 
And  it  appears  from  a  letter  of  Gregory  the 
Great  {Epist.  x.  22)  that  in  some  cases  at  least 
comments  of  distinguished  doctors  were  read  in 
his  time;  for  he  disapproved  the  conduct  of 
Marinianus,  bishop  of  Ravenna,  who  had  ordered 
his  (Gregory's)  comments  on  the  Book  of  Job  to 
be  read  at  vigils ;  "  bid  him,"  he  writes  to  John 
the  sub-deacon,  "  cause  comments  on  the  Psalms 
to  be  read  at  vigils,  as  being  especially  adapted 
to  promote  good  dispositions  among  the  seculars  ; 
for  while  I  am  yet  in  the  flesh,  I  will  not  have 
anything  which  I  may  chance  to  have  written 
published  at  once  to  all  men."  From  which  it 
appears  that  there  was  no  objection  to  the  read- 
ing of  comments  on  Scripture  in  the  offices — • 
which,  indeed,  seems  to  have  been  a  recognised 
practice— but  only  to  reading  comments  of  the 
then  living  pope. 

In  the  life  of  St.  Stephen  the  younger, 
A.D.  767  (Migne,  Patrol.  Ser.  Graec.  vol.  100, 
p.  410),  we  read  that  the  saint  while  yet  a 
boy,  instead  of  sitting  down,  as  was  the  custom 
during  the  reading  of  the  lections,  stood  close  to 


962 


LECTION 


the  chancel  rails  and  listened  to  the  reader,  and 
so  learned  to  repeat  what  was  read,  whether  a 
martyrdom,  or  a  life,  or  a  sermon  of  some  pious 
Father,  especially  St.  John  Chrysostom. 

The  council  of  Clovesho,  A.D.  747  (c.  15,  Had- 
dan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  367),  forbids  the  clergy  to 
sing  or  read  in  their  offices  anything  not  sanc- 
tioned by  common  usage;  that  is,  they  are  to 
use  only  what  is  sanctioned  by  Holy  Scripture 
and  what  the  practice  of  the  Roman  church 
permits  (tantum  quod  ex  S.  Scripturarum 
auctoritate  descendit  et  quod  Romanae  Ecclesiae 
usus  permisit).  This  canon  shews  that  lections 
wei'B  taken  not  only  from  Holy  Scripture,  but 
from  other  books  sanctioned  by  the  Roman 
church. 

In  the  lections  used  in  the  daily  office,  which 
were  not  wholly  scriptural,  many  defects  and 
errors  had  been  introduced  before  the  eighth 
century,  especially  in  the  Galilean  lectiouaries. 
This  led  Charlemagne,  in  a  Constitutio  de  Emen- 
datione  Lihrorum  et  Officiorum  Ecclesiasticorum, 
of  the  year  788  (Baluze,  Capitul.  \.  203),  to 
make  the  following  provision  for  their  amend- 
ment :  "  Whereas  we  have  found  many  of  the 
lections  compiled,  with  however  good  intent,  for 
use  in  the  nocturnal  office,  unfit  for  their  pur- 
pose, as  having  no  name  of  an  author  appended 
and  being  full  of  innumerable  blunders ;  we  do 
not  allow  in  our  days  inhai-monious  solecisms  to 
be  heard  in  divine  lections  in  the  sacred  offices, 
and  have  given  our  mind  to  bring  the  same  lec- 
tions into  a  better  way.  And  we  laid  the  per- 
fecting of  that  work  upon  Paul  the  deacon,  one 
of  our  household,  namely,  that  carefully  going 
thi-ough  the  sayings  of  the  Catholic  Fathers,  he 
might  (as  it  were)  gather  certain  flowers  out  of 
their  exquisite  meads,  and  weave  those  which  are 
most  profitable  into  one  garland.  Who,  desiring 
to  yield  devoted  obedience  to  our  Highness,  after 
reading  through  the  tracts  and  sermons  of  divers 
of  the  Catholic  Fathers  and  choosing  the  best,  has 
presented  to  us  in  two  volumes  a  series  of  lec- 
tions, cleared  of  errors,  suitable  for  each  festival 
throughout  the  circle  of  the  year.  Of  all  which 
pondering  the  text  with  our  sagacity,  we  sanction 
the  same  volumes  with  our  authority,  and  de- 
liver over  to  you,  religious  readers,  to  read  in 
the  churches  of  Christ." 

That  the  practice  of  reading  Acts  of  Martyrs 
on  their  festivals  had  begun  before  the  time  of 
St.  Augustine  is  evident  from  a  sermon  of  his  on 
St.  Stephen  {Senno  315,  c.  1),  in  which  he  lays 
stress  on  the  fact  that  the  passion  of  the  first 
martyr  was  contained  in  a  canonical  book,  while 
acts  of  other  martyrs  to  be  recited  at  their  com- 
memorations could  scarcely  be  found  at  all. 
And  again  he  says  {Sermo  273,  c.  2),  "You 
heard  the  questions  of  the  persecutors  and  the 
answers  of  the  confessors  when  the  passion  of 
the  saints  was  read."  Nor  was  this  a  custom 
peculiar  to  Africa.  Various  old  monastic  rules 
(e.f/.  Aurelian  dc  Ordine  Psallendi,  Migne's  Patrol. 
tom.  68,  p.  396)  prove  that  the  reading  of  lives  of 
the  saints  or  acts  of  martyrs  in  the  offices  was 
also  a  custom  of  the  Galilean  church.  A  lec- 
tionary  of  Luxeuil,  which  Mai-tene  believed  to 
be  of  the  seventh  or  eighth  century,  contains 
lections  from  the  acts  of  SS.  Juliana  and  Basilica. 
Avitus  of  Vienne  (f  523)  in  a  fragment  of  a 
homily  {Fr.  vi. ;  Migne,  Patrol.  59,  p.  297)  men- 
tions that  the  passion  of  the  martyrs  of  Agaune 


LECTION 

was  read  "  according  to  custom  "  ;  and  Caesarius 
of  Aries  {Sermo  300  in  Augustine's  Works,  v.  v^ 
p.  2319,  Migne)  speaks  of  the  long  readings 
from  passions  (passiones  prolixae)  in  the  church. 
Gregory  of  Tours  {De  Gloria  Martyrum,  i.  86) 
states  that  the  Passion  of  Polycarp  was  publicly 
read. 

In  the  church  of  Lyons  it  seems  that  none  but 
Scripture  lessons  were  anciently  read,  even  on 
the  vigil  of  a  saint.  The  bishops  who  were  pre- 
sent at  the  Collatio  Episcoporum  before  king 
Gundebald  in  the  year  499  (D'Achery,  Spicilcgmn, 
iii.  304  ff.  Paris,  1723),  unanimously  determined 
to  hold  vigil  at  the  tomb  of  St.  Justus,  whose 
festival  happened  to  occur  at  that  time.  In  this 
office  we  find  that  the  lections  were  wholly  from 
the  Scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament ; 
no  acts  of  St.  Justus  were  read  even  in  the  vigil 
of  bis  own  festival.  Nor  was  the  church  of 
Rome  by  any  means  ready  to  admit  Acts  of  Mar- 
tyrs into  the  public  offices.  The  Decretal  of 
Gelasius  I.  (Gratiani  Becret.  Dist.  xv.  c.  3,  §  17)^* 
states  that  such  acts  are,  in  accordance  with 
ancient  custom,  not  read  in  the  Roman  church, 
out  of  caution,  for  in  many  cases  the  names  of 
the  writers  are  unknown,  and  they  are  some- 
times written  by  infidels  or  unskilful  persons  in 
a  manner  altogether  unworthy  of  the  subject. 
And  even  at  a  comparatively  late  date  Acts  of 
Martyrs  seem  to  have  been  excluded  from  the 
offices  in  some  districts,  for  Martene  (iv.  v.  4) 
states  that  in  many  MS.  lectionaries  of  the  Cis- 
tercian order  in  Maine,  about  five  hundred  years 
old  in  his  time  (i.e.  so  late  as  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury), no  lections  are  found,  but  passages  of 
Scripture  and  homilies  of  the  Fathers. 

And  the  same  distrust  of  the  numerous  acts  of 
martyrs  which  were  current  in  the  church, 
appears  in  the  sixty-third  canon  of  the  Trullan 
Council,  at  the  end  of  the  seventh  century.  "We 
decree,"  runs  the  canon,  "that  Martyrologies 
falsely  composed  by  enemies  of  the  truth,  with 
the  view  of  dishonouring  the  martyrs  of  Christ, 
and  bringing  those  who  hear  them  into  unbelief, 
should  not  be  published  in  the  churches,  but 
delivered  to  the  fire ;  and  we  anathematize  those 
who  receive  them  or  give  heed  to  them  as  true."^ 
In  the  same  spirit  pope  Hadrian  writes  (Epist. 
ad  Car.  Magn.) :  "  Lives  of  the  Fathers  not 
resting  on  authority  (sine  probabilibus  auctori- 
bus)  are  not  read  in  the  church.  Those  which 
bear  the  names  of  orthodox  writers  are  both 
received  and  read.  For  the  canons  of  the  church 
sanction  the  reading  of  the  Passions  of  the  Mar- 
tyrs in  the  church  when  their  anniversaries  are 
celebrated." 

In  the  time  of  St.  Augustine,  if  not  earlier, 
the  practice  had  established  itself  of  assigning 
certain  lections  to  certain  days  ;  these,  says  the 
saint  in  the  opening  of  his  exposition  of  the  first 
epistle  of  St.  John,  were  so  fixed  in  their  courses 
that  no  others  could  be  read.  To  the  same  effect, 
the  first  [Mansi's  second]  council  of  Braga  [circ. 
A.D.  563],  decreed  (c.  2)  that  in  the  vigils  or 
"  missae  "  ''  of  festivals,  all  [the  clergy  of  the 
province]  should  read  the  same  and  not  different 
lections. 


*  The  copies  of  this  document  vary  greatly,  and  it  is 
difficult  to  say  how  much  is  interpolated. 

•>  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  word  was  noi 
limited  to  altar-ofiSces.    [Missa.] 


LECTION 

It  does  not  appear  however,  even  when  certain 
lections  were  assigned  to  certain  days,  that  their 
extent  was  limited  in  the  same  exact  manner  as 
in  modern  Breviaries ;  the  reader  continued  to 
read  the  passage  of  Scripture,  or  of  a  Father,  or  the 
Passion,  as  the  case  might  be,  until  the  chief  person 
in  the  choir  signed  to  him  to  stop.  A  common 
practice  in  monastic  churches  was  for  the  pre- 
siding brother  to  clap  his  hands  ;  in  the  church  of 
St.  Martin,  at  Tours,  he  called  out  "  fac  finem," 
words  which  Martene  (iv.  v.  6)  found  written  at 
the  end  of  the  lections  in  an  old  lectionary. 
Charles  the  Great,  when  he  was  present  at  the 
office,  used  to  stop  the  reader  by  some  kind  of 
cough  or  grunt  (sono  gutturis) ;  and  in  a  church 
where  the  emperor  was  present  it  was  useless  to 
"  get  up  "  a  portion  beforehand  ;  every  one  in  the 
choir  had  to  be  prepared  to  read,  if  called  upon, 
any  portion  of  the  lections  of  the  day  (Z'e  Eccl. 
Cura  Car.  Mag.,  quoted  by  Martene,  iv.  v. 
6).  In  the  Roman  church  it  was  an  ancient 
custom  for  the  deacons  to  sing  the  first  words  of 
Ta  autern  Domine  at  the  end  of  lections  {Ordines 
Hom.TpTp-  123  and  174).  It  was  not  uncommon 
for  the  end  of  the  lections  to  be  marked  before- 
hand in  the  book  with  a  piece  of  wax,  such  as 
Martene  (u.s.)  says  that  he  has  often  seen  in 
ancient  lectionaries  still  adhering  to  the  spot. 

As  to  the  extent  of  each  lection  it  is  ordered  in 
the  rule  of  Aurelian  that  three  or  four  pages  be 
read,  according  as  the  copy  used  was  -written  in 
larger  or  smaller  characters. 

The  practice  of  reading  a  certain  series  of 
passages  in  the  offices  having  once  grown  up,  it 
was  natural  that  books  should  be  formed  contain- 
ing the  requisite  extracts.  This  took  place  in 
fact  at  a  comparatively  early  period.  Sidonius 
ApoUinaris  (Epist.  iv.  2)  mentions  among  the 
good  deeds  of  Claudian  (f  470),  brother  of  Ma- 
mertus  of  Vienne,  that  he  drew  up  a  lectionary  : 

"  Hie  solemnibus  annuls  paravit 
Quae  quo  tempore  lecta  convenirent." 

Gennadius  (De  Scriptt.  Eccl.  c.  79)  says  of 
Musaeus,  a  Galilean  writer  contemporary  with 
Claudian,  that  he  extracted  from  Holy  Scripture 
the  lections  for  the  festivals  of  the  whole  year, 
with  responsories  and  capitula  adapted  to  the 
lections  and  the  season. 

The  Liber  Pontificalis  (c.  218,  p.  1055,  Migne) 
relates  of  pope  Zacharias  (f  752)  that  he  placed 
in  charge  of  the  armarius  or  librarian  of  St.  Peter's 
church  at  Rome  all  the  codices  belonging  to  his 
own  house,  which  are  read  throughout  the  year 
at  matins  (qui  in  circulo  anni  leguntur  ad  matu- 
tinum).  It  is,  however,  not  quite  clear  in  this 
case  whether  the  books  in  question  were  lection- 
aries, or  whether  they  were  not  rather  the  works 
from  which  lections  were  taken.  The  work  de- 
scribed under  INSTRUCTION  (I.  862)  was  a  lec- 
tionary, though  of  limited  extent. 

Lections  were  generally  said  not  by  pei'sons  in 
major  orders,  but  by  sub-deacons  or  persons  in 
minor  orders.  Gregory  the  Great  (^Epist.  iv.  44  ; 
App.  n.  5,  p.  1334,  Migne)  laid  down  on  this  point 
that  the  saying  of  Psalms  and  other  lections  was  to 
Le  performed  by  sub-deacons,  or,  in  case  of  neces- 
sity, by  yet  lower  orders  ;  a  decree  which  seems  to 
exclude  mere  laymen  from  this  office  altogether. 
To  the  same  effect  the  second  [third]  council  of 
Braga  (c.  45)  decreed  that  no  one  should  act  as 
singer  or  reader  in  the  choir  without  regular 


LECTIONAKY 


953 


ordination  to  such  office  (non  liceat  in  pulpitc 
psallere  aut  legere  nisi  qui  a  presbytero  [al. 
episcopo]  lectores  sunt  ordinati ;  compare  Cone. 
Laod.  c.  15).  The  second  Council  of  Nicaea  also 
(c.  14)  censures  the  practice  of  young  persons, 
who  had  received  no  imposition  of  hands  from 
the  bishop,  reading  on  the  ambo,  whether  in 
monastic  or  other  churches.  The  first  [second] 
Council  of  Braga  (c.  11)  ordered  that  readers 
should  not  perform  their  office  in  the  church  in 
their  secular  dress.     [Laity,  II.  914.] 

Silence  was  proclaimed  before  a  lection. 
"  What  trouble  is  there,"  says  St.  Ambrose 
(Enarr.  in  Fs.  i.  (c.  9,  p.  741),  "  to  obtain 
silence  in  the  church  when  lections  are  read ! " 
And  it  was  usual  for  the  bishop  or  the  principal 
person  present  in  choir  to  give  his  benediction 
and  sign  to  the  reader  to  begin.  The  reader 
coming  in  with  his  book,  says  Gregory  of  Tours 
{De  Mirac.  S.  Martini,  i.  5),  was  not  allowed  to 
begin  to  read  until  the  saint  [Ambrose]  gave  him 
permission  by  a  nod.  This,  however,  relates  to 
an  altar-lection. 

It  is  evident  from  several  passages  quoted 
above  that  the  lections  were  read  on  the  ambo  or 
pulpitum,  by  which  we  are  to  understand  in 
many  cases  not  merely  a  pulpit  or  lectern,  but 
the  whole  of  the  raised  stage  or  foot-pace  in  a 
church  on  which  the  choir  was  stationed.  The 
church  of  the  monastery  of  Bee  had,  in  Mar- 
tene's  time  (IV.  v.  11),  at  the  top  of  the  steps  of 
the  ambo  a  pulpit  for  lections. 

For  the  congregation  to  sit  during  the  reading 
of  lections  was  regarded  in  early  times  as  a  con- 
cession to  infirmity  ;  "  when  long  Passions  or 
other  lessons  are  read,"  says  Caesarius  of  Aries 
{Scrm.  300,  M.S.),  "  let  those  who  are  unable  to 
stand,  humbly  sit  in  silence,  and  with  attentive 
ears  listen  to  what  is  read."  Sitting  afterwards 
became  the  usual  posture.  St.  Benedict  in  his 
rule  (c.  9)  expressly  permitted  the  brothers  to 
sit  during  lections  ;  and  at  a  later  period  (about 
1060)  Peter  Damian  {Opusc.  39)  speaks  of  sitting 
during  lections  as  a  universal  custom  of  his 
time. 

With  the  reading  of  lections  was  connected 
from  ancient  times  the  use  of  ResponsoRIES  (see 
the  article). 

(Martene,  de  Eitihus  Antiquis ;  Grancolas, 
Traite'  de  I'Office  Divin ;  Freeman,  Principles  of 
Divine  Service,  vol.  i.)  [C] 

LECTIONARY.— I.  Proofs  of  early  Use.— 
Those  who  refer  the  use  of  a  formal  table  of 
stated  lessons  taken  from  Holy  Scripture  to  the 
Church  of  the  3rd  century  [Vol.  I.  p.  622]  can 
plead  in  favour  of  their  opinion  that,  before  the 
close  of  the  4th  century,  such  a  practice  was 
both  universal  and  regarded  as  already  ancient. 
Chrysostom  devotes  a  whole  homily  to  explain 
the  reason  why  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  are 
publicly  read  throughout  the  festal  season  be- 
tween Easter-day  and  Whitsun-day,  and  else- 
where states  that  the  rule  of  the  fathers  (jSiv 
Traripu>v  b  v6fjLos)  directs  that  book  to  be  laid 
aside  after  Pentecost.  Even  such  a  purely  arbi- 
trary arrangement  as  the  reading  of  the  book  of 
Genesis  in  Lent  had  become  so  inveterate  in  his 
time  (ravra  -yap  rjfuv  avtyviiffB-n  a-hfxepov),  that 
after  having  gone  through  the  first  part  of  that 
book  in  his  discourses  at  Constantinople  in  the 
Lent  of  A.D.  400,  he  defers  the  remainder  until 


964 


LECTIONAEY 


the  season  came  round  again  the  following  year : 
the  offering  up  of  Isaac  alone,  as  Augustine  tells 
us,  "  ideo  in  ordine  suo,  diebus  quadragesimae, 
lion  recitatur,"  as  being  reserved  for  the  services 
of  Holy  Week.  Chrysostom  also  advises  his 
hearers  to  read  at  home  during  the  week-days 
such  Saturday  and  Sunday  lessons  as  they  knew 
would  be  expounded  in  course  on  the  next  Lord's 
day,  and  Bingham  (Antiquities,  book  xiv.  eh.  iii. 
s.  3)  adds  to  these  well-known  passages  others  to  the 
same  purport  gathered  from  Origen,  Augustine, 
and  Ambrose,  vouching  for  the  custom  (de  more) 
of  reading  Job  and  Jonah  during  the  Holy  Week. 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem  also  (a.d.  348),  having  to 
speak  of  the  Ascension,  remarks  that  on  the 
previous  day,  being  a  Sunday  (rp  x^^^  ^M^P? 
Kara  tV  KvpiaK^f),  that  event  had  formed  the 
subject  of  the  appointed  lesson  (eV  t?;  ffwd^ei 
TTJs  Tu>v  avayvwaixaruiv  aKoAovdias).  Since  in 
all  these  scattered  notices  wo  meet  with  nothing 
to  contradict,  but  everything  to  correspond  with 
the  established  order  of  later  times,  Dean  Burgon 
is  fully  justified  in  his  conclusion  that,  "al- 
though there  happens  to  be  extant  neither 
Synaxarium  (i.  e.  Table  of  proper  lessons  of  the 
Greek  Church),  nor  Evangelistarium  (i.  e.  Book 
containing  the  ecclesiastical  lections  in  extenso), 
of  higher  antiquity  than  the  8th  century, — yet 
that  the  scheme  itself,  as  exhibited  by  those 
monuments — certainly  in  every  essential  parti- 
cular— is  older  than  any  known  Greek  manu- 
script which  contains  it  by  at  least  four,  in  fact 
by  full  five  hundred  years  "  (Last  Twelve  Verses 
of  St.  Mark,  p.  195).  Yet  even  the  oldest  Greek 
manuscripts  (for  to  the  Greek  calendar  of  lessons 
we  are  for  the  present  confining  ourselves)  bear 
distinct  traces  of  having  been  used  for  liturgical 
purposes.  Without  insisting  upon  more  doubt- 
ful instances,  it  is  thus  that  we  can  best  explain 
the  omission  of  the  confessedly  genuine  verses 
(Luke  xxii.  43,  44)  from  four  of  our  chief  uncial 
MSS.  (A,  B,  R,  T)  of  the  4th  and  5th  centuries ; 
the  sacred  words  not  having  been  publicly  read 
in  their  proper  place,  but  after  Matth.  xxvi.  40, 
as  a  part  of  the  service  for  the  vigil  of  Good 
Friday,  where  they  occur  in  every  extant  lec- 
tionary,  and  even  in  one  cursive  copy  of  the 
Gospels  (Cod.  69),  which,  though  itself  as  late  as 
the  14th  century,  is  known  to  follow  a  very 
ancient  text.  The  double  insertion  of  the  noble 
doxology,  Rom.  xvi.  25-27,  after  ch.  xiv.,  as  well 
as  in  its  proper  place  at  the  end  of  the  epistle, 
by  the  Codex  Alexandrinus  of  the  5th  century,  is 
best  accounted  for  by  its  being  so  set  in  lection- 
aries  as  part  of  the  proper  lesson  for  the  Saturday 
before  Quinquagesima.  Codex  Bezae  (D),  again, 
of  about  the  5th  century,  prefixes  to  Luke 
xvi.  19  the  formula  ilinv  5e  koI  kripav  irapa- 
fioXriv,  which  is  the  liturgical  introduction  to 
the  Gospel  for  the  5th  Sunday  of  St.  Luke.  An- 
other of  Cod.  D's  prefixes,  koI  elirev  roh  /laOr]- 
rals  avTov,  John  xiv.  1,  is  almost  identical  with 
that  in  the  English  Prayer  Book  for  St.  Philip 
and  St.  James's  Day.  But  the  strongest  case  of 
all  is  perhaps  Mark  xiv.  41,  where  after  direxfi 
is  read  in  Cod.  D  and  a  few  of  later  date  (e.g. 
Cod.  69),  the  senseless  interpolation  rh  reAos  or 
riXos,  "the  end,"  which  manifestly  came  into 
the  text  from  the  margin  of  ver.  42,  where  it 
indicates  in  the  usual  manner  the  close  of  the 
Gospel  for  the  third  day  of  the  carnival  week. 
Since  in  this  last  case  the  patent  transcriptural 


LECTIONAEY 

error  is  met  with  also  in  the  Peshito  Syriac,  and 
in  some  forms  of  the  Old  Latin  version,  which 
together  will  probably  carry  us  back  to  the  2nd 
century,  it  is  h?rd  to  resist  the  inference  "  that 
the  lessons  of  the  Eastern  church  were  settled 
at  a  period  long  anterior  to  the  date  of  the 
oldest  manuscript  of  the  Gospels  extant " 
(Burgon,  p.  226). 

IL  Greek  Liturgical  Books.  —  The  earliest 
known  Synaxaria,  or  tables  of  ecclesiastical 
lessons  throughout  the  year,  are  found  in  two 
copies  of  the  Gospels  now  at  Paris,  Cvdd.  Cyprius 
(K)  and  Campianus  (M).  These,  together  with 
fragments  of  Menologia,  or  tables  of  saints'-day 
lessons,  annexed  to  them,  were  published  by 
Schoiz  at  the  end  of  the  first  volume  of  his  Greek 
Testament,  in  1830.  The  margins  of  both  these 
manuscripts,  and  of  their  contemporary.  Cod.  L, 
also  at  Paris,  all  three  being  of  the  8th  or  9th 
century,  are  covered  with  liturgical  notes  either 
by  the  original  scribe  or  by  a  hand  of  the  same 
period,  which  indicate,  mostly  in  red  ink,  the 
beginnings  and  ends  of  the  lessons  (APXH, 
TEAOC),  the  days  on  which  they  are  to  be  used, 
and  often  the  initial  words  whereby  they  are  to 
be  introduced.  After  this  date  quite  a  majority 
of  manuscripts  of  the  Gospels  proper  are  fur- 
nished with  marginal  notes  of  this  kind,  and 
very  many  with  synaxaria  and  menologia,  full  of 
crabbed  abbreviations  and  sometimes  added  in  a 
later  age.  Perhaps  no  known  evangelistarium, 
or  book  containing  the  ecclesiastical  lessons  in 
full,  like  those  English  church  lectionaries  which 
have  recently  come  into  use,  can  be  ascribed 
with  confidence  to  an  earlier  period  than  the 
9th  century.  A  fragment  at  St.  ^ Petersburg, 
described  by  Tischendorf,  contains  some  Arabic 
writing  decidedly  more  modern,  yet  dated  A.D. 
1011.  A  noble  and  complete  copy  at  Parham 
(No.  18),  written  at  Ciscissain  Cappadocia,  bears 
the  date  of  a.d.  980,  and  Harl.  5598  in  the 
ritish  Museum  is  only  fifteen  years  later.  A 
few  others,  e.g.  Cod.  Nanian.  171,  in  the  Grand 
Ducal  Library  at  Venice,  and  Arundel  547  in  the 
British  Museum,  are  probably  anterior  to  the 
dated  copies  just  mentioned,  which,  however,  we 
are  safest  in  taking  as  the  groundwork  of  our 
conjectural  estimates  in  regard  to  others  which 
are  not  dated.  Evangelistaria  of  the  10th  and 
11th  centuries  are  almost  alwa3^s  large  folios, 
written  (as  was  convenient  for  the  purpose  they 
were  intended  to  serve)  in  bold  characters  of  the 
uncial  form,  a  fashion  which  in  other  books  had 
almost  entirely  given  place  to  the  cursive  or 
running  hand.  Their  material  is  a  coarse  thick 
parchment,  quite  inferior  to  the  fine  vellum  em- 
ployed a  few  centuries  before,  though  the  leaves 
of  a  few,  such  as  Parham  18,  are  still  thin, 
white,  and  delicate.  The  lectionaries  are  almost 
always  written  with  two  columns  on  a  page, 
and  the  headings  and  initial  letters  are  often 
illuminated  in  gold  and  colours.  Musical  tones, 
in  red  ink,  above  and  below  the  text,  must 
have  been  designed  to  guide  the  reader's  voice. 
Uncial  codices  of  lessons  from  the  Gospels  num- 
ber about  seventy,  those  of  the  Acts  and  Epistles 
are  less  than  ten  ;  but  indeed  copies  of  the  latter 
(commonly  called  the  Apostolos  or  Praxapostolos) 
of  any  age  scarcely  amount  to  eighty,  while  of 
those  of  the  Gospels  about  three  hundred  survive 
in  various  libraries,  public  and  private.  Some 
of  the  cursive  or  more  recent  lectionaries  are 


LECTIONARY 

sumptuously  bound,  the  covers  being  adorned 
with  enamel  and  silver  gilt  ornaments,  in  rare 
cases  forming  single  figures  or  groups,  of  much 
artistic  merit.  Tables  of  the  Greek  church 
lessons  were  printed  at  Venice  in  1615-24  in 
two  volumes  which  do  not  range  together  {Cam- 
bridge Univ.  Library,  ii.  288),  and  again,  at  the 
same  place,  in  1851.  The  following  lists,  how- 
ever, ai'e  derived  from  manuscripts  which  in  the 
mcnolojia  difter  widely  from  each  other.  While 
the  great  church  festivals  are  common  to  them 
all,  different  generations  and  provinces,  and  even 
dioceses,  had  their  favourite  worthies  whose 
memory  they  specially  cherished ;  so  that  the 
character  of  the  menology  (which  sometimes 
formed  a  considerable,  sometimes  but  a  small, 
portion  of  a  whole  lectionary)  will  help  to  direct 
us  to  discover  the  district  in  which  the  volume 
itself  was  written.  The  lectionaries  we  have 
chiefly  used  for  our  present  purpose,  are,  in  the 
Gospels,  Arundel  547,  Parham  18,  Harl.  5598 
(all  described  above),  Christ's  College,  Cam- 
bridge, F.  1,  8,  of  the  11th  century;  Burm-y  22, 
in  the  British  Museum,  presenting  a  very  remark- 
able text,  with  a  subscription  dated  A.D.  1319  ; 
Dean  Gale's  0.  iv.  22,  of  the  12th  century,  now  at 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge  ;  but  this  last  con- 
tains the  full  lessons  from  Easter  to  Pentecost, 
with  those  of  the  Saturdays  and  Sundays  only 
((ra)3/8aTo«up(o/cal)  for  the  rest  of  the  year. 
Wake  12,  of  the  11th  century,  at  Christ  Church, 
is  not  an  evangelistarium,  but  replete  with  notes. 
For  the  Apostolos  we  have  used  but  one  copy, 
unfortunately  imperfect,  the  week-day  lessons 
of  which  are  unusually  full,  viz.  MS.  No.  iii.  24 
(of  about  the  12th  century)  in  the  library  of  the 
Baroness  Burdett-Coutts.  In  some  service-books 
will  be  found  a  few  (in  B-C.  iii.  42  they  are 
many)  lessons  taken  from  either  division  of  the 
New  Testament,  which  were  read  in  connection 
with  the  liturgies  of  St.  Basil  and  St.  Chrysostom. 
III.  The  Greek  Ecclesiastical  Fear. — The  Greek 
church  seasonably  begins  its  ecclesiastical  year 
with  the  highest  of  our  festivals,  being  Easter 
Day  (^  071a  Koi  fxeyd\T]  KvptaK^  tov  iraffxa)) 
reckoning  the  seven  weeks  onward  from  Easter 
week  (vj  5taKivT}<ri/uos)  and  Low  Sunday  (aj/ri- 
waaxa.)  to  Whitsun-day  (^  KvpiaK^  Trjx  irevTr]- 
K0(rT7)s).  The  Gospels  from  St.  John  (except  a 
few  proper  lessons)  and  the  Epistles  from  the 
Acts  run  on  successively  throughout  these  seven 
weeks,  and  evidently  form  one  continuous  scheme 
for  every  day  in  each  week.  Beyond  this  season, 
for  the  rest  of  the  year,  the  Saturday  and  Sunday 
lessons  stand  apart  from  those  of  the  five  or- 
dinary week  daj's,  which  indeed  seem  to  have 
been  selected  at  a  later  period  than  the  rest.  On 
the  morrow  of  the  Pentecost  (jj  (Travptov  ttjs 
ire)/TT)K0(rT7}s),  St.  John's  Gospel  having  been 
exhausted,  that  of  St.  Matthew  begins,  and  is 
read  for  eleven  weeks  without  interruption,  the 
Sunday  after  Whitsuntide  not  being  kept  as 
Trinity  Sunday,  as  it  has  been  in  the  Western 
church  since  the  12th  century,  but  as  the  Greek 
All  Saints'  Day.  The  Greeks  commemorate  the 
Council  of  Nice  on  the  Sunday  before  Pentecost. 
On  the  second  day  of  the  eleventh  week  after 
Whitsun-day  St.  Mark's  Gospel  is  taken  up,  and 
read  from  the  Monday  to  the  Friday  (irapo- 
a-KfvT))  inclusive,  for  seven  or  at  least  for  five 
weeks,  the  Saturday  and  Sunday  lessons  being 
still  derived  from  St.  Matthew.     At  this  point 


LECTIONARY 


955 


comes  in  the  difficulty,  arising  from  the  yearly 
variation  of  Easter  Day  in  the  calendar,  which 
the  Western  church  provides  against  by  varying 
the  number  of  its  Sundays  after  Trinity.  By  the 
time  that  fifteen  Sundays  have  elapsed  after 
Pentecost,  the  Greek  civil  new  year  may  have 
begun  (Sept.  1)  and  with  it  the  new  indiction, 
when  the  Gospel  of  St.  Luke  was  opened   (^apxh 

TTjS    IvSlKTOV    TOV    VfOU    fTOVS,    i}yOVU    TOV  fvay- 

ye\i(TTov  AovKa,  Arundel  547,  Parham,  18).  The 
ecclesiastical  lessons  from  St.  Matthew  and  St. 
Mark,  however,  from  the  7th  century  down- 
wards, would  seem  to  have  gone  on  until  after 
the  day  of  the  Exaltation  of  the  Cross,  Sept.  14 
(which  is  still  used  in  England  to  fix  our  autumnal 
Ember  week),  by  way  of  doing  special  honour 
to  a  festival  recently  instituted.  (Aeou  yifdaKetu 
oTi  &pxeTai  6  AovKcis   ai'ayi.vu)(7Kea6ai   oLTrb  ttjs 

KvpiUKrji    fMiTO.    T1]V     VlpWfftV    TOTf  yap  Koi  7)   ICTTJ- 

/xepia  yivfTai  h  Ka\uTat  viov  fTos.  *H  JJti  otto 
Tf)s  Ky'  TOV  (TeTTTeuPplov  6  AovKas  avaytvdixr- 
/cerai,  Burney  22,  p.  191.)  From  whichsoever 
period  the  reading  of  St.  Luke  commenced,  it 
proceeded  without  any  break  for  eleven  weeks, 
and,  varied  with  the  lessons  from  St.  Mark  for 
the  five  middle  days  of  the  week,  for  five  or  at 
least  for  three  weeks  more,  when,  if  the  Easter 
of  the  new  year  was  early,  the  fast  of  Lent  would 
be  approaching.  After  reading  as  many  of  the 
lessons  from  St.  Luke  as  were  necessary,  that  for 
the  seventeenth  Sunday  of  St.  Matthew  (ch.  xv. 
21-28),  called  from  its  subject  the  Canaanitess, 
was  always  resumed  (whether  it  had  been  read  in 
its  proper  place  or  not),  for  the  Sunday  preceding 
that  before  the  carnival  (irpb  rrjs  airoKptw),  our 
Septuagesima,  called  by  the  Greeks  the  Pro- 
digal, from  the  subject  of  its  Gospel  (Luke  xv. 
11-32).  Then  follow  the  Sunday  of  the  carni- 
val (t^s  a-KOKpiai),  our  Sexagesima,  and  that  of 
the  Cheese-eater  (ttjs  Tvpocpdyov),  corresponding 
to  our  Quinquagesima.  Next  come  the  vigil  of 
the  fast  of  Lent,  its  six  Sundays  (the  last  being 
Toiv  ^d'Ciuv,  Palm  Sunday),  and  the  very  full 
services  of  the  Holy  Week,  the  ecclesiastical 
year  ending  of  course  on  Easter  Even.  Since  the 
whole  number  of  Sundays  thus  enumerated  (even 
when  the  Canaanitess  is  reckoned  twice)  would 
amount  to  but  fifty-three,  a  number  which  might 
easily  of  itself  be  insufficient  to  fill  up  the  inter- 
val between  two  consecutive  Easter  Days,  we 
must  bear  in  mind  that  the  menology  supplies 
lessons  for  the  Sundays  before  and  after  Christ- 
mas and  Sept.  14,  and  for  a  Sunday  after  Epi- 
phany, which  could  either  be  added  to  or  substi- 
tuted for  the  ordinary  Gospels,  as  occasion  re- 
quired. The  system  of  lessons  from  the  Acts 
and  Epistles  is  much  simpler  than  that  of  the 
Gospels.  Except  between  Easter  and  Pentecost 
they  are  not  found  at  all  for  common  week  days, 
except  in  a  very  few  lectionaries.  The  book  of 
Genesis,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  read  on  such 
week  days  during  Lent. 

IV.   Table  of  Gospels  and  Epistles  daily  read 
throughout  the  Year  in  the  Greek  Church. 
"Ek  tou  Kara.  'lmo.vvr\v  (7  weeks  or  8  Sundays). 
Easter  Pay   (tt)  ayia  "i 

(cat  /leyiAr)  KvpiaKrj  >John      I.     1-17  Acts         1.    1-8 
TOU  TTa<Txa)  } 

2nd   (lay  T^s  5iaKi>n)- >  1.18-28     „  i.  12-26 

aiy.nv  5    " 

3rd Luke  xxiv.  12-35    „  ii.  14-21 

4th John  i.  35-52     „  U.  38-43 


956  LECTIONAKY 

5th  day      . .         . .     John  iii.    1-15  Acts  iii.    1-8 

6th  (rrapao-xev^)   . .          „  ii.  12-22  „  ii.  22-36 

7th  (o-a^piTo.)      . .         „  iii.  22-33  „  Iii.  11-16 

'AuTCna<Txa.  or  Low|  ^   ^9_3^  12_2o 

Sunday  J 

2nd  day  of  2nd  week      „  ii.    1-11  „  iii.  19-26 

3rd „  Iii.  16-21  „  iv.    1-10 

4th „  V.  17-24  „  iv.  13-22 

5th „  V.  24-30  „  iv.  23-31 

6th  {TTapaa-Kevfi)  . .         „  v.  30-vl.  2  „  v.    1-11 

7lh  ((TajS/SaTo))'       ..         „  vi.  14-27  „  v.  21-32 

Kvpiaxij  y,  or  2nd  \ Mark   xv. 43- )  =     ,_^ 

after  Easter             J    „  xvi.  8   5" 

2nd  day  of  3rd  week    John  iv.  46-54  „  vi.  8-vii.  60 

3rd vi.  27-33  „  viii.    5-17 

^%^^l\^^°^^''^'''}    "  vi.  48-54  „  viii.  18-25 

5th „  vi.  40-44  viii.  26-39 

6th  {irapauKevrj : 

4th  in  Gale)         ..       „  vi.  35-39  „  viii.40-ix.19 

7th  (o-o;8^aT(i))        . .       „  XV.  17-xvi.  1  „  ix.  19-31 

Kvpi-aKiiJ',  or  3rd   I  y_    i_i5  i.^.  3j^2 

after  Easter  5  " 

2nd  day  of  4th  week  „  vi.  56-69  „  x.    1-16 

3rd „  vii.    1-13  „  x.  21-33 

4th „  vii.  14-30  „  xiv.    6-18 

5th „  viii.  12-20  „  x.  34-43 

6th  (jTopacTKeur))     . .  „  viii.  21-30  „  X.  44-xi.  10 

7th  ((Ta^^iTioj       . .  „  viii.  31-42  „  xii.    1-11 

KvpLaKTJ  i',  or  4th  after  ^l 

Easter  (o/<;ie  Sawia- >„        iv.    5-42      „        xi.  19-30 

ritan  woman).  ) 

2nd  day  of  5th  week       „     viii.  42-51      „      xii.  12-17 

3>-d .•    viii.  51-59  {  "•  J;  2^ 

4th „        vi.    5-14  „  xiii.  13-24 

C  „  xiv.  20-27 

5th „     ix.  39-x.  9{  (-XV.  4,  B-C 

(  iii.  24). 

6th  (n-apao-KcwTj)     . .       „  X.  17-28  „       XV.    5-12 

7th  laaP^dT<oj       . .       „  X.  27-38  „       XV.  35-41 

^aSaller""'    }"        -    ^"^^  "  -- ^^'^^ 

2nd  day  of  6th  week       „        xi.  47-54  „  xvii.    1-9 

i  „  xvii.  19-27 

3rd ,       xii.  19-36^  (28,  B-G 

(  iii.  24). 

4th „       xii.  36-47  „  xviii.  22-28 

"Asce'n^&'y     }     -P- (Matins)    Mark  xvi.  9-20 

For  the  Liturgy     Luke  xxiv.  36-53  Actsi.  1  (or  9)-12 

6th  (^apa<rKev„-)       { '^°^'' (i  i  Gak)!"  }   "       ''^- ^-^ 

7th  (.a^^ar.)  {  ^^^.^  ^i^ts'l^^^'o).]"         ^-  ^"^^ 

Kvpiafcn^-orethafteri  .  ^^  jg_3g 

^''"-T-^/sT"    "^'""'  John  xvii.  1-13^1 6-18;' 28-36, 

TJ'j^l-!l!a)  """'"'1  I      ^C  iii.  24). 

2nd  day  of  7th  week       „  xiv.  27-xv.  7  Acts  xxi.    8-14 

3ra xvi.    2-13       „      xxi.  26-32 

4th „      xvi.  15-23      „  xxiii.    1-11 

5th ,      xvi.  23-33      „    XXV.  13-19 

6th  inapacTK^vii)    ..       „     xvii.  1 8-26  {"     ^^^';^|i;  }" 
7th  (o-a/SiSdro))       . .       „     xxii.  14-25      „    xxviii]  1-31 

KupiaKjJ  rrii  ncvTrj-  i 

Kotrri)?,  Trpioi  >      „       XX.  19-23 

(Matins)  ) 

For  the  Liturgy  „  vii.37-viii.l2    „        ii.    i-ii 

N.B. — Joliu  vii.  53-viii.  11  is  not  included  in 
the  lesson  for  the  Pentecost,  but  is  appointed  in 
menologies  to  be  read  at  the  feasts  of  certain 
penitent  women  (p.  65). 

'E/c  TOv  Kara  Mar^atoi'. 
2nd  day  of  1st  week  i 

(t^  irravpLov  t^5  >Matth.xviii.  10-20  Eph.  v.  S-19 

TreVTTJKOCTTJJ!)  3 


LECTIONAKY 

3rd  day  of  1st  week    3Iatth.  iv.  25-v.  1 1 


4th „ 

v.  20-30 

(Hiat  B-C  iii. 

5th „ 

V.  31-41 

24). 

6th  (TTapaa-Kevjl)     . .       „ 

vii.    9-18 

7th  (o-ajS^dTv)         . .       „ 

V.  42-48 

Rom 

i.  7-12 

Kuptaxij  a'.  All  Saints  („ 

X.  32,  33;) 

Heb 

xi.  33 

(rCv    iyCujv     ndv] 

37,38;  > 

xii.  2 

rcop)                             I  „ 

Xix.  27-30   ] 

" 

2nd  day  of  2nd  week  i  " 

vi.  31-34  i 
vii.    9-14  J 

Rom 

.  ii.  1-0 

3rd ',', 

vii.  15-21 

„ 

ii.  13,  17-27 

4th „ 

vii.  21-23 

ii.  28-iii.  4 

5th „ 

viii.  23-27 

11 

iii.    4-9 

6th  (inapa,TKtvfi)     . .       „ 

ix. 14-17 

iii.    9-18 

7th  {aappirv)        . .       „ 

vu,    1-8 

„ 

iii.  19-26 

KvpiaKrj  P' 

iv.  18-23 

„ 

ii.  10-16 

2nd  day  of  3rd  week      „ 

ix.  36-x.  8 

„ 

iv.    4-8 

3rd „ 

X.    9-15 

„ 

iv.    8-12 

4th „ 

X.  16-22 

iv.  13-17 

5th „ 

X.  23-31 

„ 

iv.  18-25 

6th  inapacKivfi}     ■■    j" 

X.  32-36  ;■) 
xi.    1      ] 

„ 

V.  12-14 

7th  (o-a/S^ctTo.)        . .       ," 

vii.24-viii.4    „ 

iii.28-iv.3 

Kvpiaxfl  v'   . . 

vi.  22,  23 

„ 

V.    1-10 

2nd  day  of  4th  week      „ 

xi.    2-15 

," 

V.  15-17 

3rd „ 

xi.  16-20 

„ 

V.  i7-21 

4th „ 

xi.  20-26 

vii.  1.... 

5th , 

xi.  27-30  f 
Xii.    1-3    I 

(mat  B-C  iii. 

6th  (TTopao-Keuf))     . .       „ 

24 

. 

7th  (<ra/3^dT<i>)        . .       „ 

viii.  14-23 

Rom 

.  vi.  11-17 

KvpLaKJj  S'   ..         ..       „ 

viii.    5-13 

„ 

vi.  18-23 

2nd  day  of  5th  week      „ 

xii.    9-13 

„vii.l9-viii.3 

3«     ..         ..         ..    {•• 

xii.  14-16  ; ) 
22-30) 

„ 

viii.    2-9 

4th „ 

xii.  38-45 

,^ 

viii.    8-14 

5th •[" 

6th  (7rapacrKeui7)     . .        „ 

xii.    46-  7 
xiii.    3        J- 

„ 

viii.  22-27 

xiii.    3-12 

ix.    6-13 

7th  (o-ajS^dTO.)         . .        „ 

ix.    9-13 

„ 

vUi.  14-21 

Kvpiaxrj  e'    . .           . .        „ 

viii.  23-ix.  1 

„ 

X.    1-10 

2nd  day  of  6th  week       „ 

xiii.  10-23 

,, 

ix.  13-19 

3rd „ 

xiii.  24-30 

„ 

ix.  17-28 

4th „ 

xiii.  31-36 

ix.  29-33 

5th „ 

xiii.  36-43 

{;: 

ix.  33 ; 
X.  12-17 

6th  (,rapao-K6v]7)     ..       „ 

xiii.  44-54 

X.  15-xl.  2 

7th    (<TOj3/3ciT<0)          . .          „ 

ix.  18-26 

„ 

ix.    1-5 

KvpLOKrj  S'                ..        „ 

ix.    1-8 

„ 

xii.    6-14 

2nd  day  of  7  th  week       „ 

xiii.  54-58 

„ 

xi.    2-6 

3rd „ 

xiv.    1-13 

xi.    7-12 

4th „ 

xiv.35-xv.ll 

^ 

xi.  13-20 

5th „ 

XV.  12-21 

", 

xi.  19-24 

6th  incpaaK^vij)    ..        „ 

XV.  29-31 

„ 

xi.  25-28 

7th  (o-a^^dry)        . .        „ 

X.  37-xi.  1 

„ 

xii.    1-3 

KvpiaKfi  C                ••        ,. 

ix.  27-35 

„ 

XV.    1-7 

2nd  day  of  8th  week       „ 

xvi.    1-6 

xi.  29-36 

3rd „ 

xvi.    6-12 

xii.  14-21 

4th „ 

xvi.  20-24 

," 

xiv.  10-18 

5th „ 

xvi.  24-28 

„ 

XV.    8-12 

6th  (Trapao-KevrJ)     . .        „ 

xvii.  10-18 

„ 

XV.  13-16 

7th  (o-a^^dTo.)        . .         „ 

xii.  30-37 

„ 

xiii.    1-10 

Kvpiajcfj  rf    ,.          . .         „ 

xiv.  14-22 

1  Cor.  i.  10-18 

2nd  day  of  9th  week       „ 

xviii.    1-11 
sviii.  18-20 ; ' 

Kom 

XV.  17-25 

3rd ]" 

xix.  1,2; 
13-15 

sv.  26-2& 

4th 

XX.    1-16 

ICor 

xvi.  17-20 

5th „ 

XX.  17-28 

.   ii.  10-15 

6th  (_rrapa<TK€vfi)      . .    <" 

xxi.  12-14 ; 
17-20 

}" 

ii.  16-iii.  8 

7th  (o-aj3;3dT<o)        . .       „ 

XV.  32-39 

Rom 

.  xiv.  6-9 

KvpicucrJ  e' 

xiv.  22-34 

1  Cor.    iii.  9-lT 

2nd  day  of  10th  week     „ 

XXl.  18-22 

„ 

iii.  18-23 

3rd , 

xxi.  23-27 

„ 

iv.    5-8 

4th „ 

xxi.  28-32 

V.    9-13 

5th „ 

xxi.  43-46 

", 

vi.    1-6 

6tU  Cn-apo(7/C£ujj)     . .       „ 

xxii.  23-33 

» 

Vi.  T-n 

LECTIONARY 

Tthdayof  lOthweekfMatth.xvii.  24-)  p^^  „^  ,„  ^o 
(<ra/3;3aTa,)  i  xviii.  1     /  ^°™-  ^''^  ^°  ^^ 

Kvpiaxfj'  L  ..  ..  „  xvii.  14-23  1  Cor.  iv.  9-16 
2nd  day  of  11th  week  „  xxiii.  13-22  „  vi.20-vii.'? 
3rd „  xxiii.  23-28        „     yii.    7-15 

, .,  (  „  XXIV.  13  or   }^  ., ,  - 

5'll \       U  or  15-28  i      '*'■ 

6th  (,ropa<7«evr7)     ..    {"    ^4^51'"^"'}  „  ends  yii.  35 

7th  (^trappdrtf)       ..       „     xix.    3-12  „        i.    3-9 

Kvpuucrj  la  . .       „  xviii.  23-35  „      ix.    2-12 

'Ek  Toii  Kara  ilapKOV. 

2nd  day  of  12th  week    Mark     i.    9-15  „  vii.  37-viii.  3 

3rd ,        i.  16-22  „    vlii.    4-7 

4th „        i.  23-28  „      ix.  13-18 

5th „         i.  29-35  „        X.    2-10 

6th  (TTopao-KevVj)     . .         „       ii.  18-22  „        X.  10-15 

7th  (o-o^jSaTo.)       ..  Matth. XX. 29-34  „        i.  26-29 

■KvpMKfj  tP'            ..  „    xix.  16-26  „     XV.    1-11 

2nd  day  of  13th  week  Mark  iii.    6-12  „      x.  14-23 

3rd „      iii.  13-21  „     x.  31-xi.  3 

4th „      iii.  20-27  „      xi.    4^12 

6th „       iii.  28-35  „      xi.  13-23 

Cth  (Trapao-Kcvn)     . .  „      iv.    1-9  „  si.  31-xii.  6 

7th  (o-ojS^aTw)'  Matth.  xxii.  15-22  „       ii.    6-9 

Kupiaxniv'              ••  "        xxi.  33-43  „    xvi.  13-24 

2nd  day  of  14th  week  Mark  iv.  10-23  „    xii.  12-18 

3rd „      iv.  2 1-34  „    xii.  18-26 

4th „      iv.  35-11  „   xiii.  8-xiv.  1 

5th „       V.    1-20  „   xlv.     1-12 

6th  (,rapa<T«.;f))     ••         "   {    3"5!vl^t '}    "   ^'^^  1^-20 

7th  (o-a^jSolTw)         Matth.  xxiii.  1-12  1  Cor.  iv.    1-5 

KvpioKij  to'             . .     „       xxii.    2-14  2  Cor.   i.  21-ii.  4 

2nd  day  of  15th  week    Mark  v.  24-34  1  Cor.  xiv.  26-33 

3rd „      vi.    1-7  „      xiv.  33-40 

4th „      vi.    7-13  „       XV.  12-30 

6th „       -vi.  30-45  „       XV.  29-34 

6th  (jrapaaKevrj)    . .         „      vi.  45-53  „       xv.  34-40 

7th  (o-a/SjSaTo))        Matth.  xxiv.    1-13  „      iv.  17-v.  5 

„  _     ,  ..  „^   ,„  (2  Cor.    iv.    6-11 

KupioKT,  le  . .     „      xxu.  35-40 1  ^jg  3_q  jjj  34). 

2nd  day  of  16th  week    j^^*'' vii.'^a"  ^*"}  1  Cor.  xvi.  3-13 

3rd „     vii.    5-16    2  Cor.      i.    1-7 

4th ,     vii.  14-24         „  i.  12-20 

5th vii.  24-30        „  ii.    4-15 

6th  inapaa-Kevrj)    . .         „    viii.    1-10        „      ii.  15-iii.  3 

Htu  r     00'     X    ( Matth.  xxiv.  34-37 : ^  ,  ^„,  ^  n->  is 

7th  (o-aP/SaTo.)    <                          42-41    f  X.  23-28 

Then  follow,  if  read  in  this  place — 
HvpioKfl  if  . .  Matth.  XXV.  14-30    2  Cor.  vi.  1-10 

N.B. — If  this  week  was  required  before  the 
new  year  or  new  indiction  began,  some  of  the 
lessons  from  St.  Mark  which  follow  the  12th 
Sunday  of  St.  Luke  were  taken  for  this  17  th 
week  so  far  as  needed,  and  after  them  (the 
Epistles  for  the  week  being  2  Cor.  iii.  4—12  ;  iv. 
1-6;  11-18;  v.  10-15;  15-21). 

(o-a^^aTcj.)  i^  Matth.  xxv.  1-13    1  Cor.  xiv.  20-25 

'Ek  toO  Kara  AovkSlv. 

'"oftYwIe^r^:'}!^"'^-- 1^-22  2  Cor.    vi.  11-16 

3rd „  iii.  23-iv.  1  „      vii.    1-11 

4th „      iv.    1-15  „      vii.  10-16 

5th „      iv.  16-22  „     viii.    7-11 

Cth  (napaa-Kevrj)     . .         „       iv.  22-30  „      viii.  10-21 

7til  (o-ojSpaTwj       . .         „      iv.  31-36  1  Cor.  xv.  39-45 

N.B.— If  the  16th  or  17th  Saturdays  of  St. 
Matthew  be  not  read  at  the  end  of  the  old  year, 


LECTIONARY 


957 


then  the  omitted  Epistles  are  used  when  St.. 
Luke  commences,  and  the  Epistle  for  each  suc- 
ceeding Saturday  and  Sunday  must  be  looked 
for,  out  of  its  place,  one  or  two  weeks  back. 
But  if  this  be  actually  the  18th  Sunday  after 
Pentecost,  all  the  following  Epistles  will  be  given 
correctly. 


KvpiaKJ)   a    of   the 
new  year  (Aposto- 

los   11)') 

2nd  day  of  2nd  week 

3rd     . . 

4th     . . 

5th     . . 

6th  (napacrxevfj) 


7  th  (<Toi3 


KvpiaKJj  §.'    (Apost.    7 

16')                               3  " 

2nd  day  of  3rd  week  „ 

3rd 

4th 

5th 

6th  (irapatTK^vxi)     •  •  »i 

7th  (crajSjSaTw)        . .  J  „ 
Kv^iaKJ)   y     (Apost. ) 

2nd  day  of  4th  week  „ 

3rd „ 

4th „ 

6th „ 

6th  (vapaaKevfi)    . .  „ 

7th  (craiS/SaTo))        ..  „ 
KvpiaKJj   6'     (Apost.  1 

2nd  day  of  5th  week  „ 

3rd „ 

4th „ 

5th „ 

6th  (TTapotTKeuj))    . .  „ 

7th  (croj3/3a'Tw)       ..  „ 


►  Lukev.    1-11  2  Cor.     ix.    6-11 


iv.  33-44  „  viii.  20-ix.l 

v.  12-16  „  ix.    1-5 

v.  33-39  „  ix.  12-x.  5 

vi.  12-16  „  X.    4-12 

vi.  17-23  „  X.  13-18 
)  1  Cor.   XV.  58- 

(.  xvi.  3 

;  2  Cor.    xi.  31- 
xii.  9 

vi.  24-30      „  xi.  5-9 

vi.  37-15      „         xi.  10-18 
vi.  46-vii.  1     „        xii.  10-14 
vii.  17-30       „        xii.  14-19 
vii.  31-35       „  xii.  19-xul.  1 
v.  27-32      „  i.    8-11 


V.  17-26 
vi.  31-36  P 


vii.  11-16    Gal. 


-19^ 


vii.  36-50  2  Cor.   xiii.  2-7 
viii.    1-3        „        xiii.  7-11 

viii.  22-25  Gal.  i.  18-ii.  5 
ix.    7-11       „  ii.    6-16- 

ix.  12-18      „       ii.  20-iii.  7 

vi.    1-10  2  Cor.    iii.  12-18 

viii.  5-15  Gal.  ii.  16-20 
ix.  18-22  „  iii.  15-22- 
ix.  23-27  „  iii.  23-iv.  5 
ix.  43-50      „  iv.    9-14 


IX.  49-56 
X.  1-15 
vii.    1-10 


IV.  13-26 

iv.  28-v.  5 

f  2  Cor.       V.  1-10 

1(4] 


KvpioKT)  c'  (Apost.  7 

2nd  day  of  6th  week 

3rd 

4th 

5th 

6th  (jrapacTKevirj)     . . 
7th  (o-aiS^aTw) 
KupioKTj   s'    (Apost.  ( 

«y')  I 

2nd  day  of  7th  week 

3rd 

4th „         xi.  42^6 

.47- 


B-C  iii.  24). 
xvi.  19-31    Gal.      vi.  11-18 
X. 22-24 


V.    4-14 
xi.    1-9        „  V.  14-21 

xi.  9-13  „  vi.  2-10 
xi.  14-23  Eph.  1.  9-17 
xi.  23-26       „  i.  16-23 

viii.  16-21    2  Cor.  viii.    1-5 


27-35 ; 


29-33 
34-41 


5th 


■_  ■•{:: 

6th  (irapao'Kevjrj)     . .        „ 
7th  (o-a^lSaTo.)   '      . .        „ 

KupiaKJj   C  (Apost.    \ 
kS')  j"    " 

2nd  day  of  8th  week    <   " 

3rd „ 

4th „ 

5th , 

6th  (irapaaKevfj)     . .        „ 
7th  (aa^^aTif)         ..        „ 


KupiaK]7  Tj'    (Apost 

2nd  day  of  9th  week' 

3rd 

4th 

5th 


xii.  1 


•Eph.    ii.    4-10 

„      ii.  18-iii.  5 

iii.    5-12 

iii.  13-21 

iv.  12-16 


2-12      „         iv.  17-25 
1-6      2  Cor.    xi.    1-6 


viii.  41-56    Eph. 

xii.  13-15 ;  7 

22-31      j  " 

xii.  42-48  „ 

xii.  48-59  „ 

xiii.    1-9  „ 

xiii.  31-35  „ 

ix.  37-48  Gal. 


ii.  14-22 

v. 18-26 
V.  25-31 
7.  28-vi.  6. 
vi.  7-11 
vi.  17-21 
i.    3-10 


■}- 


1-7 


6th  (Trapacr/cevr)') 
7th  (o-a^jSa'Tw) 


X.  25-37     Epl 
xiv.  12-15      Phil.       i.    2. 
xiv.  25-35 

{Iliat  B-C  iii. 
24) 


968  LECTIONARY 

Kvpia<rj  ff    (Apost.  I  Luke  xii.  16-21    Eph.      v.    5-19 

2nd  d;iy  of  10th  week  „  xvii.  20-25 

C  „  xvii.  26-37  ; 

•^"^ I  „  sviii.  18 

C  „  xviii.  15-lT; 

^t° \  26-30 

5th „  xviii.  31-34 

6th  (^wapaaKivrj)    . .  „  xix.  12-28 

7th  ((raj3|3aTw)        . .  „         X.  19-21    Gal.  V.  22-vi.  2 

KvpiaKrj    I      (Apott.   V  ^^  j.j;i    jQ_^^     j-ph.      vi.  10-17 

2nd  day  of  11th  week  „  xix.  37-44 

3rd „  xix.  45-48 

4th „       XX.    1-3 

5th „  XX.    9-18 

6th  (irapacrKtun)     ••  "  XX.  19-26 

7th  (o-a/S/SaTu)        . .  „       xii.  32-40    Col.  i.  9-13 

Kupio/fj)  la'  (Apost.  )  ^f^,  je_24    2  Cor.  ii.  14-iii.  3 

2nd  day  of  12th  week     „  xx.  27-44 

3rd „  xxi.  12-19 

,.,                                 f   „  xxi.  5-8;  10, 

^'ll \  11 ;  20-24 

5th „  xxi.  28-33 

6th  (TTopao-Kevrj)     •  •  |   "  xxii-  8 

7th  (o-a/S/SaTw)       ..       „  xiii.  19-29     Eph.      ii.  11-13 

KvpioK^i^'    (Apost.  I    _  xvii.  12-19    Col.       iii.    4-11 
2nd  day  of  13th  week  Mark  viii.  11-21 

3rd ,  viii.  22-26 

4th „  viii.  30-34 

5th „  ix.  10-16 

6th  (n-apaa/ceujj)    . .        „  ix.  33-41 

7th  (o-a/^^aTU)")       . .     Luke  xiv.  1-11     Eph.     v.    1-8 

KvpiaKTJiv'    (Apost.  I    _^  xviii.  18-27      Col.      ui.  12-16 

2nd  day  of  11th  week    Markix.42-x.l  iThess.    i.    6-10 

3rd „        X.    2-11  „        i.  9-ii.  4 

4th „         X.  11-16  „         ii.    4-8 

5th ,          X.  17-27  „         ii.    9-14 

6th  (napaiTKivrj)     ..        „          x.  24-32  „          ii.  14-20 

7th  (a-ap^aru)       ..    Luke  xvi.  10-15  Col.        i.    2-6 

Kvpcojcrj   tS'  (Apost.)  _   xviii.  35-43)  (^Tim.i.'lS-n, 

'"^J                          >  I  B-Ciii.  24). 

2nd  day  of  15th  week  jMark   x.  46-52  IThess.  iii.  1-8 

3rd „         xi.  11-23  „        iii.  6-11 

4th „        xi.  22-26  „  iii.  ll-iv.6 

5th „        xi.  27-33  „      Iv.    7-11 

6th  (Trapao-Keujj)    ..  „       xii.    1-12  „    iv.  17-v.  5 

7th  (o-a/SjSaTO))       . .  Luke  xvii.  3-10  Col.      ii.    8-12 

"^  APO  "  "'  '-^^°'*'}   "      s!s-    1-10  1  Tim.  vi.  11-16 

2nd  day  of  16th  week    Mark  xii.  13-17  1  Thess.  v.  4-11 

3rd „      xii.  18-27  „       v.  11-15 

4th „       xii.  28-34  „        v.  15-23 

5th ,      xii.  38-44  2  Thess.  1.    1-5 

6th  (napacTKevrj)     . .       „      xiii.    1-9  „    i.  11-ii.  5 

7th  ((Ta/3^aT(j)       . .  Luke  xviii.  1-8  1  Tim.  ii.    1-7 

KvpiaKiji^(ithePub-l  ■■■  q  ,,(2  Tim.  iii.  10-15 

Zican,  Apost.  Ay')  f"  ^^'»- 9-1*1  (B-C  iii.  42).- 
2nd  day  of  17th  week   Mark  xiii.  9-13 1  ^  Thess._n.  13- 

3rd „     xiii.  14-23  „      iii.    3-9 

4th „     xiii.  24-31  „      iii.  10-18 

5th {"     ^1^;^     }lTim.     i.    1-8 

6th  (jrapaerMUTJ)     ..        „      xiv.    3-9  „         i.    8-14 

7th(.a^^a™)       ..{^"'^^Sf"}       ..--13--.  5 

N.B. — The  Gospel  for  the  Sunday  preceding 
that  which  the  Western  church  calls  Septuage- 
sima  is  always  that  of  the  Canaanitess  (Matth. 
XV.  21-28),  which  would  sometimes  displace  one 
or  two  of  those  immediately  preceding,  as  in  the 


LECTIONARY 

case  of  our  Sunday  next  before  Advent.  Two 
weeks'  lessons  from  the  Epistles  are  also  kept  in 
reserve,  to  be  used  here  if  necessary.  They  are 
numbered  from  the  weeks  after  Pentecost,  as 
indeed  are  all  the  Epistles  in  the  Greek  lec- 
tiouaries,  viz. — 

KupiaKrJ  A5' 2  Tim.  iii.  10-15 

(2)        1  Tim.     ii.  5-15 

(3) „        iii.  l-]3 

(4)        „        iv.  4-9 

(5) „  iv.  14-v.  10 

(6) V.  17-vi.  2 

o-a/S/SttTu)  Ae'               . .          . .  „        iv.  9-15 

Kvpia/cT)  Ae' 2  Tim.     ii.  1-10 

(2)  .' iTim.    vi.  2-11 

(3)        „      vi.  17-21 

(4)        2  Tim.     1.    8-14 

(5) „      i.  14-ii.  2 

(6)        „        ii.  22-26 

(7o^/3a'Ta)  W              ..          ..  „       ii.  11-19 

The  day  before  Septuagesima  Sunday  is — 

o-a)3j3aTw     Trpb    -nj!    1 

dn-oKpew     (before    >  Luke  XV.    1-10 

Carnival)  ) 

KvpiaKJj    vpo     i-^s    ) 

awoKpiui  (the  Pro-  V  „      xv.  11-32    1  Thess.  v.  14-23 

digal)  ) 

2°^^^ff  Carnival  I  jj^^j^    xi.  1-11    2  Tim.    iu.  1-10 

3rd „      xiv.  10-42  „  iii.  14-iv.  5 

4th „  xiv.  43,  XV.  1        „      iv.    9  18 

5th „      XV.    1-15    Titus      i.    5-12 

6th  (napacrK(vrj)  ..■)  "  ok  33L41 '  f  "  i- tS-ii.  10 
7th(.a^^a.<,)       ..\^f;^!i\lCor.    vi.  12-20 

'^:;ri^nt^      Matth.xxv.3l5^^e^:V^^ 
our'Sexagosima)     )  *"  <    20,  B-C  iii.  24) 

2nd  day  of  the  week  ^ 
of  the  C7ieese-ea«er- (Lukexix.29-40;i  u  ,      .       ,  ,„ 
(Tvpo<^(ivou  :  a         (    xxii.  7,8,  39     i  "■''"■    '^-    '"" 
lighter  fast)  J 

3"i {"Sii:  f"}"  --i^-vi-B 

4th deest. 

cti,                               i   >.  xxiii.  1-43;J  ^...  ,,  „, 

5* i                 44-56    7    '■  ^"-l-i-^' 

6th  (jrapaa-Kevrj)     . .  deest. 

(Rom.  xiv.  19-23 

7th  (o-ap^dTu)       . .     Matth.  vi.  1-13.?    „  xvi.  25-27 

i  (p.  50) 

'KvpiaKrj  TTj?  Tvpojta-  "J 
yov    '(the     Cheese-  (  .  ._,,  ...  ,i_^i^.  4 

ea<er, our Quinqua-f    "      ^i- 1*  -1      „xm.iixiv.4 
gesima)  ) 

Genesis  was  read  on   the  five   middle  week 

days  of  Lent  (p.  50).     The  special  lessons  from 

the  New  Testament  were — 

i/rjo-reta;  (Vigil  ofi  Matth.  vii.  7-11. 

Lent)  ) 

Twv  njo-TEcui'  (Lent). 

o-a^^dTw  a'  .,  Mark     ii.  23-iii.  5  Heb.  i.    1-12 

KvpLoKJi  a  ..  John            i.  44-52  „  xi.  24-40 

<ra(3(3<£T(t>  p'  ..Mark           1.35-44  „  iii.  12-14 

KvpiaK-rj  j3'  . .        „              ii.     1-12  „  i.  10-ii.  3 

o-ajS/SctTO)  y'  . .        „              ii.  14^17  „  X.  32-33 

KuptaKj}  y  ..       „      viii.  34-ix.  1  „  iv.  14-v.  6 

o-o^^dT<[)6'  ..       „           vii.  31-37  „  vi.    9-12 

Kupiaxn  &'  •■       „           ix.  17-31  „  vi.  13-20 

o•a^^dT<o  e'  . .       „          viii.  27-31  „  ix.  24-28 

Kvpiax^  e'  . .       „             X.  32-45  „  ix.  11-14 

"^"w^i-us)'  *""* }  ■^°^°-  ^'-  ^"^^  "  ^''-  2S-xiii.  S 
KvpittKjJ  S-'  rCiv  patwv  (Palm  Sunday)— 

Trpwi  (Matins)    Matth.  xxi.  1-11 ;  15-17 


LECTIONAEY 

Kvpi.aKTJ  ^  els  Ttji'  Xn-rjv  Mark  X.  46-xi.  11 

„   '    For  the  Liturgy— John  xii.  1-18    Phil.  iv.  4-9 

The  services  of  the  Holy  Week  (^  h.-yia.  t] 
fj.eyd\ri)  are  given  at  full  leugth  in  nearly  all 
the  lectionaries,  viz. — 

Matth.    sxi.  18-43 
„      xxlv.    3-35 
„    xsii.  15-xxiv.  2 
„    xxiv.  36-xxvi.  2. 
John  xi.  47-53,  or  xii.  17-47 
Matth.  xxvi.  6-16 
Luke  xxii.  1-36,  or  39 
Matth.  xxvi.  1-2C 
Eve— Gospel  of  the  Bath  (viwttjp)  John  xiii.  3-10 
After  the  Bath     . .         . .      „     xiii.  12-17  ; 
Matth.  xxvi.  21-39  ;  Luke  xxii.  43,  44  (p.  50) ; 
„       xxvi.  40-xxvii.  2  1  Cor.  xi.  23-32. 

At  this  season  were  read  the  twelve  Gospels  of 
the  Holy  Passion  (rwv  ayiaiv  TraQuiv),  viz. — 

(7)  Matth.  xxvii.  33-54 

(8)  Luke  sxiii.  32-49 

(9)  John  xix.  25-37 

(10)  Mark  xv.  43-47 

(11)  John  xix.  38-42 

(12)  Matth.  xxvii.  62-66 
1  of  the  vigil   of  Good 


LECTIONAEY 


959 


2D(i  day 

.    Matins 

Liturgy 

Srd  day 

.     Matins 

Liturgy 

4  th  day 

.     Matins 

Liturgy 

5th  day 

.     Matins 

Liturgy 

(1)  John  xiii.  31-xviii.  1 

(2)  „      xviii.  1-28 

(3)  Matth.  xxvi.  57-75 

(4)  John  xviii.  28-xix.  16 

(5)  Matth.  xxvii.  3-32 

(6)  Mark  xv.  16-32 
Gospels   for  the   hou 


Friday  (t^s  07/05  irapafj-ovris) — 

Hour    (1)    Matth.    xxvii.    I    (6)  Luke  xxii.  66-xxiii.49 

1-56  (9)  John  xix.  16-37 

(3)  Mark  xv.  1-41  1 

Good   Friday   (t^  dyia   napaffKev^)    for   the 
Liturgy — 

Matth.  xxvii.  1-38;  Luke  xxiii.  39-43;  Matth.  xxvii. 

39-54;  John  xix.  31-37 ;  Matth.  xxvii.  55-61. 

1  Cor.  i.  18-ii.  2. 

Easter  Even  (t^  dylcji  koI  fieyaXqi  ffaPPdrifi) — 

llatins  (,rpa,t)  Matth.  xxvii.  62-66 1  Ga^l^'^Uritu 

Evensong  (eo-TTc'pas)      „      xxviii.    1-20    Rom.  vi.  3-11 

To  these  lessons  from  the  New  Testament  for 

the  whole  ecclesiastical  year  from  Easter  Day  to 

Easter  Even  nearly  all    the   lectionaries   annex 

eleven    morning    Gospels    of    the    Resurrection 

(^evayye\ia    avaffracri/j.a    eaiOiva),    which    were 

read  in  turn,  one  every  Sunday  at  matins,  viz. — 

1-10 


(7)  John 

(8)  „ 

(9)  .. 

(10)  „         xxi.    1-14 

(11)  „  xxi.  15-25 


19-31 


(1)  Matth.  xxviii.  16-20 

(2)  Mark        xvi.    1-8 

(3)  „  xvi.    9-20 

(4)  Luke      xxiv.    1-12 

(5)  „         xxiv.  12-35 

(6)  „         xxiv.  36-52 

V.  Syriac  Lectionaries. — A  valuable  evange- 
listarium,  written  in  a  peculiar  dialect  of  the 
Syriac  language,  called  for  the  sake  of  distinc- 
tion the  Jerusalem  Syriac,  was  first  used  by 
Adler  in  the  Vatican  (MS.  Syr.  19),  and  has  lately 
been  published  in  full  by  Count  F.  Miniscalchi 
Erezzo  (Verona,  1861-64).  This  book  enables 
us  to  see  that  the  ordinary  lessons  of  the  Syriac 
church  at  the  period  that  it  bears  date  (a.d. 
1030),  and  probably  long  before,  were  identical 
with  those  of  the  Greek  church  as  described 
above.  In  fact  the  Jerusalem  Lectionary  differs 
from  the  Greek  for  the  portions  which  it  con- 
tains little  move  than  the  various  Greek  copies 
do  from  each  other.  It  does  not  supply  the 
ordinary  woek-day  lessons  e.xcept  from  Easter  to 
Pentecost  and  those  of  the  Holy  Week  :  the 
Menology  also,  as  might  have  been  expected 
(p.  51),  is  widely  different  in  the  two  churches. 
Modern  Syrian  manuscripts  and  editions,  how- 
ever (such  as  that  published  by  Professor  Lee  in 
1816),  are  constructed  on  other  principles  ;  and 


agree  with  the  Greek  only  on  the  occasion  of 
such  high  festivals  as  hardly  admitted  a  choice 
in  their  selection. 

VI.  The  Coptic  Lectionary. — For  the  Coptic, 
the  other  great  branch  of  ancient  Christianity  in 
the  East,  we  depend  for  the  present  mainly  on  a 
Coptic  and  Arabic  manuscript,  translated  by  Pre- 
bendary Malan  in  his  Original  Documents  of  the 
Coptic  Church,  No.  IV.  (1874),  which  he  believes 
to  agree  very  well  with  what  is  known  else- 
where of  Ll-Cotmarus,  the  volume  of  lessons  for 
the  whole  year.  It  contains  only  the  Sunday 
and  feast-day  Gospels  throughout  the  year,  with 
the  appropriate  versicles  and  greetings  anne.xed 
to  each  at  full  lengtli ;  although  we  have  the 
e.xpress  testimony  of  Cassian  (Lnstitut.  iii.  2)  for 
the  5th  century,  that  tlie  Egyptians  read  both 
Epistle  and  Gospel  every  Saturday  as  well  as 
every  Sunday  in  their  public  services.  The  Sun- 
days are  arranged  according  to  the  months  of 
the  Coptic  ecclesiastical  year,  which  began 
August  29.  The  vigil  or  eve  was  always  re- 
garded as  the  commencement  of  each  day.  The 
manuscript  being  defective,  the  lessons  for  the 
first  three  Sundays,  and  some  few  others,  cannot 
be  given. 

Month  of  Tot  (Aug.  29-Sept.  27)— 

4th  Sunday— Evensong  . .  Matth.  ix.  18-26 
Matins  . .  „  xv.  21-28 
Liturgy    . .    Luke  vii.  36-50 

Month  of  Babeh  (Sept.  28-Oct.  27)— 

Ist  Sunday — Evensong  Jfatth.  xiv.  15-21 
Matins  deesl  folium. 

Liturgy  ..  Mark        ii.    1-12.' 

2nd  Sunday — Evensong  . .  Matth.  xvii.  24-27 

Matins  . .  Mark      xvi.    2-5 

Liturgy  . .  Luke         v.    1-1 1 

3rd  Sunday — Evensong  ..  Mark        iv.  35-41 

Matins  . .  Luke    xxiv.    1-12 

Liturgy  ..  Matth.  {deest  folium). 

4th  Sunday— Evensong  . .      „          xiv.  22-33  ? 

Matins  ..  John        xx.    1-18 

Liturgy  . .  Luke      vii.  11-22 

Month  of  Hator  (Oct.  28-Nov.  26)— 

1st  Sunday— Evensong  . .  Mark  iv.  10-20 
Matins  . .  Matth.  xxviii.  1-20 
Liturgy       . .  Luke      viii.    4-15 

2nd  Sunday — Evensong  . .      „  xii.  22-31 

Matins       ..  Mark      xvi.    2-8 
Liturgy      ..  Matth.  xiii.    1-8 

3rd  Sunday — Evensong  . .      „  xi.  25-30 

Matins       . .  Luke    xxiv.    1-12 
Liturgy      . .      „        viii.    4-8 

4th  Sunday— Evensong  ..  Matth.  xvii.  14-21 
Matins  ..  John  xx.  1-18 
Liturgy      . .  Mark        x.  17-31 

Month  of  Kihak  (Nov.  27-Dec.  26)— 

1st  Sunday — Evensong   ..  Mark  xiv.    3-9 

Matins        . .       „  xii.  41-44 

Liturgy      . .  Luke  i.    1-25 

2nd  Sunday — Evensong    . .      „  vii.  36-50 

Matins        . .      „  xi.  19-23 

Liturgy      ..       „  i.  26-38 

3rd  Sunday— Evensong   , .  Mark  i.  29-34 

Matins        ..  Matth.  xv.  21-31 

Litui^y      . .  Luke  i.  39-56 

4th  Sunday — Evensong   . .       „  viii.    1-3 

Matins        . .  Mark  iii.  28-35 

Liturgy      . .  Luke  i.  57-80 

Month  of  Tubeh  (Dec.  27-Jan.  25)  — 

1st  Sunday— Evensong  . .  Luke  iv.  40-44 
Matins        ..       „  iv.  31-37 

Liturgy       . .  Matth.      ii.  19-23 


960 


LECTIONARY 


2nd  Sunday — Evensong   . .      „   xiv.  22-33,  or 

Mark  vi.  45-54  (^Hial  MS.) 
Matins        ..  Mark       iii.    7-12 
Liturgy      . .  Luke       xi.  2Y-36 

3rd  Sunday — Kvensong  . .  John  v.  1-18 
Matins        ..      „  iii.    1-21 

Liturgy       . .       „  ju.  22-36 

4th  Sunday— Evensong   . .      „  v.  31-47 

Matins        . .       „  vi.  47-53 

Liturgy      . .      „  ix.    1-38 

Mouth  of  Amshir  (Jan.  26-Feb.  24)— 

1st  Sunday — Evensong  . .  John  vi.  15-21 
Matins  . .  „  viii.  51-59 
Liturgy      . .      „  vi.  22-38 

2nd  Sunday — Evensong   . ,       „  iv.  46-54 

Matins        . .      „  iii.  17-21 

Liturgy      . .      „  vi.    5-14 

3rd  Sunday — Evensong   . .      „        v.  39-vi.  2 

Matins        . .       „  xii.  44-50 

Liturgy      . .       „  vl.  27-40 

(in  another  copy  v.  27-46) 

4th  Sunday— Evensong   . .  Luke     xvii.    1-10 

(in  another  copy  to  ver.  19) 

Matins       . .  John         v.  27-39 

Liturgy      . .      „         xix.    1-10 

The  four  days  which  follow  this  Sunday  com- 
pose the  fast  of  Jonah. 

2nd  day  of  week   ..     Matins     ..      Matth.      vii.    6-12 
Liturgy    . .         „  xii.  35-39 

3rd  day      . .         . ,     Matins      . .     Luke       xiii.    6-9 
Liturgy    . .        „  xi.  29-36 

4th  day      . .        . .     Matins      . ,     Matth.       xi.  25-30 
Liturgy    . .        „      xv.  32-xvi.  4 
5th  day  (Passover  ■)  Matins      ..     Mark       viii.  10-21 
of  Jonah)  j  Liturgy     . .     John  ii.  12-25 

<zreat  Sunday  of  the  first  gathering  in  of  Crops — 
Evensong     , .     Mark       xi.  22-26 
Matins         . .     Luke     xxi.  34-38 
Liturgy        ..     Matth.       vi.    1-4 
For  any  fifth  Sunday  of  the  Month  in  the  first  six 
Months  of  the  Tear — 
Evensong     . .     Matth.  xiv.  15-21 
Matins  . .     Mark       vi.  35-44 

Liturgy        . .     Luke       ix.  12-17 

Gospel  lessons  for  the  seventh  mouth,  Bar- 
mahat  (Feb.  25-March  26),  and  the  eighth 
month,  Barmudeh  (March  27-April  25)  are  not 
given,  inasmuch  as  the  proper  lessons  for  the 
holy  season,  from  the  beginning  of  Lent  to  Pen- 
tecost, here  intervene  and  extend  to  the  second 
Sunday  of  the  ninth  month,  Bashansh. 

The  Holy  Fast— 
1st  Sunday— Evensong   . .  Matth.  vi.  34-vii.  12 

Matins        . .      „  vii.  22-29 

Liturgy      . .       „  vi.  19-33 

(2nd,  3rd,  and  4th  Sunday  wanting.  Hiat  MS.) 
5th  Sunday— Evensong   . .  Luke   xviii.    1-8 

Matins        . .  Matlh.  xxiv.  3-36 

(in  another  copy  Luke  xviii.  9-14) 

Liturgy      . .  John  v.    1-18 

<;th  Sunday — Evensong   . .  Luke     xiii.  22-35 

Matins        . .  Matth.  xxiii.  1-39 

(in  another  copy  Matth.  sx.  17-28) 

Liturgy       . .  John  ix.  1-39 

Saturday  of  Lazarus — 

Matins.    Luke  xviii.  31-43  (in  another 
copy  Mark  x.  46-52) 

Liturgy.  John  xi.  1-45 
7th  Sunday  of  Hosannas  (Palm  Sunday)— 

Evensong    . .  John       xii.    1-11 

Matins       . .  Luke     xix.    1-10 

Liturgy    (1)  Matth.    xxi.  1-17 

(2)  Mark       xi.    1-11 

(3)  Luke     xix.  29-48 

(4)  John        xii.  12-19 


LECTIONARY 

Great  Thursday  of  the  Covenant  of  the  Basin- 
Gospel  ..  John  xiii.  1-17 
Liturgy     . .  Matth.  xxvi.  20-29 

[Good  Friday  has  no  service  noted] 

Saturday  of  Lights  (Easter  Even)— 

Matins      . .  Matth.  xxvii.  62-66 
Liturgy    ..      „      xxviii.    1-20 

Feast  of  the  Glorious  Resurrection- 
Matins      ,.  Mark       xvi.    2-8 
Liturgy    .,  John  xx.    1-18 

Feast  of  Terms,  or  of  the  Fifty  Days— 
1st  Sunday— Evensong   ,.  Luke     v.    1-11 


Matins 

..  John  xxi.    1-14 

Liturgy 

. .       „      XX.  24-31 

2nd  Sunday— Evensong 

. .       „        vi.  16-23 

Matins 

. .       „        vi.  24-34 

Liturgy 

. .       „        vi.  35-46 

3rd  Sunday— Evensong 

..       „       vii.  30-   ? 

Matins 

. .       „      viii.  21-30 

Liturgy 

. .       „      viii.  30-50 

4th  Sunday— Evensong 

. .       „        vi.  54-69 

Matins 

. .       „     viii.  51-59 

Liturgy 

. .       „       xii.  35-50 

5th  Sunday— Evensong 

. .       „      xiv.  21-25 

Matins 

..       ,.       XV.    4-8 

Liturgy 

..       „       XV.    9-16 

Ascension  Day— Evensong    Luke  ix.  51-62 

Matins 

.  Mark  xvi.  12-20 

Liturgy 

.  Luke  xxiv.  36-53 

6th  Sunday— Evensong 

.  Mark  xii.  28-40 

(in  another  copy  John  xiv.    1-7) 

Matins 

.       „     xiv.    3-20 

Liturgy 

.       „     xvi.  23-33 

7  th  Sunday  (Pentecost)- 

Evensong 

„      vii.  37-44 

Matins 

.       „    xiv.  26-xv.  4 

Liturgy 

.       „    XV.  26-xvi.  15 

Month  of  Bashansh  (April 

26-May  25)— 

3rd  Sunday— Evensong 

.  Matth.  xxii.  34-40 

Matins 

(  From  Luke  :    the 
■  t        Eesurreclion 

Liturgy 

.  Luke        X.  25-28 

4th  Sunday — Evensong 

.  Matth.    xii.    1-8 

Matins 

.  John       XX.  1- 

Liturgy 

.  Luke        iv.    1-13 

Month  of  Bawaneh  (May  2 

6-June  24)— 

1st  Sunday— Evensong 

.  Matth.  xvii.    1-13 

Matins 

.      „    xxvui.  ?  -20 

Liturgy 

.  Luke        xi.    1-13 

2nd  Sunday— Evensong 

.      „           iv.  38-41 

Matins 

.  Mark     xvi.    2-5 

Liturgy 

.  Luke         V.  17-26 

3rd  Sunday— Evensong 

.  Matth.    vii.    7-12 

Matins 

.  Luke    xxiv.    1-12 

Liturgy 

.  Matth.    xii.  22-34 

4th  Sunday— Evensong 

.      „            V.  27^8 

Matins 

.  John       XX.    1-18 

Liturgy 

.  Luke        vi.  27-38 

Month  of  Abib  (June  25-J 

uly  24)— 

1st  Sunday— Evensong 

.  Luke        ix.    1-6 

Matins 

.  Matth.  xxviii..' -20 

Liturgy 

.  Luke         X.    1-20 

2nd  Sunday— Evensong 

.      „         xvi.    1-18 

Matins 

.  Mark     xvi.    2-5 

Liturgy 

.  Matth.  xviii.  1-11 

3rd  Sunday— Evensong 

.  Luke     xiv.    7-15 

Matins 

„       xxiv.    1-12 

Liturgy 

.      „           ix.  10-17 

4th  Sunday— Evensong 

.       „          vii.    1-10 

Matins 

.  John       XX.    1-18 

Liturgy 

.      „           xi.    1-45 

Month  of  Mesre  (July  25- 

A.ug.  23)— 

Ist  Sunday— Evensong 

.  Mark        vi.  45-56 

Matins 

.  Matth.  xxviii.?-20 

Liturgy 

.  Luke       XX.    9-19 

2nd  Sunday- Evensong 

.  Luke    xviii.    9-17 

Matins 

.  Mark     xvi.    2-5 

Liturgy 

.  Luke         V.  27-39 

LECTIONAEY 


LECTIONARY 


961 


Luke  xi.  2Y-36 

„  xxiv.    1-12 

Mark  iii.  22-34 

Luke  xvii.  20-3Y 

John  XX.    1-18 

Mark  xiii.    3-31 


3nl  Sunday— Evensong 

Matins 

Liturgy 
4th  Sunday — Evensong 

Matins 

Liturgy 

Short  or  intercalary  month  Nissi  (Aug.  24-28, 
with  a  sixth  day  in  leap  year) — 

Sunday— Evensong  . .  Luke  xxi.  12-33 
Matins  . .  Mark  xiii.  32-37 
Liturgy      . .  Matth.  xxiv.  3-35 

For  a  fifth  Sunday  in  any  of  the  six  summer 
months  two  sets  are  given,  to  be  used  as  re- 
quired— 

Evensong  . .  Matth.  xiv.  15-21  . .  Luke  xiv.  16-24 
Matins  , .  Mark  vi.  35-44  . .  Matth.  xvi.  5-11 
Liturgy     . .  Luke      ix.  12-17  . .  Mark      viii.  13-21 

VII.  The  National  Lectionaries  of  the  Eastern 
Churches  compared. — This  Coptic  table  of  Sunday 
Gospels  throughout  the  year  is  far  ruder  and 
less  satisfactory  in  every  way  than  that  of  the 


Sunday  before  Christmas 
Christmas  Eve 


Greek  church,  to  which,  at  first  sight,  it  bears 
a  little  resemblance.  On  closer  inspection  it 
may  be  observed  that  the  Gospels  for  the  early 
morning  service,  several  of  which  recur  three  or 
four  times  over,  are  often  identical  with  the 
Gospels  of  the  Resurrection  used  periodically 
by  the  Greeks  at  the  same  hour  (p.  57).  The 
Copts  also  agree  with  the  Greeks  in  reading  St. 
John's  Gospel  almost  exclusively  between  Easter 
and  Pentecost,  while  the  appointed  Gospels  for 
the  Holy  Week  (including  the  preceding  Satur- 
day), as  also  for  Ascension  Day,  accord  to  a 
degree  which  cannot  be  accidental.  The  same 
may  be  said  in  regard  to  the  services  of  the 
great  unmovable  season  of  Christmas,  which  we 
here  subjoin.  The  Jerusalem  Syriac  lessons  are 
the  same  as  the  Greek.  We  infer,  on  the  whole, 
from  these  partial  resemblances  in  the  midst  of 
general  diversity,  that  the  lessons  for  the  chief 
festivals,  being  in  substance  the  same  in  all  the 
lectionaries,  were  settled  at  an  earlier  date  than 
those  for  ordinary  occasions. 


Christmas  Day  

Dec.  26 — tis  Trji/  (Tvva^iv  T^s  BeOTOKOv 

(^Communion  of  the  Mother  of  God')       „ 
Saturday   irpb  tCiv    tj>u>Tuv  (^Feast  of 

Lights,  or  Epiphany)     ..        . .  „  iii.    1-6 


Greek. 

Coptic. 

Matth. 

i.    1-25 

Luke 

ii.    1-20     .. 

Evensong     . 

.    Matth.      i.    1-17 

Matins 

i.  18-25 

Liturgy 

.     Luke       ii.    1-20 

Matth. 

ii.    1-12    '.'. 

Evensong    . 

iii.  23-38 

Matins 

.     John         i.  14-17 

,. 

ii.  13-23     .". 

Liturgy        . 

.     Matth.     ii.    1-12 

Sunday  np'o  tUv  (^wtwv 
Vigil  of  the  eeo<j)avCa 
Qeo^fCa  (Epiphany)— Matins 
Liturgy 


Mark  i.    1-8 

Luke  iii.    1-18 

Mark  i.    1-9 

Matth,  iiL  13-17 


Eve  of  the  Glorious  Baptism- 
Evensong     ..     Matth.  iv. 
Matins         ..     John  iii. 
Liturgy        ..    Luke  iii. 

Gloriotis  Baptism — 

Evensong     ..     Matth.  iii. 

Matins         ..    Mark  i. 

Liturgy        ..    John  i. 


1-12 
1-H 

18-34 


Thus  the  Coptic  Christians  agree  with  the 
Greeks  in  commemorating  the  Lord's  baptism 
only  on  Jan.  6,  and  not  the  visit  of  the  Magi, 
which  was  principally  regarded  in  the  Western 
church  [Epiphany].  Yet  the  Gospels  relating 
to  the  baptism  (Matth.  iii.  13-17,  Luke  iii.  23) 
appear   in   the    old   lectionary  of  the   Galilean 


church,  which  had  early  and  close  communion 
with  the  East  (p.  60);  and  Luke  iii.  15-23  is 
still  the  English  second  lesson  for  the  morning 
service. 

A  comparison  of  the  lessons  for  the  other  fes- 
tivals pertaining  to  our  Lord  suggests  the  same 
conclusions  as  those  for  the  Christmas  season. 


Greek. 

Coptic. 

be  Temple      Luke    ii.       22-40     . 

Evensong     . 

.     Luke         ii.  15-20 

Matins 

ii.  40-52 

Liturgy        . 

il.  21-39 

-Matins              „            ix.  29-36     . 

Evensong     . 

ix.  28-36 

or  Mark        ix.    2-9 

Matins 

.     Matth.  xvii.    1-9 

Liturgy         Matth.  xvii.    1-9      . 

Liturgy 

.     Mark        ix.    2-13 

In  contrast  with  these  resemblances  it  is  well 
to  note  that  in  the  services  for  the  7th  century 
festival,  that  of  the  Elevation  of  the  Cross,  which 
has   such  influence  on  the  later  forms  of  the 


Sunday  before  the  Elevation 
Sept.  14. — Elevation  of  the  Cross 
Saturday  after  the  Elevation 
Sunday  after  the  Elevation  . . 


Greek  lectionaries  (p.  52),  there  is  but  a  single 
passage  in  common  between  the  two  nations,  and 
that  one  (John  viii.  28-30)  too  obvious  to  be  over- 
looked by  either. 


Greek. 

Coptic. 

Gal.          vi.  11-18 

John        iii.  13-17 

iCor.          i.  18-24     . 

.     Sept  14.— Evensong  John  viii.  28^2 

John       xix.    6-35 

Matins          „        xii.  26- 

1  Cor.          i.  26-29 

Liturgy        „         X.  22- 

John      viii.  21-30 

Gal.           ii.  16-20 

Mark  viii.  34-ix.  1 

In  the  Jerusalem  Syriac,  John  xi.  53  precedes 
ch.  six.  6-35  as  the  Gospel  for  Sept.  14. 

VIII.  Lectionaries  of  the  Western  Church. — 
The  tables  of  lessons  we  have  hitherto  examined 
have  little  in  common  with  the  Epistles  and 
Gospels  of  the  English  church,  and  were  evi- 
dently constructed  on  a  different  pi-inciple.  The 
season  of  Advent,   which  is  purely  a  Western 


institution,  being  regarded  as  a  prelude  to  the 
high  festival  of  Christmas,  has  appropriately 
opened  the  ecclesiastical  year  through  western 
Christendom,  at  least  from  the  7th  century 
downwards.  The  yearly  changes  rendered  ne- 
cessary by  the  variation  of  the  Easter  season 
were  henceforward  made  by  fixing  the  proper 
positions  for  Advent  and  Septuagesima  Sundays, 


9G2 


LECTIONAEY 


as  in  our  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  The  Western 
lectionaries,  however,  while  they  agree  with 
each  other  in  their  general  character  and  ar- 
rangements, present  considerable  diflerences  in 
detail,  which  well  deserve  the  student's  at- 
tention. Although  the  Comes  or  Lectionary 
ascribed  to  St.  Jerome  by  its  editor  Pamelius 
(Liturgica,  Colon.  1571),  and  by  others  [Epistle], 
may  not  safely  be  regarded  as  a  work  of  the  4th 
century,  and  is  probably  three  or  four  centuries 
later,  yet  as  regards  the  Epistles  and  Gospels  it 
corresponds  closely  with  the  Roman  service- 
book,  whose  selection,  having  been  long  familiar 
to  Englishmen  through  the  Use  of  Sarum  (circa 
A.D.  1078),  was  wisely  retained  in  all  important 
particulars  by  those  who  compiled  the  two 
Prayer  Books  of  Edward  Vlth's  reign.  Besides 
the  Comes,  and  widely  departing  from  it,  exist 
lectionaries  of  the  Galilean  and  Spanish  churches, 
the  former  rendered  accessible  by  the  labours  of 
Cardinal  Bona  (De  rebus  liturgicis,  Paris,  1672), 
of  Thomasius  {Liber  Sacramentorum,  Rome, 
1680),  and  of  Mabillon  (De  litui-gia  Gollicana, 
Paris,  1685,  &c.)  [Gospels].  There  can  be  little 
doubt  that  the  peculiar  features  of  the  Gallican 
service-book  were  derived  from  that  close  inter- 
course which  subsisted  between  the  churches  of 
Asia  and  of  Southern  Gaul,  commencing  with 
the  mission  of  Pothinus  in  the  middle  of  the  '2nd 
century.  Its  variations  from  the  Roman  standard 
attracted  the  notice  of  our  St.  Augustine  at  the 
end  of  the  6th  century  (Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  i.  27), 
and  held  their  ground  for  nearly  two  centuries 
later,  when  Pepin  and  Charlemagne  gradually 
brought  in  the  Roman  missal.  The  Spanish 
or  Mozarabic  liturgy  seems  originally  to  have 
been    the    same   as  the  Gallican,  but  in  course 


LECTIONARY 

of  time  considerable  divergences  arose  between 
them.  It  had  not  to  yield  to  the  Roman  Use 
before  the  end  of  the  11th  century,  and  its 
memory  was  long  cherished  by  reason  of  the 
proud  national  feeling  of  the  Spanish  clergy  and 
people  (Palmer,  Origines  Liturgicae,  sect,  x.)  In 
this  Mozarabic  Use  from  Easter  to  Pentecost,  in 
the  Gallican  during  Easter  week,  and  in  the 
Cojnes  on  the  octave  of  Pentecost,  the  Apocalypse, 
which  we  have  not  yet  met  with,  is  read  as  a 
kind  of  third  lesson,  and  before  the  Epistle.' 
Again,  in  Greek  lectionaries,  portions  taken  from 
the  Old  Testament  are  of  rare  occurrence,  as  in 
Christ's  College  Evangelistarium,  where  passages 
from  the  Septuagint  version  (Isa.  iii.  9-13 ;  Hi. 
13-liv.  1;  Jer.  xi.  18-xii.  15;  Zech.  xi.  10-14) 
are  included  in  the  services  for  the  Holy  Week. 
In  the  Latin  books,  however,  they  are  found  to  a 
far  greater  extent,  nor  ought  any  argument  for 
a  more  modern  date  be  drawn  from  their  pre- 
sence in  the  Comes.  St.  Ambrose  expressly 
testifies  that  in  his  time  the  book  of  Jonah  was 
read  in  the  Holy  Week,  and  the  first  chapter  of 
that  prophet  is  found  in  the  Gallican  and  the 
Spanish,  as  well  as  in  the  Comes,  as  part  of  the 
course  for  Easter  Even.  The  book  of  Job,  on  the 
other  hand,  is  not  met  with  there,  although  the 
language  of  Jerome  as  well  as  of  Ambrose  might 
lead  us  to  expect  it  (Bingham,  Antiquities,  book 
xiv.  ch.  iii.  3).  Reserving  for  a  separate  article 
[Prophets]  much  further  notice  of  the  lessons 
from  the  Old  Testament  (which  were  chiefly 
taken  from  Genesis,  the  Proverbs,  and  Isaiah), 
we  subjoin  the  table  of  Western  Epistles  and 
Gospels  for  the  Sundays  and  greater  feasts 
throughout  the  year,  according  to  the  three  most 
ancient  authorities. 


COJIES. 

Ga 

LLICAN. 

Mozarabic. 

1st  Sunday  in  Advent 

Rom. 

xiii.  11-14 

Rom. 

XV.  14-29 

Matth. 

xxi.    1-9 

. 

Luke 

iii.     1-lS 

2nd      ,.             „         

Rom. 

XV.    4-13 

. 

Rom. 

Xiii.     1-8 

Luke 

xxi.  25-33 

Matth. 

xi.     2-15 

3rd       „             „        

iCor. 

iv.     1-5 

Rom. 

Xi.  25-36 

Matth. 

xi.    2-10 

Matth. 

xxi.     1-17 

4th        „              „         

Phil. 

iv.    4-T 

1  Cor. 

XV.  22-31 

John 

i.  19-28 

Mark 

xii.  38-  xiii.  S3 

Cliristmas  Eve 

Rom. 

i.     1-6 

([Matth. 

i.  18-21,) 

John 

i.     1-15     . 

■(           Sarum  Usel    i 

Christmas  Day            

Heb. 

i.     1-12 

Heb. 

i.     1-13     . 

Heb. 

i.     1-12 

John 

i.     1-14 

Luke 

ii.    1-19     . 

Luke 

ii.     6-2U 

Sunday  after  Christmas 

Gal. 
Luke 

iv.    1-7 
ii.  33 

• 

Circumcision     . . 

Gal. 

iii.  23-29 

iCor. 

X.  14-31     . 

Phil. 

iii."l-8 

Luke 

ii.  21 

Luke 

ii.  21-46     . 

Luke 

ii.  21-tO 

Sunday  after  Circumcision     . . 

Eph. 

i.     3-14     . 

Heb. 

vi.  13-vii.  3 

Matth. 

ix.     2-35     . 

John 

i.    1-17 

Epiphany          

Isai.  Ix 

(for  Epistle) 

Isai. 

Ix.     1-16      . 

.     isai. 

Ix.    1-19 

Matth. 

ii     1-12 

Tit. 
Matth. 

i.  Il-ii.  7     . 
iii.  13-17     . 

Gal. 

iii.  27-iv.  7 

Luke 

iii.  23 

Matth. 

ii. 

John 

ii.    1-11 

Octave   of  Epiphany    (and   Sunday  ) 
within  the  Octave)                         j 

John 

i.  29-34 

1st  Sunday  after  Octave  of  Epiphany 

Rom. 

xii.     1-5 

^ , 

ICor. 

i.    6-31     . 

Rom. 

i.    1-17 

Luke 

ii.  41-52 

Luke 

iv.  16-22     . 

Luke 

ii.  42-52 

2ud       „                „                   „         .. 

Rom. 

xii.     6-16 

ICor. 

X.     1-13     . 

Kom. 

vi.  12-18 

.Tohn 

ii.    1-11 

Matth. 

xxii.  36-xxiii.  12    Luke 

iv.  14-22 

3rd        „               „                  ,.        .. 

Rom. 

xii.  16-21 

Rom. 

vi.  19-23 

Matth. 

viii.     1-13 

Luke 

Xl.  29-41 

4th        „               „                   „        .. 

(Rom. 
JL'ltth^ 

xiii.     8-10? 
iii.  1-5,  Sarum" 

} 

Rom. 

vii.  14-25 

viii.  23-27 

Luke 

xii.  10-31 

Feast  of  Purification 

r- 

iii.    1-4  (fori 

i  Mai. 
tPhil. 

iii.    1-4; 

Epistle) 

i 

• 

iii.     1-18 

Luke 

Ii.  22-32 

Luke 

ii.  22-40 

6th  Sunday  after  Octave  of  Epiphany 

Col. 
;  Matth. 

iii.  12-17 
xi.  25-30? 

V 

Rom. 

T.nVp  1 

viii.    3-11 

ii     Ri_Tiit     IT 

(.[  „  xiii.  24-30,  Sarum]  5 


LECTIONARY 


LECTIONARl' 


96i 


S(.'ptuagesima  Sunday 
Spxagesima  Sunday     . . 
Quinquagesiraa  Sunday 
Dies  Cinerum     . . 

1st  Sunday  in  Quadragesima 

2nd 

3rd 

4th 

5  th 

Dies  Palmarum 

G-reat  AVeek,  2nd  day  . . 

„  3rd  day  . . 

4  th  day 

In  Coena  Domini 

Paraaceue  (Good  Friday)    , 

<3reat  Sabbath  (Easter  Even) 


Pascha  (Easter  Day)    . . 

Tilaster  Monday 

£aster  Tuesday 

4th  day  in  Easter  week 

5  th  day 

6th  day  „ 

Sabbath 

Octave  of  Easter  Day  . . 

2nd  Sunday  after  Easter 

3rd 

4th 


5th 

Rogation  Days 
Vigil  of  Ascension 
Ascension  Day  . . 


2  Cor. 

xi.  19-xii.  9 

I.ulce 

viii.    4-15 

iCor. 

xiii.    1-13 

Luke 

xviii.  31-43 

_i  Joel 

ii.  12-19  (fo 

'} 

Epistle) 

Matth. 

vi.  16-21 

2  Cor. 

vi.     1-10 

2  Cor 

Matth. 

iv.     1-11 

1  Thesb 

.     iv.     1-V 

Matth. 

XV.  21-23 

Eph. 

V.     1-9 

Euke 

xi.  14-28 

Gal. 

iv.  22-v.  1 

John 

vi.     1-14 

Heb. 

ix.  11-15 

John 

viii.  46-59 

Phil. 

ii.     5-11 

Heb. 

Mark 

xi.    1-10.' 

John 

Matth. 

xxvi.  1-xxvii. 

61 

Isai. 

1.     5-11 

Zech. 

xi.  12-13 

Dan. 

John 

xii.    1,  &c. 

;  Jer.  xi 

18  and  Wisd. 

7 

Jer. 

JfOZARABIC. 

1  Cor.  i.  10-ir 

Luke  xiv.  26-35 
1  Cor.  ii.  10-iii.  6 
I>uke  XV.  11-32 
1  Cor.  xii.  27-xiii.  3 
Luke       xvi.     1-15 


James 


13-21 


Matth.  iv.     1-1 1 

2  Cor.  V.  20-vi.  10 

John  iv.    5-42 

James  ii.  14-23 

John  ix.     1-38 

1  Pet.  i.  1-12 
John  xi.    1-52 

2  Pet.  i.  1-11 
John  vii.  2-24 
1  John  i.  1-7 
John  X.  1-16 
Gal.  i.  1-12 
John  xi.  55-xii.  13 


^  ii.  12,  &c. 

Mark  xiv.  l,  &o. 
Isai.  Ixii.  11,  &c. 
liii.  1,  &c. 
Luke  xxii.  1,  &c. 
1  Cor.  xi.  17-32 
John       xiii.    1-38  ? 


xix. 

7-13 

iii. 

1-22     . 

.     1  John        ii.  12-17 
Matth.  xxvi.    2-16 

Matth.    xxvi.    2-5 


^Hos.  vi.  1,  &c.    Ex.     ■)     Isai.    Iii.  13-liii.  12 
I  xii.  2,  &c.  5     Jer.  xi.  15-20 ;  xii.  7- 

John  xviii.  1-xix.  37     ..     Amos      viii.    4-11 


Gen.  i.  v.  xxii.;  Ex. 
xii.  xiv.;  Baruch  iii.; 
Ezek.  iii.;  Isai.  iv. ; 
Jonah  i. ;  Dent.  xxxi. 
xxxii. ;  Dan.  iii. ;  Ps. 
xiii. ;  Col.  iii. ;  Matth. 
xxviii. 


Gen.  vii.  in-viii.  21 ; 
xxii.  1-19 ;  xxvii.  i-40 ; 
Ex.  xii.  1-50;  xiii.  18- 
xiv.;  XV.;  Ezek.  xxxvii. 
1-14;  Isai.  i.  iii.  iv. ; 
Jonah  i. ;  Rom.  vi.  3- 
12 ;  Matth.  xxviii. 


1  Cor.  xi.  20-34 
Luke      xxii.    7-62 

Isai.  Iii.  13-Iiii.  12 
Prov.  iii.  24-26 
1  Cor.  V.  6-vi.  11 
JIatth.  xxvii.  1-54 
John  xix.  31-35 
Gen.  i.  v.  xxii. ;    Ex. 

xii.    4 ;     Isai.    ii. ; 

Ezek.  xxxvii. ;  Hab. 

i. ;  Jonah  i. ;  Dan.  iii.; 
Rom.  vi.  1-1 1 ;  Matth. 

xxviii, 


ICor. 

V 

7,8 

.     ICor. 

XV. 

.     Apoc. 

i. 

1-8 

Mark 

xvi. 

1-11 

.     Luke 

xxiv. 

1-12     '. 

.     Acts 
John 

14-39 
1-18 

Acts 

ii. 

14-25 

.     Apoc. 

1.  ii. 

1-7      . 

.     Apoc. 

ii 

1-7 

Luke 

xxiv. 

13-35 

.     Acts 

ii. 

14-40      . 

.     Acts 

i. 

15-26 

Markxv.47-.xvi.  11     . 

.     Mark 

xvi. 

9-20 

Acts 

xiii. 

26-33 

.     Apoc. 

ii. 

8-17      . 

.     Apoc. 

ii. 

8-U 

Luke 

xxiv. 

36-48 

.     Acts 

i. 

15-26     . 

.     Acts 
Luke 

ii. 
xxiv. 

42-47 
13-35 

Acts 

xiii. 

10-25 

.     Acts 

XV. 

1-13     . 

.     Apoc. 

ii. 

12-17 

John 

.xxi 

1-14 

.     ICor. 

XV. 

47-56     . 

.     Acts 

iii. 

1-9 

John 

xi. 

1-45      . 

.     Luke 

xxiv. 

36-46 

Acts 

viii 

26-40 

.     Apoc. 

xiv. 

1-7       . 

.     Apoc. 

ii. 

18-29 

John 

XX 

11-18 

.     Acts 

iii. 

1-19     . 

.     Acts 

iii. 

12-29 

John 

XX 

.     1-9     . 

.     Luke 

x.\iv. 

46-53 

1  Pet. 

iii. 

18-22 

.     Apoc. 

xix. 

5-16     . 

.     Apoc. 

iii. 

1-6 

Matth. 

x.xviii 

16-20 

.     Acts 

V. 

17-41      . 

.     Acts 

iii. 

19-26 

John 

XX. 

11-18     . 

.     John 

xxi. 

1-14 

1  Pet. 

ii 

1-10 

.     Apoc. 

xxi. 

1-8       . 

.     Apoc. 

iii. 

14-22 

John 

XX. 

1-10 

.     ICor. 

XV. 

31-45      . 

.     Acts 

viii. 

26-40 

John 

xxi. 

1-14      . 

.     John 

xxi. 

15-19 

John 

V. 

4-10 

.     1  Cor. 

XV. 

12-28      . 

.     Apoc. 

v. 

1-13 

John 

XX. 

19-31 

.     John 

XX. 

19-31     . 

.     Acts 
John 

XX. 

26-39 
19-31 

1  Pet. 

ii 

21-25 

Apoc. 

iii. 

1-6 

John 

X.  12 

(11)-16 

Acts 
Jolm 

iii. 

V. 

5-12 
1-18 

1  Pet. 

ii 

11-19 

Apoc. 

xiv. 

1-7 

John 

xvi. 

16-22 

• 

Acts 
John 

iv.' 

13-22 
45-54 

James 

j. 

17-21 

.     Luke 

xvi. 

22-31      . 

.     Apoc. 

xix. 

11-16 

John 

xvi'. 

6-15 

Acts 

iv. 

23-31 

Luke 

viii.  40-ix.  2 

James 

i 

22-2T 

.     Acts 

xvi. 

19-36      . 

.     Apoc. 

.xxii. 

1-5 

John 

xvi 

23-30 

.     ilark 

vii. 

31-37     . 

.     Acts 
Mark 

i^i! 

12-32 
13-22 

James  v.  16-20 

Luke  xi.    6-13 

Eph.  iv.    7-13 

John  xvii.     1-26 

Acts  i.     1-11 

Mark  xvi.  14-20 


Acts  i.  i-11  ;  Eph.  iv. 
1-13;  John  xiii.  33- 
35 ;  xiv.  1-14  ;  Luke 
xxiv.  49-53 


Apoc. 
Acts 
John 


CHRIST.  ANT.— VOL.  H. 


964 


LECTIONAKY 


LECTIONARY 


Comes. 

Sunday  after  Ascension         . .         . .        1  Pet.        iv.  (7)-ll 
John   XV.  26-xvi.  4 

Vigil  of  Tentecost        Gen.  i.  xxii. ;  Ex.  xv. ; 

Deut.  xxxi. ;  Isai.  iv. ; 

Jer.  iii. ;  P.s.  xlii. 
Acts  xix. ;  John  xiv. 
Day  of  Pentecost         Acts  ii.    1-11 

John        xiv.  23-31 

Octave  of  Pentecost Apoc.  iv.    1-10 

Acts  V.  29-42? 

•John  iii.     1-15 

2nd  Sunday  after  Pentecost  . .         . .        1  John  iv.    8-21 

Luke  xvi.   1  or  19-31 

3rd        „               „                  ....         1  John  iii.  13-13 

Luke  xiv.  16-24 

4th        „               „                  ....         iPet.  V.     6-11 

Luke  XV.     1-10 

5th        „                „                  ....         Rom.  viii.  18-23 

Luke  vi.  36-42 

6th        „               „                 ....        1  Pet.  iii.    8-15 

Luke  V.    1-11 

7th        „                „                  ....         Rom.  vi.    3-11 

Matth.  V.  20-24 


Gallican. 

MOZABABIC. 

Acts  xviii.  22-xix.  12. 

Apoc. 

vii.     9-12- 

John      xvii.     1-26     . 

Acts 

xiv.     7-16 

Mark 

ix.  13-28 

Num. 

xi.  16-29 

Acts 

xix.     ]-6 

John 

iii.     1-18 

Joel            ii.  21-32     . 

Apoc. 

xxii.     6-17 

Acts            ii.     1-21     . 

Acts 

ii.     1-21 

John         xiv.  16-29     . 

John 

xiv.  15-27 

Gal.            vi.     8-14     . 

Eph. 

i.  16-ii.  10 

Matth.     xvi.  24-27     . 

Luke 

xix.     1-16 

ICor. 

xiv.  26-40 

Matth. 

iv.  18-25 

2  Cor. 

iii.  4-iv.  6 

Matth. 

viii.  23-27 

Gal. 

iii.  13-26 

Matth. 

xil.  30-50 

Phil. 

ii.     5-18 

Matth. 

viii.  28-ix.  g 

iCor. 

iii.  18-iv.  5 

Matth. 

xiii.    3-23 

ICor. 

i.  18-ii.  9 

Matth. 

xiii.  24-43 

For  the  rest  of  the  ecclesiastical  year  we  can 
use  only  the  Comes,  whose  lessons  are  here 
almost  identical  with  those  of  our  Book  of  Com- 
mon Prayer,  only  that  they  are  sometimes  rather 
shorter. 


8th  Sunday  after  Pentecost . . 

Rom. 

vi.  19-23 

Mark 

viii.    1-9 

9th      „ 

Rom. 

viii.  12-17 

Matth. 

vu.  15-21 

10th      „ 

ICor. 

x.    6-13 

Luke 

xvi.     1-9 

11th      „ 

ICor. 

xil.    2-11 

Luke 

xix.  41-47 

12th       „ 

ICor. 

XV.     1-10 

Luke 

xviii.     9-14 

13th      „ 

2  Cor. 

iii.     4-9 

Mark 

vii.  31-37 

14th      „ 

Gal. 

iii.  16-22 

Luke 

X.  23-37 

15th      „ 

Gal. 

V.  16-24 

Luke 

xvii.  11-19 

ICth      „ 

Gal. 

v.  26-? 

Matth. 

vi.  24-33 

nth     „ 

Eph. 

iii.  13-21 

Luke 

vii.  11-16 

18th      » 

Eph. 

iv.     1-6 

Luke 

xiv.     1-11 

19th      „ 

iCor. 

i.     4-8 

Matth. 

XXU.  34-46 

20th      „ 

Eph. 

iv.  23-28 

Matth. 

ix.     1-8 

21st       „ 

Eph. 

V.  15-21 

Matth. 

xxii.     1-14 

22nd     „ 

Eph. 

vi.  10-17 

John 

iv.  46-53 

23rd      „ 

Phil. 

i.     6-11 

Matth. 

xviii.  23-35 

24th      „ 

Phil. 

iii.  17-21 

Matth. 

xxii.  15-21 

25th       „ 

Col. 

i.    9-11 

Matth. 

ix.  18-22 

26th      „ 

Rom. 

xi.  25-32 

Mark 

xii.  28-34? 

Sunday  next  before  Advent  . . 

Jer.  xxiii.  5-8  (for 

the  Epistle) 

John 

vi.    5-14 

The  Roman  service-books  do  not  contain  the 
lessons  for  the  26th  Sunday  after  Pentecost, 
though,  like  the  Comes,  they  appoint  Jer.  xxiii. 
5-8  and  John  vi.  5-14  for  the  Sunday  next  be- 
fore Advent.  The  Sarum  missal  adopts  the 
modern  method  of  reckoning  by  Sundays  after 
Trinity,  and  even  in  the  Comes  the  extra  lesson 


from  the  Apocalypse,  and  perhaps  the  Gospel 
also,  bear  upon  the  mystery  now  commemorated 
on  the  octave  of  Pentecost.  Thus  in  the  Roman 
use,  as  in  our  modern  books,  the  Sundays  of  the 
year  provided  with  Epistles  and  Gospels  are 
fifty-four,  in  the  Comes  fifty-five,  since  the  ser- 
vice for  the  octave  of  Epiphany  could  be  taken 
for  the  first  Sunday  after  Epiphany,  if  six 
Sundays  should  intervene  between  Jan.  6  and 
Septuagesima.  It  also  deserves  notice  that  in 
the  Ambrosian  liturgy,  which  has  not  yet  been 
displaced  by  the  Roman  in  the  province  of  Milan, 
as  also  in  the  Mozarabic  use,  there  are  six  Sun- 
days in  Advent,  which  commences  on  the  first 
Sunday  after  St.  Martin's  day  (Nov.  11),  not  on 
the  Sunday  nearest  to  St.  Andrew's  day  (Nov.  30), 
as  in  the  rest. 

X.  Menologies,  or  Calendars  of  Saints^  Days^ 
Kith  their  -proper  Lessons. — The  several  schemes 
for  ordering  the  Epistles  and  Gospels  throughout 
the  year,  as  adopted  by  the  ancient  church  in  its 
various  branches,  bear  so  little  resemblance  to 
each  other  that  it  seemed  advisable  to  keep  the 
Greek  Synaxaria  separate  from  the  corresponding 
tables  of  the  Coptic  and  Western  communions.  The 
menologies,  on  the  other  hand,  wherein  the  lesser 
festivals  and  saints'  day  services  are  arranged 
according  to  their  respective  places  in  the  eccle- 
siastical year,  may  very  well  be  comprised  in  a 
single  table.  We  select  from  the  mass  of  such  days 
those  which  have  been  widely  celebrated  or  are 
in  any  other  way  characteristic  or  remarkable. 
The  italic  letters,  c,  g,  m,  r,  s,  will  suffice  to 
indicate  what  belongs  to  the  Coptic,  Galilean, 
Mozarabic,  Roman  (^Comcs),  or  Jerusalem  Syriac 
books  respectively.  The  lessons  to  which  no 
such  letter  is  annexed  are  of  Greek  origin,  and 
we  commence  with  the  beginning  of  the  Eastern 
ecclesiastical  year,  being  Aug.  29  with  the  Copts, 
Sept.  1  with  the  Greeks.  The  variations  noted 
(e.  g.  Sept.  2  infra)  are  those  of  Greek  manuscripts 
adapted  to  church  reading. 

Aug.  29.    The  New  Year  (1st  d.iy  of  Tot)— 

Evensong    ..     Matth.   ix.  14-17? 
Matins        . .     Mark      ii.  18-22. 
Liturgy      . .     Luke     iv.  14-22.  c. 
The  Copts  kept  the  Beheading  of  John  the 
Baptist  a  day  later,  vide  infra. 
Sept.  1.    Simeon  Stylites — 

Col.  iii.  12-16.    .Luke  iv.  16-22.    Also  in  s. 


LECTIONARY 

Sept.  2.    John  the  Faster — 

1  Tim.  ii.  1-Y  (Heb.  vii.  26-30,  B-C  iii.  24). 
Mark  v.  14-19  (Wake  12). 
John  X.  9-16  (Harl.  5598,  Gale). 
John  XV.  1-11  (Parham,  18). 
„    3.    Our  Fatner  Antioma — 

John  s.  7-16.    s. 
„    4.    Babylas  and  the  saints  with  him— 

Luke  X.  1-3 ;  x.  12.    Also  in  s. 
„    5.    Zacharias,  Father  of  the  Baptist— 

Matth.  xxiii.  29-39.    «. 
„    6.    Eudoxius,  martyr- 
Mark  xii.  28-37.    Also  in  s. 
„    8.    Birthday  of  the  Mother  of  God- 
Matins,  Luke   i.  39-56.   .s  (in  Parham  18, 

Luke  i.  39-56,  is  read  Sept.  1). 
Liturgy,   Phil.   ii.  5-11  ;    Luke  x.   38-42; 
xi.  27,  28.    Also  in  s. 
„  14.    For  the  Greek,  Syriac,  and  Coptic  services  of 

this  season,  see- above,  p.  60. 
„  15.    Nicetas— Heb.    xiii.   7-16;    Matth.    x.   16-22. 

Also  in  s. 
„  16.    Euphemia — Rom.  viii.  14-21;  Luke  vii.  36-50 

(Gale).    Also  in  s. 
„  18.    Theodora— Epistle  as  Sept.   2  ;    Gospel,  John 
viii.  3-11.    (So  Parham  18  ;  but  Theodosia, 
Luke  vii.  36-50  in  Codex  Cyprius.) 
This    section,  as  we  noticed  above,    p.  53,  is 
only    read   at  commemorations    of  the    present 
kind.      The    Jerusalem    Syriac   and    the    Codex 
Cyprius    have    it   for  Pelagia   Oct.  8,    and    the 
Christ's  College   copy  has  John  viii.   1-11   also 
for  Pelagia,   but  on  Aug.  31.       In  two  of  the 
Burdett-Coutts    manuscripts  John  viii.  3-11   is 
appointed  els  jj-iravoovvras  Ktti  yvvaiKcSy. 
Sept.  20.  Eustathius  and  his  company — 

Eph.  vl.  10-17;  Luke  xxi.  12-19.  Also  ins. 
„     21.  Jonah,  the  prophet— Luke  xi.  29-33.    s. 
„    24.  Thecla— 2  Tim.  i.  3-9 ;  Matth.  xxv.  1-13.  Also 
by  the  Greeks  on  Nov.  8,  Heb.  ii.  2-10; 
Luke  X.  16-21. 
,,    29.  Michael  and  all  Angels,  r— 

Comes.    Apoc.  iv.  1-11 ;  Matth.  xviii.  1-10. 
Mozar.    Apoc.  xii.  7-11 ;   2  Thess.  i.  3-12; 
Matth.  xxv.  31-46. 
Kept  by  the  Coptics  on  Nov.  8— 
Evensong  . .  Matth.  xiii.  44-52. 
Matins        . .  Luke    xv.    3-7. 
Liturgy      . .  Matth.  xiii.  31-43. 
„    30.  Gregory  the  Armenian — 

Col.  ;  Matth.  xxiv.  42-47  (51  s). 

Oct.  2.  Cyprian  and  Justin— John  xv.  1-11  (Gale). 
„      3.  Dionysius   the  Areopagite — Acts   xvii.  16-23, 

3ii;  Matth.  xiii.  45-54.     Also  in  s. 
„      6.  Thomas  the  Apostle— 1  Cor.  iv.   9-16;   John 

XX.  19-31. 
„      9.  Jamos,  son  of  Alphaeus— Matth.  x.  1-7  ;  14, 15. 
„    11.  Nectarius— Matth.  v.  11-19  (Gale). 
„ ■  13.  Papjlus,  Carpus,  and  Trophimus— 

Matth.  vii.  12-21. 
„    18.  Luke  the  Evangelist- 
Col,  iv.  5-19 ;  Luke  x.  16-21.     Also  in  s. 
„    21.  Hilarion— 2    Cor.  ix.   6-11;    Luke  vi.   17-23. 

-ilso  in  s. 
„    23.  James,  6  i.Se\<(>66eo^ — James  i.  1-12 ;  Mark  vi. 

1-7  (5  s).    Kept  by  s  Dec.  23. 
„    25.  The  notaries  Marcian  and  Martorus  or  Martria — 

1  Cor.  ii).  9-]  7  ;  Luke  xii.  2-12.     Also  in  s. 
„    26.  Demetrius  and  commemoration  of  earthquake — 

2  Tim.  ii.  1-10  ;  Matth.  viii.  23-27.    Also 
in  «. 

„    30.  Cyriacus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople — 
JamiB  V.  12-16,  19 ;  Jolin  x.  9-16. 
Nov.    1.  All  Saints,  r— 

Mozar.      ..  Apoc.  vii.  2-12;  2  Cor.  i.  1-7; 

Matth.  V.  1,  2. 
Sarum,  Use.  Apoc.  vii.  2-12 ;  Matth.  v.  1-12. 


LECTIONARY 


965 


The  Greeks  kept  this  festival  on  the  Sunday 
after  Pentecost,  but  on  Nov.  1  (some  place  it 
July  1),  The  Holy  Poor  (ri..  i.yCu>„  avapyv- 
pCiov),  Cosraas  and  Damianus— 

1  Cor.  xii.  27-xiii.  7 ;  Matth.  x.  1,  5-3. 
So    also  s,  with  the  title  '  Thamnaturgorum 
Kezma  et  Damian.' 
T.   3.  Dedication  of  church  of  George  the  Martyr   c— 

Evensong  .,  Matth.  x.  16-23. 

Matins        ..       „        x.     1-23. 

Liturgy      ..  Luke    xxi.  12-36. 
4.  Commemoration  of  the  Four  Beasts,  c— 

Evensong   ..  Mark  viii.  34-ix.  1. 

Matins        . .  John  xii.  26-36. 

Liturgy      ..      „       1.  43. 

13.  JohnChrj'sostom  — 

Heb.  vii.  26-viii.  2;  John  x.  9-lC. 

14.  Philip  the  Apostle- 

Acts  viii.  26-39;  John  i.  44-55. 

16.  Matthew  the  Apostle— 

1  Cor.  iv.  9-16;  Matth.  ix.  9-13. 

17.  Gregory  Thaumaturgus— 

1  Cor.  xii.  7,  8,  10,  11  (B-C  iii.  24)     Matth. 
X.  1-10  (Wake  12). 

21.  Martyrdom  of  Mercurius,  c— 

Matins        .,  Luke  xii.  2-12. 

25.  Clement  of  Rome — 

Phil.  iii.  20-iv.  3;  John  xv.  17-svi.  1. 

27.  Silas  the  Apostle,  bishop  of  Corinth- 
Acts  xvii.  10, 13-16;  xviii.  4,  5. 

30.  Andrew  the  Apostle— 

1  Cor.  iv.  9-16 ;  John  i.  35-52. 
,    3.  Copt.   (5  in   B-C  iii.  42).     Entrance  into  the 
Temple  of  the  Holy  Virgin  (a  distinct  feast 
from  that  kept  Feb.  2),  c  — 
Matins        . .  Matth.  xii.  35-50. 
4.  Barbara  and  Julian- 
Gal,  iii.  23-29 ;  Mark  v.  24-34.    Also  in  s. 

20.  Ignatius,  6  0«o0opo;— 

Heb.  iv.  14-v.  6  (Rom.  viii.  28-39,  B-C  ill. 
24) ;  Mark  ix.  33-41.    Also  in  s. 

22.  Anastasia— Mark  xii.  28-44,  s. 
Saturday  before  Christmas — 

Gal.   iii.   8-12;    Matth.  xiii.   31-58  (Luke 
xiii.  19-29,  Gale). 
Sunday  before  Christmas — 

Heb.  xi.  9,  10,  32-40;  Matth.  i.  1-25  (17,  s) 

24.  Christmas  Eve— Heb.  i.  1-12;  Luke  ii.  1  20. 
UpoeopTLa—l  Pet.  ii.  1-10  (B-C  iii.  24). 
Matins  of  the  Nativity,  s— Matth.  i.  18-25. 

25.  Christmas  Day— Gal.  Iv.  4-7  ;  Matth.  ii.  1-12. 

26.  (Greek  and  s)  eis  tjjv  avva^iv  t^s  &(ot6kov — 

Heb.  ii.  11-18;  Matth.  ii.  13-23. 
Saturday  after  Christmas— 

1  Tim.  vi.  11-16;  Matth.  xii.  15-21. 
Sunday  after  Christmas- 
Gal,  i.  11-19 ;  Mark  i.  1-3 :  the  same  lessons 
being  appointed  for  Innocents'  Day  (Dec. 
29)  with  the  Greeks  and  Copts. 
26  r,  27  Greek  (in  Wheeler  3,  Aug.  2).    Stephen- 
Acts  vi.  1-7 ;  Matth.  xxi.  33-42. 
Comes.  Acts  vi.  8-vii.  60?  Matth.  xxiii.  34-39, 
Gallic.     „     vi.  1-viii.  2;      „      xvii.  23-xviii.  11. 
Mozar.     „     vi.  4-viii.  4 ;     „     xxiii. 

27.  John  the  Evangelist— 

Comes.  Ecclus.  xv.  1-;  John  xxi.  19-24. 
Gallic.  Apoc.  xiv.  1-7 ;  Mark  x.  35-45. 
Mozar.  Wisd.  x.  9-18  ;  1  Thess.  iv.  12-16; 
John  xxi.  15-24. 
The  Greeks  keep  the  feast  of  John  the  Divine  on 
May  8,  and  the  Jer.  Syriac  that  of  John  the  son 
of  Zebedce- 

1  John  i.  1-7;  John  xix.  25-27  ;  xxi.  24,  25. 
His  fi6Ta(7Ta(Tis  is  kept  Sept.  26  with  Epistle 
12  John  iv.  1 ;  16-19  (B-C  iii.  24). 

28.  Holy  Innocents  r — 

Comes.  Apoc.    xiv.  1-5  ;    Matth.    ii.  13-18. 
Gallic.  Jer.    xxxl.  16-20;    Apoc.    vi.  9-11; 
Matth.  il. 

3  R  2 


966 


LECTIONARY 


Dec.  28.  Holy  Innocents,  r — 

Mozar.  Jer.    xxxi.   15-20  ;     2  Cor.    i.    2-7 ; 
Matth.  xviii.  1-1 1. 
Jan.    1.  Circumcision— 1  Cor.  xiii.  12-xiv.  5;    Lulse  ii. 
20,21;  40-52. 

For  Western  service,  see  p.  61. 
„      3.        Matth.  iii.  1,  5-11,  s. 

Saturday  n-pb  tuiv  ifxJJTuiv — 1  Tim.  iii.  ]3-iv.  5  ; 

Matth.  iii.  1-6. 
Sunday  Trph  toiv  <t>uin>v—2  Tim.  Iv.  5-8  (B-C 
ill.  24);  Mark  i.  1-8. 
„      5.  Vigil  of  er')(^ai/i'a— 1  Cor.   ix.  19-s.  4;   Luke 

iii.  1-18. 
„       6.  @eo<l>avia  (Epiphany) — 

JIatins    ..  Mark  i,  9-11. 
Liturgy  ..  Tit.  ii.  11-14;   iii.  4-7  :  Matth. 
iii.  13-17. 
Saturday    (xera.    to.    <|)uTa  — Eph.    vi.    10-17; 

Matth.  Iv.  1-11. 
Sunday  fura  ra  (Jxira— Eph.  iv.  7-13  ;  Matth. 

iv.  12-17.     Also  in  s. 
For  the  Coptic  Epiphany  services  see  p.  60 ; 
for  those  of  the  West,  p.  62. 
„      7.  John  the  Fore-runner — 1  John  v.  1-8;  John  i. 

29-34.     Also  in  «. 
„      8.  Blarriage  at  Cana,  c— 

Evensong  . .  Matth.  xix.  1-12. 
Matins        . .  John  iv.  43-54. 
Liturgy      ..  John  ii.  1-11. 
„    10.  Gregory  the  Younger  (Nyssen) — Eph.  iv.  7-13 ; 

Matth.  iv.  25-v.  12  (John  x.  39-42,  s). 
„    11.  Theodosius  the  Coenobiarch — Luke  vi.  17-23; 

XX.  1-8,  s. 
„    15.  'luidwov  Tou  Kakv^Crov  (Juhanna  Tentorii) — 

Matth.  iv.  2.1-v.  12,  s. 
„    16.  Mourning  for  our  Laciy,  the  Virgin,  c — 
Evensong    . .  Luke  x.  38-42. 
Matins        . .  Matth.  xii.  35-50. 
Liturgy      . .  Luke  i.  39-56. 
18.  Chair  of  St.  Peter,  r— 

Comes.  Heb.    v.  1-10  ?  Matth.  xvi.  13-19. 
Gallic.  Acts  xii.  1-17;    Matth.    xvi.  13-19  ; 

John  xxi.  15-19. 
Ifozar.  1  Pet.  v.  1-5  ;  Matth.  xvi.  13-19. 
20.  Euthymius— 2  Cor.  iv.  6-11 ;  Matth.  xi.  27-30. 

22.  Timothy— 2  Tim.  i.  3-9  ;  Matth.  x.  32,  33,  37, 

38;  xix.  27-30. 

23.  Clement— Phil.  ii.  9-?  Matth.  xii.  1-8. 
„    28.  Efrem  patris  nostri — Matth.  v.  14-19. 

Feb.     1.  Vigil  of  Presentation— (irpb   eopr^;),  Heb.  vi. 
19,  20  ;  vii.  1-7. 
„      2.  Presentation  of  Christ  in  the  Temple— 

Heb.  vii.  7-17;  Luke  ii.  22-40.     Also  in  s. 

For  Coptic  service  see  p.  60;  for  Western,  p.  62. 

„      3.  Simeon  6  fleoSoxo!  and  Anna — Heb.  ix.  11-14; 

Luke  ii.  25-38. 
„    15.  Onesimus  the  Apostle,  bishop  of  Illyricum — 

PhUem.  1-3,  10-18,  23-25. 
„    23.  Polycarp — Eph.  iv.  7-13  ;  John  xii.  24-36. 
„    24.  Finding  of  John  Baptist's  Head — 
Matins        ..  Luke  vii.  18-29. 
Liturgy      . .  2  Cor.  iv.   6-11 ;    Matth.  si. 
5-14  (2-15,  s). 
March  8.  Hennas  the  Apostle,  bishop  of  Dalmatia— 
Heb.  xii.  1-10. 
„      9.  The  Forty  Martyrs  in  Sebais— Heb.  xii.  1-3? 

Matth.  XX.  1-16.    Also  in  s. 
„    24.  Vigilof  the  Annunciation— Luke  i.  39-56  (Gale). 
„    25.  Annunciation — Heb.  ii.  11-18;   Luke  i.  24-38. 
Also  in  s. 
ilozar.  Phil.  iv.  4-9 ;  Matth.  i.  1-23. 
Sarum  Use.  Luke  i.  26-38. 
April  1.  Mariam    Aegyptiacae— Luke   vii.  36-50.      See 
note  on  Sept.  18. 
„    23.  St.  George  the  Martyr,  o  Tpo7raio(J>dpo5 — 

Matins     . .  Mark  xiii.  9-13  (B-C  iif.  42). 
Liturgy  ..  Acts  xii.  l-ll  (Cod.  Bezae),  or 
1  Cor.  iii.  9-17. 


LECTIONARY 

April  25.  (Oct.  19,  B-C  iii.  24)  Mark  the  Evangelist- 
Col,  iv.  5,  10,  11,  18;  Mark  vi.  7-13. 
„    30.  James,  son  of  Zebedee— Matth.  x.  1-7,  14,  15. 
May  2.  Athanasius— Heb.  iv.  14-v.  6;  Matth.  v.  14-19. 
„    21.  Constantine  and  Helen — Acts  xxv.  13-19  (xxvi. 

1,  12-20,  B-C  iii.  24);  John  x.  2-5,  27-30. 
„    26.  Jude  the  Apostle— John  xiv.  21-24. 
June  11.  Baitliolomew  and  Barnabas  the  Apostles — 
Acts  xi.  19-30  ;  Mark  vi.  7-13. 
„    14.  Eli.sha  the  Prophet— James  v.  10-20;  Luke  iv. 

22-30.    Also  in  s. 
„     19.  Jude  6  <15eA.</)oe«os— Mark  vi.  7-13. 
„    23.  Vigil  of  John  the  Baptist- 
Comes.  Jer.  i.  5 ;  Luke  i.  5-17. 

Isai.  xii.  27,  &c. ;  Luke  i.  18-25. 
„    24.  liirth  of  John  the  Baptist — Rom.  xiii.  11-xiv.  4; 
Luke  i.  1-25,  57-80.    Also  in  s. 
Comes.  Isai.  xlix.  1-?  Luke  i.  57-68. 
Gallic.  Isai.    xl.    1-10;    Acts  xiii.  16-47; 

Luke  i.  5-25,  56-67,  68,  80. 
Mozar.  Jer.  i.  5-19;  Gal.  i.  11-24;  Luke  i. 
57-80. 
„    28.  r.  Vigilof  St.  PeterandSt.  Paul— Acts  iii.  l,&c.; 

John  xxi.  15-24. 
„    29.  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  — 2  Cor.  x.  21-xii.  9; 
Matth.  xvi.  13-19.    Also  in  s. 
Gallic.  Acts  viii.  15-27  ;  Malth.  v.  1-16. 
Mozar.  Eph.  i.  1-14;  John  xv.  7-16. 
Sarum.  Acts  xii.  1-11 ;  Matth.  xvi.  13-19. 
„    30.  The  Twelve  Apostles— Matth.  x.  1-8  (ix.  36- 
X.  8,  s). 
July    8.  Procopius— Luke  vi.  17-19;  ix.  1,  2;  x.  16-21. 
„    22.  Mary  Magdalene,  j)  nvpo</)dpos — 2Tim.  ii.  1-10  ; 
Mark  xvi.  9-20  (Luke  viii.  1-3,  s). 
Aug.    1.  The    Maccabees — Heb.  xi.  24-40 ;    Matth.  x. 
16-22.     Also  in  s. 
Mozar.  Wisd.   v.  1-5,  16,  17;  Eph.  i.  1,  &c.; 
Luke  ix.  1-6. 
„    6.  Transfiguration— 

Matins        . .  Luke    ix.  29  (28,  «)-46,    or 

Mark  ix.  2-9. 
Liturgy       ..  2  Pet.  i.  10-19;  Matth.  xvii. 
1-9  (s  adds  10-22). 
For  the  Coptic  see  p.  60  ;    Mozar.  as  in  octave 
of  Pentecost. 
„    7.  Dometius  the  Martyr— Mark  xi.  22-26  ;  Matth. 

vii.  7,  8. 
„    15.  Assumption    of   the    Virgin— Phil.    ii.    5-11; 

Luke  X.  38-42. 
„    20.  Thaddeus  the  Apostle— 1  Cor.  iv.  9-16  ;  Matth. 

X.  16-22. 
„    25.  Titus— 2  Tim.  ii.  1-10;  Matth.  v.  14-19. 
„    29  (30  of  Copts,  as  29  begins  their  new  year).    Be- 
heading of  John  the  Baptist- 
Matins     . .  Matth.  xiv.  1-13. 
Liturgy   . .  Acts  xiii.  25^32  (39,  B-Ciii.24) 
Mark  vi.  14-30. 
Also  in  s. 

Comes.  Heb.  xi.  36,  &c. ;  Mark  vi.  17,  &<;. 
Gallic.  Heb.  xi.  33-xii.  7  ;  Matth.  xiv.  1-14. 
Mozar.  2  Cor.  xii.  2-9 ;  Matth.  xiv.  1-14.  ' 

At  the  end  of  the  Calendar  are  added  in  most 
lectionaries  a  few  proper  lessons  for  special  occa- 
sions.    Such  are  the  following : — 

Eis  TO  eyxaivia,  Dedication  of  a  Church— 2  Cor.  v.  15-21, 
or  Heb.  ix.  1-7  ;  John  x.  22-28. 
Comes.  Apoc.  xxii.  2,  &c.     Gallic.  Gen.  xxviii.  11-22. 
1  Cor.    iii.  8,  &c.  1  Cor.  iii.  9-17. 

1  Kings  viii.  22,  &c.  John  x.  22-28. 

Luke  xix.  1,  &c.  Luke  xix.  1-10. 

?  acrfld'oOi'To; — James  v.  10-15;  Eom.  vi.  18-23;  xv. 
1-7;  Matth.  viii.  14-17  ;  x.  1 ;  John  iv.  46-53. 
avon^piai/- James  v.  17-20  (B-C  iii.  24);  Matth. 
xvi.  1-3;  Luke  iv.  24-26  (Harl.  5598). 
5  KOiixrjeevTa'; — Acts  ix.  32-42;  Rom.  xiv.  6-9;  1  Cor. 
XV.  20-58;  2  Cor.  v.  1-10;  1  Thess.  iv.  13-17  ; 
John  V.  24-30.    The  last  two  lessons  are  included 


LECTOR 

in  the  efoSiaTTi/cbc,  or  Greek  Burial  Service,  in 
B-C  iii.  42. 
Sanctae  Cliristianae,  s — Matth.  xxv.  1-13. 
Justorum,  s— Mattli.  xi.  2Y-30. 

Comes.  1  Mace.  ii. ;  1  Thess.  iv. ;  1  Cor.  xv. ;  Ezek. 
xxxvii.;  Apoc.  xiv. ;  John  v.  vi.  xi. 
Depositio  Episcopi — 
Gallic.  Isai.  xxvi.  2-20.        Mozar.  Job  xix.  25-27. 
1  Cor.  XV.  1-22.  Rom.  xiv.  7-9. 

John  vi.  49-59.  John  v.  24-30. 

Depositio  Christiani — 

Gallic.  1  Cor.  xv.  51-58;  John  v.  19-30. 

XI.  Relation  of  Lectionaries  to  the  Chapter- 
divisions  of  the  New  Testament. — Since  lection- 
aries exhibit  the  text  of  the  New  Testament 
piece-meal,  and  in  an  order  peculiar  to  them- 
selves, the  usual  divisions  into  larger  chapters 
(Kecpd\aia),  and,  in  the  Gospels,  into  the  so- 
called  Ammonian  sections,  have  no  place  in 
them.  At  the  end  of  certain  ordinary  manu- 
scripts of  the  Gospels,  however,  we  find  stated 
the  number  of  lections  (avayvuxruaTa)  which 
each  contains,  not  without  some  variation  in  the 
several  amounts.  Wake  25  at  Christ  Church, 
and  [5]  ii.  A.  5  at  Modena  agree  in  reckoning 
the  avayvdiafxaTa  in  St.  Matthew  at  116,  in  St. 
Mark  at  71,  in  St.  Luke  at  114,  in  St.  John  at 
67.  Euthalius,  bishop  of  Sulci,  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  5th  century,  divided  the  Acts  into 
16  avayvdxreis  or  avayvda-fjiara,  St.  Paul's 
Epistles  into  31  ;  but  these  must  have  been  long 
paragraphs,  and  can  have  had  no  connection  with 
the  much  shorter  lessons  in  the  Praxapostolos 
which  we  have  enumerated  above. 

XII.  Literature. — Add  to  the  references  an- 
nexed to  [Gospel],  and  to  those  cited  in  the 
course  of  the  present  article,  F.  H.  Rheinwald, 
Kirchliche  Archiiologie,  Berlin,  1830,  pp.  273-6, 
442-459  ;  Campion  and  Beaumont,  Frailer  Book 
Interleaved,  Cambridge,  1866,  passim  ;  F.  H.  Scri- 
vener, Flain  Introduction  to  the  Criticism  of  the 
New  Testament,  2nd  edition,  Cambridge.  1874, 
pp.  69,  71,  75-82,  290-3.  [F.  H.  S.] 

LECTOR.    [Reader.] 

LEGACY.    [Property  of  the  Church]. 

LEGATE.  The  words  Trpea^evrris,  legatus, 
legator  ills  (Bede,  E.  H.  i.  29,  etc.)  are  used  in  eccle- 
siastical documents  for  agents  or  emissaries  of 
ecclesiastical  authorities. 

I.  Various  imtances  of  the  emplo;iment  of 
legates  or  deputies. — Sometimes  they  were  sent  by 
councils.  Two  bishops,  Epigonius  and  Vincentius, 
were  sent  by  the  6th  council  of  Carthage  on  an 
embassy  to  procure  from  the  emperor  the  light 
of  asylum  for  criminals  in  all  churches.  {Cod.  Ecd. 
Afric.  can.  56.)  Legates  were  sent  from  the  same 
council  to  the  bishops  of  Rome  and  Milan  (c.  56) 
and  to  the  Donatists  (c.  69).  It  is  also  probable 
that  after  the  time  of  Constantine  legates  were 
sent  from  the  great  councils  to  announce  their 
decisions  to  the  emperor.  (Vales.  Annot.  in 
Theodoret.  H.  E.  iv.  8.)  Legates  were  also  sent 
to  councils  as  the  representatives  of  provinces. 
{Cod.  Ecd.  Afric,  praefat.  et  cc.  90-96.)  At 
the  sarne  council  (c.  90)  some  of  the  bishops  of 
Numidia  explained  that  they  were  present  as 
individuals,  as  a  foimal  legation  could  not  be 
sent  on  account  of  the  troubles  in  the  province 
[compare  Council,  I.  482].  Sometimes  they  were 
sent  as  representatives  of  individual  bishops. 
Lucifer  of  Cagliari  (for  instance)  sent  his  deacon 


LEGATE 


067 


to  represent  him  {els  rhf  aiirov  tottov)  at  an 
Alexandrian  synod,  with  power  to  accept  its 
decrees  on  his  behalf  (Socrates,  If.  E.  iii.  6). 
So  at  the  council  of  Hertford,  it  is  said  that 
Wilfrid  of  Northumberland  was  present  in  the 
persons  of  his  legates,  "per  proprios  legatarios 
adfuit."  (Bede,  //.  E.  iv.  5,  p.  147  ;  Haddan 
and  Stubbs,  iii.  119.)  They  were  also  sent  by 
bishops  to  transact  their  business  with  other 
sees.  Such  were  the  legates  (vpeo-ffevrds)  sent 
by  Flavian,  bishop  of  Antioch  to  Rome,  A.D.  381 
(Theodoret,  I/.  E.  v.  23).  Bede  (//.  E.  i.  33,  p. 
74)  speaks  of  a  certain  abbat  Peter,  who  being 
sent  as  a  legate  to  Gaul,  was  drowned  on  his 
passage  at  Arnfleet,  and  also  {H.  E.  ii.  20,  p.  102) 
of  a  bishop  of  Rochester,  who  was  sent  by 
Archbishop  Justus  as  his  legate  to  Honorius, 
bishop  of  Rome,  and  drowned  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean. 

II.  Legates  of  the  Roman  See. — In  the  Roman 
empire,  the  officials  through  whom  the  emperor 
governed  his  provinces  were  called  Legati{J)iCT. 
OF  Greek  and  Rom.  Antiq.  s.c]  As  the  extent  of 
the  ecclesiastical  dominion  claimed  by  the  Roman 
see  was,  from  a  comparatively  early  period,  too 
wide  to  admit  of  the  personal  superintendence 
and  administration  of  the  pope,  he  appointed  re- 
presentatives (probably  following  the  imperial 
precedent)  to  exercise  some  portion  of  his  autho- 
rity, in  cases  where  he  could  neither  be  present 
himself,  nor  regulate  the  business  in  hand  by 
letter.  Such  representatives,  though  we  may  in- 
clude them  all  under  the  general  term  "  Legates," 
were  known  by  various  names,  according^to  the 
office  which  they  discharged.  They  were 
sometimes  sent  for  a  .special  occasion,  as  to 
represent  the  pope  at  a  council.  These  were 
legati  missi,  sometimes  said  to  be  a  latere.  At 
the  court  of  Constantinople,  and  sometimes  else- 
where, the  pope  was  always  represented  by  a 
permanent  official,  called  an  Apocrisiarius  or 
Responsalis,  corresponding  nearly  to  the  Nuncio 
of  modern  times.  And  again,  when  appeals  to 
Rome  became  frequent,  the  pope  constituted 
vicars  apostolic  in  the  most  distant  regions 
of  his  dominions  ;  that  is,  he  empowered  a 
local  prelate  to  decide  such  appeals  in  his 
name,  reserving  only  the  most  important  for  the 
decision  of  the  Roman  see  itself.  Such  a  com- 
mission was  at  first  given  to  a  particular  bishop 
personally ;  but  when  it  had  been  conferred  on 
several  successive  incumbents  of  the  same  see,  it 
naturally  came  to  be  regarded  as  a  privilege  of 
that  see.  Legates  of  this  kind  were  called  in 
the  Middle  Ages  Legati  nati. 

It  is  confessed  that  during  the  first  three  cen- 
turies of  the  church  there  are  but  faint  traces 
of  the  exercise  of  papal  authority  through  legates  ; 
though  it  is  sometimes  assum'ed  that  the  three 
persons  whom  Clement  sent  to  Corinth  with  his 
letter  {Epist.  ad  Cor.  c.  59),  Claudius  Ei)hebus, 
Valerius  Bito,  and  Fortunatus,  were  not  mere 
messengers,  but  plenipotentiaries  of  the  apostolic 
see  (Binterim,  III.  i.  166).  With  the  accession 
of  Constantine  a  new  period  begins  in  this  respect 
for  the  churoli. 

1.  The  term  "de  latere "  is  an  ancient  one, 
and  seems  to  imply  one  from  the  household  or 
familiar  friends  of  the  sender,  with  the  implica- 
tion that  ho  carried  with  him,  as  it  were,  a  por- 
tion of  his  principal's  personality.  So  Leo  I. 
(^Epist.  67),  speaking  of  his  legate  at  Constanti- 


968 


LEGATE 


nople,  asserts  that  the  people  of  Constantinople 
possessed  a  certain  portion  of  himself,  "  quandam 
mei  portionem."  The  council  of  Sardica  (c.  7) 
desired  the  bishop  of  Rome,  in  case  of  need,  to 
send  "  presbj'ters  from  his  own  side  "  (ottJ)  toO 
ISiov  TrXivpov  irpecrlivTepovs,  de  latere  suo  pres- 
byteros)  into  the  provinces  in  order  to  determine 
appeals  from  bishops  who  had  been  forced  to 
abdicate  by  provincial  councils  [Appeal,  1. 127]. 
Legates  of  this  kind  were  sent  on  various 
occasional  missions.  Thus  Leo  L  sent  Julian  of 
Cos  to  the  emperor  Marcian  after  the  council 
of  Chalcedon  for  the  purpose  of  opposing  the 
progress  of  the  Eutychian  and  Nestorian  heresies, 
and  invested  him  for  this  particular  duty  with  the 
full  power  of  the  papal  see  (Leo  Mag.  Epist. 
113  [al.  56]),  and  in  an  epistle  to  Pulchei-ia 
states  that  he  has  constituted  him  his  full  repre- 
sentative that  he  might  be  a  pledge  and  hostage 
of  his  own  loyalty  (Id.  EjAst.  112  [al.  58]). 
Sometimes  the  legates  were  to  act  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  bishops  of  the  province  to  which 
they  were  sent.  So  Leo  L  sent  Lucentius  (a 
bishop)  and  Basilius  (a  priest)  to  Constantinople, 
joined  in  commission  with  Anatolius,  then  bishop, 
after  the  pseudo-synod  of  Ephesus,  with  power 
to  receive  into  communion  those  who  should 
repudiate  their  share  in  the  council,  the  case  of 
Dioscorus  alone  being  reserved  for  the  judgment 
of  Rome  (Leo  L  E/jist.  85  [al.  46]).  Some- 
times they  were  sent  merely  to  inquire  and 
report.  So  Leo  L  sent  Prudentius,  a  bishop,  to 
Africa  to  ascertain  the  truth  concerning  certain 
alleged  irregularities  connected  with  the  ordina- 
tion of  bishops.  In  this  case  he  was  to  possess 
the  authority  of  the  papal  see  as  far  as  inquiry 
went,  but  only  to  report  to  Rome  the  result  of 
his  inquiries  (Leo  I.  Epist.  12  [al.  87]). 

The  great  missionaries  of  early  times,  who 
have  gone  forth  under  the  authority  of  the 
Roman  see,  are  frequently  spoken  of  as  papal 
legates.  Thus  Augustine  of  Canterbury,  who 
was  sent  by  pope  Gregory  the  Great,  is  some- 
times spoken  of  as  his  legate,  though  it  does  not 
appear  that  when  he  became  archbishop  of  the 
English  greater  powers  were  conferred  on  him 
than  on  other  archbishops  who  received  the  pall 
from  Rome  (Thomassin,  L  i.  31,  6).  Of  Boni- 
foce,  the  great  apostle  of  Germany,  Hincmar 
says  (^Epist.  30,  c.  20,  p.  201)  that  popes 
Gregory  IL  and  Gregory  IIL  constituted  him 
"legatum  Apostolicae  sedis,"  for  the  reforma- 
tion of  the  Christian  religion  in  the  parts 
where  he  laboured.  His  commission,  which  was 
a  peculiar  one,  empowered  him  to  ordain  presby- 
ters and  afterwards  bishops,  without  assigning 
him  any  particular  see.  It  was  not  until  the 
year  751  that  pope  Zacharias,  the  successor  of 
"Gregory  III.,  made  him  bishop  of  Wentz  and 
meti-opolitan  of  Germany  and  part  of  Gaul 
(Thomassin,  I.  i.  31,  1-5). 

The  Councils  of  the  church  have  from  the 
first  aiforded  a  field  from  the  claims  of  papal 
legates.  At  Nicaea  the  representatives  of  the 
Roman  see  were  the  two  presbyters,  Victor  [or 
Vitus]  and  Vincentius,  who  would  have  accom- 
panied the  pope,  if  he  had  been  able  to  make  the 
long  journey  from  Rome  to  Bithynia.  Who  were 
the  presidents  in  this  fimous  assembly  has  been 
matter  of  endless  dispute.  Eusebius  (  TaYa  Comt. 
iii.  13)  simply  says  that  the  emperor,  after  his 
opening  speech,  gave  place  to  the  presidents  of 


LEGATE 

the  assembly  (irapeSiSou  rbv  \6yov  rols  rrji 
ffvuoSov  irpoeSpois) :  but  who  were  these  ? 
Athanasius  {Apol.  de  Fuga,  c.  5,  quoted  by 
Theodoret,  E.  H.  ii.  15)  speaks  of  the  venerable 
Hosius  as  a  man  who,  from  his  weight  of  charac- 
ter, of  course  took  a  leading  part  in  any  synod 
where  he  was  present  (iroias  yap  ovx  7]-yf]Taro 
ffvvdSov);  but  he  gives  no  hint  that  he  derived 
any  precedence  from  papal  delegation.  There 
can,  in  fact,  be  little  doubt  that  Hosius  and 
Eusebius  of  Caesarea  were  the  real  presidents  at 
Nicaea,  and  that  mainly  through  the  favour  of 
the  emperor.  Golasiusof  Cyzicus(Labbe,  ii.  155), 
writing  towards  the  end  of  the  fifth  century,  is 
the  first  to  assert  that  Hosius  appeared  at  Nicaea 
as  a  delegate  of  Rome,  and  the  same  authority 
(i6.  267),  in  the  confessedly  imperfect  list  of  sub- 
scriptions, makes  Hosius  sign  first,  followed  by 
the  Roman  presbyters  Victor  (or  Vito)  and 
Vincentius.  Perhaps  Gelasius,  who  was  evidently 
a  wholly  uncritical  reporter,  has  transferred  to 
Nicaea  the  practice  of  his  own  age.  For  by  the 
fifth  century  it  had  become  a  common  practice 
for  the  popes  to  send  representatives  to  councils. 

In  what  capacity  Hosius  presided  at  the  Coun- 
cil of  Sardica  has  been  much  discussed  ;  it  seems 
probable  that  he  owed  his  pre-eminence  rather 
to  his  personal  merits  and  the  favour  of  the 
emperor  than  to  any  appointment  of  the  see  of 
Rome. 

The  African  bishops  in  council  at  Carthage, 
A.D.  419,  protested  against  the  presence  of  the 
legates  from  Rome,  declaring  that  sanction  for 
sending  such  legates  could  be  found  in  none 
of  the  councils,  and  entreating  him  to  with- 
draw them  for  the  sake  of  peace  (Cod.  Eccl. 
Afric.  c.  138;  Bruns,  Canones,  i.  200).  The 
legates,  however,  Faustinus,  bishop  of  Potentia, 
and  two  presbyters  named  Philippus  and  Asellus, 
were  received  at  the  council,  the  place  of  Faus- 
tinus being  second  to  Aurelius  the  president,  in 
conjunction  with  Valentinus,  bishop  of  Numidia. 
(Cod.  Eccl.  Afric.  Praefat.,  in  Bruns,  Canones, 
i.  156.) 

In  the  council  of  Constantinople  of  the  year 
381,  neither  Damasus  of  Rome  nor  any  other 
Western  prelate  took  any  share,  either  personally 
or  by  legate. 

Cyril,  patriarch  of  Alexandria,  was  locum- 
tenens  or  legate  of  Rome  in  the  Nestorian  con- 
troversy; "vicem  nostram  propter  marina  et 
terrena  spatia  ipsi  sancto  fratri  meo  Cyrillo 
delegavimus,"  says  Celestinus  in  the  document 
by  which  he  professes  to  excommunicate  Nes- 
torius  (Labbe,  iii.  373).  To  the  council  of  Ephe- 
sus the  pope  had  sent  two  bishops,  Arcadius 
and  Projectus,  and  a  presbyter,  Philip,  with 
instructions  to  regulate  their  conduct  by  the 
advice  of  Cyril,  but  in  all  things  to  uphold  the 
authority  of  the  see  of  Rome.  They  were  not 
to  press  their  attendance  upon  the  assembly ; 
when  they  were  present,  they  were  to  take  notes 
of  what  passed,  without  joining  in  the  debates ; 
at  the  close  of  the  council,  they  were  to  report 
to  the  pope  himself,  and  afterwards  accompany 
Cyril  to  Constantinople,  to  lay  the  conclusions  of 
the  Fathers  before  the  emperor  (Greenwood, 
Cathedra  Petri,  i.  335).  Great  pains  were  taken 
on  this  occasion  to  make  the  vindication  of  ortho- 
doxy at  Ephesus  appear  the  work  of  the  pope, 
acting  through  Cyril  and  the  legates ;  their 
instructions  were  read  in  the   council    and  re- 


LEGATE 

corded  in  its  minutes;  the  legate  Philip  then 
declared  its  proceedings  to  have  been  in  confor- 
mity with  them,  and  in  the  name  of  the  see  of 
Rome  pronounced  the  condemnation  and  deposi- 
tion of  Nestorius,  "  according  to  the  formula 
which  the  holy  pope  Celestinus  had  committed 
to  his  care."  Arcadius  and  Projectus  signified 
their  assent.  Cyril  then  caused  the  papal  i-atifi- 
cation  to  be  recorded  in  the  terms  in  which  it 
had  been  conveyed  to  them  (Greenwood,  p. 
339  f.). 

These  may  suffice  as  instances  of  the  employ- 
ment of  legates  to  represent  the  Roman  see  in 
the  great  councils.  One  or  two  examples  may 
be  given  of  legates  sent  from  Rome  to  England, 
as  having  a  special  interest  of  their  own. 

At  the  council  of  Hatfield  (a.d.  680)  John  the 
Roman  precentor  was  present,  having  come  from 
Rome  under  the  guidance  of  the  English  Bene- 
dict Biscop,  to  introduce  the  Roman  manner  of 
saying  the  offices  in  his  new  monastery  at  Wear- 
mouth.  It  is  said  of  him  that  he  joined  with 
the  rest  in  confirming  the  decrees  of  the  Catholic 
faith  (pariter  Catholicae  fidei  decreta  firmabat), 
i.e.  in  receiving  the  decrees  of  the  first  five 
general  councils,  and  declaring  the  orthodoxy  of 
the  English  church  in  respect  of  the  Monothe- 
lites;  but  nothing  is  said  of  any  precedence 
granted  to  him  ;  the  council  was  summoned  by 
command  of  the  English  kings,  and  presided  over 
by  the  English  archbishop  Theodore  (Bede,  H.  E. 
iv.  17,  18 ;  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  141  fl'.). 

The  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle  (ad  an.  785)  relates 
that  in  that  year  there  was  a  contentious  synod 
at  Calcyth  [probably  Chelsea],  and  also  that  in 
that  year  messengers  were  sent  from  Rome  by 
pope  Adrian  to  England,  to  renew  the  faith  and 
the  peace  which  St.  Gregory  had  sent  us  by 
Augustine  the  bishop,  and  they  were  worship- 
fully  received.  The  head  of  this  legation  was 
George,  bishop  of  Ostia.  These  legates,  in  fact, 
were  present  at  two  councils,  one  in  the  north 
and  one  in  the  south  of  England,  probably  at 
Finchale  and  Chelsea  respectively,  but  as  to  the 
extent  of  the  authority  they  claimed  we  know 
nothing,  except  that  they  made  application  to 
the  Mercian  and  Northumbrian  kings  respec- 
tively for  the  assembling  of  the  councils.  Their 
names  do  not  appear  among  the  subscriptions 
(Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  443-461). 

The  bearers  of  the  letters  sent  by  pope  John 
IV.  (A.D.  640)  to  the  Irish  bishops  and  abbats 
about  the  Pelagian  heresy  were  in  some  sort 
legates,  as  two  of  them  at  least — Hilary,  the 
arch-presbyter,  and  John,  the  primicerius  —  are 
described  as  vicegerents  of  the  apostolic  see 
(servans  locum  sanctae  sedis  apostolicae).  (Bede, 
H.  E.  ii.  19,  p.  100.) 

And  it  may  be  observed  generally  that  in 
the  earlier  ages  of  the  church  papal  legates  in 
councils  by  no  means  took  the  position  which  a 
later  age  assigned  to  them,  after  Gregory  VII. 's 
vigorous  assertion  of  the  privileges  of  his 
see.  Thus  the  legate  Faustinus,  at  the  council 
of  Carthage,  took  his  place  below  the  bishop  of 
that  see,  Aurelius;  Eusebius  of  Vercelli,  legate 
as  he  was,  yielded  precedence  at  Alexandria  to 
Athanasius.  At  Chalcedon  [I.  334]  the  lay 
dignitaries  occupied  the  place  of  honour,  and 
controlled  the  proceedings  of  the  council  through- 
out;  on  their  left  were  the  Roman  legates,  on 
.their  right  Dioscorus  of  Alexandria  and  Juvenal 


LEGATE 


969 


of  Jerusalem.  Julianus,  who  was  rather  a  legate 
to  the  emperor  than  to  the  council,  took  his 
place  after  the  first  twenty  bishops.  Cyril  took 
the  first  place  among  the  bishops  in  the  third 
general  council  at  Ephesus,  but  this  precedence 
was  probably  due  as  much  to  his  rank  as  patri- 
arch of  Alexandria,  as  to  the  fact  that  on  this 
occasion  he  was  vicegerent  of  the  pope  [Ephescs, 
I.  615].  Moreover,  legates  did  not  (in  the  period 
with  which  we  are  concerned)  attempt  to  set 
themselves  above  the  sovereign  power,  but  ad- 
dressed themselves  to  kings  and  emperors  re- 
specting the  summoning  of  councils  and  other 
ecclesiastical  business.  As  the  claims  of  papal 
legates  simply  represent  the  claims  of  the  papacy, 
the  further  account  of  them  must  be  referred 
to  the  article  Pope. 

2.  The  Apocrisiarii  or  Eesponsales  were  so 
called,  as  being  the  persons  through  whom  the 
Eesponsa  or  judgments  of  their  principal  were 
communicated  to  the  court  to  which  they  were 
accredited.  Hincmar  says  that  Apocrisiarii 
were  instituted  when  Constantine  removed  the 
seat  of  empire  from  Rome  to  Byzantium,  from 
which  time  agents  (responsales)  both  of  Rome 
and  of  other  chief  sees  were  maintained  at 
the  imperial  court;  a  statement  probable  in 
itself,  though  the  authority  is  late.  Hosius, 
bishop  of  Cordova,  certainly  acted  as  a  kind  of 
ecclesiastical  minister  at  the  court  of  Constan- 
tine, but  there  is  no  evidence  whatever  that  he 
represented  the  see  of  Rome  there,  or  that  he 
held  any  definite  office  under  Constantine  (Stan- 
ley, Eastern  Church,  p.  112,  3rd  edition).  Petrus 
de  Marca  {Do  Concord.  Sacerd.  et  Imp.  v.  16) 
places  the  formal  institution  of  Apocrisiarii  at  a 
later  date.  Referring  to  the  letter  of  Leo  the 
Great  to  Julianus,  bishop  of  Cos  {Epist.  86),  in 
which  the  pope  gives  him  a  general  commission 
to  act  on  behalf  of  the  Roman  see  at  the  court 
of  Constantinople  in  the  repression  of  the  Nes- 
torian  and  Eutychian  heresies,  he  says,  "  this 
gave  occasion  to  the  sending  of  agents  or  apocri-- 
siarii  (responsales)  of  the  apostolic  see  to  the 
capital  city,  especially  after  the  time  of  Justinian  ; 
.  .  .  for  at  that  time  there  were  constantly  in 
the  court  diiiconi  responsales,  who  both  took 
charge  before  the  emperor  of  cases  in  which  the 
Roman  church  was  peculiarly  interested,  and 
kept  watch  over  matters  of  faith  and  discipline. 
At  the  same  time  they  were  as  it  were  hostages 
of  the  public  faith,  guaranteeing  the  obedience 
due  to  princes." 

Several  legates  of  the  Roman  see-  at  the  court 
of  Constantinople  are  known  to  history.  Thus 
Liberatus  records  {Breviariurn,  c.  22)  that  pope 
Agapetus  made  the  deacon  Pelagius  his  apocri- 
siary  at  the  imperial  court ;  and  Gregory  the 
Great  relates  that  he  himself,  when  a  deacon, 
acted  as  apocrisiary  of  Pelagius  II.  with  the 
emperor,  using  the  expression,  "tempore  quo 
exhibendis  responsis  ad  Principem  ipse  trans- 
missus  sum "  (^Dialogus,  iii.  23).  Justinian 
(A'ovel.  6,  c.  2 ;  123,  c.  25)  desires  bishops  not 
to  come  in  person  to  court,  but  to  transact  their 
business  there  by  the  agency  of  apocrisiarii. 

After  the  6th  Oecumenical  Council  we  find 
Constantine  Pogonatus  writing  to  Leo  II.  to  send 
him  an  apocrisiary,  who  in  all  ecclesiastical 
matters  should  not  only  represent  his  person  but 
actually  possess  his  power,  "in  emergentibus 
sive  dogmaticis  sive  canonicis  et  prorsus  in  omni- 


ovo 


LEGATION 


bus  ecclesiastieis  negotiis  vestrae  sanctitatis  ex- 
primat  ac  gerat  personam."  (Cone.  vi.  Act  18, 
Labbe.)  Leo  in  consequence  sent  the  subdeacon 
C'onstantine,  who  had  been  one  of  his  legates 
at  the  council,  and  requested  the  emperor  to 
receive  him  as  his  minister,  "  ut  ministrum 
digne  suscipiat."  Thomassin  (Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl. 
TJiscip.  i.  2,  c.  108,  §§  27,  28)  thinks  that  this 
was  an  evasion  of  the  request  to  send  a  legate 
with  full  powers,  lest  he  should  be  induced 
by  the  power  of  the  emperor  to  commit  him- 
self to  acts  for  which  the  papal  see  would  be 
responsible. 

3.  The  popes  of  Rome  have  frequently  granted 
special  privileges,  such  as  may  be  called  legatine 
or  vicarial,  to  certain  distinguished  sees.  The 
first  of  these  was  that  of  Thessalonica.  In  the 
year  379  the  great  prefecture  of  lllyricum 
Orientale  was  assigned  to  the  Eastern  emperor. 
But  the  see  of  Rome  had  probably  for  a  long 
time  claimed  patriarchal  authority  over  this 
division  of  the  empire,  and  Damasus,  the  then 
pope,  was  unwilling  to  allow  a  mere  political 
severance  to  affect  his  spiritual  authority,  and 
therefore  appointed  Acholius,  bishop  of  Thessa- 
lonica, metropolitan  of  that  prefecture,  his  repre- 
sentative or  vicar  for  the  diocese  of  lllyricum 
Orientale  (Greenwood,  Cathed.  Pet.  i.  259).  From 
the  scantiness  of  our  information  as  to  this  trans- 
action we  know  little  or  nothing  of  the  exact 
nature  of  the  powers  conferred  on  this  legate. 
Leo  the  Great  (Epist.  ad  Anilmm  Thess.)  con- 
firms to  the  archbishop  of  Thessalonica  powers 
over  lllyricum  which  (he  says)  had  been  con- 
ferred under  his  predecessors  Damasus,  Siricius, 
and  Auastasius.  See  the  Eesponsio  Pii  VI.  ad 
Metropolitanos  Mogunt.  etc.  super  Xuntiaturis 
Apost.  Romae  1790.  Vicarial  or  legatine  powers 
were  also  conferred  on  the  see  of  Aries,  the 
"  Galilean  Rome."  Thus  Zosimus  (a.d.  418)  made 
Patroclus,  bishop  of  Aries,  his  vicegerent ;  Hilary 
gave  the  same  office  to  Leontius ;  Gelasius  I.  to 
Aeonius;  Symmachus  to  Gaesarius ;  Vigilius  to 
Auxonius ;  and  at  length,  the  same  privilege 
having  been  continued  to  a  series  of  bishops,  it 
was  definitely  granted  and  assigned  to  the  see  of 
Aries  (Gregorii  Eijist.  iv.  50,  52,  54).  See  also 
Gregory's  seventh  response  to  Augustine  of  Can- 
terburj',  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils,  iii.  22. 
And  the  same  thing  took  place  also  with  regard 
to  other  sees. 

(Petrus  de  Marca,  de  Concordia  Sacerdotii  et 
Imperii,  lib.  v.  ;  Bohmer,  Jus  Ecclesiasticum, 
lib.  iii.,  tit.  37,  c.  36  ;  Van  Espen,  Jus  Eccle- 
siasticum ;  Thomassin,  Nova  et  Vet.  Eccl.  Eiscipl. ; 
Walther,  Kirchenrecht ;  Jacobson  in  Herzog, 
Eeal-Encyclop.,  s.  v.  Zegaten.)     [P.  0.  and  C.] 

LEGATION  (Legatio,  irpeffPeia).  A  body 
of  legates  enti-usted  with  any  commission,  e.g. 
Soc.  H.  E.  iv.  12  ;  Soz.  JI.  B.  vi.  11.  When  the 
legates  were  not  a  mere  deputation,  but  had  full 
power  to  act  on  their  own  authority,  it  was 
called  a  free  legation,  "  legatio  libera "  (Cod. 
Eccl.  Afric.  c.  94,  97  ;  see  Ducange,  Gloss.).  The 
commission  given  to  the  legates  was  called  a 
letter  of  legation,  "  literae  legationis."  At  the 
6th  council  of  Carthage  the  various  legates  pre- 
sented their  credentials,  which  were  read  to  the 
council,  "  offerentibus  legationis  Uteris  et  reci- 
tatis  "  (Cod.  Eccl.  Afric.  c.  90).  Sometimes  it 
appears   to  have   been  used   for  the   duty  en- 


LEGENDA 

trusted  to  a  legate.  Thus  Leo  I.  (Epist.  26) 
speaks  of  a  commission  given  to  the  em-jn-ess 
Pulcheria  to  procure  the  summoning  of  a  fresh 
council  after  the  Pseudo-Synod  of  Ephesus  as  a 
legation,  hac  sibi  specialiter  a  beatissimo  Petro- 
Apostolo  legatione  commissi.  But  the  word  for 
the  most  part  is  convertible  with  Legate. 

[P.  0.] 

LEGENDA.  This  word  properly  denotes 
whatever  is  appointed  to  be  read  to  the  con- 
gregation during  public  worship.  It  has  how- 
ever acquired  the  restricted  sense  of  the  records 
of  the  lives  and  acts  of  the  saints  and  martyrs, 
which  were  appointed  to  be  thus  read.  Collec- 
tions of  these  records  date  from  the  2nd  century, 
and  were  known  as  Ada  (i.e.  the  registers 
containing  the  official  records).  Sanctorum,  or 
Acta  Martyrum.  They  contained  the  most  im- 
portant sayings  and  deeds  of  the  saints,  both 
martyrs  and  confessors.  The  earliest  reputed 
compiler  of  the  acts  of  martyrs  is  St.  Clement  of 
Rome,  who  is  said  to  have  employed  scribes 
^^  notaries,"  to  collect  the  acts  of  martyrs 
throughout  the  different  districts  of  the  city. 
The  practice  appears  to  have  spread  into  the 
African  church.  St.  Cyprian  (Ep.  37,  ad  Clerum} 
writes :  "  Denique  et  dies  eorum  quibus  ex- 
cedunt,  annotate,  ut  commemorationes  eorum 
inter  memorias  martyrum  celebrare  possimus." 

Eusebius  also  (Hist.  v.  4)  speaks  of  such  a 
collection,  "  Whoever  cares  to  do  so,  may  easily 
obtain  the  fullest  information  on  this  subject  by 
reading  the  epistle  itself,"  which,  as  I  have 
already  said,  I  have  inserted  in  the  collection  of 
the  Acts  of  Martyrs"  [tj;  tOiv  fiapTvpioiv 
(Tvvayooyfi].  He  gives  at  length  the  account  of 
the  martyrdom  of  Polycarp  and  his  companions 
(iv.  15.     See  also  vii.  41-42). 

Hence  Eusebius  has  been  often  looked  upon  as 
the  first  to  compile  a  martyrology.  St.  Jerome 
made  a  compendium  of  the  acts  as  compiled  by 
Eusebius. 

Any  further  question  as  to  the  growth  of 
martyrologies  belongs  more  properly  to  another 
place  [Martyrology].  It  is  sufficient  here  to 
point  out  their  origin  and  antiquity. 

In  the  persecution  of  Diocletian  many  au- 
thentic records  of  this  nature  perished,  in  con- 
sequence of  a  general  edict  to  burn  them 
(Gregor.  Turon.  de  Gloria  Martyr.).  Gelasius 
(a.d.  492)  rejected  as  spurious  writings  of  this 
nature  then  in  circulation,  and  forbade  them  to 
be  read  in  churches. 

The  third  council  of  Carthage  (a.d.  397), 
Can.  47,  after  ruling  that  besides  the  canonical 
scriptures  nothing  should  be  read  publicly  in  the 
church  under  the  name  of  Holy  Scripture,  adds 
that  the  passions  of  the  martyrs  may  be  read  on 
their  anniversaries.  "  Liceat  etiam  legi  passiones 
martyrum,  quum  anniversarii  eorum  dies  cele- 
brantur."  And  it  appears  from  various  sermons 
of  St.  Augustine  (Ser.  xlvii.  de  Sanctis,  &c.)  that 
the  practice  was  general  in  his  day.  Cassio- 
dorus,  in  the  6th  century,  writing  to  certain 
abbats  says  (Instit.  div.  Lect.  c.  32),  "  Passiones 
martyrum  legite  constanter." 

The  practice  was  to  read  the  "  acts  "  of  those 
saints  and  martyrs  who  were  to  be  commemo- 
rated in  the  liturgy  on  the  day  following,  in  order 
that  the  faithful  might  join  in  the  commemora- 


/.  e.  from  the  martyrs  of  Lyons  to  Eleutherus. 


LEGENDA 

tion  with  memories  refreshed.  When  the  daily 
services  were  reduced  to  order,  the  martyrology 
was  appointed  to  be  read  in  choir,  at  the  end  of 
Prime,  after  the  Orison  (Oratio)  which  is  fol- 
lowed by  the  usual  "  Benedicamus  Domino,"  R. 
Deo  gratias ;  the  lection  which  contains  the 
memorials  of  the  saints  for  the  next  day  being 
read.  The  lection  is  followed  by  the  Verse  and 
Response.  V.  Pretiosa  in  conspectu  Domini. 
R.  Mors  sanctorum  ejus  ;  and  a  few  prayei's. 

From  a  MS.  appendix  to  the  Roman  Respon- 
sorialand  Antiphonary,  which  is  considered  to  be 
of  the  9th  century,  it  appears  that  the  passion 
and  acts  of  a  saint  were  only  read  in  the  churches 
dedicated  to  that  saint  (ubi  ipsius  titulus  erat) 
until  the  time  of  pope  Adrian  I.  A.D.  772. 

This  reading  of  the  martyrology  with  the 
prayers  which  follow  it  is  usually  considered  a 
distinct  office  from  Prime,  and  known  as  officiuiii 
capitulare.  In  many  churches  it  was  said  in  a 
diiierent  place.  Thus  in  the  old  statutes  of  the 
church  of  Paris :  "  Thence  {i.e.  from  the  choir 
after  Prime)  they  go  into  the  chapter  house, 
[or  possibly  another  chapel  in  the  church], 
where,  after  the  reading  of  the  acts  of  the 
saints,  and  the  diptychs  of  the  deceased,  let 
prayers  be  made  for  their  repose."  [Inde  in 
capitulum  ''  progrediuntur,  ubi  gestis  sanctorum 
ct  diptychis  defunctorum  perlectis,  fiant  preces 
pro  eorum  requiem.]  Again  in  the  rite  of 
Avrauches :  "  "Prime  ended,  let  the  brothers 
assemble  in  the  chapter  house,  and  let  the 
lection  of  the  Martyrology  be  read,  lest  any 
festival  of  a  saint  which  should  be  celebrated  on 
the  morrow  be  omitted  through  inadvertence." 
[Prima  fiuita,  in  capitulum  conveniant  fratres, 
Martyrologii  lectio  legatur;  ne  aliqua  sancti 
festivitas  in  crastino  celebranda  negligenter 
omittatur.]  So  also  the  old  ritual  of  St.  Martin 
at  Tours.  Chrodegang,  bishop  of  Metz,  A.D. 
742,  introduced  the  practice  into  his  chapter 
among  his  reforms.  On  the  other  hand  the 
m-artyrology  was  often  read  in  choir,  not  in 
chapter.  This  was  directed  by  the  old  ordi- 
narinm  of  Senlis,  which,  after  directions  for  the 
office  of  Prime,  proceeds  :  "  After  the  afoi-esaid 
orison  the  calendar  <=  (calenda)  is  read  by  one  of 
the  boys,  and  terminates  thus :  and  of  all  the 
many  other  holy  martyrs  and  confessors  and 
virgins.  Then  the  anniversary  which  is  con- 
tained in  the  Martyrology  is  announced."  So 
also  the  ordinarium  of  the  Cathedral  of  Tours. 
"  Then  follows  the  lection  trom  the  martyrology, 
read  m  cAoiV  with  a  sufficiently  loud  voice  .  .  .  . 
A  boy  says  '  Jubc,  Domine,  benedicere.'  The 
priest  gives  the  benediction,'^  and  after  the  reading 
of  the  lection  is  to  say  "  Pretiosa  in  conspectu," 
&c.  After  this  a  boy  is  to  announce  the  anni- 
versary which  is  to  be  celebrated  on  the  following 
day.  The  reading  of  the  Martyrology  in  chapter 
appears  to  have  been  limited  to  the  more  im- 
portant monastic  houses  and  colleges  of  canons, 
and  usually  in  connexion  with  the  reading  of  the 
rule  of  the  house,  which  by  the  council  of  Aix  la 
Chapelle  (a.d.  817)  was  directed  to  be  bound  in 


LEGENDA 


971 


•■  Locus  in  quem  conveniunt  Monachi  et  Canonici,  sic 
dictum,  inquit  Papias,  quod  capitula  ibi  legantur(Du- 
cange  in  loco).    [Chavtek-house,  I.  349.] 

"^  /.  e.  the  list  of  names  for  the  day. 

i  /.  e.  the  appointed  benedictory  formula  befure  the 
lection. 


one  volume  with  the  martyrology.  The  custom 
gradually  died  out  (it  had  ceased  at  St.  Martin's 
at  Tours  in  the  15th  century)  ;  and  in  the 
printed  breviaries,  monastic  as  well  as  secular, 
the  officiian  capitulare  is  printed  so  as  to  form 
part  of  Prime  without  any  break. 

In  a  decree  of  the  Congregation  of  Rites  (10 
Jun.  1690.  Weratus  in  Ind.  Deer.  Brev.  163) 
we  find  the  following  ruling : — 

"  After  what  has  been  said,  the  hour  of  Prime 
is  terminated  when  'Benedicamus  Domino'  is 
said,  and  what  follows  is  only  a  sort  of  appen- 
dix ;  whence  it  appears,  that  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  church  here  inserts  daily  the  reading  of 
the  Martyrology,  and  Prime  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin,  when  this  is  to  be  said,  so  anything  else 
may  be  inserted  ;  though  we  do  not  recommend 
that  this  should  be  done,  because  what  is  now 
supplemented  is  considered  to  complete  Prime  as 
it  were  [Primam  veluti  integrare],''  or  to  be  an 
additional  part  of  it." 

In  addition  to  the  readings  at  Prime,  on  fes- 
tivals with  three  nocturns,  the  lessons  of  the 
second  nocturn  are  as  a  rule  taken  from  the  acts 
of  the  saint  of  the  day. 

The  custom  of  reading  at  nocturns  such  acta 
as  were  worthy  of  credit  is  thought  to  have 
grown  up  in  the  8th  century;  that  of  reading 
them  in  the  liturgy  much  earlier,  as  has  been 
already  stated.  They  were  read  before  the 
epistle  and  briefly  recapitulated  in  the  preface. 
In  the  course  of  the  liturgy,  the  bishop  ascended 
the  chair  (cathedram  conscendente)  and  gave  an 
explanation  of  them,  which  was  the  origin  of 
the  sermons  of  the  Fathers  in  honour  of  the 
martyrs  (see,  inter  alia,  S.  August.  Sermo  2,  de 
S.  Steph.).  This  custom  was  kept  up  in  France 
till  the  9th  century,  and  in  Spain  till  beyond 
the  10th ;  and  the  acts  were  inserted  in  the 
sacramentaries  and  missals  of  both  countries.^ 
They  were  never  inserted  in  the  Roman,  as 
appears  from  the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian  sacra- 
mentaries and  missals,  which  make  but  spare 
and  cautious  mention  of  the  martyrs  and  their 
sufferings  in  the  preface  alone. 

Among  Latin  martyrologies,  those  compiled 
by  Bede,  and  by  the  Benedictine  monk  Usuardus, 
in  the  9th  century,  may  be  mentioned. 

The  Greek  equivalent  to  the  martyrology  is 
the  menology  {jxrivoXoyiov^,  so  called  because  its 
contents  are  arranged  according  to  months.  The 
lection  for  the  day  is  called  the  "  synaxarion  " 
{ffwa^dptov),  and  is  inserted  at  full  length  in 
the  menaea  (which  contains  the  variable  parts 
of  the  office,  and  so  in  some  measure  correspond 
to  the  proprium  Sanctorum  of  the  Latin  brevi- 
aries) after  the  sixth  ode  of  the  canon  for  the  day 
said  at  Lauds.  It  is  introduced  by  its  proper 
stichos,  nearly  always  two  iambic  lines,  con- 
taining some  allusion  to  the  saint  or  play  upon 
his  name,  followed  by  a  hexameter  line,  of  tho 


•  /.  e.  to  fill  up  the  measure  of.  Compare  Lucretius, 
i.  1031. 

f  The  Mozarabic  Missal  is  still  distinguished  for  the 
variety  and  length  of  its  prefaces,  allied  Ilkitioves.  I'licy 
vary  with  each  mass,  and  that  for  St.  Vincent,  for  ex- 
ample, occupies  more  than  three  closelyprintid  quarto 
columns,  and  one  and  a  half  or  nearly  two  columns  of  the 
same  type  is  a  frequent  length.  The  prefaces  of  the  old 
Galilean  Missal,  called  Immolationes  or  Contestatioiies, 
are  as  varied  as  the  Mozarabic,  but  as  a  rule  consider- 
ably shorter.    [Pkeface.] 


972 


LEGEE,  ST. 


nature  of  a  "  memoria  technica "  of  the  date.e 
There  is  usually  more  than  one  synaxarion  to  a 
day,  each  in  commemoration  of  a  different  saint ; 
in  which  case,  with  few  exceptions,  each  has 
its  own  iambic  stichos;  but  the  first  alone  the 
hexameter  line.  Other  saints  of  the  day  are 
commemorated  by  the  simple  reciting  of  their 
names  and  death,  stating  usually  its  manner, 
followed  by  a  stichos,  but  with  no  synaxarion. 
These  readings  and  commemorations  are  con- 
cluded with  the  clause — "By  their  holy  inter- 
cessions, 0  God,  have  mercy  upon  us.  Amen  " 
(rots  avTwv  ayiais  irpsa^eiais,  6  6eh?,  e'Ae'rj- 
iTou  v/xas.  'AfjLvv)-^  There  are  great  variations 
in  difl'erent  menologies.  The  emperor  Basil  the 
Macedonian  directed  one  to  be  compiled,  A.D. 
886,  which  may  be  taken  as  a  type  of  others. 

Baronius,  Pracf.  ad  Martyr.  Bom.  Paris, 
1607  ;  Bona,  do  Div.  Psal.  c.  xvi.  19  ;  Durant, 
de  Kit.  Eccl.  iii.  o.  18  ;  Gavanti,  Comm.  in  Bub. 
Miss.  Bom.  sec.  v.  c.  21 ;  Martene,  de  Ant.  Bit. 
iv.  8 ;  and  the  Breviaries  and  the  Menaea 
passim ;  Cavalieri,  Op.  Lit.  vol.  ii.  cap.  37, 
Dec.  2,  and  c.  41,  Dec.  12  and  17,  &c.  See 
also  Augusti,  Christ.  Archaeologie,  vol.  vi.  p.  104. 
[H.  J.  H.] 

LEGER,  ST.    [Leodegarius.] 

LENEY,  COUNCIL  OF  {Leniense  Con- 
cilium), held  at  Leney  in  Ireland,  A.D.  630, 
or  thereabouts,  respecting  Easter,  which  was 
kept  differently  then  in  Scotland  and  Ireland 
from  what  it  was  in  Rome.  In  other  words, 
if  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  moon  fell  on  a 
Sunday,  it  was  kept  on  that  Sunday,  and 
not  the  following.  St.  Fintan  here  prevailed 
with  his  countrymen  in  favour  of  the  old  rule ; 
but  it  was  unfair  of  contemporaries  to  call 
them  '  Quartodecimans '  on  that  account.  (Ussher, 
Brit.  Eccl.  c.  17 ;  comp.  Mansi,  x.  611.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

LENT  (Te(T(TapaK0(TT7i,  Quadragesima.  The 
English  name  is  derived  from  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Lencten,  spring ;  with  which  may  be  compared 
the  German  Lenz,  and  the  Dutch  Lente.  The 
titles  for  this  season  in  languages  of  Latin  deri- 
vation are  merely  corruptions  of  the  name 
Quadragesima,  as  the  French  Careme,  Italian 
Quaresima,  etc.  So  also  in  the  Celtic  languages, 
as  the  Welsh  Garawys,  Manx  Kargys,  Breton 
Corayz,  etc.  In  Teutonic  and  allied  languages, 
the  name  for  the  season  merely  indicates  the  fast, 
as  the  German  Fastenzeit,  Dutch  Vaste,  etc.  So 
also  in  the  Calendar  of  the  Greek  church  it  is  i) 
j/rjo-Teia). 

1.  History  of  the  observance. — We  can  trace 
up  to  very  early  times  the  existence  of  a  prepa- 
ratory fast  to  Easter,  for  it  is  mentioned  defin- 
itely by  Irenaeus  and  Tertullian.  While,  however, 
the  fast  seems  to  have  been  one  universally  kept, 
there  seems   to  have  been  very  great  latitude  as 


B  The  following,  for  St.  Polycarp  (Feb.  23),  may  serve 
as  a  specimen : 

Stichoi.    crol  IIoXuKapTros  <iA.0KavTw6r)  Adye, 

KapTiov  troKvv  Sous  ck  Jrvpb;  Ici/OTpoTTios. 
€iKa5t  €f  TptTctTTj  Kara  <^Ab^  JloXvuapnov  eKav<r€V. 

fa  Tins  is  the  usual  form  of  words  and  the  invariable 
purport  of  the  clause.  Sometimes  U  runs  "By  the 
prayers  of  thy  martyrs,  0  Lord  Christ,  have  mercy  upon 
us  and  save  us.  Amen  "  (rats  ro)v  trOiv  fiapnipui/  cixais, 
-Xpiare  6  ©ebs,  i\ir)<70v  Kai  auitrov.  'A-iJ.rjv'). 


LENT 

to  the  duration  of  the  fast.  Thus  Irenaeus  writ- 
ing to  Victor,  bishop  of  Rome,  and  referring  to 
the  disputes  as  to  the  time  of  keeping  Easter, 
adds  that  there  is  the  same  dispute  as  to  the 
length  of  the  preliminary  fast.  "  For,"  he  says, 
"  some  think  they  ought  to  fast  for  one  day, 
others  for  two  days,  and  others  even  for  several, 
while  others  reckon  forty  hours  both  of  day  and 
night  to  their  day  "  (oi  Se  rfcraapaKovra  wpas 
ilfiepivas  re  Koi  vvKTeptvas  crvuix^Tpovcn  TrjV 
fifj.4pai'°'  avrSiv).  Irenaeus  then  goes  on  to  say 
that  this  variety  is  not  merely  a  thing  of  his 
own  time,  but  of  much  older  date  (jro\v 
Trp6Tepov)  ;  an  important  statement,  as  carrjMng 
back  the  existence  of  the  fast  practically  up  to 
apostolic  times  (Irenaeus,  Ep.  ad  Vict. ;  apud 
Euseb.  Hist.  Eccles.  v.  24). 

Before,  however,  we  pass  on  to  consider  the 
references  in  Tertullian,  it  must  be  noted  that 
much  discussion  has  arisen  as  to  the  punctuation 
of  the  above  passage ;  for  the  translation  of 
Ruffinus  puts  a  full  stop  after  reffaapaKovra,  a 
plan  which  is  adopted  by  some,  as  by  Stieren  and 
Harvey,  the  most  recent  editors  of  Irenaeus.  We 
must  remark,  however,  that  not  only  are  the 
MSS.  said  to  be  unanimous  in  giving  the  first- 
mentioned  reading,  but  as  Valesius  (not.  in  loc.) 
justly  points  out,  the  general  run  of  the  Greek  is 
palpably  in  favour  of  the  same  way.**  (For  a 
defence  of  the  opposite  theory,  see  Massuet,  Diss. 
in  Iren.  ii.  23.) 

We  pass  on  next  to  consider  the  evidence  fur- 
nished by  Tertullian,  who  in  one  place  speaks  of 
the  fast  "die  Paschae,"  as  "communis  et  quasi 
publica  jejunii  religio"  (De  Orat.  c.  \i).  This, 
of  course,  would  be  a  fast  on  Good  Friday.  That 
the  fast,  however,  was  not  confined  to  this  day 
only,  we  learn  from  another  place,  where  writing 
as  a  Montanist  he  says  of  the  Catholics  that  they 
considered  that  the  only  fasts  which  Christians 
should  observe  were  those  "  in  which  the  bride- 
groom was  taken  away  from  them  "  (De  Jejunio, 
c.  2  ;  cf.  also  c.  13,  where  he  draws  a  distinction 
between  the  obligation  of  the  fast  of  the  above- 
mentioned  days  and  other  fasts,  especially  the 
Stations,  so  called).  Here  then  we  have  a  fast 
for  the  period  during  which  our  Saviour  was 
under  the  power  of  death. 

Thus  far  it  would  appear  that  there  was  in 
any  case  a  fast,  whether  on  the  day  of  our  Lord's 
death,  or  for  the  above  longer  period  ;  but  in  some 
cases  extra  days  were  added,  varying  in  difterent 
churches.  At  a  later  period  the  same  kind  of 
variation  prevailed,  as  we  find,  e.g.  from  Socrates 
and  Sozomen.  Thus  the  former  (Hist.  Eccles.  v. 
22)  speaks  of  those  in  Rome  as  fasting  for  three 


»  For  rjixepav,  Valesius  (not.  in  loc.)  conjectured  that 
imja-TeCav  should  be  read,  on  account  of  the  difBculty  of 
understanding  the  expression  "day,"  as  applied  in  any 
sense  to  a  period  of  40  hours.  There  is,  however,  no  MS. 
authority  for  this,  and  it  cuts  the  knot  of  the  difficulty 
rather  than  solves  it. 

•>  Thus  a  climax  seems  indicated  in  the  koi  of  oi  Se  Kal 
nKtCouai,  and  we  should  look  for  some  connecting  par- 
ticle with  the  iipas.  The  Latin  of  Ruffinus  is  "  nonnulli 
etiam  quadraginta,  ita  ut  boras  diurnas  ....":  the  ita 
has  a  decidedly  suspicious  appearance  after  the  termina- 
tion of  the  preceding  word.  Moreover,  the  fact  intro- 
duced by  ita  ut,  as  to  the  fast  being  observed  during  the 
hours  both  of  day  and  night,  is  simply  inexplicable  when 
taken  in  connexion  with  the  preceding  "  nonniiUi  etiam 
quadraginta." 


LENT 

weeks  before  Easter,  except  on  Saturdays  and 
Sundays. "=  In  Illyria,  through  all  Greece,  and  in 
Alexandria  [those  of  Illyria,  the  West  {oi  irphs 
Svaiv),  thi'oughout  all  Libya,  in  Egypt  and  Pa- 
lestine (Sozomen,  Hist.  Eccles.  vii.  19)],  a  fast  of 
six  weeks'  dui-ation  was  observed.  Others  again 
continued  it  for  seven  weeks:  these  are  spoken  of 
vaguely  by  Socrates  as  &\Koi,  and  more  specifi- 
cally by  Sozomen  as  those  of  Constantinople,  and 
the  countries  round  about  as  far  as  Phoenicia.^ 
Socrates,  however,  states  that  these,  while  begin- 
ning the  fost-  seven  weeks  before  Easter,  only 
fosted  for  fifteen  days  by  intervals  (jpels  /xdvas 
■Kev6r)ixepovs  e/c  ^laXrfp.jxa.rwv')  ;  and  Sozomen 
speaks  of  some  who  fasted  three  weeks  by  inter- 
vals (o-iropaSTji/)  out  of  the  six  or  seven  weeks. 
Lastly,  some  fasted  for  two  weeks,  as  the  Mon- 
tanists  did. 

Gregory  the  Great  {Horn,  in  Evang.  i.  16.  5 ; 
vol.  i.  1494,  ed.  Bened.)  speaks  of  the  fast  as  of 
thirty-six  days'  duration,  that  is  to  say,  of  six 
weeks,  not  counting  in  the  six  Sundays.  It  will 
have  been  noticed  above  that  Sozomen  speaks  of 
six  weeks  as  the  period  observed  by  the  Westerns, 
whereas  it  lasted  through  seven  weeks  in  Con- 
stantinople and  the  East.  Now  in  the  East, 
Satui-day  as  well  as  Sunday  partook  of  a  festal 
chai-acter,«  and  thus  the  number  of  actual  fasting 
days  would  be  in  either  case  thirty-six.  Of 
course  those  Eastern  churches  which  only  took 
six  weeks  would  have  but  thirty-one  days'  fast. 
[The  Saturday  which  was  Easter  Eve  was  of 
course  in  all  cases  excepted  from  the  general  rule 
of  Satui'days.]  In  any  case  thirty-six  was  the 
maximum  number  of  days'  fast''  (of.  Cassian, 
Collat.  xxi.  24,  25  ;  Patrol,  xlix.  1200). 

By  whom  the  remaining  four  days  were 
added,  that  is  Ash- Wednesday  and  the  three  days 
following  it,  does  not  clearly  appear.  Gregory 
the  Great  (ob.  a.d.  604)  has  often  been  credited 
with  it  (see  e.g.  the  Micrologus,  c.  49  ;  Patrol. 
cli.  1013),  but  his  remark  which  we  have  referred 
to  above  seems  conclusive  against  this.  The 
evidence  also  derivable  from  the  Gregorian 
sacramentary,  into  which  we  must  enter  in 
detail  when  we  come  to  speak  of  the  liturgical 
part  of  our  subject,  points  the  same  way.  Thus 
the  headings  for  these  first  four  days  never 
include  the  term  Quadragesima,  which  occurs  for 
the  first  time  on  the  Sunday  ;  and  there  seems 
ground  for  omitting  the  words  caput  jejunii  in 
the  heading  to  Ash-Wednesday.  Martene  (De 
Ant.  Eccles.  Bit.  iii.  58,  ed.  Venice,  1783)  shews 
that  even  after  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great, 


LENT 


973 


c  There  is  some  difficulty  here  in  the  remark  as  to  the 
Roman  fast  not  holding  on  the  Saturday.  See  Valesius's 
not.  in  loc. 

d  In  illustration  of  the  longer  period  of  the  fast  ob- 
served in  the  East,  we  may  refer  to  the  case  mentioned 
by  Photius  (^Biblioth.  107  ;  Patrol.  Gr.  ciii.  3T7). 

'  For  an  illustration  of  this,  see  e.  g.  Chrysostom  {ffom. 
xi.  in  Gen.  }  2  ;  vol.  Iv.  101,  ed.  Gaume),  who  speaks  of 
the  relaxation  afforded  in  Lent  by  the  cessation  of  the 
fast  on  Saturday  and  Sunday.  As  regards  the  West  an 
exception  must  be  made  in  the  case  of  Milan,  where 
Saturday  was  viewed  as  in  the  East  (see  Ambrose,  de 
Mia  et  jejunio,  infra),  also  for  Gaul  (see  Aurelian, 
infra). 

'  We  may  refer  here  to  the  notion  that,  since  thirty-six 
days  was  one-tenth  of  the  year,  therefore  in  Lent  was 
fulfilled  the  Mosaic  precept  of  paying  tithes  (Cassian, 

I.C.). 


the  four  additional  days  cannot  for  some  time 
have  been  observed,  at  any  rate  at  all  universally, 
for  the  Regula  Magistri,  a  writing  apparently  of 
the  7th  century,  orders  that  from  Sexagesima 
the  monks  should  fast  till  the  evening  on  Wed- 
nesdays, Fridays,  and  Saturdays,  but  that  on 
other  days  up  to  Quadi-agesima  they  should  take 
their  meal  at  the  ninth  hour.  Thus  by  the 
addition  of  these  six  days,  the  diminution  caused 
in  Lent  by  the  taking  out  of  the  six  Sundays 
was  exactly  counterbalanced  (c.  28,  Patrol. 
Ixxxviii.  997).  Clearly,  therefore,  this  writer 
can  in  no  way  have  viewed  Lent  as  definitely 
beginning  with  Ash- Wednesday,  and  indeed  the 
following  day  is  not  reckoned  as  part  of  the  fast 
at  all.  On  the  other  hand,  the  addition  is  cer- 
tainly not  to  be  fixed  later  than  the  time  of 
Charlemagne,  for  (Martene,  I.  c.)  the  title  "  feria 
quarta  in  capite  jejunii"  occurs  in  MSS.  of  sacra- 
mentaries  of  and  perhaps  before  his  time.  Similar 
evidence  is  furnished  by  the  Rule  of  Chrodegang, 
bishop  of  Metz,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  8th 
century  (c.  30,  Patrol.  Ixxxix.  1071),  and 
apparently  in  the  Penitential  of  Egbert,  arch- 
bishop of  York  from  a.d.  732  to  766  (I,  i.  37, 
Patrol.  Ixxxix.  410). 

Others  have  referred  the  addition  to  Gregory 
II.  (ob.  A.D.  731),  but  the  matter  seems  quite 
doubtful. g  It  may  be  remarked  here  in  connex- 
ion with  this  latter  prelate,  that  the  Micrologus 
(c.  50,  supra)  states  that  it  was  he  who  first 
required  the  Thursdays  throughout  Lent  to  be 
kept  as  fasts,  contrary  to  the  ancient  Roman 
usage.  It  is  to  Melchiades  that  the  appointment 
of  Thursdays  as  exceptions  to  the  law  of  fiisting 
in  Lent  is  referred.  This,  however,  is  very 
doubtful,  when  viewed  in  connexion  with  the 
words  of  Gregory  the  Great  already  quoted. 

Considering  the  diversity  which  we  have 
found  to  prevail  as  to  the  duration  of  Lent,  it  is 
curious  to  see  how  persistently  the  word  rearcra- 
paKoarr]  is  adhered  to,  a  point  which  puzzled 
Socrates  (I.  c.)  in  the  5th  century.  Although 
the  origin  of  this  name  is  by  no  means  clear, 
there  are  at  any  rate  some  reasonable  grounds 
for  connecting  it  with  the  period  during  which 
our  Lord  yielded  to  the  power  of  death,  which 
was  estimated  at  forty  hours  {e.g.  from  noon  on 
Friday  till  4  A.M.  on  Sunday]  ;  and  we  have  seen 
that  Tertullian  twice  refers  to  the  fast  as  con- 
tinuing for  the  days  "in  quibus  ablatus  est 
sponsus."  We  must  also  not  lose  sight  of  the 
forty  days'  fasts  of  Moses,  Elijah,  and  our  Lord, 
as  being  especially  suggestive  of  the  number  of 
forty.  It  will  have  been  noticed  that  when  the 
duration  of  the  fast  was  considerably  lengthened, 
in  the  majority  of  cases  the  number  of  days  of 
actual  festing  was  still  approximately  forty. 

2.  Object  and  purport  of  Lent. — We  may  inquire 
in  the  next  place  what  was  the  primary  idea  in 
the  institution  of  such  a  fast,  and  what  othei- 
reasons  were  subserved  in  the  maintenance  of  it. 

(a)  From  a  passage  of  Tertullian  already 
cited  {dc  Jejunio,  c.  13)  it  is  clear  that  the  fast 
primarily  lasted  for  the  time  during  which  our 
Lord  was  under  the  power  of  death,  to  mark  the 
mourning  of  the   church  when  the  bridegroom 


B  It  is  clear  that  in  some  parts  the  additional  four  days 
cannot  have  been  accepted  for  a  long  time,  for  Martene 
(p.  59)  speaks  of  the  end  of  the  11th  century  as  the  period 
when  they  were  recognised  in  Scotland. 


974 


LENT 


was  taken  away.  Of  this  mourning  then,  Lent 
is  the  perpetual  commemoration.  It  is  interest- 
ing to  note  here  that  the  Montanists  who  ob- 
served three  Lents  in  the  course  of  the  year 
(Jerome,  Epist.  41,  ad  Marcellam,  §  3  ;  voL  i. 
189,  ed.  Vallarsi),  and  kept  one  of  them  after 
Pentecost  (Jerome,  Comm.  in  Matt.  is.  15 ; 
voL  vii.  51),  still  agreed  with  the  Catholics  in 
viewing  it  as  the  mourning  for  the  abs.'ut 
bridegroom,  in  accordance  with  our  Lord's  de- 
claration. 

(fl)  This  primary  reason  having  been  fixed, 
we  need  not  dwell  on  that  reason  for  its  main- 
tenance drawn  from  its  use  as  a  means  of  quick- 
ening zeal,  and  as  an  aid  to  devotion  generally, 
since  this  is  applicable  to  any  fast  and  has  no 
exclusive  reference  to  Lent.  This  particular 
fast,  however,  served  as  a  special  preparation  for 
several  important  events  directly  connected  with 
Easter.  Chief  among  these  was  the  Easter  com- 
munion, which,  even  in  the  earlier  days  of  the 
church,  when  Christians  ordinarily  communi- 
cated every  Sunday,  must  have  had  an  excep- 
tional prominence  ;  much  more  in  later  times 
when  this  frequency  of  communion  had  greatly 
diminished,  and  we  find  for  example  canons  of 
councils  ordering  that  all  Christians  should  com- 
municate at  least  three  times  a  year,  of  which 
Easter  should  be  one.  (See  e.g.  Concil.  Aga- 
thense  [a.D.  506],  cann.  63,  64  ;  Labbe,  iv.  1393.) 
This  idea  is  dwelt  upon  by  Chrysostom  (w  eos 
qui  primo  pascha  jejunant,  §  4  ;  vol.  i.  746,  ed. 
Gaume ;  also  Horn.  1,  §  4,  vol.  iv.  10),  and  by 
Jerome  {Comm.  in  Jonam,  iii.  4 ;  vol.  vi. 
416). 

(y)  Easter  again  was  the  special  time  for  the 
administration  of  baptism,  which  was  necessarily 
preceded  by  a  solemn  preparation  and  fasting. 
The  importance  of  the  Lent  fast  to  those  about 
to  be  baptized  is  dwelt  upon  by  Cyril  of  Jeru- 
salem {Catcch.  i.  5;  p.  18,  ed.  Touttee).  The 
names  of  those  who  sought  baptism  had  to  be 
given  in  some  time  before  {hvoy-aroypaipia,  Pro- 
catech.  c.  1,  p.  2  ;  cf.  c.  4,  p.  4).  A  council  of 
Carthage  ordains  that  this  shall  be  done  a  long 
time  (diiC)  before  the  baptism  {Cone.  Carth.  iv. 
[a.D.  398]  can.  85  ;  Labbe,  ii.  1206),  but  a  canon 
of  Siricius,  bishop  of  Rome  (ob.  A.D.  399)  defines 
the  time  as  not  less  than  forty  days  {Ep.  i.  ad 
Himerinm,  c.  2;  Labbe,  ii.  1018). 

(5)  Lent  was  also  a  special  time  of  prepara- 
tion for  penitents  who  looked  forward  to  re- 
admission  for  the  following  Easter.  (See  Cyprian, 
Epist.  56,  §  3:  Ambrose,  ^^^is^  20  ad  Marcel- 
linam  sororem,  c.  26  ;  Patrol,  xvi.  1044  :  Jerome, 
Comm.  in  Jonam,  I.e. :  Greg.  Nyss.  Epist.  Canon. 
ad  Letoium,  Patrol.  Gr.  xlv.  222:  Petr.  Alex- 
andr.  can.  1,  Labbe,  i.  955  :  Coticil.  Ancyranum 
[A.D.  314],  can.  6,  ib.  1457.) 

3.  Manner  of  observance  of  Lent. — The  special 
characteristics  of  Lent  consisted  in  various  forms 
of  abstinence  from  food,  the  cessation  of  various 
ordinary  forms  of  rejoicings,  the  merciful  inter- 
ference with  legal  pains  and  penalties,  and  the 
like. 

(a)  First  of  all  must  be  noted  the  actual  fast, 
which  was  generally  a  total  abstinence  from  all 
food  till  the  evening,  except  on  Sundays,  and  in 
some  cases  on  Saturdays.  (Ambrose,  da  Elia  et 
Jcjunio,  c.  10  ;  Patrol,  xiv.  743  :  Serm.  8  in  Psal. 
118  ;  Patrol,  xv.  1383:  Basil,  Horn.  i.  de  Jejunio, 
c.    10;    Patrol.    Gr.    xx.xi.    181:    Chrysostom, 


LENT 

Horn.  iv.  in  Gen.  c.  7,  vol.  iv.  36  ;  ffom.  vi.  in 
Gen.  c.  6,  vol.  iv.  58  ;  Horn.  viii.  in  Gen.  c.  6, 
vol.  iv.  76.) 

As  to  the  particular  kinds  of  food  made  use  of 
when  the  fast  was  broken  for  the  day,  there 
would  appear  to  have  been  in  early  times  the 
utmost  latitude.  This  may  be  gathered,  for 
example,  from  the  passage  of  Socrates  already 
quoted  {Hist.  Eccles.  v.  22).  "Now  we  may 
notice,"  he  says,  "  that  men  differ  not  only  with 
respect  to  the  number  of  the  days,  but  also  in 
the  character  of  the  abstinence  from  food,  which 
they  practise.  For  some  abstain  altogether  from 
animal  food,  while  others  partake  of  no  animal 
food  but  fish  only.  Others  again  eat  of  birds  as 
well  as  fishes,  saying  that  according  to  Moses 
they  also  were  produced  from  water.  Others 
abstain  also  from  fruits  {a.irp6Spva)  and  eggs, 
while  some  partake  only  of  dry  bread,  and 
others  not  even  of  that.  Another  sort  fast  till 
the  ninth  hour,  and  then  have  their  meal  of 
various  sorts  of  food"  {Sid^opou  fxovai  ttjv 
kaTiaaiv).^  He  then  goes  on  to  argue  that  since 
no  rule  of  Scripture  can  be  produced  for  this 
observance,  therefore  the  apostles  left  the  decision 
of  the  matter  to  every  man's  judgment.  It  will 
thus  be  seen  that  though  the  fast  was  to  be  kept 
throughout  the  day,  there  was  as  yet  an  absence 
of  any  restriction  as  to  the  character  of  the  food 
taken  in  the  evening  ;  it  being,  of  course,  assumed 
that  great  moderation  was  shewn,  and  that 
luxuries  were  avoided,  in  fact  that  the  fast  was 
not  to  be  a  technical  matter  of  abstaining  from 
this  or  that  food,  merely  to  enjoy  a  greater  luxury 
of  a  different  kind.  The  abstaining  from  flesh  as 
any  absolute  and  fundamental  rule  of  the  church 
was  not  yet  insisted  on,  but  still  remained  to  some 
extent  a  matter  of  private  judgment.  An 
example,  which  illustrates  a  transitional  state  of 
things,  is  found  in  the  incident  related  by  Sozomeu 
{Hist.  Eccles.  i.  11)  of  Spyridon,  bishop  of  Tri- 
mythus,  in  Cyprus.  He,  when  once  visited  by  a 
stranger  at  the  beginning  of  Lent,  offered  him 
some  swine's  flesh,  which  was  the  only  food  he 
had  in  the  house.  The  latter  refused  to  partake 
of  it,  saying  that  he  was  a  Christian.  "  All  the 
more  therefore,"  said  the  bishop,  "  should  it  not 
be  refused,  for  that  all  things  are  pure  to  the 
pure  is  declared  by  the  word  of  God."  Bingham 
{Orig.  xxi.  1.  17),  who  cites  the  above  instance,  has 
strangely  omitted  to  add  that  before  acting  thus, 
the  bishop  besought  the  Divine  indulgence 
(eii^OjUej'os  Rol  ffvyyvd!>iu.r)v  oiTrjcras),  as  though 
he  were  straining  a  point  in  doing  as  he  did, 
though,  on  the  other  hand,  such  straining  had  not 
yet  become  a  violation  of  a  universally  recog- 
nised law.  We  find  a  somewhat  parallel  illustra- 
tion in  Eusebius  {Hist.  Eccl.  v.  3),  where  a 
certain  Christian  prisoner  named  Alcibiades,  who 
had  lived  on  bread  and  water  ail  his  life,  received 
a  divine  monition  through  Attains,  one  of  his 
fellow  prisoners,  that  he  did  not  well  in  thus 
refusing  the  good  gifts  of  God. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  continually  find  protests 
being  made  against  the  conduct  of  those  who,  so 
long  as  the  technical  rules  were  observed,  thought 
themselves  at  liberty  to  indulge  in  every  luxury, 
instead  of  devoting  the  money  saved  by  the  fast 

^  The  Greek  here  seems  rather  curious.  Valesius  con- 
jectured that  we  should  read  aSiMJ>opov,  sine  disarimine 
cibvrum. 


LENT 

to  the  relief  of  the  poor.'  (Augustine,  Scrm.  205, 
§  2,  vol.  V.  1337,  ed.  Gaurae  ;  Serm.  207,  §  2,  ih. 
1341;  Scrm.  210,  §  10,  ih.  1353;  Leo,  Scrm.  3, 
de  Jejunio  Pentecostes,  vol.  i.  319,  ed.  Ballerini.) 

The  same  kind  of  reaction  of  feeling  manifested 
itself  in  the  indulging  in  special  enjoyments  in 
the  days  before  the  fast,  and  of  this  the  carnival 
may  serve  as  aa  illustration.'' 

It  is  not,  however,  to  be  supposed  from  all  this, 
that  there  is  an  absence  of  positive  enactments 
on  the  subject.'  Thus  one  of  the  so-called 
aDostolical  canons  orders  that  all  clerics  shall  fast 
in  Lent  under  penalty  of  deposition,  unless  they 
can  plead  bodily  infirmity ;  a  layman  to  be  ex- 
communicated (can.  69).  The  fourth  council 
of  Orleans  (A.D.  541)  also  enjoins  the  observance 
of  Lent,  adding  a  rule  that  the  Saturdays  are  to 
be  included  in  the  fast.  (Concil.  Aurel.  iv.  can. 
2  ;  Labbe,  v.  382 ;  cf.  Concil.  Toletanum  viii. 
[a.d.  653],  can.  9  ;  Labbe,  vi.  407.)  It  may  be 
noted  that  Aurelian,  bishop  of  Aries  (app. 
A.D.  545)  in  laying  down  the  rule  for  monies, 
orders  that  the  fast  shall  be  observed  every  day 
from  Epiphany  to  Easter,  save  upon  Saturdays 
and  Sundays  and  greater  festivals  (^Patrol.  Ixviii. 
396).  It  was  evidently  considered  that  there 
should  be  a  stricter  rule  for  such  than  for  Chris- 
tians generally.  The  last  part  of  the  order  refers 
to  an  increased  severity  of  the  fast  during  the 
last  week ;  see  e.  g.  Epiphanius,  Expos.  Fidei 
c.  22  ;  vol.  i.  1105,  ed.  Petavius.  On  this  part  of 
the  subject  reference  may  be  made  to  the  special 
article.     [Holy  Week.] 

O)  A  second  point  which  characterised  the 
season  was  the  forbidding  of  all  things  which 
were  of  a  festal  character.  Thus  the  Council  of 
Laodicea  (circa  A.D.  365)  ordered  that  the  obla- 
tion of  bread  and  wine  in  the  Eucharist  should 
be  confined  to  Saturdays  and  Sundays  during 
Lent  (can.  49,  Labbe,  i.  1505).  A  later  council, 
that  in  Trullo  (a.d.  692)  ordains  that  on  days 
other  than  the  above  two  and  the  day  of  the 
Annunciation,  there  may  be  a  communion  of  the 
presanctified  elements  (can.  52  ;  Labbe,  vi.  1165). 
Again,  the  Council  of  Laodicea  forbids  the  cele- 
bration of  festivals  of  martyrs  in  Lent,  except 
upon  Saturdays  and  Sundays  (can.  51) ;  and 
the  following  canon  forbids  the  celebration 
of  marriages  and  of  birthday  festivals  in  Lent, 
without  any  reservation.  This  last,  however, 
perhaps  only  gradually  came  to  be  observed,  for 
in  the  collection  of  Eastern  canons  by  Martin, 
bishop  of  Braga  in  Spain,  he  cites  no  other  canon 
for  this  use  but  that  of  the  Council  of  Laodicea. 
Cf.  also  as  to  this  point  Augustme,  Serm.  205,  §  2 
(vol.  V.  1336);  Kghert,  Penitential,  i.  21  (^Patrol. 
Ixxxix.  406)  ;  Theodulfus  of  Orleans,  Capitul.  43 
(^Patrol,  cv.  205);  Nicolaus  I.  Resp.  ad  consult. 
Bulg.  c.  48  ;  (Patrol,  cxix.  1000). 

A  foi-tiori  all  public  games,  theatrical  shows, 
and    the    like,    were    forbidden    at    this  season. 


LENT 


975 


i  Thus  Augustine  {Serm.  205,  I.  c),  "  ut  pretiosos  cibos 
quaerat,  quia  carne  non  vescitur,  et  iuusitatos  liquores, 
qui*  vinum  non  bibit." 

k  On  tliis  point,  see  J.  C.  Zeumer,  Bacchanalia 
Christianorum,  vulgo  das  Cai-neval,  Jenae,  1699. 

'  The  subject  of  dispensations  relaxing  the  strictness 
of  rules  as  to  diet  in  Lent  falls  outside  our  present  limits. 
We  may  perhaps  just  call  attention  to  the  wipid  Lacti- 
CINIA  (cf.  French  Laitage),  often  occurring  in  such  docu- 
ments for  a  mainly  milk  diet,  as  a  curious  parallel  to  the 
Tupoi^aYO!  of  the  Greeks. 


Gregory  of  Nazianzum  reproves  one  Celeusius,  a 
judge,  who  had  authorised  spectacles  durino-  the 
fast  {Epid.  112;  vol.  ii.  101,  ed.  Bened.). 
Chrysostom,  in  a  homily  delivered  in  Lent,  asks 
his  hearers  what  profit  they  have  gained  froin 
his  sermons,  when  through  the  instigations  of  tho 
devil  they  all  have  "rushed  off  to  that  vnin 
show  (iroixirri)  of  Satan,  the  horse-race  "  {Horn. 
vi.  in  Gen.  c.  1  ;  vol.  iv.  48) ;  and  again  he 
speaks  of  the  great  injury  men  who  follow  such 
practices  do  to  themselves,  and  the  scandal  they 
are  to  others  ™  {Horn.  vii.  in  Gen.  c.  1  ;  vol. 
iv.  59). 

(7)  The  severity  of  the  laws  was  relaxed 
during  Lent.  Thus  the  Theodosian  Code  in  a  law 
promulgated  in  A.D.  380  prohibits  all  hearing  of 
criminal  cases  during  that  season  (Cod.  Theodos. 
lib.  ix.  tit.  35,  leg.  4 ;  vol.  iii.  252,  ed.  Gotho- 
fredus).  Another  law,  published  in  A.D.  389,  for- 
bids the  infliction  of  punishments  of  the  body 
"  sacratis  Quadragesimae  diebus"(oj9.  cit.'Z'jo). 
As  a  parallel  case,  probably  referring  to  the 
Lent  season,  we  may  allude  to  what  is  said  by 
Ambrose,  in  his  funeral  eulogy  of  the  younger 
Valentinian,  where  he  praises  him  in  that  when 
some  noblemen  were  about  to  be  tried  in  a  cri- 
minal case,  and  the  prefect  pressed  the  matter, 
the  emperor  forbade  a  sentence  of  death  during  a 
holy  season  (de  Obitu  Valentin.  Consolatio.  c.  18 ; 
Patrol,  xvi.  1424).  See  also  Nicolaus  I.  (oj).  cit. 
c.  45,  col.  998),  Theodulfus  of  Orleans  (op.  cit. 
c.  42,  col.  205). 

A  rarely  occurring  exception  only  serves  to 
bring  out  more  sharply  the  general  observance 
of  the  rule,  and  thus  it  may  be  noted  that  the 
younger  Theodosius  orders  (a.d.  408)  that  in  the 
case  of  the  Isaurian  robbers,  the  examinations  by 
torture  should  be  held  even  in  Lent  or  at  Easter 
(Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  ix.  tit.  35,  1.  7 ;  p.  255,  <?c?. 
cit.),  on  the  ground  that  the  suffering  of  the  few 
was  expedient  for  the  benefit  of  the  many. 

Not  only  the  criminal,  but  also  the  civil  code 
was  relaxed,  for  Ambrose  speaks  of  the  sacred 
season  of  the  week  before  Easter  when  "  solebant 
debitorum  laxari  vincula "  (Epist.  20,  c.  6 ; 
Patrol,  xvi.  1038"). 

(5)  Besides  all  these  negative  characteristics, 
we  find  also  the  endeavour  to  maintain  a  higher 
spirit  of  devotion,  by  an  increased  number  of 
religious  services.  Thus  in  many  cases,  it  would 
appear,  sermons  were  delivered  to  the  people 
daily  throughout  Lent,  and  Chrysostom's  Homi- 
lies on  Genesis,  to  which  we  have  already  often 
referred,  and  those  eis  rovs  a.v'Spia.vras  were  of 
this  kind.  (See  esp.  Horn.  xi.  in  Gen.  c.  3  ;  vol. 
iv.  102).°     We  may  also  cite  here  Theodulfus  of 


n>  A  curious  extension  of  this  idea  is  found  in  the 
Scarapeus  of  abbat  Pirminius  (ob.  a.d.  758),  who  among 
other  things  deprecates  the  use  of  vi  hides  in  Lent 
{Patrol.  Ixxxix.  1041).  Again  Nicolaus  I.  protests 
against  the  practice  of  hunting  at  that  season  (op.  cit. 
c.  44,  col.  997). 

"  We  may  note  here  that  the  council  of  Nicaea  (a.d.  325) 
appoints  Lent  as  one  of  th>'  two  periods  in  the  year 
for  the  .-fitting  of  a  synod  of  the  bishops  of  the  province  to 
revise  the  sentence  of  excommunication  infliclid  by  any 
of  the  number  in  the  preceding  season,  as  a  check  upon 
undue  severily  (can.  9,  Labbe,  li.  32). 

o  For  another  special  manifestation  of  the  same  idea, 
see  the  rule  laid  down  by  the  third  coimcil  of  Braga,  that 
the  three  days  at  the  beginning  of  Lent  should  be  devoted 
to  special  forms  of  prayer,  with  litanies  and  psalms,  by 


976 


LENT 


Orleans,  in  whose  Capitulare  (c.  41,  supra)  it  is 
ordained  that  all,  save  excommunicate  persons, 
shall  communicate  on  every  Sunday  in  Lent. 
(Cf.  also  Augustine,  Serm.  141  in  Append,  c.  5, 
vol.  v.  2715.) 

4.  Liturgical  Notices. — The  earliest  Roman 
sacramentary,  the  Leonine,  is  unfortunately  de- 
fective in  the  pari  where  Lent  would  occur,  and 
we  therefore  rirst  notice  the  references  in  the 
Gelasian  sacramentary  (Pa6-o^.  Ixxiv.  1064  sqq.). 
This,  in  the  form  in  which  we  now  have  it,  has 
prefixed  to  the  services  for  Lent  an  ordo  agentibus 
publicam  poenitentiam  (c.  16),  wherein  it  is 
ordained  that  the  penitent  be  taken  early  on  the 
morning  of  Ash  Wednesday,  clothed  in  sackcloth, 
and  put  in  seclusion  till  Maundy  Thursday, 
when  he  is  reconciled.  Then  follow  the  forms 
for  the  we^k  from  Quinquagesima  to  the  fol- 
lowing Sunday,  provision  being  made  for  the 
Wednesday,  Friday,  and  Saturday,  viewed  as 
preliminary  to,  but  as  yet  not  forming  part  of. 
Lent.  Thus  in  the  Secreta  of  the  first  Sunday 
in  Lent,  we  find  "Sacrificium  Domini,  quadra- 

gesiinalis  initii  solemniter  immolamus " 

Services  are  given  for  all  the  Sundays  in  Lent, 
and  for  all  the  week-days  except  Thursday  [save 
only  in  the  case  of  Maundy  Thursda}'].  In  the 
Micrologus  (/.  c),  Melchiades,  bishop  of  Rome 
(ob.  A.D.  314)  is  credited  with  the  order  that 
the  Thursdays  in  Lent  should  not  be  observed  as 
fasting  days.  As  we  have  above  remarked,  the 
same  authority  speaks  of  Gregory  11.  as  having 
been  the  first  to  require  the  Thursdays  to  be 
observed  like  the  other  days  of  Lent. 

After  the  forms  for  the  first  week  is  given 
that  for  the  first  sabbath  of  the  first  month  "  in 
xii.  lect.  mense  primo,"  which  is  followed  by 
forms  for  ordination.  The  mass  for  the  third 
Sunday  bears  the  heading,  "  Quae  pro  scrutiniis 
electorum  (i.e.  for  baptism)  eelebratur."  In  the 
Canon  mention  is  to  be  made  of  the  names  of 
those  who  are  to  act  as  sponsors  for  those  about 
to  be  baptized,  and  afterwards  the  names  of  these 
latter  themselves.  The  fourth  Sunday  is  headed, 
"pro  scrutinio  secundo,"  with  the  recitations  of 
names  as  before,  as  also  on  the  fifth  Sunday.  After 
this  are  given  the  various  forms  requisite  for 
baptism,  and  the  attendant  rites,  ad  faciendum 
catechumenum,  bcnedictio  salis,  exorcism,  etc., 
with  the  setting  forth  of  the  creed  (Greek  and 
Latin),  and  the  Lord's  Prayer.  It  may  be  noted 
finally  that  Palm  Sunday  bears  the  further  head- 
ing iJe  Passione  iJomiw,  a  title  which  in  the  Gre- 
gorian sacramentary  is  given  to  the  previous 
Sunday.  For  details  as  to  the  week  from  thence 
to  Easter  (the  real  Passion-week,  though  this 
name,  by  an  imitation  of  Roman  usage,  is  often, 
with  infinitely  less  point,  applied  to  the  preceding 
week),  reference  may  be  made  to  the  special 
article  [HoLY  Week]. 

In  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  after  forms  for 
Septuagesima,  Sexagesima  and  Quinquagesima, 
comes  the  mass  for  Ash  Wednesday  (col.  35,  ed. 
Menard).  It  is  headed  Feria  iv.,  Caput  Jejumi, 
the  latter  words,  however,  are  wanting  in  one  of 
the  best  MSS.,  the  Cd.  Beg.  Suec,  a  fact  which 
has  a  bearing  on  the  question  as  to  Gregory  the 
Great  having  been  the  first  to  add  on  the  four 

ecclesiastics  assembling  together  from  the  neighbouring 
churches,  and  "  per  sanctorum  Basilicas  ambulantts." 
(Conca.  Bracar.  iii.  [a.d.  572],  can.  9,  Labbe,  v.  »98.) 


LENT 

days  at  the  beginning  of  Lent,  a  view  which  we 
considered  his  own  words  already  cited  rendered 
very  improbable.  It  may  further  be  noted  that 
while  this  saci-amentary  provides  services  for 
every  day  from  Ash  Wednesday  to  Easter,  there 
is  no  trace  of  the  word  Quadragesima  till  the 
first  Sunday,  the  previous  Saturday,  e.  g.,  being 
Sabbatum  intra  Quinquagesimam. 

In  the  Ambrosian  Liturgy,  the  service  for 
Quinquagesima  is  immediately  followed  by  that 
for  "  Dominica  in  capite  Quadragesimae "  (Pa- 
melius,  Liturgg.  Latt.  i.  324).  The  services  for 
the  week  days  in  this  liturgy  are  the  same  as 
in  the  Gregorian.  The  Sundays  after  the  first 
bear  the  following  names,  from  the  subjects  of 
the  Gospels,  (2)  Dominica  de  Samaritana,  (3)  de 
Abraham,  (4)  de  Caeco,  (5)  de  Lazaro,  [to  the 
Saturday  in  this  week  is  the  heading  in  traditione 
Symboli,  that  is,  for  the  approaching  baptism], 
(6)  in  Rands  olivarum. 

The  ancient  Galilean  lectionary  and  missal, 
edited  by  Mabillon,  make  no  mention  of  Septua- 
gesima, Sexagesima,  and  Quinquagesima,  or  of 
Ash  Wednesday.  The  former  gives  for  the 
Prophetic  Lection  and  Epistle  for  the  "  Inicium 
Quadraginsimae  "  (sic)  i.  e.  the  first  Sundav  in 
Lent,  Isaiah  Iviii.  1-14,  2  Cor.  vi.  2-15.  (Mabil- 
lon, de  Liturgia  Gallicana,  lib.  ii.  p.  124.)  The 
Gospel  is  unknown,  as  well  as  all  the  lections  for 
the  succeeding  days  till  Palm  Sunday,  eight 
leaves  of  the  MS.  being  wanting.  The  numbers, 
however,  prefixed  to  the  sets  of  lections  shew  that 
the  missing  ones  correspond  exactly  with  the 
number  of  Sundays  in  Lent,  with  nothing  for 
any  week  day.  For  Palm  Sunday  the  Prophe- 
tic Lection,  Epistle  and  Gospel,  are  respectively 
Jeremiah  xxxi. . .  .34  [the  beginning  is  unknown, 
owing  to  the  gap  in  the  MS.],  Heb.  ii.  3-34, 
John  xii.  1-24. 

In  the  Golhico-Gallic  missal  are  seven  masses 
in  all  for  the  season  of  Lent,  the  first  being 
headed  "  in  initium  Quadraginsimae  (op.  cit.  p. 
228),  followed  by  four  headed  "  Missa  jejunii," 
and  these  by  one  "  Missa  in  Quad."  The  seventh 
is  a  "  Missa  in  Symbuli  traditione  "  (cf.  op.  cit., 
infra,  p.  338  sqq.).  Probably  the  two  last 
masses  are  both  for  Palm  Sunday ;  and  these 
are  followed  by  one  for  Maundy  Thursday.  As 
regards  the  mass  "  in  Symbuli  traditione  "  it 
will  have  been  observed  that  the  Ambrosian 
liturgy  orders  the  creed  to  be  communicated 
to  the  catechumens  on  the  previous  Saturday. 
Palm  Sunday  was  the  time  ordinarily  chosen 
in  Spain  and  Gaul  (cf  Isidore,  de  Eccles.  Off.  i. 
37.  4 ;  Patrol.  Ixxxiii.  772  :  also  Concil.  Agath. 
[a.d.  506],  can.  13;  Labbe,  iv.  1385),  where 
eight  days  is  fixed  as  the  period  before  baptism 
when  the  creed  is  to  be  imparted.  Leslie  (op. 
cit.  283)  speaks  of  the  above  name  as  given  to 
the  fourth  Sunday  in  Lent,  but  only  cites  a 
canon  of  the  third  council  of  Braga,  which  fixes 
the  interval  as  twenty  days  (Concil.  Brae.  iii. 
[a.D.  572],  can.  1  ;  Labbe,"  v.  896).  According 
to  Isidore  (/.  c).  Palm  Sunday  was  called  capiti- 
lavi'im,  because  the  children's  heads  were  then 
washed  with  a  view  to  the  approaching  Easter 
baptism. 

In  the  Mozarabic  liturgy,  as  we  now  have 
it,  Sundays  are  reckoned  up  to  the  eighth  after 
the  octave  of  the  Epiphany,  followed  by  the 
"  Dominica  ante  diem  Cineris,"  and  this  by 
"  feria  iv.  in  Capite  jejunii."     It  is  clear,  how- 


LENT 

ever,  that  in  Spain,  Lent  originally  began  on  the 
Sunday  after  Quinquagesima,  which  left  thirty- 
six  fasting  days  (cf.  Isidore,  I.  c.  :  Concil.  Tolet. 
viii.  can.  9,  supra),  and  thus  there  is  no 
form  foi  Ash  Wednesday  in  the  Hispano-Gothic 
use.  The  Mozarabic  missal,  therefore,  has 
borrowed  from  the  Toledo  missal  the  office  for 
the  benediction  of  the  ashes ;  the  Gospel  and 
prayers  correspond  with  those  for  the  first  Sun- 
day in  Lent  in  the  Hispano-Gothic  use,  and  the 
Prophetic  Lection  and  Epistle  with  those  for  the 
following  Wednesday.  Altogether  the  services 
in  the  Mozarabic  liturgy  are  much  out  of  order 
(Leslie,  Xot.  in  Liturg.  Mozarah. ;  Patrol.  Ixxxv. 
287).  As  a  further  consequence  of  the  putting 
on  of  Ash  Wednesday  and  three  following  days, 
whereas  in  the  Hispano-Gothic  use  the  title 
Dominica  in  (ante)  carnes  tollendas  belongs  to  the 
first  Sunday  in  Lent,  in  the  Mozarabic  it  refers 
to  Quinquagesima. 

This  latter  has  forms  for  Sundays,  Wednesdays, 
and  Fridays  throughout  Lent,  and  also  for 
Maundy  Thursday  and  Easter  Eve.  Under  Ash 
Woilnesday  is  given  the  form  for  the  benediction 
of  the  ashes.  In  this  rite  (which,  it  may  be 
remarked  in  passing,  is  one  of  those  noted  by 
Gillebert,  bishop  of  Limerick  [ob.  after  a.d.  1139], 
which  may  only  be  performed  by  a  priest  in  the 
absence  of  the  bishop,  see  Benedictioxs,  p.  195), 
the  priest  or  bishop  (sacerdos),  after  blessing  the 
ashes,  sprinkles  them  with  holy  watei-,  and  they 
are  then  received  from  his  hand  by  the  clerics 
and  laymen  present.  As  each  takes  of  them  he 
is  addressed  in  the  words,  "  Memento,  homo,  quia 
fcinis  es,  et  in  cinerem  reverteris,  age  poenitentiam, 
et  prima  opera  fac."  The  Prophetic  Lection, 
Epistle  and  Gospel  for  this  day  are  Wisdom 
i.  23-33  ;  James  i.  13-21 ;  Matt.  iv.  1-12. 

A  common  name  in  Spain  for  the  first  Sunday 
in  Lent  was  Dominica  in  Alleluia,  because  of  the 
markedly  festal  way  in  which  the  day  was  ob- 
served, and  from  the  special  singing  of  Alleluia 
on  that  day.  We  may  take  this  opportunity  of 
remarking  that  the  ancient  Spanish  use  was  to 
close  on  this  day  the  doors  of  the  baptistery, 
which  were  sealed  with  the  bishop's  seal,  till 
Maundy  Thursday.  The  seventeenth  Council  of 
Toledo  [a.d.  694]  dwells  on  this  rule  (cap.  2 ; 
Labbe,  vi.  1364: ;  cf.  Hildefonsus  Toletanus  [ob. 
A.D.  669]  Adnot.  de  cognitione  baptismi,  c.  107  ; 
Patrol,  xcvi.  156).  A  notice  of  the  same  custom 
as  prevailing  in  "  the  Alexandrian  church  is 
found  in  the  ancient  lectionary  published  by 
Zaccagnius  {Collectanea  Monumentorum  Veterum, 
p.  718). 

The  following  are  the  Old  Testament  Lections, 
Epistles  and  Gospels  given  in  the  Mozarabic 
liturgy  for  the  Sundays  in  Lent ;  those  for  the 
Wednesdays  and  Fridays  we  have  not  thought  it 
necessary  to  add.  (i.)  Isaiah  Iv.  2-13  (but  for- 
merly 1  [3]  Kings  xix.  3-14,  Leslie,  op.  cit.  296)  ; 
2  Cor.  V.  20-vi.  11  ;  John  iv.  3-43.  (ii.)  Prov. 
-xiv.  33-xv.  8  ;  Gen.  xli.  1-46  ;  James  ii.  14-23  ; 
John  ix.  1-36.  (iii.)  Prov.  xx.  7-28;  Num. 
xxii.  2-xxiii.  11;  1  Peter  i.  1-12;  John  vi. 
56-71.  (iv.)  "mediante  die  festo  "  [a  name  due 
not  only  to  the  fact  that  on  this  day  was  the 
middle  point  of  Lent  according  to  the  Hispano- 
Gothic  use,  but  also  because  of  the  occurrence  of 
the  words  "  Jam  autem  die  festo  mediante 
ascendit  Jesus  in  templum  "  in  the  Gospel  for  the 
day:  Leslie,  op.  cit.  353]   Ecclus.  xiv.  11-22; 


LEO  L 


97T 


1  Sam.  i.  1-21 ;  2  Pet.  i.  1-12  ;  John  vii.  1-15. 
(v.)  Ecclus.  xlvii.  24-30,  21-33  ;  1  Sam.  xxvi. 
1-25  ;  1  John  i.  1-8 ;  John  x.  1-17.  (vi.) 
"Dominica  in  ramis  Palmarum,  ad  benedic ju- 
dos Hores  vel  ramos."  [For  this  rite  see  HoLr 
Week;  also  Leslie,  op.  cit.  388.]  Ecclus.  iii. 
2-18;  Deut.  xL  18-32 ;  GaL  i.  3-13 ;  John  xi. 
58-xii.  14. 

In  the  Greek  church  there  is  a  special  service 
book,  called  the  Triodion,  for  the  period  extend- 
ing from  what  would  be  with  us  the  last  of  the 
Sundays  after  the  Epiphany  (called  with  them 
the  Sunday  of  the  Pharisee  and  Publican,  from 
the  Gospel  for  the  day)  to  Easter  Eve.  Septua- 
gesima,  Sexagesima,  and  Quinquagesima,  are  re- 
spectively the  Sundays  of  the  Prodigal  (from  the 
Gospel  for  the  day),  ttj^  aTroKpeu  (because  from 
Sexagesima  onwards  flesh  was  not  eaten  ;  cf.  ou  /xi] 
(pdyo)  Kp4a  1  Cor.  viii.  13,  which  enters  into  the 
Epistle  for  the  day),  and  rrjs  Tvpopdyov  (from 
the  nature  of  the  diet  taken  in  the  ensuing 
week).  The  Lent  of  the  Greek  church  is  begun 
on  the  day  after  Quinquagesima,  no  special 
regard  being  paid  to  Ash  Wednesday.  The  Ar- 
menian church,  however,  begins  on  the  Monday 
before  Quinquagesima;  the  fast  of  this  first 
week  being  known  as  the  Artziburion,  a  word 
of  very  doubtful  origin  (Neale,  Eastern  Church, 
Introd.  p.  742).  The  Epistles  and  Gospels  used 
in  the  Greek  church  for  the  six  Sundays  of  Lent 
are  as  follows  :  (i.)  KvpiaKrj  tt)s  opdoSo^ias  (in 
memory  especially  of  the  final  overthrow  of 
the  Iconoclasts),  Heb.  xi.  24-26,  32-40;  John 
i.  44-52.  (ii.)  Heb.  i.  10-ii.  3;  Mark  ii.  1- 
12.  (iii.)  KvptaK^  aravpoTTpo(TKvvi\(ny.os,  or  simply 
(TTavpoTTpoa-Kvvriais  [See  Cross,  Adoration  of, 
L  501],  Heb.  iv.  14-v.  6  ;  Mark  viii.  34-ix.  1. 
(iv.)  Heb.  vi.  13-20;  Mark  ix.  17-31.  (v.) 
Heb.  ix.  11-14;  Mark  s.  32-45.  (vi.)  Phil.  iv. 
4-9,  Gospel  for  Matins,  Matt.  xxi.  1-11,  15- 
17,  for  Liturgy,  John  xii.  1-18. 

5.  Literature. — For  the  foregoing  matter,  I 
am  much  indebted  to  Bingham,  Origines,  bk. 
xxi.  ch.  i. ;  Binterim,  Denkwiirdigkeiten  der  Ckrist- 
Katholischen  Kirche,  vol.  ii.  part  2,  pp.  592  sqq. ; 
vol.  V.  part  i.  pp.  169  sqq.  Augusti,  Denkwiirdig- 
keiten aus  der  Christlichen  Archdolo jie,  vol.  x. 
pp.  393  sqq. ;  Ducange,  Glossarium,  s.  v.  Quad- 
ragesima ;  ilartene,  de  Antiquis  Ecclesiae  Bitibus, 
vol.  iii.  cc.  18,  19.  Reference  may  also  be  made 
to  Filesacus,  Diatriba  de  Quadragesima  Chridian- 
orum,  in  his  Opuscula,  Parisiis,  1614;  Dassel,  de 
Jure  Temporis  Quadragesimalis,  Argentorati, 
1617;  Daille,  de  Jejuniis  et  Quadragesima, 
Daventriae,  1654 ;  Romberg,  de  Quadragesima 
veterum  Christianorum,  RelmstSidt,  1677;  Liemke, 
Die  Quadragesimal  fasten  der  Kirche,  Miinchen, 
1853.  [R.  S.] 

LEO  I.  (1)  the  Great,  pope  a.d.  440-461, 
is  named  first  of  all  confessors  in  the  Breton 
Litany  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  ii.  82),  second  only 
to  Silvester  in  that  at  the  mass  for  an  em- 
peror in  Sacr.  Gregor.  (Muratori,  463),  Nov. 
10,  and  commemorated  that  day  {Mart.  Ilier. 
Raban),  but  April  11,  (Bedc,  Raban,  Notker), 
"  Cujus  temporibus  synodus  Chalcidonensis  ex- 
titit"  is  added  on  that  day  first  by  Usuard.  Com- 
memorated in  the  Greek  church.  Fob.  18. 
April  11  is  probably  the  day  of  his  translation 
to  a  more  conspicuous  tomb  in  the  basilica  of 
St.  Peter,  by  Sergius  (A.D.  687-701).     He  had 


978 


LEO 


jin  oratory  in  the  da3's  of  pope  Paul  below  the 
basilica  of  St.  Peter  without  the  walls  (Anast. 
8o-<35). 

LEO  (3)  Pope  A.D.  68:!,  June  28  (Anastasius, 
the  Capitulary  published  by  Fronto,  Mart.  Rom. 
liede,  Ado,  Usuard).  Sollerius  would  malte  out 
that  this  was  originally  a  festival  of  Leo  I.  But 
it  is  not  certain  tliat  al!  the  celebrations  in  the 
sacramentary  of  Gregory  reall)'  date  from  Gre- 
gory's time.  (For  the  collects  there  given  v. 
Muratori,  p.  100,  or  Migne ;  v.  Rossi,  i.  127.) 

(3)  Bishop  of  Catania,  Feb.  20  {Cal.  Byz.) 

(4)  Martyr,  March  1  {Mart.  Hieron.). 

(5)  Bishop  of  Sens,   Apr.  22   {Mart.  Hieron.). 

(6)  Confessor  at  Troyes,   May  25  (Usuard.) 

(7)  Or  Leontius,  {Mart.  Gellon.)  martyr,  Oct. 
2  {Mart.  Hieron.). 

(8)  Subdeacon,  martyr  at  Kome,  June  30 
(^M.art.  Hieron.  Usuard). 

(9)  Martyr,  drowned  by  the  mob  at  Patara  in 
Lycia,  under  LoUianus,  on  February  18  {Cal.  Byz. 
V.  Tillem.  v.  581);  not  in  the  Menology  of  Basil. 
He  seems  to  have  beea  confounded  with  Leo  I. 
His  acts,  however,  assign  his  death  to  June  30, 
an  attempted  identification  with  (8). 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LEOBARDUS,  monk  of  Tours,  f  Jan.   18, 

A.D.  583.     {Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  562.)      [E.  B.  B.] 

LEOBINUS,  bishop  of  Chartres,  f  A.D.  557 ; 
commemorated  Sept.  15.  (Bede,  Eaban,  Wan- 
delbert,  Usuard.)  [E.  B.  B.] 

LEOCADIA,  virgin,  of  Toledo,  commemo- 
rated Dec.  9  {Cal.  Hispano-Goth.  ;  Mart.  Bom. 
Parviun).  Ado  adds  that  she  died  in  prison  on 
hearing  of  the  tortures  of  Eulalia.  She  had 
three  churches  in  Toledo :  one  on  the  site  of  her 
martyrdom,  in  which  the  Gothic  kings  were 
buried ;  a  parish  church  at  the  spot  where  she 
■was  born;  and  a  cathedral  over  her  tomb,  in 
which  the  councils  of  Toledo  were  held.  On  the 
Saracen  invasion,  about  A.D.  724-,  her  relics  were 
carried  into  Hainault.  {De  Vitis  Sanctorum, 
Cologne  1605.    Sollier's  Usuard.)        [E.  B.  B.] 

LEODEGARIUS,  Leudegarius,  Laude- 
GARius  (St.  Leger),  bishop  of  Autun,  killed  by 
Ebroin,  mayor  of  the  palace,  A.D.  678,  and  com- 
memorated Oct.  2,  with  a  special  service  in  the 
Gothic  missal,  as  a  martyr :  "  0  beatum  virum 
Laudegarium  antistitem  qui  corpus  nexibus  ab- 
solutum,  ora  labiis  minuatum  oculisque  orbatum, 
exilium  perpetratum,  lubricitatis  saeculi  post- 
positum,  diversis  tormentis  passum,  exemplum 
episcopis  reliquit,  .  .  .  coronam  immarcicilibus 
floribus  remuneratur  unde  multae  post  reliquiae 
in  Gallis  floruerunt."  The  grammar  is  not 
perfect,  nor  is  it  clear  what  is  meant  by  the 
relics  of  his  heavenly  crown  blooming  in  Gaul. 
He  is  not  named  in  the  metrical  martyrology  of 
Bede.  The  place  of  his  martyrdom  is  still  St. 
Leger's  wood.  He  was  buried  at  Serein.  After- 
wards the  bishops  of  Autun,  Arras,  and  Poitiers, 
contended  for  the  possession  of  his  body.  They 
drew  lots,  and  it  fell  to  the  latter,  and  was 
translated  to  the  monastery  of  Maxentius  at 
Poitiers,  March  16,  where  a  church  had  been 
dedicated  to  him  the  30th  October  preceding. 
{Acta  SS.  Oct.  i.  427,  428.)  Monasteries  were 
dedicated   to   him  at   Morbach   in  Aisace,   and 


LEONILLA 

Massevaux  or  Masmiinster  on  the  Upper  Khine, 
about  A.D.  726.     {lb.  p.  434.) 

LEODEGARIUS  (2)  Priest  in  Le  Pertois, 

6th  century,  f  June  23.    {Acta  SS.  Jun.  v.  414.) 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LEODOWINUS,  archbishop  of  Treves  (7th 

century),  f  Sept.  29.     {Acta  SS.  Sept.  viii.  169.) 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LEOGISILUS,  Lenogisilus,  or  Lonegisi- 
Lus,  presbyter  at  Le  Mans  (7th  century),  ■[•  Jan. 
13      {Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  112.)  [E.  B.  B.] 

LEOLINUS,  bishop  of  Padua  (4th  century), 
t  June  29.   {Acta  SS.  June,  v.  483.) 

[E.  B.  B.] 
LEOMENES,  Pontius,  of  Epineium  in  Crete, 
under  Decius,  martyred  Dec.  23.     {Cal.  Byz.) 
[E.  B.  B.] 

LEONADIUS,  (1)  commemorated  in  Ethiopia, 
Dec.  27 ;  called  by  the  Copts  Leontius  the  patri- 
arch, and  commemorated  by  them  on  the  28th. 
(Ludolf,  Comm.  ad  Hist.  Ethiop.  p.  403.) 

(2)  Commemorated  in  Ethiopia  along  with 
Benikarus,  on  Jan.  7.     {Ih.  404.)        [E.  B.  B.] 

LEONARD,  (1)  A  noble  disciple  of  St.  Re- 
migius,  founder  of  the  monastery  of  Noblat  (St. 
Leonard),  near  Limoges ;  commemorated  Nov.  6. 
He  is  now  honoured  in  the  Greek  church  also  on 
that  day  (Arcudius,  Anthologion). 

(2)  A  monk  of  Le  Mans,  who  refused  to  be 
prior,  t  Oct.  15,  A.d.  570.  His  relics  translated 
to  Corbigny  A.D.  877.  {Acta  SS.  Oct.  vii.  45.) 
The  two  following  are  found  in  the  additions  to 
Usuard. 

(3)  Confessor  at  Vendoeuvre,  Nov.  27. 

(4)  Confessor  at  Chateaudun,  Dec.  8. 

[E.  B.  B.] 
LEONIANUS,  abbat  of  Yienne,  f  Nov.  16, 
circa  A.D.  510.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LEONIDES,  (1)  Bishop  of  Athens,  commemo- 
rated April  15.     {Cal.  Byz.) 

CTKOTOS  (Tvvtlxe  Ta?  '\6rjvai  aSpoov 
BwdfTO^  auTat?  rjkLOv  Aewrt'Sovs. 

He  is  perhaps  intended  by  the  mention  of  the 
name  on  April  16  in  the  Hieronymian  Martyro- 
logi/. 

(2)  Father  of  Origen,  and  martyr  circa  A.D. 
204.  On  June  28,  the  name  is  joined  with 
Potamiaena  and  the  other  disciples  of  Origen, 
and  thus  attached  as  a  companion  to  Irenaeus 
the  same  day.  {Mart.  Hieron.  ;  Acta  SS.  June 
vii.  321.)  Supposed  to  be  the  one  mentioned 
with  Arator,  Quiriacus,  and  Basilius,  April  22 
in  the  Mart.  Hieron.  and  Acta  SS.  April,  iii.  10. 

(3)  Martyr  at  Antioch,  April  26.  {Mart. 
Hieron.) 

(4)  Burnt  to  death  with  Eleutherius,  Aug.  S. 
The  Mart.  Hieron.  names  Leonides  only,  and 
assigns  him  to  Philadelphia.  Some  menologies 
add,  "  and  the  babes,"  and  say  that  their  synaxis 
was  performed  "  in  the  house  of  St.  Irene,  in  the 
buildings  of  Justinian  outside  the  gate."  {Acta 
SS.  Aug.  ii.  342.) 

(5)  The  name  is  mentioned  March  1  or  Jan. 
28,  as  a  martyr  at  Antinous  in  the  Thebais,  under 
Decius.    {Acta  SS.  Jan.  iii.  448.)         [E.  B.  B.] 

LEONILLA,  martyred  with  her  three  twin 
grandchildren    under  M.  Aurelius  or  Aurelian, 


LEONIS 

in  Cappadocia,  and  translated  to  Langres  in 
Gaul  (Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  437);  commemorated 
Jan.  17  (Cal.  Bijz.,  Mart.  Hieron.,  Bede,  Ado, 
Usuard,  but  not  in  the  Parvum  Romanum).  The 
Greeks  call  her  Neonilla.     (Men.  Basil.) 

[E.  B.  B.] 
LEONIS,  martyr  at  Augsburg,  or  more  pro- 
bably at  Rome  (Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii.  703  a),  Aug. 
12.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LEONIUS  (1)  Confessor,  of  Melun  (St.  Liene) ; 
commemorated  Nov.  12  (Usuard,  Wandelbert). 
Baronius  refers  him  to  Nov.  16,  but  this  is  a 
confusion  with  Leo  (Sollier). 

(2)  Of  Poitou,  if  not  the  same,  Feb.  1.  (Acta 
SS.  Feb.  i.  91.)  [E.  B.  B.] 

LEONORIUS,  bishop  in  Brittany  in  the  6th 
century,  f  Julv  1.     (Acta  SS.  July,  i.  121.) 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LEONTIUS  (1)  and  his  brother*,  fellow-mar- 
tyrs of  Cosmas— Oct.  17  (Cal.  Byz.);  Sept.  27 
(Mart.  Bom.  Farv.  etc.). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Tripoli  in  Syria,  under  Ves- 
pasian, June  18.     (Menol.  Bas.) 

(3)  Bishop  of  Autun  (5th  century),  f  July  1. 
(Mart.  Hieron.) 

(4)  Martyr  at  Nicopolis  of  Armenia,  under 
Licinlus,  July  10  (Menol.  Bas.).  In  the  Mart. 
Hieron.  Alexandria  stands  for  Armenia  [contracted 
aria].  He  is  assigned  to  the  right  place  next 
day. 

(5)  Martyr  under  Diocletian  at  Perga  in  Pam- 
phyjia,  August  1.     (Menol.  Basil.) 

(6)  Martyr  at  Amasea  in  Pontus,  August  19. 
(Mart.  Hieron.) 

(7)  In  Lucania  with  Valentia,  August  20. 
(Mart.  Hieron.) 

(8)  The  entry  is  repeated  next  day,  but  the 
name  is  said  here  to  belong  to  a  bishop  of  Bor- 
deau.x  of  the  6th  century.     (Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv. 

(9)  Martyr  with  Carpophorus  at  Vicenza,  cf. 
Peter  de  Natalibus,  1.  7,  c.  87,  either  Aug.  20 
(AA.  SS.  iv.  35)  or  March  19  (Acta  SS.  March, 
iii.  29). 

(10)  Martyr  at  Alexandria  with  Serapion,  Sept. 
15.     (Mart.  Hieron.) 

(11)  In  Cappadocia,  Nov.  22  (ih.).  Bishop  +  A.D. 
337.     (Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  63.) 

(12)  Martyr  in  the  days  of  the  Mussulmans 
in  Ethiopia,  May  26.    (Ludolf,  Comm.  p.  416.) 

[E.  B.  B.] 
LEOPARDUS,  martyr  at  Rome;   honoured 
at   Aix-la-Chapelle    from'  the    time    of  Charle- 
magne, Sept.  30.     (Acta  SS.  Sept.  viii.  430.) 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LEOTHADIUS,  bishop  of  Auch,  f  Oct.  23, 

A.D.  717  ?     (Acta  SS.  Oct.  x.  122.)      [E.  B.  B.] 

LEPERS,  LEPROSI.  There  are  few  notices 
of  the  treatment  of  lepers  in  the  early  church. 
It  is  probable  the  disease  did  not  assume  such 
dimensions  as  to  call  for  special  enactments. 
Ugolini,  under  the  heading  De  Morhis  Biblicis, 
has  collected  (Thesaurus,  \o\.xkx.  1544)  several 
reasons  why  leprosy  was  less  prevalent  in  the 
Christian  than  in  the  Jewish  church.  The 
council  of  Ancyra  (a.d.  314)  has  a  canon  (c.  17) 
directed  ^against  roi/y  aXo^eutro^eVous  koI 
Xeirpovs  ovras  iJToi    Xiirpda-avTa't ;    which  may 

CHRIST.  ANT.— VOL.  II. 


LESTINES,  COUNCIL  OF         979 

refer  either  to  actual  lepers,  or  may  signify  that 
those  who  polluted' themselves  with  unnatural 
crimes  contracted  a  moral  leprosy.  The  council 
orders  that  their  station  shall  be" among  the  x«'- 
fia^Sfievoi,  inter  hyemantes  [Hiemantes].  In  the 
Gallic  church  the  bishops  are  directed  by  the 
5th  council  of  Orleans,  A.D.  549  (c.  21),  to  take 
care  that  no  lepers  within  their  diocese  are  left 
destitute,  but  that  they  are  supplied  with  food 
and  raiment  from  the  church  funds.  The  3rd 
council  of  Lyons,  a.d.  583  (c.  0),  gives  a  similar 
injunction,  with  the  addition  that  "the  lepers  are 
to  be  prohibited  from  wandering  from  one  diocese 
to  another.  In  some  instances  they  must  have 
been  in  danger  of  being  cut  ofl'  from  all  church 
membership,  for  pope  Gregory  II.,  A.D.  715-731 
(Ep.  xiii.  ad  Bonifac),  gives  a  formal  sanction 
to  the  Holy  Communion  being  administered  to 
them,  although  not  in  company  with  others 
free  from  disease.  Some  special  directions  are 
also  given  by  pope  Zacharias,  A.D.  741-752  (Ep. 
xii.)  de  regio  morbo  laborantibus  ;  the  regius 
morbus  in  this  instance  has  been  held  by  some 
to  signify  leprosy.  Martene  (De  Bit.  Antiq. 
iii.  10)  has  printed  from  French  rituals  vari- 
ous specimens  of  the  forms  and  services  to  be 
observed  in  the  treatment  of  lepers,  but  they 
lie  outside  our  period.  [G.  M.] 

LEPTIS,  COUNCIL  OF  (Leptense  Con- 
cilium),  held  A.D.  386,  or  thereabouts,  at  Leptis, 
in  Africa,  when  nine  canons  contained  in  a  synodi- 
cal  letter  of  pope  Siricius  to  the  African  bishops, 
were  received.  By  the  second  of  them  it  is  or- 
dained that  no  single  bishop  may  ordain  another, 
(Mansi,  iii.  670,  and  Supplem.  ad  Colet.  i.  252, 
and  see  ArracAN  Councils.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

LERIDA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Herdense  con- 
cilium), held  A.D.  546 — not  524,  as  was  once 
thought — at  Lerida  in  Catalonia,  and  passed 
sixteen  canons  on  discipline,  to  which  eight 
bishops  subscribed,  the  bishop  of  Lerida  sub- 
scribing last,  and  after  him  one  presbyter  repre- 
senting a  ninth.  By  canon  1,  all  who  minister 
at  the  altar  are  commanded  to  abstain  from 
shedding  of  blood  under  pain  of  being  suspended 
for  two  years,  and  excluded  from  promotion 
ever  afterwards.  By  canon  8,  no  clerk  may  lay 
hands  upon  any  slave  or  pupil  of  his  who  has 
taken  sanctuary.  By  canon  10,  those  who  re- 
fuse to  leave  church,  when  ordered  out  for  mis- 
behaviour by  the  priest,  are  to  be  deemed  con- 
tumacious and  treated  accordingly.  By  canon 
14,  the  faithful  may  not  communicate,  nor  so 
much  as  eat,  with  the  rebaptized.  Other  canons 
are  given  to  this  council  by  Burchard :  among 
them,  one  referring  to  the  purgation  of  pope 
Leo  III.,  which  took  place  two  and  a  half  cen- 
turies afterwards  (Mansi,  viii.  609  sq.  ;  comn. 
Catalan,  Cone.  Hisp.  iii.  172).  [E.  S.  Ff.J 

LESSON.    [Lection  ;  Lectionary.] 

LESTINES,  COUNCIL  OF  (Liptinense 
Concilium),  said  to  have  been  held  at  Liptines, 
or  Lestines,  in  Hainault,  a.d.  743,  or  according 
to  Mansi,  745;  described  as  one  of  the  five 
councils  under  St.  Boniface,  but  beset  with  as 
many  difficulties  as  the  rest.  1.  All  the  four 
canons  assigned  to  it  reappear  among  Carlonian's 
capitularies,  dated  Liptines,  A.D.  743  (Mansi,  xi. 
Append.  105);  indeed  the  first  of  them  speaks  of 
3  S 


080     L-ETTERS  COMMENDATORY 

the  counts  and  prefects,  as  well  as  bishops,  who 
had  met  there  to  confirm  what  a  former  synod 
had  passed.  2.  The  heading  says  it  was  celebrated 
under  Carloman,  and  makes  no  mention  of  Boni- 
face. 3.  Hincmar  and  others,  who  are  supposed 
to  refer  to  it,  affirm  that  a  legate  from  Rome, 
named  George,  presided  at  it  jointly  with  St. 
Boniface.  But  George  was  not  sent  into  France 
by  Zachariah,  but  by  Stephen  II. ;  nor  before 
Feb.  755  (^God.  Carol.  Ep.  viii.  ed.  Migne),  by 
when  St.  Boniface  had  been  dead  eight  months. 
Hence  some  have  supposed  a  second  council  ol 
Liptines  in  that  year.  The  question  is  rather, 
whether  the  fii'st  has  been  truly  described  as  a 
council.  (Mansi,  xii.  370-5  and  589.  Comp. 
Hartzheim's  Cone.  Germ.  i.  50,  et  seq.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 
LETTERS  COMMENDATORY  [Commen- 
datory Letters]. 

LETTERS  DIMISSORY  [Dimissory  Let- 
ters]. 

LETTERS,  FORMS  OF  [Liber  Diuenus  ; 
Superscription]. 

LETTERS,  PASCHAL  [Paschal  Let- 
ters]. 

LETTERS,  PASTORAL  [Pastoral  Let- 
ters]. 

LETTERS  ON  VESTMENTS.  In  the 
examples  of  early  Christian  art  to  be  seen  in  the 
frescoes  of  the  catacombs,  and  the  mosaics  of  the 
basilicas,  the  dresses  of  the  persons  depicted  are, 
in  innumerable  instances,  marked  by  one  or  more 
letters  or  monograms  on  the  border  or  outer  fold. 
The  letters  thus  employed  are  very  various,  and 
usually,  if  not  always,  belong  to  the  Greek  alpha- 
bet, and  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  hitherto 
no  satisfactory  explanation  of  their  occurrence 
has  been  given.  Those  most  frequently  met 
with  are  I,  H,  X,  T,  T,  T.  The  last  letter,  the 
capital  gamma,  was  of  such  frequent  use  on  the 
ecclesiastical  robes  of  the  Greek  church,  that  it 
gave  its  name  to  a  class  of  vestments  [Gam- 
madia],  Arbitrary  symbols  are  also  found,  to 
which  no  meaning  can  be  assigned,  such  as  [], 
J,  J,  il,  Z,  [z:,  I,  (J).  The  earlier  school  of 
Christian  archaeologists  which  was  resolved  to 
find  a  sacred  meaning  in  every  detail  of  the  pic- 
ture or  bas-relief  under  consideration,  had  no 
difficulty  in  deciding  that  T  and  X  represented 
the  cross  in  different  forms,  while  both  I  and  H 
stood  for  Jesus,  and  V  invariably  denoted  an 
apostle  (Bosio,  Eom.  Sott.  lib.  iv.  c.  3,  p.  592  ; 
Ariughi,  Eom.  Su'd.  ii.  lib.  vi.  c.  28;  Mellini 
apud  Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  torn.  i.  c.  xiii.  p.  98). 
This  supposed  law,  hastily  deduced  from  in- 
sufficient evidence,  has  been  entirely  refuted  by 
wider  examination.  Ciampini  (J.  c.)  proves  it  to 
be  quite  baseless.  The  theory  however  pro- 
pounded by  him,  and  supported  by  Buonarroti 
(  Vetri,  p.  89),  that  those  letters  and  monograms 
on  the  dresses  were  the  weavers'  marks  is 
equally  destitute  of  a  solid  foundation,  and  is 
ridiculed  by  Ferrario  (Costume  antico  e  mode  mo : 
Europa,  vol.  iii.  p.  149  ;  Monum,enti  di  Sant'  Am- 
brogio  in  Milano,  p.  176),  since  the  same  marks 
appear  in  mosaics  most  widely  separated  both  by 
time  and  place.  Other  theories,  e.g.,  that  the 
letters  indicate  the  name  of  the  individual  repre- 
sented, or  of  the  mosaic-workei\«,  or  even  of  the 


LEVITE 

tailors  who  made  the  clothes,  prove  equally  un- 
tenable, aud  the  hopelessness  of  discovering  any 
principle  that  would  satisfactorily  account  at  the 
same  time  for  the  variety  and  the  identity  of  the 
marks  has  led  some  to  assert  that  they  were 
used  capriciously  (e.g.,  Suarez,  bishop  of  Vaison, 
de  Vestibus  literatis,  p.  7),  without  any  fixed  law 
simply  in  imitation  of  an  already  established 
custom.  The  existence  of  this  custom  of  weaving, 
or  embroidering  letters  in  the  fabric,  or  sewing 
them  on  to  the  stuft",  is  proved  by  classical 
authorities.  Pliny  speaks  of  the  ostentation  of 
Zeuxis  the  painter,  in  having  his  name  woven  in 
golden  letters  on  the  border  of  his  pallium  at 
Olympia  (^Hist.  Nat.  lib.  xsxv.  c.  36,  §  2). 
Apuleius  speaks  of  "  lacinias  auro  literatas " 
{De  Asin.  aur.  lib.  6,  ad  init.).  Vopiscus  de- 
scribes Carinus  as  adopting  the  same  custom 
(Vopisc.  in  Garin.).  Suidas  (s.v.)  defines  Tpt$o>- 
i'0(t>6pos  as  "one  wearing  a  robe,  having  on  it 
signs  like  small  letters"  ((T7?/i6?a  us  ypafifidria). 
The  purple  davi  sewn  on  the  senatorial  robes, 
which  gave  its  designation  to  the  litidavium,  are 
considered  by  Rubenius  to  have  been  "  letters, 
not  mere  stripes,"  "  literas  laciniis  palliorum 
insertas  "  (De  lie  vestiaria,  lib.  iii.  c.  12).  In  the 
well-known  vision  of  Boethius,  the  ascent  from 
practical  to  theoretical  wisdom  is  symbolised  by 
the  letter  n  woven  into  the  bottom  of  the  bor- 
der of  the  robe  of  Philosophy,  and  0  at  the  top, 
the  intervening  space  being  occupied  with  letters 
arranged  like  the  steps  of  a  ladder  (/>e  Gonsolat. 
lib.  i.  pros.  1).  Although  it  is  impossible  to 
believe  that  the  selection  of  the  letters  in  the 
Christian  representations  was  entirely  capricious, 
it  must  be  confessed  that  no  satisfactory  expla- 
nation of  them  has  yet  been  given,  and  that  the 
subject  requires  further  elucidation.        [£.  V,] 

LEUCIUS  (1)  Bishop  of  Brindisi,  or  Leon- 
Tius,  or  Laurentius  (Greg.  Ep.  vi.  62  (ix.  73), 
cf.  De  Rossi,  Rom.  Sott.  ii.  228),  is  commemorated 
Jan.  11.      (Mart.  Hieron.) 

(2)  Companion  martyr  of  Thyrsus,  at  Nico- 
media,  under  Decius,  Dec.  14  (Gal.  Byz.  and 
Men.  Basil.);  but  Jan.  18  and  20  Mart.  Hieron. 
which  on  the  latter  day  refers  them  to  Nijon  iu 
Switzerland,  whither  their  relics  had  been  trans- 
ferred ;  and  at  Apollonia  Jan.  28.  (Mart.  Rom.. 
Parv.  etc.)  [E.  B.  B.] 

LEUDOMARUS,  bishop  of  Chalons,  t  Oct. 
2,  before  A.d.  589.     (Acta  SS.  Oct.  i.  335.) 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LEUGATHUS,  martyr,  Oct.  22.  (Acta  SS. 
Oct.  ix.  536.)  [E.  B.  B.] 

LEUTFREDUS,  a  confessor  who  by  his 
prayei'S  caused  a  fountain  to  well  forth  in  Meer 
near  Montfort-l'Amaury.     June  21,  Usuard. 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LEVITE.  (Aemrijs,  AeueiTTjr,  Leiifa.)  Pro- 
fessor Lightfoot  has  remarked  (on  FhiUppians, 
p.  187,  2nd  ed.)  that  "the  Levite,  whose  function 
it  was  to  keep  the  beasts  for  slaughter,  to  cleanse 
away  the  blood  and  offal  of  the  sacrifices,  to  serve 
as  porter  at  the  temple  gates,  and  to  swell  the 
chorus  of  sacred  psalmody,  bears  no  strong  re- 
semblance to  the  Christian  deacon,  whose  minis- 
trations lay  among  the  widows  and  orphans,  and 
whose  time  was  almost  wholly  spent  in  works  of 
charity."     Nevertheless,  when  the  three  orders 


LEVITO 

•of  the  Christian  ministry  came  to  be  universally 
Tocognised,  the  analogy  between  the  bishop  with 
his  attending  presbyters  and  ministering  deacons, 
and  the  high-priest  with  his  attending  priests 
and  mini  tering  Levites,  was  on  the  surfjice 
so  strong,  that  the  terms  appropriate  to  the 
one  soon  came  to  be  transferred  to  the  other. 
Thus  Origen  {Horn.  12  in  Jerem.  3,  iii.  p.  196, 
ed.  Delarue),  quoted  by  Lightfoot  (ih,  p.  256), 
regards  the  priests  and  Levites  as  correspond- 
ing to  the  presbyters  and  deacons  respectively. 
From  the  third  century  onward  Levite  is  a 
frequent  designation  of  the  Christian  ministry. 
Thus  the  2nd  council  of  Carthage,  a.d.  390, 
designates  (c.  2)  the  three  orders  of  the  ministry 
-as  antistites,  sacerdotes,  and  Levitae  {Codex  Eccl. 
Afric.  c.  3).  Synesius  {Epist.  58,  p.  35,  ed. 
Paris,  1640)  speaks  of  the  different  grades  of  the 
ministry  as  Levites,  presbyters,  and  bishops. 

In  the  early  portion  of  the  Apostolical  Consti- 
tutions, however,  the  bishops  are  regarded  as  suc- 
ceeding to  the  Levitical  privileges  of  the  older 
dispensation.  The  bishops  who  serve  the  holy 
tabernacle,  that  is,  the  Holy  Catholic  Church, 
are  the  Levites  in  respect  of  the  congregation  (ii. 
25.  5);  the  bishops  inherited  the  Levitical  privi- 
lege of  receiving  gifts  for  the  benefit  of  the  com- 
munity (iv.  8.  1).  On  the  other  hand,  in  the 
later  portion  of  the  Constitutions  (viii.  46.  3  fF.) 
the  high-priest,  priest,  and  Levite  are  regarded 
as  analogous  to  bishop,  presbyter,  and  deacon. 

[C] 
LEVITO  (also  Levitonarium,  Lehito,  Lehito- 
narium,  Lehetes ;  Ae0iT<iv,  Ae^riTciv,  \(^r}To>v- 
dpwv,  AeviTuy,  etc.).  The  name  Levito,  a  word 
apparently  of  Coptic  origin"  (see  Tattam's 
Lexicon  Acgyptiaco-Latinum,  in  Append.),  is 
used  for  a  kind  of  sleeveless  cloak,  ordinarily 
worn  by  Egyptian  monks — "  Lebitonarium  est 
colobium  sine  manicis,  quali  monachi  Aegyptii 
utuntur  (Isidore,  Etym.  xix.  22).  The  word 
occurs  frequenuly  in  the  Rule  of  Pachomius,  of 
which  we  have  Jerome's  translation  from  Euse- 
bius  {Vita,  c.  2;  Regula,  cc.  2,  67,  70,  81  ;  in 
Jerome,  vol.  ii.  53  sqq.  ed.  Vallarsi).  From  this 
we  learn  that  each  monk  was  allowed  two 
Levitonaria  and  a  Psiathium,  or  mat,  in  his  cell. 
The  material,  of  which  this  dress  was  made, 
was  doubtlessly  linen.  Menard  {Not.  ad  Con- 
cord. Regularum,  Benedicti  Anianensis,  c.  2 ; 
Patrol,  ciii.  1237)  argues  that  in  the  passage 
of  Isidore  cited  above,  the  word  lineum  has 
dropped  out  after  colobium,  for  Papias,  the 
grammarian,  quoting  apparently  from  Isidore, 
so  reads  it.  Also,  Ruffinus  {de  Vitis  Patrum, 
c.  7  ;  Patrol,  xsi.  411)  speaks  of  it  as  "  stupeum 
colobium."  Cassian  again  {de  CocmMonim  In- 
stitutis,  i.  5  ;  Patrol,  xlix.  68,  where  see  Gazet's 
note)  speaks  of  the  Egyptian  monks  as  "  colobiis 
lineis  induti."  Also  the  Rule  of  Pachomius 
speaks  of  it  directly  as  "tunica  linea."  We 
need  not  therefore  attach  weight  to  the  defini- 
tion given  by  Suidas,  x'tojj'  ^lovaxi-Khs  4k  rpi- 
X<i>v  ffvi/redeifjLivos.     For  further  references,  see 

»  In  the  article  Colobiuh  it  is  suggested  that  the  word 
is  derived  from  Levita,  since  the  colobium  was  the  special 
vestment  of  deacons.  This  view,  though  found  in  some 
mediaeval  writers,  is,  I  think,  quite  untenable,  as  the 
passages  already  cited  point  distinctly  to  a  primarily 
monastic  use,  and  connect  the  drees  essentially  with 
ICgypt. 


LIBELLI 


981 


Ephrem  Syrus  {do  Humilitate,  c.  88  ;  vol.  i.  326, 
ed.  Assemani)  and  Palladius  {Hist.  Lausiaca,  cc! 
38,  5^;  Patrol.  Gr.  xxxiv.  1099,  1138);  also 
Ducange,  Glossaries,  s.  vv.  TR.  g  "1 

LIAFWINI.     [LiviNus.] 

LIASTINONUS  (Liastamon),  Egyptian 
martyr ;  commemorated  Feb.  9  {Mart.  Hieron  • 
Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  294).  [c.  H.]  ' 

LIBANIUS  (Levangius),  bishop  of  Senlis, 
6th  century;  commemorated  Oct.  19  (Acta 
SS.  Oct.  viii.  447).  [C.  H.] 

LIBANUS,  Egyptian  abbat ;  commemorated 
Ter.  3  =  Dec.  29  {Cal.  Etiiiop.).  [C.  H.] 

LIBAEIA,  virgin  and  martyr  in  Lorraine, 
4th  century  ;  commemorated  Oct.  8  {Acta  SS 
Oct.  iv.  228).  [C.H.] 

LIBEL  {Libellus  famosu^).  The  frequent 
enactments,  both  in  ecclesiastical  and  civil 
legislation,  against  the  circulation  of  libels, 
that  is,  scandalous  charges  circulated  in  writ- 
ing, prove  the  frequency  of  the  practice. 
The  Theodosian  Code  (lib.  is.  tit.  34,  de 
Famosis  Libellis)  has  detailed  and  rigorous 
enactments.  Even  the  reader  or  collector  of 
such  libels  is  to  be  liable  to  capital  punishment. 
And  that  of  Justinian  has  provisions  substan- 
tially the  same.  This  seems  to  have  been 
because  the  person  in  possession  of  or  circulating 
a  libel,  was  presumed,  in  law,  to  have  been  the 
author  of  it  and  punished  as  such  (sciat  so  quasi 

auctorem  hujusmodi subjugandum).    And 

this  presumption  might  probably  be  rebutted  by 
suitable  evidence.  The  Apostolical  Canans  (Nos. 
54,  55,  83)  deal  only  with  the  case  of  a  clergy- 
man maligning  another  cleric,  or  a  bishop,  or  the 
emperor ;  in  the  latter  case  he  was  to  be  deposed. 
Sozomen  {Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  i.  c.  17)  remarks  on  the 
proneness  of  the  clergy  to  present  to  the  emperor 
accusations  {^i^Kia)  against  each  other  before 
the  first  council  of  Nice,  and  relates  that  Con- 
stantine  ordered  all  these  libelli  to  be  burnt 
unread. 

In  a  collection  of  canons  said  to  have  been 
delivered  by  pope  Adrian  to  Ingilram,  bishop  of 
Metz,  we  find  one  apparently  founded  on  the  rule 
of  law  mentioned  above,  and  embodying  similar 
provisions.  And  the  Council  of  Eliberis  (a.d. 
305)  anathematised  in  its  52nd  canon  those 
who  should  be  found  to  have  circulated  libels, 
"  faniosos  libellos,"  in  the  church. 

In  the  6th  century  denunciations  of  this 
offence  become  much  rarer.  From  that  period 
forwards  we  have  only  a  very  few  canons,  and 
those  in  general  terms,  against  libel.  The  councils 
are  mostly  occupied  with  a  different  class  of 
offences,  such  as  would  naturally  arise  in  the 
ruder  state  of  society  which  followed  upon  the 
irruption  of  the  barbarians  and  the  fall  of  the 
empire.  [S.  J.  E.] 

LIBELLATICL    [Libelli.] 

LIBELLI.  I.  In  the  Decian  persecution  the 
constitution  of  the  courts  employed  to  enforce 
conformity,  and  the  number  of  minor  officials  deal- 
ing with  individuals,  rendered  evasion  easy.  The 
approved  form  of  submission  to  the  state  ritual 
was  (as  under  Trajan)  to  offer  sacrifice  or  incense, 
but  it  was  possible  also  to  tender  submission  in 
writing.  The  name  of  one  who  "  professed  "  in 
3  S  2 


982 


LIBELLI 


this  way  was  subscribed  to  a  renunciation  of 
Christianity,  or  to  a  denial  of  the  charge,  or  to  a 
declaration  of  having  recently  or  habitually  at- 
tended sacrifices,  or  sometimes  (unless  Augustine 
has  fallen  into  an  unlikely  mistake)  to  a  mere 
profession  of  readiness  to  comply.  This  docu- 
ment was  delivered  to  a  magisti-ate,  entered  on 
the  Acta,  and  finally  published  in  the  Forum. 

II.  Certificates  of  e.xemption,  like  the  "Par- 
liamentary Certificates "  of  our  own  history, 
were  offered  by  ofliicials  for  money,  and  ac- 
tually thrust  on  persons  who  believel  them- 
selves, after  privately  avowing  their  faith,  to  be 
only  purchasing  exemption  from  the  obligation 
to  conform.  This  would  have  been  simply  a 
species  of  confiscation,  which  has  rarely  given 
great  oifence  (the  church  penance  for  it  was  of 
si.\  months'  duration,  S.  Pet.  Alex.,  can.  5 ;  but 
on  the  Montanist  view  of  such  acts  see  Tillemont 
sur  la  persecution  de  Dece,  note  iii).  But  it  is 
evident  from  the  efforts  of  Cyprian  to  awaken 
penitence  in  respect  of  them,  that  the  purport  of 
this  kind  of  libellus  was  not  less  objectionable 
than  the  first.  They  cannot  have  sanctioned 
exemption  without  some  gi-ounds  alleged,  and 
those  grounds  can  scarcely  have  been  any  other 
than  that  the  certifying  officer  declared  himself 
satisfied  of  the  sound  paganism  of  the  recipient. 

The  difficulties  found  by  authors  on  the  sub- 
ject of  libelli  have  arisen  from  the  assumption 
that  they  were  all  of  one  kind,  or  that  there 
could  be  any  regular  formal  procedure  for  the 
evasion  of  procedure.  On  the  contrary,  every 
conceivable  means  would  be  adopted.  The  ac- 
counts are  not  irreconcilable,  but  are  about 
different  things.  Cyprian's  language  is  precise 
to  technicality  in  the  use  of  professional  terms. 

I.  (1),  That  libellus  which  the  suspected  Chris- 
tian tendered  is  characterised  in  Cyprian  de 
Lapsis,  xxvii.  22,  "  Professio  est  denegantis,  con- 
testatio  christiani  quod  fuerat  (cf.  for  this  pecu- 
liar phrase,  Cyp.  c.  Demetr.  xiii.  11,  id  quod 
prius  fueram)  abnuentis."  In  Ep.  30,  iii.  3, 
"  Professio  libellorum "  is  again  the  exhibition 
or  putting  in  of  such  documents.  Profiteri  is 
the  proper  term,  as  in  the  Acts  of  St.  Agape 
(Ruinart,  p.  424),  Christi  negationem  scriptam 
profiteri,  and  compare  Aug.  de  Bap.  c.  Bon.  iv. 
6.  Again,  contcstatio  means  the  plea,  or  state- 
ment of  his  own  case,  made  by  either  party  to 
a  suit,  answering  to  the  Sico/uoffio  of  the  Athe- 
nian courts.  The  Roman  clergy  in  Cypr.  Up. 
30,  iii.  3,  argue  correctly  that  although  a  man 
may  never  have  approached  the  altar,  he  is 
bound  by  the  fact  of  having  put  in  a  legal 
affirmation  (contestatus  sit)  that  he  had  done  it. 

In  the  above  passages  the  libellus  is  a  docu- 
ment emanating  from  the  recanting  persons. 
Such  are  described  in  Peter  of  Alexandria 
(can.  5)  as  x^'po^po^ijfraj'Tey.  The  nature  of 
its  contents  is  indicated  in  the  passage  of  the 
de  Lapsis,  "  He  has  declared  himself  to  have 
done  whatever  another  in  fact  sinfully  did " 
(faciendo  commisit),  although  this  passage  im- 
plies further  the  appearance  of  a  deputy,  a  slave 
or  heathen  friend  to  personate  him  in  the  sacri- 
ficial act,  as  was  common  in  the  persecution  of 
Diocletian. 

The  offence  of  the  bishop  Martial  {Ep.  67,  vi.) 
who  was  "  stained  with  the  libellus  of  idolatry," 
is  explained  by  this  use  of  the  word  contestatus. 
In  the  public  proceedings  (actis  publico  habitis  ] 


LIBELLI 

apud)  before  the  Ducenary  Procurator,  he  had 
appeared  to  put  in  a  declaration  that  he  had 
denied  Christ  and  adopted  a  heathen  cultus. 
He  is  not  accused  of  having  ever  actually  sacri- 
ficed, and  according  to  Augustine  (/.  c.)  libelli 
might  contain  only  a  declaration  of  readiness  to 
do  so. 

(2)  A  second  class  are  spoken  of  by  Novatiau 
and  the  Roman  clergy,  as  having  virtually  "  given 
acknowledgments,  quittances,  or  discharges " 
(accepta  fecissent,  the  best  authenticated  read- 
ing, is  a  common  term  (Dirksen,  Manuale,  s.  v.), 
but  "  acta  facere,"  which  Neander  adopts, 
makes  good  sense,  namely,  "  to  put  in  a  plea  in  a 
process  "),  though  not  present  in  person,  "  cum 
fierent ;"  inasmuch  as  they  had  made  a  legal 
appearance  (praesentiam  suam  fecissent)  by  com- 
missioning a  proxy  to  register  their  names  (man- 
dando  ut  sic  scriberentur)  on  the  lists  of  con- 
formity. Novatian  argues  that,  as  one  who 
orders  a  crime  is  responsible  for  its  commission, 
so  one  who  sanctions  (consensu)  the  reading  in 
public  (publice  legitur)  of  an  untrue  declaratioa 
about  himself  is  liable  to  be  proceeded  against 
as  if  it  were  true. 

II.  The  other  kind  of  libellus  which  emanated 
not  from  the  renegade  but  from  the  magistrate, 
is  described  with  equal  precision.  In  the  Epistle 
to  Antonian  (55,  xi.  8),  Cyprian  says  some  of  the 
Libellatici  had  received  such.  An  opportunity 
for  obtaining  one  presented  itself  unsought 
(occasio  libelli  oblata  .  .  .  ostensa) ;  they  went 
in  person  or  by  deputy  (mandavi)  to  a  magis- 
trate, informed  him  of  their  religion,  and  paid  a 
sum  for  exemption  from  sacrifice.  Since  no 
magistrate  could  issue  an  order  simply  staying 
the  execution  of  an  edict,  his  certificate  un- 
doubtedly contained  a  statement  of  the  satis- 
factory paganism  of  its  holder.  Thus  Cyprian 
tried  to  awaken  their  consciences,  while  they- 
felt  that  they  had  avowed  their  religion,  and 
that  the  form  of  the  document  was  not  their 
affair. 

Again,  in  the  Exhortation  of  Martyrdom, 
Christians  are  urged  if  a  libellus  is  offered  (libelli 
oblata  sibi  occasione)  not  to  embrace  the  gift 
(decipientium  malum  munus),  by  the  example 
of  Eleazar,  who  refused  the  facilities  offered  him 
of  eating  lawful  flesh  as  a  make-believe  for  pork. 
The  official  connivance  in  each  case  would  have 
enabled  them  to  seem  to  do  what  they  did  not. 
The  libellus  is  here  something  offered,  and  is  a 
munus. 

Thus  nothing  remains  more  clear  than  that 
the  libellus  of  conformity  is  used  for  two  kinds 
of  documents.  Maran  thought  the  distinction 
was  merely  as  to  whether  persons  had  been  pre- 
sent or  not  at  the  registration  of  their  names 
(vita  Cypriani,  vi.).  Rigalt  says  that  the  libella- 
tici only  purchased  a  libellus  of  exemption. 
Tillemont  alone  has  guessed  that  there  might 
be  two  ways,  "Peut-estre  que  Ton  faisait  et 
I'un  et  I'autre."  Whether  a  document  was  issued 
also  in  cases  of  registration  is  not  apparent ;  but 
all  three  sorts  of  persons  are  included  under  the 
name  of  libellatici. 

III.  Libellus  is  the  proper  name  of  a  perfectly 
distinct  kind  of  document  issued  by  confessors  or 
martyrs  in  prison,  to  those  who  had  "  fallen." 
When  the  reaction  commenced  among  the  lapsed, 
in  their  desire  to  recover  their  lost  standing, 
some  reappeared  before  the  tribunals  and  suffered 


LIBELLI 

torture  or  death ;  others  dedicated  themselves 
to  the  service  of  confessors,  others  entered  on 
penances  of  undefined  duration  (Cypr.  Epp.  24, 
21,  56).  Many  more  relied  on  vicarious  impu- 
tations of  merit,  by  means  of  intercessions, 
always  owned  as  availing  for  the  individual 
before  God  (praerogativa  eorum  adjuvari  apud 
Deum  possunt,  Ep.  18,  cf  Ep.  19,  ii.),  but  now 
first  used  in  subversion  of  church  order.  At 
first  a  letter  from  a  martyr  to  the  bishop  only 
prayed  that  the  case  of  a  lapsed  friend  might  be 
enquii-ed  into  on  the  cessation  of  persecution ;  a 
period  of  penitence  and  the  imposition  of  hands 
being  understood  to  be  necessary  just  as  for 
other  sins;  some,  like  Saturninus,  declined  to 
venture  even  on  this  ;  Mappalicus  requested  it 
only  for  his  sister  or  mother  (Cypr.  Ep.  20). 
But  the  presbyters  who  composed  at  Carthage 
the  faction  hostile  to  Cyprian  perceiving  the 
effectiveness  which  might  be  given  to  the  prac- 
tice, anticipated  not  only  the  bishop's  enquiry 
but  even  the  death  of  martyrs,  and  "  offered  the 
names"  of  lapsed  persons  (see  Aubespine,  Obss. 
Ecc.  L.  i.  §  vii.,  prefixed  to  Priorius's  Optatus, 
1676,  p.  40),  and  gave  them  communion  as  duly 
restored  penitents  {Ep.  34)  upon  receiving  such 
letters  from  confessors  without  the  bishop's 
sanction.  These  libelli  sometimes  specified  only 
one  of  a  group  to  whom  they  were  granted, 
"Communicet  ille  cum  suis  "  {Ep.  15).  Then 
they  were  issued  in  the  name  of  deceased  con- 
fessors, and  of  confessors  too  illiterate  to  write 
themselves  {Ep.  27),  and  this  so  copiously  that 
some  thousands  were  supposed  to  be  circulating 
in  Africa  {Ep,  20).  The  chief  authority  in  this 
issue,  Lucianus,  when  remonstrated  with  by 
Cyprian,  seems  to  have  replied  almost  at  once 
•by  promulgating  in  the  name  of  "  all  the  con- 
fessors "  (compare  the  letter  of  ikiras  xopo^ 
fj.apTvpaiv  from  Nicomedia,  end  of  cent.  iii. 
Lucian  ap.  Routh,  Reliquiae,  vol.  iv.)  an  indul- 
gence te  "  all  the  lapsed,"  and  requesting  Cyprian 
himself  to  communicate  it  to  the  provincial 
bishops,  the  sole  condition  annexed  being  that 
their  conduct  since  their  fall  should  have  been 
satisfactory.  This  extraordinary  document  is 
extant,  as  Cyp.  Ep.  23.  Cyprian  himself  was 
prepared  to  concede  some  weight  to  these  libelli 
in  cases  not  undeserving  of  restitution,  but  the 
influence  of  the  martyrs  was  ignored  in  the  coun- 
cil {Carth.  Sub.  Clip,  i.)  which  regulated  the  terms 
•of  readmission.     [African  Councils,  I.  38.] 

These  seditious  libelli  of  the  martyrs  seem  to 
have  had  no  existence  at  Rome.  This  was  no 
•doubt  due  to  the  influence  in  the  exactly  oppo- 
site direction  of  Novatian  over  the  confessors, 
whom  he  commends  for  maintaining  "  Evan- 
^elica  discipiina "  {Ej}.  30,  iv.  4),  and  who  at 
first  adhered  to  him,  and  not  to  the  milder  Cor- 
nelius. The  Roman  presbyters  sympathise  with 
"the  African  episcopate,  and  deplore  the  similar 
revolts  in  Sicily,  and  in  "  nearly  all  the  world." 
They  say  of  Rome,  "  We  seem  to  have  escaped  so 
far  the  disorders  of  the  times."  The  petition  of 
Celerinus  at  Rome  to  the  confessors  of  Carthage 
for  "  Peace  "  to  be  granted  to  his  sisters,  implies 
that  libelli  could  not  practically  be  obtained  at 
Rome  {Ep.  22) ;  accordingly  the  Roman  con- 
fessors who  correspond  with  Cyprian,  urge 
humility  on  the  Carthaginians,  and  go  beyond 
him   in   strictness   {Epp.    27,   31,  32). 

[E.  W.  B.] 


LIBER  DIURNUS 


983 


LIBER  DIURNUS.  The  Liber  Diurnus 
Pontificum  Homanorum  is  a  collection  of  for- 
mulae used  in  the  correspondence  and  ordinary 
business,  the  "negotia  diurna,"  of  the  Roman 
Curia. 

Its  date  is  determined  within  certain  limits 
by  internal  evidence.  In  c.  ii.  tit.  ix.  p.  28, 
Constantine  Pogonatus  is  referred  to  as  departed. 
The  formula  which  contains  this  reference  there- 
fore must  have  been  drawn  up  or  added  to  after 
the  year  685.  And  Gamier  argues  that  the 
book  must  have  been  compiled  before  the  year 
752,  as  it  contains  formulae  of  addresses  to 
eparchs,  which  would,  he  thinks,  not  have  been 
inserted  after  the  date  when  eparchs  were  super- 
seded. He  considers  the  Liber  Diurnus  to  have 
been  drawn  up  in  the  time  of  Gregory  II.  (715- 
731),  mainly  on  the  ground,  that  in  the  second 
"  professio  fidei  "  of  a  newly-elected  pope  which 
it  gives  (p.  33  ff.),  expressions  and  sentiments 
occur  identical  with  some  found  in  letters  of 
that  pope  to  the  emperor  Leo.  Zaccaria,  how- 
ever, has  shewn  that  at  any  rate  the  MS.  which 
Garnier  used  was  almost  certainly  not  written 
earlier  than  the  time  of  Gregory  IV.,  as  it  con- 
tains an  allusion  (c.  ii.  tit.  2,  p.  13)  to  the  date 
of  that  pontiff's  consecration  (Nov.  a.d.  827). 
And  as  it  is  very  probable  that  many  forms 
were  left  standing  after  they  had  ceased  to  be  in 
actual  use,  no  certain  inference  as  to  the  date  of 
the  collection  as  a  whole  can  be  drawn  from  the 
fact,  that  forms  are  given  for  addresses  to  an 
exarch. 

It  was  made  use  of  by  the  early  canonists,  as 
Ivo  of  Chartres,  Anselm,  Deusdedit,  and  Gratiau 
(Dist.  xvi.  c.  8) ;  but  as  in  the  course  of  time 
forms  of  proceeding  changed,  it  gradually  fell 
out  of  use,  and  copies  became  rare. 

Some  time  before  the  year  1650  the  well- 
known  Lucas  Holstenius  saw  in  the  Cistercian 
monastery  of  S.  Croce  in  Gerusalemme  at  Rome 
an  ancient  MS.*  of  the  Liber  Diurnus,  and  with 
some  difficulty  obtained  from  the  abbat  leave  to 
have  it  transcribed  —  a  task  which  is  said  to 
have  been  performed  in  a  single  night.  While 
he  was  preparing  to  publish  this,  he  heard  of 
another  MS.  at  Paris,  in  the  possession  of  Sir- 
mond,  which  was  sent  to  him  at  Rome  (Sir- 
mondi  Opera,  iv.  pp.  685  f.  and  701).  He  does 
not  appear  however  to  have  made  any  use  of 
this  MS.,  for  what  reason  we  do  not  know.  His 
edition  was  printed,  and  a  copy  is  found  in  the 
Vatican  Library  with  the  following  title-page  in 
Holstenius's  own  hand-writing :  "  Diurnus  Pon- 
tificum, sive  vetus  Formularium,  quo  S.  Pom. 
Ecclesia  ante  annos  M  utcbaiur.  Lucas  Hol- 
stenius edidit  cum  Notis.  Romae  typis  Lud. 
Griniani,  MDCL.  8vo."  The  notes  are  wanting, 
but  Zaccaria,  towards  the  end  of  the  last  century, 
saw  Holstenius's  preparations  for  them  still  pre- 
served at  Rome.  The  sheets  were  ready  then  in 
1650,  but  not  issued.  The  same  book  exactly, 
with  the  exception  of  some  slight  variations  in 
the  last  sheet,  is  found  with  the  printed  title, 
"  Liber  Diurnus  Pomanorum  Pontificum  ex  anti- 
quissimo  codice  ms.  nunc  jjrimum  in  luccm  editus 
Bomae  typis  Josephi  Vannicd,  1658."  But  the 
censors  intervened,  and  the  book  was  not  pub- 


"  This  MS.  is  described  by  Pertz  (Ital.  Eeise,  in  Archiv 
fur  iiltere  Deutscfui  Gcschidttskunde,  v.  27)  us  an  8vo, 
volume  of  parchment  of  (probably)  the  8th  century. 


984 


LIBER  DIURNUS 


lished,  though  some  sheets  of  it  were  sent  to 
Petrus  de  Marca  in  1660  (Baluze  on  de  Marca, 
de  Concordia,  I.  ix.  7).  It  is  almost  certain  that 
this  suppression  of  the  book  was  due  to  its  con- 
demnation of  pope  Honorius  (^Professio  Pontif. 
p.  41)  as  abetting  heretics,  a  sentiment  which 
seemed  to  Cardinal  Bona,  when  the  matter  was 
submitted  to  him  as  president  of  the  Congrega- 
tion of  the  Index,  a  perilous  one.  In  the  ponti- 
ficate, however,  of  Benedict  XIII.  (1724-1730) 
copies  of  the  edition  called  of  1658  (really  of 
1650)  were  permitted  to  circulate. 

Meantime  Jean  Gamier  published  an  edition 
of  the  Liber  Diurnus  in  quarto  at  Paris,  in  the 
year  1680.  This  seems  to  have  been  founded  on 
the  Paris  MS.  In  1685  Mabillon  {Mus.  Ital.  i. 
75)  saw  at  Rome  the  original  MS.  which  had 
been  copied  for  Holstenius,  and  finding  in  it 
some  formulae  not  contained  in  Garnier's  edition, 
inserted  them  in  his  Museum  Italicum  (i.  pt.  2, 
pp.  32,  37),  together  with  a  selection  of  passages 
in  which  the  reading  of  the  MS.  difiered  from 
that  of  Garnier's  edition.  These  additions  and 
various  readings  were  used  by  Hoflmann  in  pre- 
paring the  edition  which  he  inserted  in  his  Nova 
Collectio  Scriptorum,  vol.  ii.  pp.  1-268  (Leipzig, 
1733).  J.  D.  Schopflin  in  his  Comuientat tones 
Hist,  ct  Crit.  (Basil.  1741),  pp.  502-524,  having 
had  access  to  a  copy  of  the  edition  of  Holstenius, 
noted  almost  all  the  places  in  which  this  differs 
from  that  of  Garnier,  and  also  added  (pp. 
525-530)  those  portions  which  are  wanting  in 
Garnier's  edition,  omitting  four  paragraphs,  for 
what  reason  is  not  apparent.  The  edition  of 
Eiegger  (Vienna,  1762)  is  a  mere  reprint  of  the 
original  Paris  edition.  This  is  also  reprinted  in 
Migne's  I'atrologia,  vol.  105,  with  Mabillon's 
additions. 

Garnier  found  the  hundred  and  four  formulae 
in  the  codex  without  arrangement  or  division 
into  parts  or  chapters.  He  arranged  the  matter 
and  divided  it  into  seven  chapters.  Of  these 
the  first  contains  the  proper  forms  for  papal 
letters  to  the  emperor,  the  empress,  the  patri- 
cian, the  exarch,  a  consul,  a  king,  a  patriarch, 
etc. ;  the  second  treats  of  the  election  and  conse- 
cration of  a  pope,  together  with  the  proper  forms 
of  the  letters  to  be  written  on  such  occasions  to 
the  emperor,  the  exarch,  and  other  official  per- 
sonages ;  the  third,  of  the  consecration  by  the 
pope  of  the  suburbicarian  bishops ;  in  the  fourth 
are  four  formulae  for  the  bestowing  of  the  Pal- 
lium ;  the  fifth  contains  twenty-one  formulae 
for  various  transactions  between  the  pope  and 
the  bishops  of  his  own  consecration ;  the  sixth 
relates  to  the  management  of  the  estates  of  the 
Church ;  and  the  seventh  to  the  granting  of 
privileges  to  various  ecclesiastical  corporations, 
as  monasteries  and  hospitals. 

The  book  contains  matter  of  great  interest 
both  in  a  dogmatic  and  an  archaeological  point 
of  view.  The  "  Professions  "  of  a  newly  elected 
pope  refer  to  such  matters  as  ecclesiastical  tra- 
dition, the  respect  due  to  the  creeds  of  Nicaea 
and  Constantinople,  the  heresies  to  be  abjured 
and  condenmed,  the  claims  of  the  Roman  primate. 
The  particulars  of  the  order  to  be  observed  and 
the  persons  to  be  informed,  on  a  vacancy  of  the 
papal  see,  are  brought  into  clearer  light  by  this 
document  than  by  any  other  of  so  early  a  date. 
Much  is  learned  as  to  the  relation  between  the 
pope   and   the   bishops   of  his  own  archdiocese, 


LIBERIUS 

and  also  between  the  pope  and  the  metropolitans 
who  owned  his  jurisdiction,  as  to  the  conditions 
and  the  periods  of  ordination  generally,  to  the 
residence  of  bishops,  to  the  care  and  distribution 
of  the  property  of  the  church  ;  as  to  the  different 
classes  of  churches — basilicas,  tituli,  oratories, 
and  the  like — their  consecration,  their  endow- 
ment, and  the  offices  to  be  performed  in  them ; 
and  as  to  the  care  of  the  sick  and  poor.  In  a 
word,  a  considerable  portion  of  the  ecclesiastical 
— especially  the  Roman  ecclesiastical — life  of 
the  8th  century,  or  thereabouts,  receives  illus- 
tration from  the  Liber  Diurnus. 

(See  Garnier's  preface  to  the  Liber  Diurnus 
[Migne,  Patrol,  cv.  pp.  11-22];  and  Zaccaria'.s 
Dissert,  de  L.  D.,  in  his  Bibliuth.  Bit.  t.  ii.  sec. 
ii.  pp.  ccxxix.-ccxcvi.,  Rome,  1781  ;  and  in 
Migne,  cv.  pp.  1361-1404.  The  most  recent 
edition  is  that  by  Eug.  de  Rozifere ;  Paris, 
1869.)  [C] 

LIBERA  NOS.  The  amplification  of  the 
petition  "  Deliver  us  from  evil,"  in  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  found  in  almost  all  liturgies.  For  in- 
stance, that  of  the  Galilean  (which  is  variable), 
is  on  Christmas  Day — "  Libera  nos,  omnipotens 
Deus,  ab  omni  malo  et  custodi  nos  in  omni  opere 
bono,  perfecta  Veritas  et  vera  libertas  Deus,  qui 
regnas  in  saecula  saeculorum."  That  of  St. 
James's  Liturgy  is  given  under  Embolismus 
[i.  609].  Many  liturgies  contain  supplications 
for  the  intercession  of  saints  in  the  Libera  nos. 

[IXTERCESSION,  I.  844.]  [C] 

LIBERALIS  (1)  Martyr  of  Alexandria;, 
commemorated  April  24  (^ifart.  Hieron. ;  Acta 
SS.  Apr.  iii.  265).  [C.  H.] 

(2)  Of  Altinum  in  Venetia,  confessor,  circ. 
A.D.  400 ;  commemorated  April  27  (Usuard. 
Auct.  ;  Acta  SS.  Apr.  iii.  489).  [C.  H.] 

LIBERATA  (1)  Of  Ticinum  (Pavia),  circ. 
A.D.  500;  commemorated  Jan.  16  (^Acta  SS. 
Jan.  ii.  32).  [C.  H.] 

(2)  Of  Mons  Calvus  (Chaumont),  6th  century  ; 
commemorated  Feb.  3  (Usuard.  Auct.  ;  Acta  SS. 
Feb.  iii.  361).  [C.  H.] 

(3)  Of  Comum  (Como),  virgin  and  martyr, 
circ.  A.D.  580 ;  commemorated  Jan.  18  (^Acta 
SS.  Jan.  ii.  196).  (C.  H.] 

LIBERATUS  (1)  Of  Amphitrea  (unknown) ; 
commemorated  Dec.  20  (^Mart.  Usuard.)  [C.  H.] 

(2)  Abbat  and  martyr,  circ.  i  1).  483 ;  com- 
memorated in  Africa  Aug.  17  (Usaard.  Auct. ; 
Acta  SS.  Aug.  iii.  455).  [C.  H.] 

(3)  Physician  and  martyr,  circ.  A.D.  484 ; 
commemorated  in  Africa  Mar.  23  (^Acta  SS.  Mar. 
iii.  461).  [C.  H.] 

LIBERIUS  (1)  Archbishop  of  Ravenna,  circ. 
A.D.  200 ;  commemorated  April  29  (Usuard. 
Auct. ;  Acta  SS.  Apr.  iii.  614).  [C.  H.] 

(2)  (LiBERUS,  LiBUS)  Bishop  ;  commemorated 
at  Rome  May  17  (^Mart.  Hieron. ;  Aata  SS.  May 
iv.  26).  [C.  H.] 

(3)  Bishop  of  Rome ;  commemorated  Sept.  23- 
(Hart.  Hieron.,  Ado,  Append. ;  Usuard.  Auct.  ; 
Acta  SS.  Sept.  vi.  572) ;  Tagmen  4=Aug.  27, 
and  Tekempt  7  =  Oct.  4  (Neale,  Cal.  Ethiop.);. 
Aug.  27  and  Oct.  6  (Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.). 

[C.H.] 


LIBERTINUS 

LIBERTINUS,  martyr  at  Gildoba  in 
Thrace  ;  commemorated  Dec.  20  (^Mart.  Hkron. ; 
cf.  Usuard,  ad  diem,  Obss.).  [C.  H.] 

LIBIUS  (LiBus),  martyr  in  Pannonia;  com- 
memorated Feb.  23  (Mart.  Hieron. ;  Usuard. 
Auct. ;  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  366).  [C.  H.] 

LIBORIUS,  bishop  of  Mans,  patron  of  Pader- 
born,  4th  century,  confessor ;  commemorated 
July  23  and  June  9  (Usuard.  Aitct.  ;  Ado,  Mart. 
Append. ;  Acta  SS.  July,  v.  394 ;  see  also  Usuard. 
Auct.  ad  April  28,  May  28).  [C.  H.] 

LIBOSA  ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Feb. 
22  (Mart.  Hieron. ;  Acta  SS.  iii.  289).     [C.  H.] 

LIBOSUS ;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  3 
{Mart.  Hieron. ;  Acta  SS.  June,  i.  287). 

[C.  H.] 

LIBRA.  In  the  later  Roman  empire  the  pound 
of  gold  was  divided  into  72  .lurei  or  solidi  (CoAex, 
s.  tit.  70,  s.  5 :  see  DiCT.  OF  Greek  and 
Roman  Antiq.  s.v.  "  Aurum").  It  was  probably 
from  this  circumstance  that  a  number  of  72 
witnesses  was  called  Libra  Occidiia  (Baronius  ad 
an.  3U2,  §  91  ff.).  The  same  term  is  said  to  be 
applied  to  the  suffragan  bishops  of  the  see  of 
Rome,  who  were  in  number  about  72  (Macri, 
Hierolex.  s.  v.  Libra ;  Bishop,  I.  240).         [C] 

LIBRANUS,  of  Clonfad,  in  Meath,  abbat  of 
lona,  6  th  cent.,  and  at  Durrow,  Mar.  11  (Aengus). 
[E.  B.  B.] 

LIBRARIES   BELONGING  TO  CHURCHES  AND 

MONASTERIES.  The  information  that  we  are  able 
to  give  on  this  subject  is  fragmentary,  but  not 
without  interest. 

I.  The  most  ancient  library  of  Christian  books 
mentioned  by  any  historian  is  that  at  Aelia 
(Jerusalem),  collected  by  Alexander,  the  bishop 
of  that  city,  a.d.  212.  Eusebius  of  Caesarea, 
writing  about  330,  says  that  it  contained  the 
epistles,  from  one  to  another,  of  many  learned 
ecclesiastics  of  the  time  of  Origen  (A.D.  230), 
and  that  he  had  himself  made  very  great  use  ot 
it  in  compiling  his  history  (Hist.  Eccl.  vi.  20). 
There  was  a  much  larger  and  more  famous 
library  at  Caesarea  in  Palestine,  which  appears 
to  have  been  founded  by  Origen,  with  the 
munificent  aid,  we  may  suppose,  of  his  friend 
Ambrosius,  and  to  have  been  greatly  enlarged  by 
Pamphi.us,  the  friend  of  Eusebius,  a.d.  294. 
That  it  existed  before  the  time  of  Pamphilus 
is  cle  r  from  St.  Jerome's  account:  "Having 
sought  for  them  (books)  over  the  world,  but 
devoting  himself  especially  to  the  books  of 
Origen,  he  gave  them  to  the  library  at  Caesarea  " 
(Expos,  in  Fs.  126,  Ep.  34  ad  Marceltam,  §  1). 
The  same  author  calls  it  the  library  of  Origen 
and  Pamphilus  (De  Vir.  Hlust.  c.  113).  In  this 
library  there  was,  as  he  informs  us,  the  supposed 
Hebrew  original  of  St.  Matthew's  Gospel  (ibid. 
c.  3),  which  is  probably  the  book  (in  the  same 
collection)  which  he  elsewhere  describes  as  a 
Gospel  in  Syro-Chaldaic,  used  by  the  Nazarenes 
(Contra  Felag.  iii.  2).  In  another  work  he  says, 
"I  have  been  somewhat  diligent  in  searching 
for  coi)ies,  and  in  the  library  of  Eusebius  at 
Caesarea  I  found  six  volumes  of  the  Apology 
for  Origen  "  (by  Pamphilus)  (C.  liujin.  ii.  12). 
It  contained  copies  of  the  greater   part  of  the 


LIBRARIES 


985 


works  of  Origen,  made  by  Pamphilus  himself 
(Hieron.  de  Vir.  Illuit.  c.  75).  The  originals  of 
the  HexTpla  were  there,  and  Jerome  corrected 
his  copy  from  them  (Comment,  in  Tit.  iii.  9). 
Before  the  time  of  Jerome  this  library  had 
fallen  more  or  less  into  decay,  but  endeavours 
to  restore  it  were  made  by  two  successors  of 
Eusebius,  viz.  Acacius,  340,  and  Euzoius,  366 
(Hieron.  ad  Marcell.  u.  s.).  Of  Euzoius,  ho 
says,  on  the  authority  of  Thespesius  Rhetor,  that 
he  "  strove  with  great  labour  to  refurnish  with 
parchments  the  library  of  Origen  and  Pampliilus, 
which  was  already  decayed"  (He  Vir.  Hlust. 
c.  113).  Isidore  of  Seville,  A.D.  636,  asserts 
that  the  library  of  Pamphilus  at  Caesarea  con- 
tained nearly  30,000  volumes  (Orig.  vi.  6). 

There  is  extant  the  legal  record  of  some 
proceedings  that  took  place  at  Cirta  or  Constan- 
tia,  in  Africa,  during  the  persecution  of  303- 
304.  It  relates  that  the  officers  "  went  to  the 
church  in  which  the  Christians  used  to  assemble, 
and  spoiled  it  of  chalices,  lamps,  &c.,  but  when 
they  came  into  the  library  (bibliothecam),  the 
presses  (armaria)  there  were  found  empty" 
(in  Gesta  apud  Zertophilum,  Optati  0pp.  App.  ed. 
1703;  comp.  August,  c.  Crescon.  m.  29).  Con- 
stantine  directs  Eusebius  the  historian  in  a 
letter  which  the  latter  has  preserved  (De  Vita 
Const,  iv.  36)  to  cause  to  be  written  for  the  new 
churches  in  Constantinople,  "  by  calligraphic 
artists,  thoroughly  skilled  in  the  art,  fifty 
volumes  of  the  sacred  writings,  such  as  he  knew 
to  be  most  necessary  for  the  supply  and  use 
of  the  church,  on  well-prepared  parchments, 
legible  and  portable  for  use."  Such  a  gift  would, 
we  may  suppose,  be  in  many  cases  the  germ  of  a 
great  church  library.  Julian  the  emperor,  A.D. 
362,  orders  Ecdicius  the  prefect  of  Egypt  to 
send  him  the  library  of  George,  the  Arian  bishop 
of  Alexandria :  "  See  that  all  the  books  of 
George  be  sought  out.  For  there  were  at  his 
residence  many  philosophical,  many  rhetorical 
works,  and  many  of  the  doctrine  of  the  impious 
Galilaeans  (Christians),  which  we  could  wish 
were  all  destroyed,  but  lest  with  these  the  more 
useful  be  made  away  with,  let  them  also  bo 
carefully  sought  for.  But  let  your  guide  in 
this  seai-ch  be  the  scribe  [perhaps  secretary] 
(vordpios)  of  George  himself.  .  .  .  But  I  am 
myself  acquainted  with  the  books  of  George  ;  for 
he  lent  me  many,  though  not  all,  when  I  was 
in  Cai)j)adocia,  for  transcription,  and  had  them 
back  again  "  (Epist.  Jul.  9).  Julian  was  collect- 
ing books  to  enrich  the  library  founded  by 
Constantius  in  the  portico  of  the  imperial  palace, 
and  removed  by  himself  to  a  more  suitable 
edifice,  which  he  had  erected  for  the  purpose. 
See  Ducange,  Constantinopolis  Christiana,  ii.  9.  3. 
Hence  it  appears  that  the  books  of  which  tlie 
church  was  robbed  did  not  return  to  her. 
Georgius  Syncellus  tells  us  that  he  had  brought 
to  him  from  the  library  of  Caesarea  in  Cappa- 
docia  an  excellent  copy  of  the  book  of  Kings, 
"  in  which  was  an  inscription  to  the  effect  that 
the  great  and  holy  Basil  (bishop  of  that  see 
from  370  to  378)  had  himself  compared  and 
corrected  the  copies  from  which  it  had  been 
transcribed"  (Chronogr.  p.  382;  ed.  Dindorf). 
St.  Jerome,  after  referring  a  correspondent  to 
several  authorities,  says,  "  Turn  over  the  com- 
mentaries of  all  whom  I  have  mentioned  above ; 
and   make   good   use   of    the    libraries   of    th<! 


986 


LIBRARIES 


churches  ;  and  thou  wilt  arrive  more  quickly  at 
that  which  thou  desirest  and  hast  begun  "  {Epist. 
ad  Pammach.  49,  §  3;  comp.  Epist.  112,  ad 
A'xgust.  §  19).  St.  Augustine,  writing  at  Hippo 
about  the  year  428,  says,  •'  I  have  heard  that 
the  holy  Jerome  wrote  on  heresies  ;  but  neither 
have  we  been  able  to  find  that  little  work  of  his 
in  our  own  library,  nor  do  we  know  from  where 
it  may  be  obtained  "  (Z^e  Haer.  sub  fin.)  When 
Augustine  was  dying,  "he  directed  that  the 
library  of  the  church  and  all  the  books  should 
be  carefully  kept  for  posterity  for  ever." 
He  also  left  libraries  to  the  church,  "  con- 
taining books  and  treatises  by  himself  or  other 
holy  persons "  (Possid.  Vita  Aug.  31).  Theo- 
dosius  the  younger,  408-450,  "collected  the 
sacred  books  and  their  interpreters  so  diligently, 
as  not  to  come  behind  Ptolemy  "  (Niceph.  Call. 
Ifist.  Eccl.  xiv.  3).  Whether  his  collection  was 
for  the  imperial  library  or  the  Patriarchium,  we 
are  not  told ;  but  the  fact  is  worth  noting, 
because  it  shews  the  spirit  of  the  age.  The 
leadmg  ecclesiastics  would  not  be  behind  the 
emperor.  Hilary  of  Rome,  A.D.  461,  according 
to  the  Liber  Pontificalis,  "made  two  libraries 
in  the  Lateran  baptistery  "  (Anast.  Vit.  Pont. 
47).  From  the  same  authority  we  learn  that 
the  works  of  Gelasius,  A.D.  482,  were  "  kept  laid 
up  in  the  library  and  archive  of  the  church  " 
down  to  the  9th  century  (n.  50).  Gregory  I. 
A.D.  598,  replying  to  the  request  of  Eulogius  of 
Alexandria  that  he  would  send  him  the  Acts  of 
the  Martyrs  collected  by  Eusebius,  says,  "Besides 
those  things  which  are  contained  in  the  books  of 
Eusebius  himself  concerning  the  deeds  of  the 
holy  martyrs,  I  know  none  in  the  archives  of 
this  our  church,  or  in  the  libraries  of  the  city 
of  Rome,  except  a  few  collected  in  the  roll  of 
a  single  book  "  (Epist.  vii.  29).  A  narrative 
assigned  to  the  year  649  or  thereabout,  shews 
that  there  was  at  that  time  a  library  already 
attached  to  St.  Peter's.  It  is  said  that  when 
Taio,  bishop  of  Saragossa,  who  had  been  sent 
from  Spain  by  king  Chindasuind  to  procure  the 
latter  part  of  the  Muralia  of  Gregory,  could  not 
learn  from  the  pope  or  anyone  else  where  it  was, 
the  very  press  in  which  it  lay  was  pointed  out  to 
him  in  a  vision,  as  he  watched  and  prayed  by 
night  in  that  church  {De  Visione,  etc.,  Labb.  Cone. 
v.  1844).  Wiilibald,  A.D.  760,  in  the  life  of  St. 
Boniface,  says  that  the  four  books  of  St.  Gregory 
were  to  his  day  put  into  the  "libraries  of 
churches  "  (Pertz,  Jlonum.  Germ.  Hist.  ii.  334). 
At  this  period,  and  earlier,  as  we  learn  from  an 
epistle  of  Taio,  above  mentioned,  few  books  were 
composed  or  copied  in  the  west,  and  all  were  in 
danger  of  destruction,  from  the  constant  wars 
which  desolated  the  Latin  world  {Epist.  ad 
Quiricum  ;  Praefat.  Saec.  ii.  0.  S.  B.  §  v.  Iv.  17). 
His  evidence  refers  to  Spain,  but  the  evil  was 
felt  at  Rome  equall}',  as  we  learn  from  a  state- 
ment of  the  Roman  synod  in  680,  to  the  empe- 
rors who  had  convened  the  3rd  council  of  Con- 
stantinople. After  describing  themselves  as 
"settled  in  the  northern  and  western  parts"  of 
the  empire,  the  Latin  bishops  say,  "  VVe  do  not 
think  that  any  one  can  be  found  in  our  time  who 
can  boast  of  great  knowledge,  seeing  that  in  our 
regions  the  fury  of  various  nations  is  every  day 
raging,  now  in  fighting,  now  in  overrunning  and 
plundering ;  whence  our  whole  life  is  full  of 
care,  surrounded  as  we  are  by  a  band  of  nations, 


LIBRARIES 

and  having  to  live  by  bodily  toil,  the  ancient 
maintenance  of  the  churches  having  by  degrees 
fallen  away  and  failed  through  divers  calamities  " 
(Labbe,  vi.  681).  Agatho,  then  bishop  of  Rome, 
made  this  an  excuse  for  the  ignorance  of  his 
legates,  whom  he  sent  to  the  council,  as  he  said, 
"out  of  the  obedience  which  he  owed"  to  tiie 
emperox-s,  "not  from  any  confidence  in  their 
knowledge  "  {ibid.  634).  Bede  {De  Temp.  Puit. 
66,  followed  by  Hincmar,  Opusc.  20  c.  Hincm. 
Laud.)  says  that  when  they  arrived  at  Constan- 
tinople they  were  "  very  kindly  received  by  the 
most  reverend  defender  of  the  Catholic  faith  Con- 
stantine  (Pogonatus),  and  by  him  exhorted  to 
lay  aside  philosophical  [ojtu  Hincm.]  disputations, 
and  to  seek  the  truth  in  peaceable  conference, 
all  the  books  of  the  ancient  fathers  which  thev 
asked  for  being  supplied  them  out  of  the  library 
at  Constantinople."  The  records  of  the  council 
tell  us  that  the  same  legates  besought  the 
emperor  that  the  "  original  books  of  the  pa- 
tristic testimonies  adduced  might  be  brought 
from  the  Patriarchium  "  (^cf.  vi.  Labb.  vi.  719); 
and  we  find  the  bishop  of  Constantinople  himself 
speaking  of  the  "  books  of  the  holy  and  approved 
fathers  which  were  laid  up  in  his  Patriarchium  " 
{Act.  viii.  ibid.  730 ;  comp.  751,  780).  A  large 
number  of  extracts  from  the  fathers  are  said 
to  have  been  compared  with  the  originals  in  the 
"  library  of  the  Patriarchium "  {Act.  x.  coll. 
788,  790,  798,  &c.)  Several  testimonies  alleged 
are  also  said  to  have  been  compared  with  a 
"  silver-bound  parchment  book  belonging  to  the 
(TK(vo(\>v\6.Kiov  of  the  most  holy  high  church  " 
in  the  same  city  {ibid.  813,  814,  &c.).  There  was 
at  Constantinople  also  a  registry  or  repository  of 
documents  {xa.pTo<pv\aKtov,  u.s.  963)  under  the 
charge  of  an  oflicer  called  the  xapTo<pv\a^ 
{ibid.).  Whether  this  was  a  department  of  the 
library  or  distinct  from  it  does  not  appear.  The 
great  esteem  in  which  the  church  library  at  Con- 
stantinople was  held  by  all  parties  is  attested  by 
the  fact  that  the  iconolater  Theophanes  refused 
to  look  at  a  copy  of  Isaiah,  brought  from  the 
emperor's  library,  alleging  that  all  his  books 
were  corrupted,  but  asked  for  one  from  the 
library  of  the  Patriarchium  instead  {Continuatio, 
iii.  14). 

For  some  centuries  after  this  the  Greeks 
possessed  advantages  for  the  acquisition  of 
knowledge  over  the  Latins  ;  though  there  were 
many  in  the  west,  especially  among  the  bishops, 
who  employed  themselves  in  collecting  and 
multiplying  good  books.  Thus  Bede  says  of 
Acca,  who  succeeded  Wilfrid  at  Hexham,  A.D. 
710,  that  he  "  gathered  together  the  histories  of 
the  sutferings  (of  the  martyrs,  &c.),  with  other 
ecclesiastical  books  most  diligently,  and  made 
there  a  very  large  and  noble  library "  {Hist. 
Eccl.  V.  20).  Egbertus,  bishop  of  York  from 
732-766,  is  another  example  in  our  own  country. 
Alcuin,  in  796,  writing  to  Charlemagne  from 
Tours,  where  he  had  opened  a  school,  says,  "  I 
am  partly  in  want  of  books  of  scholastic  erudi- 
tion, that  are  somewhat  ditficult  to  be  procured, 
which  I  had  in  my  own  country,  through  the 
good  and  most  devoted  diligence  of  my  master, 
or  my  own  labour,  such  as  it  was."  He  there- 
fore desired  that  some  youths  might  be  sent 
into  Britain  to  bring  back  whatever  was  neces- 
sary, "  that  there  might  not  only  be  '  a  garden 
enclosed'  at  York,  but  that  there    may  be  at 


LIBRARIES 

Tours  also  '  plants,  an  orchard  with  pleasant 
fruits'"  (Cant.  iv.  13),  {Epist.  38).  From 
William  of  Malmesbury  (i'e  Gest.  Reg.  Angl. 
i.)  we  learn  that  the  master  of  whom  Alcuin 
speaks  is  Egbert  of  York.  Alcuin  also  cele- 
brates in  verse  the  library  which  Aelbert, 
another  bishop  of  York,  attached  to  his 
cathedral  church,  and  gives  the  names  of  many 
of  the  fathers,  poets,  and  grammarians,  whose 
works  were  contained  in  it  {Poema  de  Pont. 
Ehor.  11.  1525  et  soq.  tom.  ii.  p.  257).  In  787  a 
great  stimulus  was  given  to  the  formation  of 
libraries  in  cathedral  churches  within  the 
dominions  of  Charlemagne,  by  an  order  issued 
by  him  for  the  establishment  of  schools  in  con- 
nexion with  them  (Labbe,  Cone.  v.  1779).  Such 
schools,  as  we  have  seen,  implied  a  good  collec- 
tion of  books.  A  later  edict  of  the  same  prince, 
after  providing  that  there  be  "set  up  schools  ot 
reading  boys,"  adds,  "  Let  them  learn  the 
psalms,  notes,  chants,  the  art  of  determining  the 
seasons  (compotum),  and  grammar  [in  its 
ancient  sense],  in  every  monastery  and  episcopal 
church  (episcopium).  Let  them  also  have 
Catholic  books,  well  coiTected "  (Capit.  ann. 
789,  c.  70).  These  laws  of  Charlemagne  would 
certainly  lead  to  the  foundation  of  cathedral 
libraries  where  they  had  not  existed  before.  It 
is  probable  that  the  smaller  libraries  found  in 
connexion  with  many  other  churches  owe  their 
origin  in  a  great  measure  to  a  similar  edict 
of  Lewis  in  81t>.  By  this,  bishops  were  ordered 
to  "  see  that  the  Presbyters  had  a  missal  and 
lectionary  and  other  books  necessary  to  them  " 
(c.  28  ;  Capit.  Beg.  Franc,  i.  569).  What  some 
at  least  of  these  "  other  books,"  supposed  to  be 
necessary,  were,  we  may  gather  from  the  fol- 
lowing list  in  an  ancient  polyptychon,  preserved 
in  the  church  of  St.  Remigius,  at  Rheims  :  "  A 
book  of  the  gospels,  a  psalter,  an  antiphonary, 
a  breviary  [_i.c.  a  table  of  the  gospels  for  the 
year,  in  which  they  were  indicated  by  their  first 
and  last  words].  ...  a  computus,  an  order  of 
baptism,  a  martyrology,  a  penitential,  a  pas- 
sional, a  volume  of  canons,  forty  homilies  of  St. 
Gregory"  (ibid.  ii.  1159).  As  soon  as  such  a 
collection  went  beyond  the  requirements  of  the 
service,  as  in  this  case  it  did,  the  foundation  of 
a  church  library  was  already  laid. 

II.  We  read  of  libraries  attached  to  monas- 
teries in  the  west  at  a  somewhat  early  period. 
The  rule  of  St.  Benedict,  a.d.  530,  speaks 
of  the  benefit  to  be  derived  from  the  read- 
ing of  the  Catholic  fathers,  their  conferences, 
institutes,  and  lives  (c.  73),  in  a  manner  which 
implies  access  to  a  considerable  number  of  such 
works.  Compare  the  rule  of  Ferreolus,  a.d. 
553  (c.  19).  In  Lent  every  monk  under  the 
rule  of  St.  Benedict  received  a  book  "from  the 
library"  (bibliotheca),  which  he  was  to  read 
through  before  he  could  have  another  (c.  48). 
The  rule  of  Isidore,  a.d.  595,  enters  into  details  : 
"Let  the  keeper  of  the  sacrarium  (here  =  secre- 
tarium)  have  charge  of  all  the  books;  from 
whom  let  all  the  brethren  receive  them  one  at  a 
time,  which  they  shall  carefully  read  and  handle, 
and  always  return  after  vespers.  Let  the  books 
be  asked  for  every  day  at  the  first  hour ;  and 
let  none  be  given  to  him  who  shall  ask  later  " 
(c.  9).  To  shew  the  care  with  which  the  books 
were  treated,  we  may  mention  that  monks  were 
allowed  to  have  handkerchiefs  in  which  to  wrap  j 


LIBRARIES 


087 


them  (Theodmar.  Cassin.  ad  Car.  Magn.  in 
Capit.  Jieg.  Franc.  11.  108G),  and  that  the  council 
of  Aix,  817,  left  it  to  the  prior  to  determine, 
"  when  books  had  been  received  from  the  library," 
whether  others  should  be  given  out  or  not 
(cap.  19).  It  would  seem  that,  except  in  Lent, 
the  ordinary  monk  did  not  have  books  out  of 
the  library  for  his  private  use ;  but  the  practice 
of  reading  aloud  at  meals  implies  a  variety  of 
suitable  works.  We  hear  of  this  even  before 
the  days  of  Benedict,  viz.  in  the  rule  of  Caesa- 
rius,  A.D.  502  :  "  While  they  eat  at  table,  let  no 
one  speak,  but  let  one  read  some  book ;  that  as 
the  body  is  refreshed  by  food,  so  may  the  soul 
be  refreshed  by  the  word  of  God  "  (c.  9  ;  comp. 
Reg.  S.  Ben.  c.  38).  Other  times  for  reading 
were  also  appointed  in  some  houses,  as  by  the 
rule  of  Donatus  for  nuns,  a.d.  640  :  "  From  the 
2nd  hour  to  the  3rd,  if  there  be  no  need  for 
them  to  work,  let  them  employ  themselves  in 
reading  ....  Let  one  of  the  elder  read  to  the 
rest,  as  they  work  together"  (c.  20). 

Cassiodorus,  who  built,  or  entered,  the  monas- 
tery of  Vivarium,  about  the  j'ear  562,  collected 
books  for  it  from  the  more  distant  parts  of  the 
world,  and  directed  his  monks  that,  if  they  met 
with  any  book  that  he  wanted,  they  should  make 
a  copy  of  it,  "  that  by  the  help  of  God  and  their 
labour,  the  library  of  the  monastery  might  be 
benefited"  {Dc  Instit.  Div.  Litt.  8).  In  the 
preface  to  his  work  on  Orthography,  he  gives 
a  list  of  twelve  books  on  the  subject  which  he 
used  in  compiling  his  own.  As  he  was  then  93 
years  old,  they  were  presumably  all  at  hand  in  his 
own  monastery.  The  fact  suggests  a  good  col- 
lection of  works  on  general  subjects,  as  well  as 
on  divinity.  Among  the  Epistles  of  Gregory  I. 
is  one  written  (a.d.  599)  to  the  Defensor  of 
Naples  representing  that  the  books  of  the  monas- 
tery of  Macharis  had  in  a  time  of  trouble  been 
carried  into  Sicily  by  a  certain  pi-esbyter,  who 
had  died  and  left  them  there,  and  requiring  that 
they  should  be  restored  (Fpist.  viii.  15).  The 
monks  of  our  own  country  were  not  behind 
others  in  collecting  books.  E.g.  Benedict  Biscop, 
abbat  of  Wearmouth,  having  visited  Rome  in 
671,  "brought  home  not  a  few  books  of  all 
divine  erudition,  either  bought  with  a  set  price 
or  given  to  him  by  the  kindness  of  friends,  and 
when  on  his  return  he  came  to  Vienne  he  re- 
ceived those  which  he  had  bought  and  intrusted 
to  friends  there  "  (Bede,  Hist.  Abbat.  Wirem.  §  4). 
In  678  he  paid  another  visit  to  Rome,  and  then 
"brought  home  an  innumerable  quantity  of 
books  of  every  kind  "  (^ibid.  5).  "  A  great  quan- 
tity of  sacred  volumes  "  was  part  of  the  result 
of  a  third  visit  in  686  (§  8).  In  his  last  illness 
he  gave  directions  that  "the  very  noble  and 
complete  library,  which  he  had  brought  from 
Rome,  as  necessary  for  the  instruction  of  the 
church,  should  be  anxiously  preserved  entire, 
and  neither  suffer  injury  through  want  of  care 
nor  be  dispersed  "  (9).  This  collection,  which 
was  divided  between  the  monasteries  of  Wear- 
mouth  and  Jarrow,  was  "  doubled  "  by  the  zeal 
of  his  successor,  Coelfrid  (12).  It  is  to  these 
libraries  chiefly  that  we  owe  the  learning  of 
Bede.  The  order  of  Charlemagne  in  787  al- 
ready mentioned  was  addressed  to  abbats  as  well 
as  bishops,  and  the  only  copy  extant  is  that 
which  was  sent  to  the  abbat  of  Fulda.  It  is 
interesting  to  know  that  less  than  50  years  after 


988 


LIBEARIES 


its  promulgation,  the  famous  Rabanus  Maurus 
built  a  library  there,  which  he  amply  stored 
with  books  (  Vita  per  Eodolf.  in  Cave,  Hist.  Litt. 
nom.  Raban).  A  beginning  had  been  made,  how- 
ever, so  far  back  as  754.  When  Boniface,  the 
Apostle  of  Germany,  was  murdered  by  the 
Pagans  at  Dokem  in  east  Frisia,  they  "  broke 
open  the  repository  of  books  .  .  .  and  scattered 
those  which  they  found,  some  over  the  level 
fields,  others  in  the  reed-bed  of  the  marshes,  and 
flung  and  hid  others  away  in  all  sorts  of  places." 
They  were  afterwards  found  and  taken  to  Fulda, 
where  three  of  them  are  still  shewn,  viz.  a  New 
Testament,  a  book  of  the  Gospels,  said  to  have 
been  written  by  the  martyr  himself,  and  a 
volume  stained  with  his  blood,  containing,  with 
other  tracts  of  St.  Ambrose,  de  Spiritu  Sancto 
and  Bono  Mortis  (Willibaldi  Vita  S.  Bonif.  x\. 
37,  and  Mabillon's  note).  In  799  Charlemagne 
founded  an  abbey  at  Charroux,  which  "he  en- 
riched with  many  reljcs  and  most  munificent  gifts 
brought  to  him  from  the  east,  and  with  a  very 
rich  library  "  (^Gallia  Christiana,  ii.  1278).  Many 
monastic  libraries  were  destroyed  by  fire  in  the 
9th  and  following  centuries,  in  several  of  which 
books  must  have  been  accumulating  during  a 
lengthened  period.  For  example,  in  870,  when 
the  Danes  destroyed  the  minster  of  Medhamsted 
(Peterborough),  founded  about  656,  "  a  vast 
library  of  sacred  books  was  burned  with  the 
charters  of  the  monastery "  (^Ann.  Bencd.  iii. 
167,  §  16,  from  Ingulf.).  In  892  the  monastery 
at  Teano,  near  Monte  Cassino,  was  burned  down, 
"  in  which  fire  most  of  the  deeds  and  instruments 
of  the  Cassinates  were  consumed,  with  the  very 
autograph  of  the  rule  which  the  holy  father 
Benedict  had  written  with  his  own  hand  "  {ibid. 
p.  28;s,  §  67).  About  the  year  900,  the  Hun- 
garians destroyed  the  monastery  of  Nonantula 
by  fire,  and  "  burned  many  books  "  {ibid.  305, 
§30). 

We  can  give  no  certain  information  on  the 
origin  and  condition  of  monastic  libraries  in  the 
east  during  the  period  to  which  we  are  confined. 
We  may,  however,  infer  with  great  probability 
that  monasteries  began  very  early  to  collect 
books,  from  the  fact  that  manuscripts  of  the 
highest  antiquity  are  found  in  them  at  the  pre- 
sent day.  About  400  volumes  of  MSS.  are  now 
in  the  British  Museum,  which  were  brought  in 
the  years  1839,  1842,  1847  from  a  single  Syrian 
monastery,  viz.  that  of  St.  Mary  Deipara,  in 
the  Desert  of  Nitria,  or  Valley  of  Scete.  As  a 
proof  of  the  antiquity  of  some  of  these  books, 
we  may  mention  that  the  three  volumes  in 
which  occur  the  several  copies  of  the  Epistles 
of  St.  Ignatius  published  by  5lr.  Cureton  are,  one 
earlier  than  550,  another  some  50  or  60  years 
later,  and  the  third  "certainly  not  later  than  the 
7th  or  8th  century  "  {Corpus  Ignatianum,  Introd. 
xxvii.  xxxiii.).  In  the  second  of  these  volumes 
IS  a  notice  curiously  similar  to  one  quoted  above 
respecting  an  English  abbat,  to  the  eflect  that 
Moses  of  Nisibis,  the  superior  of  the  monastery, 
"gave  diligence  and  acquired  that  book  together 
with  many  others,  being  250,  many  of  which  he 
purchased,  and  others  were  given  to  him  by 
some  persons  as  a  blessing  [see  EuLOGlAE  (5)], 
when  he  went  to  Bagdad  "  (xxxi.).  This  bears 
date  A.D.  931.  The  MS.  bible  found  by  Tischen- 
dorf  (1844,  1859)  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Cathe- 
rine,   on   Mount    Sinai,   is   assigned   to  the  4th 


LIBEARIUS 

century  (A^or.  Test.  Sinait.  Tisch.  Proleg.  ix.). 
He  obtained  many  other  books  from  the  same 
library,  and  many  from  monasteries  in  Palestine, 
at  Berytus,  Laodicea,  Smyrna,  in  Patmos,  and  at 
Constantinople  {yotitia  Edit.  Cod.  Sinait.  p.  7).  In 
his  collection,  now  at  St.  Petersburg,  are  various 
Greek  fragments  of  the  5th  and  6th  centuries 
(ibid.  p.  56);  five  of  the  New  Testament  of  tha 
6th  and  7th  ;  and  one  of  the  7th  or  8th  (p.  50): 
parts  of  some  Homilies  of  St.  Chrysostom  (p.  55), 
and  some  liturgical  remains  of  the  8th  (p.  56)  j 
all  in  the  same  language ;  and  a  Syriac  version 
of  hymns  and  sermons  by  Gregory  Nazianzen 
written  in  the  7th  (p.  64).  We  do  not  multiply 
such  facts,  because,  though  very  probable  indi- 
cations of  the  existence  of  monastic  libraries  in 
the  East  within  our  period,  and  of  the  nature  of 
their  contents,  they  do  not  amount  to  a  direct 
and  positive  proof.  [W.  E.  S.] 

LIBEARIUS.  The  word  librarius  has  two 
meanings — viz.  either  a  '  book-seller  '  or  a  '  tran- 
scriber :'  we  are  concerned  with  it  in  the  latter 
sense.  Of  course  there  must  have  been  tran- 
scribers in  abundance  before  Christian  times,  if, 
as  is  said,  the  libraries  of  the  Ptolemies  at 
Alexandria,  and  of  the  kings  of  Pergamus  in  Asia 
Minor  contained  between  them  a  million  volumes 
and  upwards  in  all  languages  (DiCT.  OF  Gr. 
AND  Rom.  Ants.  art.  '  Bibliotheca ').  Tran- 
scribers were  frequently  slaves  at  first,  or  else 
worked  for  money,  and  were  not  well  paid. 
Hence  the  endless  complaints  of  their  ignorance, 
f  arelessness,  or  dishonesty  which  occur  in  the 
Fathers  as  well  as  in  classical  authors  (Wower, 
de  Folymath.  c.  18,  ap.  Gronov.  Thes.  x.  1079). 
But  with  Christian  times  the  oflice  of  transcriber 
for  libraries  insensibly  passed  into  better  hands. 
It  was  not  that  he  became,  strictly  speaking,  a 
public  functionary,  but  he  copied  far  more  fre- 
quently for  ecclesiastical  bodies  than  for  private 
persons :  and  was,  in  most  cases,  a  member  of 
the  body  for  which  he  worked.  Thus  he  worked, 
not  for  money,  but  as  a  duty :  and  not  on 
chance  books,  but  on  books  carefully  selected  for 
their  contents  by  his  superiors.  This  altered 
the  character  of  his  performances  materially, 
besides  going  far  to  ensure  their  preservation. 
It  is  a  simple  fact  in  history,  that  Christianity 
stands  between  us  and  the  written  records  of  all 
preceding  ages,  and  is  our  sole  guarantee  for 
their  trustworthiness  in  their  present  state. 

Origen  was  one  of  the  first  Christians  who  is 
said  to  have  employed  transcribers  regularly  for 
literary  purposes  '{Pi0\ioypd(f>ovs,  Euseb.  E.  IT. 
vi.  23).  Alexander,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  his 
friend  and  patron,  was  one  of  the  first  to  form 
an  episcopal  library,  which  Eusebius  found  of 
great  use  in  collecting  facts  for  his  history 
{ib.  c.  20).  Eusebius  himself,  by  order  of  the  em- 
peror Constantine,  had  50  choice  copies  of  the 
scriptures  made  by  experienced  caligraphists 
on  vellum,  arranged  in  ternions  and  quater- 
nions (  Vit.  Const,  iv.  34-7,  and  Vales,  ad  /.). 
Pamphilus,  the  presbyter  and  martyr,  with 
whom  Eusebius  was  so  intimate,  enriched  Caesarea 
with  a  large  library,  consisting  of  the  works  of 
Origen  and  other  ecclesiastical  writers,  tran- 
scribed by  himself  (ib.  c.  32,  comp.  St.  Hier. 
de  Vir.  Illust.  s.  v.):  and  it  was  still  in  exist- 
ence, and  handy  for  readers,  when  St.  Jerome 
wrote.     [Libraries.] 


LIBRARIUS 

When  parchment  was  scarce,  one  work  was 
often  eftaced  to  make  way  for  another.  This 
may  have  been  dictated  here  and  there  by  re- 
ligious prejudice  :  but  in  general  what  was  least 
wanted  at  the  time  made  way  for  what  was 
most.  The  Scriptures  themselves,  or  the  works 
of  the  Areopagite — then  regarded  with  almost 
equal  reverence — were  written  over  sometimes, 
as  well  as  works  like  the  Republic  of  Cicero — 
"  Latent  hodie,"  says  Knittel  (quoted  by  Mone, 
de  Libr.  Palimp.  p.  2)  in  palimpsestis  libris 
codices  Novi  Testamenti  remotissimae  antiqui- 
tatis  :  haec  est  prima  ratio,  cur  magnae  sint  uti- 
litatis  codices  rescripti." 

We  must  never  forget,  in  estimating  their 
practices  or  productions,  that  Christian  tran- 
scribers were  of  all  ranks  and  capacities.  "  The 
highest  dignitaries  of  the  church  and  princes 
even,  says  Mr.  'ia.y\or  (^Transmission  of  Ancient 
Books,  c.  ii.  §  5),  "  thought  themselves  well 
employed  in  transcribing  the  Gospels  and 
Epistles,  the  Psalter,  or  the  Homilies  and 
Meditations  of  the  Fathers :  nor  were  the 
classical  authors neglected  by  these  gratui- 
tous copyists."  And  again  :  "  Every  church  and 
every  convent  and  monastery  had  its  library, 
its  librarian  and  other  officers  employed  in  the 
conservation  of  books  "  (jb.  c.  1,  §  1).  Then, 
further,  as  Mr.  Taylor  observes,  "  The  property 
of  each  establishment — and  the  literary  property 
of  each  establishment  was  always  highly  prized 
— passed  down  from  age  to  age,  as  if  under 
the  hand  of  a  proprietor :  and  was  therefore 
subjected  to  fewer  dispersions  and  destructions 
than  the  mutability  of  human  affairs  ordin- 
arily permits  "  (c.  i.  §  1).  And  again :  "  The 
places  in  which  the  remains  of  ancient  literature 
were  preserved  during  the  middle  ages  were  too 
many,  and  too  distant  from  each  other,  and  too 
little  connected  by  any  kind  of  intercourse,  to 
admit  of  a  combination  or  conspiracy  for  any 
supposed  purposes  of  interpolation  or  corruption. 
Possessing,  therefore,  as  we  do,  copies  of  the 
same  author,  some  of  which  were  drawn  from 
the  monasteries  of  England,  others  from  Spain, 
and  others  collected  in  Egypt,  Palestine,  or  Asia 
Minor,  if,  on  comparing  them,  we  find  that  they 
accord  except  in  variations  of  little  moment,  we 
have  an  incontestable  proof  of  the  care  and  in- 
tegrity with  which  the  business  of  transcription 
was  generally  conducted  "  (i7>.) ....  Transcribers 
were  frequently  concealed  under  other  names, 
from  being  attached  to  some  special  office,  or 
else  from  their  art  having  come  to  be  divided 
into  different  branches.  They  were  the  notaries, 
chancellors,  clerks,  readers,  amanuenses,  of  most 
convents,  as  Mabillon  shews  {Dipl.  i.  13).  St. 
Isidore  tells  us  of  another  distinction  which  is 
still  more  to  the  point.  "  Librarii,"  he  says, 
"idem  et  antiquarii  vocantur  :  sed  librarii  sunt, 
qui  et  nova  et  Vetera  scrihunt :  antiquarii,  qui 
tantummodo  Vetera,  unde  et  nomen  sumpserunt " 
(Eti/m.  vi.  14).  If  this  be  true,  and  other 
authorities  might  be  cited  for  it,  there  was  a 
class  of  copyists  whose  labours  were  confined  to 
re-transcribing   old   MSS. 

Illuminators,  again,  formed  another  branch 
of  the  profession.  They  designed  the  initial 
letters,  laid  on  the  gold,  or  painted  the  minia- 
tures. Under  this  last  word,  again,  we  have 
the  record  of  another  class:  miniatores,  who 
filled  in  the  '  rubrics.'     In   general,   the    tran- 


LIBRAKIUS 


989 


scriber  left  blanks  both  for  the  rubrics  and 
illuminations,  as  we  see  from  many  MSS.  whose 
blank  spaces  have  been  but  partially  filled,  or 
left  altogether  untouched.  Sometimes  it  hap- 
pened that  there  were  transcribers  who  did  all 
for  themselves.  Otherwise,  we  may  occasionally 
find  the  dates  of  the  handwriting  and  of  the 
decorations  separated  by  a  wide  interval. 
[Miniature.] 

After  a  MS.  had  been  transcribed,  it  passed 
through  other  hands  to  be  corrected  (Mabill. 
Suppl.  c.  xiii.  29) :  and  the  corrections  in  many 
cases  not  being  erasures,  we  see  what  was  judged 
erroneous,  and  what  was  judged  right  at  the 
time.  They  are  perhaps  oftener  corrections  of 
spelling,  or  of  words  omitted,  than  of  any- 
thing else :  while  numerous  errors  of  grammar 
are  left  untouched. 

Handwriting,  of  course,  varied  with  the  age, 
though  two  or  more  were  almost  always  in  full 
use  at  the  same  time.  The  handwriting  of 
the  loth  century,  for  instance,  was  always 
liable  to  be  imitated  by  transcribers  who  lived 
much  later,  but  it  was  unknown  to  tran- 
scribers who  lived  much  earlier.  Antiquaries 
could  reproduce  obsolete  styles,  but  could  not 
anticipate  styles  as  yet  unborn.  Consequently, 
the  rise  of  the  different  styles  may  be  fixed 
with  some  accuracy;  not  so  their  duration 
after  they  had  become  current. 

"  The  instruments,"  say  the  authors  of  the 
Nouv.  Trait.  Diplom.  (p.  ii.  §  i.  c.  10),  "with 
which  antiquity  required  that  the  work-room  of 
a  transcriber  should  be  provided,  were  the  ruler, 
compass,  lead,  scissors,  penknife,  hone,  sponge, 
style,  brush,  quill  or  reed,  inkstand  or  inkhorn, 
writing  table,  desk,  vial  with  liquid  for  thinning 
ink  become  too  thick,  vial  with  vermilion  for 
writing  titles  of  books  or  chapters,  and  a  box  of 
pounce.  Each  of  these  instruments  had  its  own 
special  use." 

Their  materials  were  more  limited.  "  Parch- 
ment," says  Mr.  Taylor  (c.  ii.  §  1),  "  so  called, 
long  after  the  time  of  its  first  use  from  Per- 
gamus,  a  city  of  Mysia,  where  the  manufacture 
was  improved  ...  is  mentioned  by  Herodotus 
and  Ctesias  as  a  material  that  had  been  from  time 
immemorial  used  for  books."  Almost  all  the 
early  MSS.  we  possess  are  written  on  this.  "  In 
the  east,  leaves  of  the  mallow  or  palm  were 
used  in  remote  times  .  .  .  and  the  inner  bark 
of  the  linden  or  teil  tree  .  .  .  called  by  the 
Romans  'liber,'  and  by  the  Greeks  'biblos,' 
was  so  generally  used  as  a  material  for  writing 
as  to  have  given  its  name  to  a  book  in  both  lan- 
guages. .  .  .  Tables  of  solid  wood  called  codices, 
whence  the  term  '  codex  '  for  a  MS.  on  any  mate- 
rial .  .  .  were  also  employed  .  .  .  leaves  or 
tablets  of  lead  or  ivory  are  mentioned  .  .  . 
and  still  oftener  'tablets  covered  with  a  thin 
coat  of  coloured  wax,'  removable  *  by  an  iron 
needle  called  a  style.'  Paper  made  from  the 
papyrus  in  Egypt  was  in  considerable  demand  at 
one  time,  but  it  was  found  to  be  less  durable 
than  parchment.  Cotton  paper,  '  charta  bom- 
bacina,'  which  began  to  be  used  in  the  west  about 
the  10th  century,  led  to  the  introduction  of 
paper  from  rags,  as  at  present,  about  two  cen- 
turies later. 

"Transcribers  frequently  subscribed  their 
names  at  the  end  of  a  MS.,  with  the  year  in 
which  it  was  written,  accompanied  by  a  pious 


990 


LIBET  POENITENTIALES 


wish  that  posterity  might  profit  b}'  its  perusal, 
and  other  particulars ;  numerous  instances  might 
be  cited.  The  celebrated  '  codex  Amiatinus,'  used 
by  Tischendorf  in  his  latest  edition  of  the  Vui gate 
of  the  Old  Testament,  has  an  inscription  at  the 
end  of  the  book  of  Exodus,  from  which  he  infers 
it  was  transcribed  by  one  of  the  disciples  of  St. 
Benedict  named  '  Servandus,'  about  A.D.  541  " 
{Prolog,  p.  viii.  ix.).  Mabilion,  in  his  Diarium 
Italicum,  mentions  a  MS.  of  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles  and  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  inscribed 
with  the  name  of  Theophylact,  presbyter  and 
doctor  of  law,  and  dated  6492  from  the  Creation, 
or  A.D.  984  (c.  25).  This  was  in  Greek. 
Another,  the  Life  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great,  by 
John  the  deacon,  in  Latin,  has  the  following: 
"  Ego,  Ugo,  indignus  sacerdos,  iuchoavi  hunc 
libinim  8  Cal.  Sept.  et  explevi  eum  14  Cal.  Oct. 
feliciter  concurrente  sexto,  indict.  15."  Another, 
a  work  of  Matthew  Palmer  the  poet :  "  Anto- 
nius,  Marii  filius,  Florentinus  civis  atque  nota- 
rius,  transcripsit  Florentiae  ab  originali  11 
€al.  Jan.  mccccxlviii.  Valeas  qui  legas."  .  .  . 
(76.  and  comp.  c.  27.)  "  Qui  legitis,  orate  pro 
ine,"  was  another  pious  and  favourite  parting 
sentence."  Most  of  the  oldest  MSS.,  however 
unfortunately,  supply  no  such  clue  to  their 
authorship  or  date,  and  there  are  very  few  that 
have  not  had  later  additions  appended  to  them, 
often  in  the  same  handwriting,  which  throw 
doubts  upon  their  earlier  parts.  Often,  again, 
the  same  work  has  not  been  copied  all  through 
by  the  same  scribe  ;  and  sometimes  the  writing 
of  contemporary  scribes  varies  as  much  as  the 
writing  of  one  age  from  another.  Dedicatory 
pieces  again,  especially  when  in  verse,  are  apt  to 
mislead.  Sometimes  it  is  their  complimentary 
vagueness,  sometimes  it  is  the  affectation  of  a 
Jiigher  antiquity  than  really  belongs  to  them,  that 
has  enhanced  the  value  of  a  MS.  unduly.  When 
Waterland,  for  instance,  speaks  of  the  Vienna 
MS.  as  "  a  Galilean  psalter,  written  in  letters  of 
gold,  and  presented  by  Charlemagne,  while  only 
king  of  France,  to  pope  Adrian  I.,  at  his  first 
entrance  upon  the  pontificate,  in  the  year 
772 "  (^Crit.  Hist.  p.  101),  he  draws  his  con- 
clusion from  the  dedicatory  verses  in  gold  letters 
at  its  commencement.  But  these  might  have 
been  written  by  any  king  Charles,  on  giving 
this  psalter  to  art^  pope  Adrian.  And  there  was 
a  combination  of  just  such  another  king,  and 
just  such  another  pope  in  Charles  the  Bald  and 
Adrian  II. 

For  authorities,  see  Montfaucon,  Palaeog. 
Graeca  ;  Mabillon,  Iter  Ital.  and  de  Re  Diplrnn. 
with  the  SuppL,  Xouvcwi  Traite  Dipl.  in  6  vols. ; 
Schwarz,  de  Ornam.  Lib.,  with  additions  by 
Leuschner ;  Casley,  Pref.  to  MSS.  in  the  King's 
Library ;  Mone,  de  Libr.  palirnp. ;  Gueranger, 
Inst.  Liturg.  p.  ii.  c.  vi. ;  Labarte,  Handbook,  c. 
ii.,  and  Arts  Indust.  vol.  iii. ;  Taylor,  Transmis- 
sion of  Anticnt  Books;  and  the  magnificently 
illustrated  works  of  Count  Bastard,  Professor 
Westwood,  and  M.  Silvestre.  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

LIBEI  POENITENTIALES  [Penitential 
Books]. 

LICERIUS    (Glycerius),   bishop   and   con- 


^  The  names  of  the  principal  caligraphers  whose  names 
have  been  preserved  have  been  collected  by  Gueranger, 
Institutions  Liturg.  torn.  iii.  p.  2S8  ff.— [Ed.] 


LIGATURAE 

fessor  at  Conserans,  6th  century  ;  commemorated 

Aug.  27  (Usuard.  Aiict.  ;  Acta  SS.  Aug.  vi.  47). 

[C.  H.] 

LICINIUS  (Lizinius),  bishop  of  Angers, 
confessor;  commemorated  Feb.  13  (Murt. 
Usuard. ;  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  678) ;  June  8  (Mart. 
Ado).  [C.  H.] 

LICTA;  commemorated  at  Caesarea,  April  5 
(3fart.  Hieron.)  [(1  H.] 

LICTISSmUS  (Lectissimus),  martyr  ;  com- 
memorated in  Africa  Apr.  26  (Mart.  Hieron. ; 
Acta  SS.  Apr.  iii.  415).  [C.  H.] 

LIDORIUS  (Lydorius,  Littorius,  Lito- 
RIUS),  bishop  of  Tours,  4th  century  ;  com- 
memorated Sept.  13  (3Iart.  Hieron.,  Usuard. 
Auct.  ;  Acta  SS.  Sept.  iv.  61).  [C.  H.] 

LIGATURAE  (Ligamenta,  Ligamina,  Alli- 
gaturac,  Subatligatnrae,  Seaeis,  KaraSeafis,  Ka- 
ToSeo-yUoi,  ■mptafj.ixaTa,  Trepiairra)  were  amu- 
lets or  phylacteries  bound  (ligatae)  to  any  part 
of  the  body  of  man  or  beast,  in  the  hope  of 
averting  or  driving  away  evil.  The  name  was, 
however,  often  given  to  amulets  attached  to  the 
person  in  any  other  way  ;  as  when  suspended, 
in  which  case  they  Avere  sometimes  called  by 
the  Greeks  i^apTy]^ara.  This  is  one  among 
many  gainful  superstitions  which  St.  Chrysostom 
charged  "  certain  of  the  vagabond  Jews  "  (Acts 
xix.  13)  with  practising,  as  their  fathers  had 
done  before  them.  Thus  he  says  to  Christians 
to  whom  they  promised  health  by  such  means  : 
"  If  thou  persevere  for  a  short  time,  and  spurn 
and  with  great  contumely  cast  out  of  the  house 
those  who  seek  to  sing  some  incantation  over,  or 
to  bind  some  periapts  to  the  body,  thou  hast  at 
once  received  refreshment  from  thy  conscience  " 
(^Adv.  Jud.  Hom.  viii.  §  7).  The  heathen  were 
equally  addicted  to  their  use.  Two  or  three 
examples  out  of  many  given  by  Pliny  in  his 
Natural  History  will  suffice  to  shew  this.  Wool 
stolen  from  a  shepherd,  bound  to  the  left  arm, 
was  supposed  to  cure  fever  (xxix.  4)  ;  the  large- 
tined  horns  of  the  stag-beetle  bound  to  infants 
"  acquired  the  nature  of  amulets  "  (xxx.  15).  A 
stone  taken  from  the  head  of  an  ox  bound  to  an 
infant  relieved  it  in  teething  (ibid.).  As  the  ox 
was  believed  to  spit  this  stone  out,  if  it  saw 
death  coming,  its  head  must  be  cut  off  suddenly. 
These  facts  may  serve  to  indicate  the  source 
of  the  superstition  among  Christians.  Until  the 
conversion  of  the  emperors  this  practice  was 
regarded  by  all  as  magic  and  unlawful.  Thus 
Tertullian  (a.d.  192)  says  of  the  wound  caused 
by  the  bite  of  a  scorpion,  "  Magic  binds  some- 
thing round  it ;  medicine  meets  it  with  steel  and 
cup  "  (Scorpiac.').  In  the  Apostolical  Constitu- 
tions, probably  compiled  about  the  end  of  the 
2nd  century,  bishops  are  forbidden  to  receive  as 
catechumens  those  who  "  make  ligaturae  "  (Trepi- 
du/xara,  viii.  32).  The  earliest  intimation  of 
their  use  by  professed  Christians  occurs  in  the 
36th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Laodicea,  held  pro- 
bably about  365  :  "It  is  unlawful  for  those  of 
the  sacerdotal  and  clerical  orders  ...  to  make 
phylacteries,  which  are  the  bonds  of  their  souls. 
We  have  ordered  those  who  wear  them  to  be 
cast  out  of  the  church."  It  is  implied  here  that 
these  "  phylacteries "  were  bound  on,  i.e.  were 
ligaturae.      When  Martin  of  Braga  (a.d.  560) 


LIGATUEAE 

made  his  collection  of  canons,  he  rendered  the 
word  "  phylacteries ''  by  "  ligaturae  "  (can.  59  ; 
Labbe,  v.  912).  The  words  were,  in  fact,  treated 
by  many  as  synonyms,  except  when  the  Jewish 
practice  mentioned  in  Scripture  was  intended. 
Of  this  we  shall  have  further  proof  as  we  pro- 
ceed. St.  Epiphanius  (a.d.  368)  explains  that 
the  "  phylacteries "  of  Matt,  xxiii.  5  are  not 
"  periapts,"  as  might  be  supposed  "  fi'om  the 
circumstance  that  some  called  periapts  phylac- 
teries "  {Hacr.  15,  c.  Scrihas).  When  a  distinc- 
tiou  was  made  by  Christian  writers,  the  name 
of  phylactery  was  restricted  to  those  ligatui-ae 
which  had  writing  in  them.  Thus  Bonitace  at 
the  council  of  Liptines,  A.D.  743  :  "  If  any  pres- 
byter or  clerk  shall  observe  auguries  ...  or 
phylacteries,  id  est  scripturas,  let  him  know  that 
he  is  subject  to  the  penalties  of  the  canons " 
{Stat.  33).  To  proceed:  St.  Basil,  in  Cappa- 
docia  (a.d.  370)  seems  to  imply  an  extensive 
recourse  to  such  amulets  by  Christians :  "  Is 
thy  child  sick  ?  Thou  lookest  about  for  a 
charmer,  or  one  who  puts  vain  characters  about 
the  neck  of  innocent  infants,  or  at  last  goest  to 
the  physician  and  to  medicines,  without  any 
thought  of  Him  who  is  able  to  save  "  (m  Fsalm 
xlv.  2).  Gaudentius,  bishop  of  Bi'escia  (A.D.  385) 
warns  his  neophytes  against  all  such  practices 
as  among  the  '•  abominations  of  the  Gentiles " 
and  "  by-ways  of  idolatry."  "  Deeds  of  witchcraft, 
incantations,  suballigaturae,  .  .  .  are  parts  of 
idolatry"  {Tract,  iv.  de  Lect.  Exodi).  St. 
Augustine,  in  Africa,  speaks  of  our  subject  in 
writings  ranging  from  397  to  426.  Thus  after 
mention  of  several  "  superstitious  "  practices,  he 
says,  "To  this  class  belong  also  all  ligaturae 
and  remedies  which  even  the  science  of  the  phy- 
sicians condemns,  whether  in  precantations  or 
in  certain  marks  which  they  call  characters,  or 
in  any  object  to  be  suspended  and  bound  on," 
&c.  {De  Boctr.  Christ,  ii.  20,  §  30).  A  refe- 
rence to  earrings  in  this  passage  is  cleared  up 
by  another  {Ep.  ad  Possid.  245,  §  2),  "  The  exe- 
crable superstition  of  ligatures,  wherein  even 
the  earrings  of  men  are  made  to  serve  as  pen- 
dants at  the  tops  of  the  ears  on  one  side  {De 
Boctr.  Chr.  in  summo  aurium  singularum)  is 
not  practised  to  please  men,  but  to  serve  devils." 
Here,  it  will  be  observed,  objects  that  were 
merely  suspended  are  called  ligaturae.  In  a 
sermon  to  the  people  the  same  father  says,  "  One 
of  the  faithful  is  lying  bed-rid,  is  tormented 
by  pains;  prays,  is  not  heard;  or  rather  is 
heard,  but  is  proved,  is  exercised  :  the  son  is 
scourged  that  he  may  be  received  back.  Then 
when  he  is  tortured  by  pains,  comes  the  tempta- 
tion of  the  tongue.  Some  wretched  woman  or 
man,  if  he  is  to  be  called  a  man,  comes  to  his 
bedside,  and  says,  '  Jlake  that  ligature  and  thou 
wilt  be  well.  Such  and  such  persons  (ask 
them)  did  it  and  were  made  well  by  it.'  He 
does  not  yield,  nor  obey,  nor  incline  his  heart ; 
yet  he  has  a  struggle.  He  has  no  strength,  and 
conquers  the  devil.  He  becomes  a  martyr  on 
his  bed,  crowned  by  Him,  who  for  him  hung  on 
the  tree  "  {Serm.  285,  §  7).  Compare  a  strictly 
parallel  passage  in  Serm.  318,  §  3.  Elsewhere 
he  says,  that  the  "  evil  spirits  devise  for  them- 
selves certain  shadows  of  honour,  that  so  they 
may  deceive  the  followers  of  Christ ;  and  this 
so  far  .  .  .  that  even  they  who  seduce  by  liga- 
turae, precantations,    by   machinations   of    the 


LIGATURAE 


991 


enemy,  mix  the  name  of  Christ  with  their  pre- 
cantations "  {Tract,  vii.  in  Ev.  Joan,  §  6).  Again, 
"  Wheu  .hy  head  aches,  we  praise  thee,  if  thou 
hast  put  the  gospel  to  thy  head,  and  not  had 
recourse  to  a  ligatura.  For  the  weakness  of 
men  has  gone  so  far,  and  men  who  fly  to  liga- 
turae are  so  much  to  be  bewailed,  that  we  re- 
joice when  we  see  that  a  bedridden  man  tossed 
with  fever  and  pains  has  placed  his  hope  in 
nothing  but  in  the  application  of  the  gospel  to  his 
head ;  not  because  it  was  done  to  this  end,  but 
because  the  gospel  has  been  preferred  to  liga- 
turae "  {ibid.  §  12).  St.  Chrysostom  (398)  is 
witness  to  the  prevalence  of  the  superstition 
both  in  Syria  and  Greece,  e.g.  in  a  homily 
preached  at  Antioch,  "  What  should  one  say  of 
periapts,  and  bells  hung  from  the  hand  and  the 
scarlet  thread,  and  the  rest,  full  of  great  follv? 
while  nothing  ought  to  be  put  round  the  child, 
but  the  protection  of  the  cross.  But  now  He 
who  hath  converted  the  world  ...  is  despised, 
and  woof  and  warp  and  such  ligaturae  {irepi- 
d/j.fj.aTa)  are  intrusted  with  the  safety  of  the 
child  "  {Ham.  xii.  in  Ep.  i.  ad  Cor.  §  7)  "  Wliat 
should  we  say  of  those  who  use  incantations  and 
periapts,  and  bind  brass  coins  of  Alexander  the 
Macedonian  about  their  heads  and  feet?"  {Ad 
Tllum.  Catech.  ii.  5).  He  says  of  Job  tliat  he 
did  not,  when  sick,  "  bind  periapts  about  him  " 
{Adv.  Judae.  Horn.  viii.  §  6) ;  and  of  Lazarus 
that  "  he  did  not  bind  plates  of  metal  (ire'roAa) 
on  himself"  {ibid.).  "Some,"  he  says,  "tied 
about  them  the  names  of  rivers"  {Horn.  viii.  in 
Ep.  ad  Col.  §  5).  It  appears  that  some  alleged 
the  compatibility  of  such  practices  with  a  sound 
belief.  Hence  St.  Chrysostom  warns  his  hearers, 
that  "  though  they  who  have  to  do  with  periapts 
offer  numberless  subtle  excuses  for  them,  as 
that  'we  call  on  God  and  nothing  more,'  and 
that  '  the  old  woman  is  a  Christian  and  one  of 
the  faithful,'  it  is  nevertheless  idolatry  "  (ibid.). 
He  bids  them  as  Christians  make  the  sign  of  the 
cross,  and  to  know  no  other  remedy  out  of 
medicine  {ibid.).  Like  St.  Augustine  he  en- 
coui-ages  the  sufferer  to  resist  the  temptation  to 
use  amulets  by  telling  him  that  patience  has 
the  merit  of  martyrdom  :  "  Thou  hast  fallen  into 
a  sore  disease,  and  there  are  present  many  who 
would  force  thee  to  relieve  the  malady,  some 
by  incantations,  others  by  ligaturae  {irepia.fj.ixo.Ta), 
some  by  some  other  means  ?  Through  the  fear 
of  God  thou  hast  borne  up  nobly  and  with  con- 
stancy, and  wouldst  choose  to  suffer  anything 
rather  than  endure  to  commit  any  act  of  idola- 
try ?  This  wins  the  crown  of  martyrdom,"  &c. 
{Horn.  iii.  §  5,  in  Ep.  i.  ad  Thess.  Comp.  Horn. 
viii.  in  Ep.  ad  Col.  U.S.).  In  France  Caesarius 
of  Aries  (a.d.  502)  denounces  the  use  of  "  dia- 
bolical phylacteries  hung  "  on  the  person  {Serm. 
66,  §  5).  'Gregory  of  Tours  (A.D.  573)  speaks  of 
a  hariolus  who  "  mutters  charms,  casts  lots, 
hangs  ligatui-ae  from  the  neck  "  of  a  sick  boy 
{Mirac.  ii.  45).  In  another  case  which  he  re- 
lates, to  expel  "the  noonday  demon,"  they 
applied  "  ligamina  of  herbs,"  with  incantations 
{De  Mir.  S.  Mart.  iv.  36).  In  a  third,  the 
parents  of  the  patient,  "as  the  custom  is  of 
country  people,  carried  to  him  liganienta  and 
potions  from  the  fortune-tellers  and  soothsayers  '* 
{ibid.  i.  26).  Isidore  of  Seville,  in  Gothic  Spain, 
writing  in  636,  copies  in  his  Etijmologicon  (viii. 
9)  the  passage  cited  above  from  St.  Augustine, 


•992 


LIGHTHOUSE 


de  Doctr.   Christ.     St.   Eloy,    bishop   of  Xoyon, 
A.D.  tJ40 :  '•  Let   no   Christian  presume  to  hang 
man  or  any  animal 


ligamina   on   the  necks  of 
whatsoever,  even  though   it  be  done  by  clerk; 
and  it  be  said  that  it  Is  a  holy  thing  and  con- 
tams  divine   lections  "  {De  Ecct.  Caih.  Convers. 
§  5).     In  742,  Boniface,  writing  to  Zacharias  of 
Itome  on  the  difficulties   put  in  his  way  by  the 
report  of  scandals  tolerated  in  that  city,  says 
that  his  informants  declared  that  they  saw  there 
among  other  relics  of  paganism,  "  women  with 
Ijhyiacteries    and    ligaturae,    bound,    in    pagan 
fashion,  on    their   arms   and   legs,  and  publicly 
•offering   them  for  sale   to  others"  (EpuL  49). 
The   i)ope,  in  reply,  says  that    he    has   alreadv 
■endeavoured    to     suppress     those    superstitions 
{^Epkt.  i.  9).     Boniface   himself,   the   ne.\t  year 
at  the  council   of  Liptines,  sanctioned  a  decree 
for  the  abolition  of  all  pagan  practices.     A  list 
•of  them  was  appended  to  it,  and  in  this  we  find, 
■"  Phylacteries  and  Ligaturae  "  (n.  10).     In  the 
6th  book  of  the  Carolingian  Capitularies  is  the 
following    law:    "That    phylacteries    or     false 
■writings,  or  ligaturae,  which  the  ignorant  think 
good   for  fevers    and  other   diseases,    be   on    no 
account  made  by   clerks  or  laymen,  or  by  any 
•Christian,   for  they  are   the   insignia  of   magic 
art "  (cap.  72).     Instead   of  such  means,  prayer 
and  the  unction  prescribed  by  St.  James  are  to 
be  used.     By  the  42nd  canon  of  the  council  of 
Tours  (813)  priests  are  directed  to  admonish  the 
people  that  "  ligaturae  of  bones  or  herbs  applied 
to  any  mortal   thing  (man  or  beast)  are  of  no 
avail,   but    are   snares   and    deceits    of  the    old 
enemy  "  (Sim.  Add.  iii.   Capit.  llcg.  Franc,  cap. 
•93).      When    the    Bulgarians,    A.D.    866,    asked 
Nicholas  I.  if  they  might  retain  their  custom  of 
"  hanging   a    ligatura  under  the   throat  of  the 
sick,"  he  replied,   "  ligaturae  of  this   kind  are 
phylacteries  invented  by  the  craft  of  the  devil, 
and  are   proved   to  be   bonds  for  men's  souls" 
{Epist.   97,  §  79).     Probably  we    shall    not   be 
wrong    in    inferring   from   the    foregoing    testi- 
monies that  the  practice  prevailed  at  one  time 
■or  another  in  every  part  of  Christendom.     It  is 
also  probable   that  it  suggested  the  manner  of 
many  attempts  to    cure   by   those    who    looked 
solely  for  divine  aid.     E.g.  St.   Cuthbert   (a.d. 
085)  sent  a  linen  belt  to  the  abbess   Elfled,  who 
was   sick.     "She  girded  herself  with  it,"   and 
was  healed.     The  same  belt  "  bound  round  "  the 
head   of  a  nun  cured    her  of  headache  (Baeda, 
Vita  S.  Cuthb.  c.  23). 

In  the  8th  century  we  find  a  name  of  profes- 
sion applied  to  those  who  offered  to  cure  by 
means  of  ligaturae  :  "  We  decree  that  none  be- 
come cauculatores  and  enchanters,  nor  storm- 
raisers,  nor  obligatores."  (See  Cone.  Aquisqr 
(A.D.  789),  can.  63  (Labbe,  64)  ;  Capit.  Car.  M.  et 
Lud.  P.  i.  62  ;  vi.  374.)  Similarly  in  a  later  law 
of  Charlemagne  (c.  40 ;  Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  i.  518). 
[VV.  E.  S.j 
LIGHTHOUSE  {Pharos).  The  lighthouse, 
as  a  symbol  of  the  hapjiy  termination  of  the 
voyage  of  life,  is  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the 
cemeteries  of  the  early  Christians.  Sometimes 
a  ship  in  full  sail  appears  to  be  steering  towards 
it  (Boldetti,  Osservazioni,  p.  372,  but  it  is  often 
found  without  the  ship,  as  in  the  monumental 
slab  of  FiRMiA  Victoria  (Fabretti,  Inscript. 
Ant.  p.  506),  in  which,  appearing  with  the 
•crown  and  palm  branch,  and  in  conjunction  with 


LIGHTNING,  PRAYER  AGAINST 

the  name  Victoria,  it  plainly  typifies  the  trium- 
phant close  of  a  Christian  career. 

A  kind  of  tower  in  four  stories,  crowned  with 
flame,  bearing  an  e.\act  resemblance  to  a  funeral 
pyre,  is  found  on  some  imperial  medals,  par- 
ticularly on  those  of  Antoninus  Pius,  Marcus 
Aurelius,  and  Commodus  (Mionnet,  De  la  rarete 
et  du  pri.v  des  Medailles  Romains,  t.  i.  pp.  218, 
226,  241).  This  symbol,  however,  though  it 
misled  Fabretti,  does  not  appear  to  have  any 
Christian  significance  (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq. 
Chre't.  s.  V.  Phare).  pc] 

LIGHTNING,      PRAYER      AGAINST. 

Among  the  prayers  for  special  occasions  which 
follow  the  general  form  of  office  for  a  Lite  in  the 
Greek  church,  to  be  embodied  in  it  as  occasion 
shall  serve  [y.  Lite],  is  one  to  be  used  in  the  time 
of  danger  from  thunder  and  lightning.  The 
prayer  is  too  long  to  quote ;  it  contains  a  con- 
fession of  sin,  an  appeal  to  God's  mercy,  and  an 
earnest  supplication  that  he  would  assuage  the 
fury  of  the  elements. 

In  the  Roman  Ritual,  under  the  head  de  Pro- 
cessionihuc,  we  find  "  Preces  ad  repellendam  tem- 
pestatem."     The  order  is  as  follows : 

The  bells  are  rung,  and  those  who  are  able  to 
attend  assemble  in  the  church,  and  the  ordinarv 
litanies  are  said,  in  which  the  clause  "  a  fulgure 
et  tempestate,  R.  Libera  nos  Domine."  is  said 
twice  :  and  after  the  litany  and  the  Lord's  prayer, 
Ps.  147  (147,  V.  12,  E.  V.  Lauda  Jerusalem). 
Then  follow  some  preces  or  versicles,  said  by  the 
priest  and  people  alternately,  and  the  office  con- 
cludes with  five  collects,  and  aspersion.  Of  the 
collects,  the  first  is  of  an  ordinary  penitential 
character.     The  last  four  are  these : 

"A  domo  tua,  quaesumus  Domine  spiritales 
nequitiae  repellantur,  et  aeriarum  discedat  malig- 
nitas  tempestatum." 

"  Omnipotens  sempiterne  Deus,  parce  metuen- 
tibus,  propitiare  supplicibus :  ut  post  noxios 
igues  nubium,  et  vim  procellarum,  in  miseri- 
cordiam  transeat  laudis  comminatio  tempes- 
tatum.a  ^ 

"  Domine  Jesu,  qui  imperasti  ventis  et  mari,  et 
facta  fuit  tranquillitas  magna,  e.xaudi  preces 
familiae  tuae,  ut  hoc  signo  sanctae  crucis  + 
omnis  discedat  saevitia  tempestatum." 

"Omnipotens  et  misericors  Deus,  quo  nos  et 
castigando  sanas,  et  ignoscendo  conservas: 
praesta  supplicibus  tuis  ut  et  tranquillitatibus 
optataeb  consolationis  laetemur,  et  dono  tuae 
pietatis  semper  utamur.     Per." 

The  Roman  missal  contains  a  mass  "contra 
tempestates  "  in  which  the  collect  is  the  first  of 
these  four  collects,  and  the  post-communion  the 
last. 

In  the  Amhrosian  ritual  there  is  a  "  Benedictio 
contra  aeris  tempestatem,"  of  the  same  type  as 
that  in  the  Roman. 

The  clergy  and  people  kneel  before  the  high 
altar,  where  the  tabernacle  of  the  sacrament ''is 
opened,  and  after  Deus  in  adjutorium,  &c., 
these  Psalms  are  said:  1,  14  [E.  V.  151-  53 
[E.  V.  54];  69  [E.  V.  70];  86  [E.  V.  871;  92 
[E.  V.  93].  -■' 

Then  follow  the  Litanies,  Pater  noster,  some 


a  This  collect  is  quoted  by  Martene  (ii.  302)  from  an 
old  MS.  of  cir.  a.d.  500. 
"  hujus  opt.  in  missal. 


LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF 

preces,  iind  two  prayers,  each  much  longer  than 
the  corresponding  Roman  collects,  but  to  the 
same  effect,  and  the  office  ends  with  an  aspersion 
with  holy  water  at  the  door  of  the  church. 

[H.  J.  H.] 

LIGHTS,  THE  CEREMONIAL  USE 
OF.  It  maj'  be  safely  affirmed  that  for  more 
than  300  years  there  was  no  ceremonial  use  of 
lighted  candles,  torches,  or  lamps  in  the  worship 
of  the  Christian  church.  This  is  evident  from 
the  language  of  early  writers,  when  they  have 
occasion  to  refer  to  the  heathen  practice  of  burn- 
ing lights  in  honour  of  the  gods.  Tertullian,  for 
example,  a.d.  205,  ridicules  the  custom  of  "ex- 
posing useless  candles  at  noon-day  "  (Apol.  xlvi.), 
and  "  encroaching  on  the  day  with  lamps  "  {ibid. 
XXXV.).  "  Let  them,"  he  says,  "  who  have  no 
light,  kindle  their  lamps  daily  "  (De  Idolol.  xv.). 
Lactantius,  A.D.  303  :  "  They  burn  lights  as  to 
one  dwelling  in  darkness  ....  Is  he  to  be  thought 
in  his  right  mind  who  offers  for  a  gift  the  light 
of  candles  and  wax  tapers  to  the  author  and 
giver  of  light?  ....  But  their  gods,  because 
they  are  of  the  earth,  need  light  that  they  may 
not  be  in  darkness  ;  whose  worshippers,  because 
they  have  no  sense  of  heaven,  bring  down  to  the 
earth  even  those  superstitions  to  which  they  are 
enslaved"  {Instit.  vi.  2).  Gregory  Nazianzen, 
about  70  years  later,  says,  "  Let  not  our  dwell- 
ings blaze  with  visible  light ;  for  this  indeed  is 
the  custom  of  the  Greek  holy-moon  ;  but  let  not 
us  honour  God  with  these  things,  and  exalt  the 
present  season  with  unbecoming  rites,  but  with 
purity  of  soul  and  cheerfulness  of  mind,  and 
with  lamps  that  enlighten  the  whole  body  of  the 
church  ;  that  is  to  say,  with  divine  contempla- 
tions and  thoughts,"  &c.  {Orat.  v.  §  35).  The 
reader  will  observe  that  the  objection  is  not 
to  the  use  of  lights  in  idolatrous  woi-ship  only, 
but  to  all  ceremonial  use  of  them,  even  in  the 
worship  of  the  true  God. 

I.  There  was,  however,  already  by  the  end  of 
the  3rd  century  a  partial  use  of  lights  in  honour 
of  martyrs,  which  would  greatly  facilitate  their 
introduction  as  ritual  accessories  to  worship  at 
a  later  period.  We  learn  this  in  the  fii-st  in- 
stance from  their  prohibition  by  the  council  of 
Illiberis  in  Spain,  probably  about  the  year  305  : 
"  It  is  decreed  that  wax  candles  be  not  kindled 
in  a  cemetery  during  the  day  ;  for  the  spirits  of 
the  saints  ought  not  to  be  disquieted  "  (can.  34). 
By  the  saints  we  must  here  understand  the  faith- 
ful who  went  to  the  martyria  for  prayer.  This 
is  the  explanation  of  Binius,  Dupin,  Mendoza, 
and  others.  They  would  certainly  be  more  or 
less  distracted  by  the  presence  of  the  lights,  and 
they  might  fear  to  excite  the  attention  of  the 
heathen  by  them.  Many,  if  we  may  infer  from 
the  language  of  the  writers  quoted  above,  would 
be  offended  at  the  rite  itself.  The  practice, 
nevertheless,  maintained  its  ground  in  Spain  and 
elsewhere.  For  at  the  beginning  of  the  next 
century,  we  find  it  attacked  by  Vigilantius,  him- 
self a  Spaniard,  of  Barcelona.  Jerome,  who 
replied  to  him,  does  not  deny  that  such  a  custom 
existed.  His  language  even  shews  that  he  did 
not  in  his  heart  disapprove  of  it ;  but  he  pleads 
that  it  was  due  to  the  "ignorance  and  simplicity 
of  laymen,  or  at  least  of  superstitious  (religio- 
sarum)  women,"  who  "  had  a  zeal  for  God,  but 
not  according  to  knowledge."  Speaking  for  the 
church   at  large   he  says,  "We  do  not"^  as  you 


LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF     993 

groundlessly  slander  us,  burn  wax  tapers  in  clear 
light,  but  that  we  may  by  this  means  of  relief 
moderate  the  darkness  of  the  night,  and  watch 
till  dawn."  Yet  he  inconsistently  defends  the 
practice  which  Vigilantius  condemned,  comparini; 
those  wlio  supplied  the  lights  "  in  honour  of  the 
martyrs "  to  her  who  poured  ointment  on  our 
Lord  {Contra  Vigilant.  §  8). 

II.  In  the  time  of  St.  Jerome  we  first  hear  of 
another  practice,  which  would  inevitably  end  in 
the  ceremonial  use  of  lights ;  viz.  their  employ- 
ment as  a  decoration  in  churches  on  festi- 
vals. This  is  first  mentioned  by  Paulinus  of 
Nola,  A.D.  407,  who  thus  describes  his  own 
custom  on  the  feast  of  St.  Felix,  to  whom  his 
church  there  was  dedicated:  "The  bright  altars 
are  crowned  with  lamps  thickly  set.  Lights  are 
burnt  odorous  with  waxed  papyri.  They  shine 
by  night  and  day :  thus  night  is  radiant  with  the 
brightness  of  the  day,  and  the  day  itself,  bright 
in  heavenly  beauty,  shines  yet  more  with  light 
doubled  by  countless  lamps  "  (Poem.  xiv.  Nat.  3, 
1.  99;  comp.  P.  xix.  N.  II,  11.  405,  &c.).  This 
does  not  prove  his  common  use  of  lights  by  day, 
but  that  is  made  probable  by  another  poem,  iu 
which,  describing  apparently  the  ordinary  appear- 
ance of  his  church,  he  says  : — 

"  Tectoque  supeme 
Pendentes  Lychni  spiris  retinentur  ahenis, 
Et  medio  in  vacuo  laxis  vaga  lumina  nutaiit 
Funlbus :  undantes  flammas  levis  aura  fatigat." 

Poem,  xxxvii.  Nat.  ix.  1.  389. 

If  such  a  practice  prevailed  in  any  degree 
duing  the  4th  century,  it  probably  affords  the 
explanation  needed  in  the  well-known  story  of 
Epiphanius,  who  once,  when  passing  through  a 
country  place  called  Anablatha,  "saw,  as  he 
went  by,  a  lamp  burning,  and  on  inquiring  what 
place  that  was,  learnt  that  it  was  a  church  " 
{Epist.  ad  Joan.  Ilieros.). 

III.  The  ritual  use  of  lights  for  which  such  a 
custom  prepared  the  way  would  probably  have 
been  only  occasional  for  many  ages,  but  for  the 
conditions  under  which  the  worship  of  Chris- 
tians was  held  during  the  first  300  years.  Se- 
crecy was  necessary  when  persecution  was  active, 
and  great  privacy  at  all  times.  This  led  to 
their  assembling  after  the  daylight  had  failed,  or 
before  the  sun  rose.  When  the  disciples  at 
Troas  "  came  together  to  break  bread,"  it  was 
evening,  "  and  there  were  many  lights  in  the 
upper  chamber,  where  they  were  gathered  to- 
gether "  (Acts  XX.  7,  8).  Pliny  the  younger, 
some  50  years  later,  told  the  emperor  that  the 
Christians  were  in  the  habit  of  meeting  fur 
common  worship  "  before  it  was  light  "  (A))/-. 
lib.  x.  n.  97).  From  Tertullian  {De  Corona,  iii.) 
we  learn  that  it  was  the  custom  of  his  day  to 
"  take  the  sacrament  of  the  Eucharist  in  assem- 
blies held  before  dawn."  The  fear  of  discovery 
which  induced  this  precaution  caused  them  also 
to  avail  themselves  of  the  catacombs  and  other 
subterranean  places  in  which,  while  they  were 
more  free  to  choose  their  time  of  meeting,  the 
natural  darkness  of  the  place  itself  would  make 
artificial  light  essential.  St.  Jerome,  speaking 
of  the  catacombs  at  Rome  at  a  time  when  they 
were  no  longer  in  use  for  Christian  worship 
says,  "  They  are  all  so  dark  that  to  enter  into 
them  is,  in  the  language  of  the  psalmist,  like 
going  down  into  hell"  {Comment,  in  Ezek.  lib. 


994    LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF 

xii.  c.  xl.).  Some  of  the  first  churches  even 
were,  for  the  reason  that  we  have  indicated, 
built  under  ground.  There  is  one  still  to  be 
seen  at  Lyons,  containing  the  remains  of  St.  Ire- 
uaeus,  "  fort  profonde  et  fort  obscure,"  which  is 
believed  to  be  "  one  of  the  first  churches  in 
which  the  first  Christians  of  Lyons  used  to 
assemble  "  (  De  Moleon,  Voi/ages  Liturgiqnes, 
p.  71).  Now  there  is  every  reason  to  believe 
that  the  necessary  lights  of  this  period  became 
the  ceremonial  lights  of  the  next.  We  do  not 
know  when  they  ceased  to  be  necessary.  Even 
in  the  7th  and  'Sth  centuries,  the  station  before 
the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist  on  high  festivals 
still  began  at  daybreak  (Ordo  Horn.  i.  4  ;  ii.  1; 
iii.  ."  ;  Musae.  Ital.  torn.  ii.).  They  could  hardly 
be  needed  to  give  light  at  that  time ;  but  a 
mystic  meaning,  already  attached  to  them,  must 
have  led  to  their  retention.  The  following  is  a 
description  of  their  use  in  a  pontifical  mass  of 
that  period.  When  the  bishop  left  the  secreta- 
rium,  he  was  preceded  by  7  acolytes,  each  bear- 
ing a  lighted  wax  candle  (firdo  i?.  i.  8 ;  ii.  5 ; 
iii.  7).  As  they  came  near  the  altar,  they  di- 
vided, 4  going  to  the  right,  and  3  to  the  left, 
that  he  might  pass  through.  When  the  deacon 
went  to  the  ambo  to  read  the  Gospel  two  of  the 
lights  were  carried  before  him  in  honour  of  the 
book  which  he  bore  in  his  hands  (i.  11;  ii.  8  ; 
iii.  10).  Our  earliest  authority- now  quoted  does 
not  tell  us  whether  the  lights  were  extinguished 
at  any  part  of  the  service  ;  but  according  to  the 
next  in  date  they  were  "extinguished  in  their 
place  after  the  reading  of  the  Gospel"  (ii.  9). 
This  was  clearly  a  reminiscence  of  their  original 
use.  From  the  first  two  we  learn  that  after  the 
Kyrie  the  acolytes  set  the  candle-stands  (cereo- 
stata)  on  the  floor  (i.  26  ;  ii.  5  ;  comp.  v.  6). 
The  second  further  tells  us  that  they  were  put 
"  4  on  the  right  and  3  on  the  left,  or  (as  some 
will  have  it)  in  a  row  from  south  to  north  " 
(ii.  5).  At  a  later  period  they  were  set  "  so  as  to 
form  a  cross  "  (vi.  5).  After  the  Collect  they 
were  in  the  earlier  age  put  "  in  one  line  from 
east  to  west,  in  the  middle  of  the  church " 
(ii.  6).  In  a  later,  we  find  them  when  extin- 
guished set  behind  the  altar  (v.  7) — a  practice 
which,  in  conjunction  with  the  need  of  light  at 
an  early  celebration,  in  due  time  paved  the 
way  for  the  introduction  of  altar-lights.  The 
earliest  document  to  which  we  have  here  re- 
ferred is  supposed  by  Ussher,  Cave,  and  others  to 
have  been  compiled  about  the  year  730 ;  but  it 
evidently  did  not  create  all  the  rites  which  it 
prescribes.  We  therefore  assume  that  those 
now  described  were  practised  at  Rome  at  least 
during  the  latter  part  of  the  7th  century. 

IV.  To  the  same  period  we  may,  on  the  same 
grounds,  refer  the  oflice  of  the  Tenebrae  in 
its  first  stage.  It  was  celebrated  on  the  night 
before  Good  Friday.  One-third  of  the  lights  in 
the  church  were  extinguished  after  the  first 
psalm  of  Nocturns ;  another  third  after  the 
second,  and  the  remainder,  with  the  exception 
of  seven  lamps,  after  the  third.  These  seven 
were  extinguished  at  Matins;  the  first  on  the 
right  side  of  the  church,  when  the  antiphon 
before  the  first  psalm  was  heard  ;  the  second,  on 
the  left,  at  the  end  of  the  psalm,  "and  so  on 
either  side  alternately  down  to  the  Gospel,  i.e. 
the  Benedictus;  but  at  the  Gospel  the  middle 
light  is  put  out "  (^Ordo,  i.  33  ;  comp.  App.  §  2). 


LIGHTS,  GEEEMONIAL  USE  OF 

V.  The  Paschal  Light  (Paschal  Post,  Cereus 
Paschalis)  is  heard  of  at  an  earlier  period.  We 
have  an  almost  certain  reference  to  it  in  the 
Liber  Fontijicalis,  where  we  are  told  (n.  42), 
that  Zosimus,  a.d.  417,  "  gave  permission  for  the 
blessing  of  candles  in  the  suburbicarian  dioceses." 
Some  copies  {Concil.  Surii,  Annul.  Baronii)  even 
read  cereum  Paschalem  here,  and  the  passage 
can  hardly  refer  to  anything  else.  This  was  the 
tradition  of  Sigebert  of  Gemblours  :  "  Zosimus 
the  pope  orders  a  wax  candle  to  be  blessed 
throughout  the  churches  on  the  holy  Sabbath  of 
Easter  "  (ad  ann.  417 ;  Biblioth.  PP.  vii.  1358. 
Similarly  Leo  Ostiensis,  Chron.  Cassin.  iii.  31). 
Two  forms  for  the  benediction  of  the  Paschal 
Light  were  composed  by  Ennodius,  who  became 
bishop  of  Ticino  in  511.  They  are  still  extant 
(see  his  works  by  Sirmond,  Opusc.  9,  10,  p.  453). 
Gregory  the  Great,  writing  in  605  to  a  bishop 
who  was  sick,  says,  "  Let  the  prayers  which  in 
the  city  of  Piavenna  are  wont  to  be  said  over 
the  wax  candle,  and  the  expositions  of  the  gospel 
which  are  made  by  the  bishops  (sacerdotibus)  at 
the  Easter  solemnity,  be  said  by  another  "  (Epist. 
si.  28,  al.  33). 

From  the  first  Ordo  liomanus  (about  730)  we 
learn  that  on  Maundy  Thursday,  at  the  9th 
hour,  a  light  was  struck  from  flint  in  some  place 
outside  the  basilic  at  the  door,  if  there  was  no 
oratory,  from  which  a  candle  was  lighted  and 
brought  into  the  church  in  the  presence  of  the 
congregation.  A  lamp  lighted  "  from  the  same 
fire"  was  kept  burning  until  Easter  Eve,  and 
from  that  was  lighted  the  wax  candle  which 
was  solemnly  blessed  on  that  day  {^Ordo  Rom.  i. 
32).  Zachary,  who  became  pope  in  741,  in  a 
letter  to  Boniface  of  Mentz,  says  that  "three 
lamps  of  great  size  (so  lighted)  placed  in  some 
more  secret  part  of  the  church,  burned  to  the 
third  day,  i.e.  Saturday."  He  adds  that  oil  for 
them  was  collected  from  every  candle  in  the 
church,  and  that  "  the  fire  for  the  baptism  of 
the  sacred  font  on  Easter  Eve  was  taken  from 
those  candles"  (^Ep.  xii.  Labbe,  Cone.  tom.  vi. 
col.  1525).  It  will  be  observed  that  lampas  and 
candela  are  here  synonymous.  From  the  frag- 
ment of  a  letter  of  Hadrian  I.  A.D.  772,  to  the 
monks  of  Corbie,  we  learn  that  the  priests  and 
clerks  did  not  put  on  their  stoles  and  planetae 
on  Easter  Eve  "  until  the  new  light  was  brought 
in  that  the  wax  candle  might  be  blessed  "  {Com- 
vunit.  Fracv.  in  Ord.  Jiom.  Mabill.  3Ihs.  It. 
tom.  ii.  p.  cii.).  The  blessing  was  pronounced 
by  the  archdeacon  (Rabanus,  de  Instit.  Cler.  ii. 
38). 

There  are  two  forms  of  the  Benedictio  cerei  in 
the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  (Murat.  Liturg. 
Rom.  Vet.  tom.  ii.  col.  143).  The  former  of 
these  is  also  found  in  the  Missale  Gothicum 
{Liturg.  Gallic,  p.  241),  in  the  Missale  Gallica- 
num  {ibid.  p.  357),  and  again  in  the  Besan^on 
Sacramentary  discovered  by  Mabillou  at  Bobio 
{Mus.  Ital.  tom.  i.  p.  321).  This  may  be  thought 
to  prove  that  the  rite  was  derived  to  France 
from  Rom.e. 

In  Gothic  Spain  and  Languedoc,  both  the 
prayers  and  ceremonial  differed  from  those  of 
Home.  The  clergy  assembled,  not  on  Maundy 
Thursday,  but  Easter  Eve  at  the  9th  hour  ia 
the  processus,  a  chamber  connected  with  the 
church,  and  in  small  churches  identical  with 
the  sacrarium.     There  the  deacons  received  12. 


LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF 

wax  candles  from  the  bishop,  who  retained  one 
fur  himself.  They  then  entered  the  sacnirium, 
where  the  bishop  himself  proceeded  to  strike  the 
flint.  A  candle  (candela)  was  first  lighted  with 
the  fire  thus  obtained,  and  a  lamp  (lucerna)  was 
then  lighted  from  the  candle.  They  then  re- 
turned into  the  processus,  where  the  bishop  took 
his  seat.  He  next  lighted  his  own  candle  from 
the  lamp  which  a  deacon  had  brought  from  the 
sacrarium,  and  the  deacons  then  lighted  theirs, 
also  from  the  lamp.  The  deacon  who  held  it 
ther  received  a  blessing  from  the  bishop,  for 
which  no  words  were  prescribed ;  and  the  bishop 
said  an  "  Oratio  ad  benediceadam  lucernam." 
They  then  entered  the  church  in  procession,  the 
deacons  with  their  lights  preceding  the  lamp, 
the  bishop  and  presbyters  following  it.  As  they 
entered  the  choir  they  sang  an  antiphon  (Lumen 
verum,  St.  John  i.  9)  with  versicle  (populus  qui 
sedebat,  St.  Matt.  iv.  16)  and  gloria.  The  bishop 
or  a  priest  next  goes  to  the  altar  and  says  a 
prayer  "  ad  benedicendum  cereum."  After  this  the 
deacons,  who  are  themselves  to  bless  the  paschal 
lamp  and  candle,  receive  a  benediction  from  the 
bishop,  which  is  to  fit  them  for  that  office.  They 
then,  while  the  bishop  is  in  his  chair  behind  the 
altar,  and  the  presbyters  are  standing  by  him, 
solemnly  pronounce  a  long  form  of  blessing 
(benedictio  lucernae)  given  in  the  sacramentary. 
A  similar  benedictio  cerei  followed,  and  the 
bishop  then  comes  in  front  of  the  altar,  and 
proceeds  with  the  service  of  the  day  {Missale 
Jlozarabicutn,  Leslie,  pp.  174-178). 

The  benediction  of  the  lamp  appears  to  have 
been  peculiar  to  this  office,  and  the  prayer  is 
said  by  Elipandus,  A.D.  792,  to  have  been  com- 
posed by  Isidore  of  Seville  {Epid.  ad  Alcuin.  §  xi. 
inter  0pp.  Ale).  He  quotes  a  passage  in  it : 
"  Induit  camera,  sed  non  exuit  majestatem," 
&c.  by  which  we  are  enabled  to  identify  it.  See 
Miss.  Moz.  p.  176.  It  is  certain  that  the  4th  coun- 
cil of  Toledo,  A.D.  633  (can.  9),  at  which  Isidore 
presided,  recognised  both  the  paschal  lights: — 
"  The  lamp  and  the  candle  are  not  blessed  in 
some  churches  on  Easter  Eve,  and  they  inquire 
why  they  are  blessed  by  us.  We  bless  them 
solemnly  because  of  the  glorious  sacrament  of 
that  night ;  that  in  the  benediction  of  the 
hallowed  light  we  may  discern  the  mystery 
of  the  sacred  resurrection  of  Christ,  which 
took  place  on  this  votive  night.  And  forasmuch 
as  this  rite  is  practised  in  churches  in  many 
lands,  and  districts  of  Spain,  it  is  fit  that  for 
the  unity  of  peace  it  be  observed  in  the 
churches  of  Gallicia." 

At  Rome  there  was  a  singular  custom  in  con- 
nexion with  the  paschal  candle  which,  so  far  as 
we  have  been  able  to  discover,  was  not  adopted 
elsewhere.  The  number  of  years  from  the  cru- 
cifixion was  inscribed  on  it.  Bede  (Z^c  Tempor. 
Hat.  c.  45)  records  such  an  inscription,  which 
had  been  copied  at  Rome  by  some  pilgrims  from 
England,  viz.  :  "  From  the  passion  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  are  668  years." 

The  paschal  candle  played  a  considerable  part 
in  the  baptisms  which  took  place  on  Easter  Eve. 
When  the  font  was  blessed,  "  at  the  invocation 
of  the  Holy  Spirit,  which  the  priest  pronounces 
with  a  loud  voice,  i.e.  with  deep  emotion  of  mind, 
the  candle  that  has  been  blessed,  or  those  that 
have  been  lighted  from  it,  are  put  down  into  the 
water  to  shew  the  presence  of  the  Holy  Ghost " 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF    995 

(Pseudo-Alcuin,  de  Dtv.  Off.  Hittorp.  col.  259)' 
Only  the  lower  part  was  immersed  (i'lid.),  while 
the  whole,  when  lighted,  represented  Christ  the 
pillar  of  light;  the  part  not  yet  burning,  but 
ready  to  furnish  the  means  of  light,  symbolised 
the  Holy  Ghost  (Amal.  Var.  Led.  Hittorp.  1447). 
This  was  the  baptism  of  the  font  mentioned  above 
by  Zachary.  When  the  catechumens  had  been 
baptized,  an  unlighted  candle  was  put  into  fhe 
hand  of  each.  Litanies  were  then  sung  in  the 
Roman  ritual  (probably  only  Kyrius),  and  then 
the  Agnus  Dei,  during  which  the  precentor  gave 
the  word,  "  Light  up,"  and  the  candles  of  the 
neophytes  (Amalar.  de  Antiphon.  c.  44 ;  Pseudo- 
Alcuin,  Hitt.  col.  260),  and  all  throughout  the 
church  {Ord.  Rom.  i.  45  ;  Amal.  ihid.),  were  at 
once  lighted.  Till  that  moment  the  lamps  and 
candles  of  the  church  were  not  lighted  for  three 
nights,  "  to  teach  us,"  says  the  archdeacon  of 
Rome  to  Amalarius  (u.  s.),  "  to  turn  away  from 
joyfuluess  to  sadness,"  as  "joy  was  quenched  in 
the  hearts  of  the  disciples  of  Christ  so  long  as  he 
lay  in  the  tomb  "  (Amal.  ibid.').  They  were  re- 
lighted at  the  Agnus  to  shew  that  every  one  ought 
to  receive  light  through  that  "  Lamb  that  taketh 
away  the  sins  of  the  world  "  (Amal.  de  Eccles. 
Off.  i.  30).  The  mass  of  the  resurrection  began 
after  the  lighting  of  the  candles  (Oi-d.  Bom.  i. 
45,  and  Append.  10;  Amal.  de  Antiph.  c.  44; 
Rabanus,  de  Instit.  Cler.  ii.  38).  For  "  the 
seven  white  days,"  i.e.  until  Low  Sunday,  the 
newly  baptized  were  daily  present  at  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  Eucharist  in  their  white  robes  and 
with  their  candles  in  their  hands  (Alcuin,  Ep.  ad 
Car.  Magn.  in  Hittorp.  col.  300  ;  Raban.  u.  s. 
cap.  39).  The  symbolism  is  thus  explained : 
"  The  eight  days  of  the  neophytes  represent  the 
course  of  this  present  life.  For  as  the  Hebrew 
people,  after  passing  the  Red  Sea,  entered  the 
land  of  promise,  trampling  over  their  foes,  pre- 
ceded by  night  throughout  their  journey  by  a 
pillar  of  fire,  so  our  baptized,  their  past  sins  done 
away,  are  daily  led  to  the  church  preceded  by  a 
lighted  pillar  of  wax "  ( Pseudo-Ale.  M.  s. 
col.  262). 

VI.  We  first  hear  of  these  baptismal  lights  in 
the  4th  century.'  Zeno  of  Verona,  A.D.  360, 
speaks  of  the  "  salt,  fire,  and  oil,  and  poor  tunic  " 
given  to  the  newly  baptized  {Tract,  i.  xiv.  4). 
St.  Ambrose,  374,  addressing  a  lapsed  virgin, 
says  :  "  Hast  thou  forgotten  the  holy  day  of  the 
Lord's  resurrection  in  which  thou  didst  offer 
thyself  to  the  altar  of  God  to  be  veiled  ?  In  so 
great  and  so  solemn  an  assembly  of  the  church  of 
God,  amid  the  blazing  lights  of  the  neophytes, 
among  candidates  for  the  kingdom  of  heaven, 
didst  thou  come  forward  as  if  to  become  the  bride 
of  the  King"  {De  Laps.  Virg.  v.  19).  Gregory 
Nazianzen,  in  a  discourse  delivered  on  Easter  Day 
about  385  :  "  Our  white  dresses  and  light-bear- 
ing yesterday,  which  we  celebrated  both  pri- 
vately and  publicly,  all  conditions  of  men  nearly, 


»  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  a.d.  350,  has  been  supposed  to 
mention  these  lights :  "The  cill  to  be  soldiers  of  Christ, 
and  the  lamps  that  load  the  bride  home,  and  the  de&ire  of 
the  kingdom  of  heaven,  ....  have  been  yours"  {Calech. 
Praef.  i.) ;  but  he  is  speaking,  not  to  the  baptized,  but  to 
competentes,  and  by  the  bridal  lamps  he  means  those 
motions  of  the  Ho'.y  Ghost  and  spiritual  instructions 
which  had  lighted  their  way  to  Christ,  and  to  the  en- 
trance of  His  kingdom. 

3  T 


996    LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF 

and  every  high  officer,  illumining  the  night  with 
abundant  fire,"  &c.  (In  S.  Pascha,  xlv.  §  2). 
About  the  year  500,  a  large  number  of  Jews  were 
converted  at  Auvergne,  and  we  are  told  by 
Gregory  of  Tours,  573,  that  at  their  baptism 
"  candles  blazed,  lamps  shone,  the  whole  city  was 
bright  with  the  white-robed  flock  "  {Hist.  Franc. 
y.  11).  At  the  request  of  Gregory,  Fortunatus 
wrote  a  poem  on  the  event  {Poem.  v.  5),  from 
which  we  may  cite  the  following  lines : — 
•'  Undique  rapta  manu  lux  cerea  provocat  astra  : 

Credas  ut  Stellas  ire  trahendo  comas. 
Lacteus  hinc  vestl  color  est;  bine  lampade  fulgor 

Ducitur,  et  vario  lumine  picta  dies." 

We  should  infer  from  this  that  at  baptisms 
of  great  interest  others,  beside  the  neophytes, 
carried  lights.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  account 
which  an  eyewitness  gives  of  the  baptism  ot 
Theodosius  the  Younger,  A.D.  401  :  "All  were  in 
white,  so  that  you  might  fancy  the  multitude 
covered  with  snow.  Illustrious  patricians  went 
before,  and  every  dignitary  with  the  military 
orders  all  carrying  wax  lights,  so  that  the  stars 
might  be  supposed  to  be  seen  on  earth  "  (Marcus 
Gaz.  Epist.  ad  Arcad.  apud  Baron,  ad  ann.  §  28). 
The  symbolism  of  these  lights  is  thus  explained 
by  Gregory  Nazianzen  to  some  candidates  for 
baptism  :  ""The  lamps  which  thou  wilt  kindle  are 
a  mystical  sign  of  that  lamp-bearing  from  thence- 
forth, wherewith  we,  bright  and  virgin  souls, 
will  go  forth  to  meet  the  Bridegi-oora"  (Orat.  xL 
in  Sand.  Bapt.  §  46). 

VII.  The  gospel  lights,  to  which  incidental 
reference  has  been  made,  are  first  heard  of  in  the 
4th  century.  St.  Jerome,  A.D.  378,  tells  us  that, 
"through  all  the  churches  of  the  east,  when  the 
gospel  is  to  be  read,  lights  are  kindled,  though 
the  sun  is  already  shining ;  not,  indeed,  to  dispel 
darkness,  but  to  exhibit  a  token  of  joy  ;  .  .  .  .  and 
that  under  the  figure  of  bodily  light,  that  light 
may  be  set  forth  of  which  we  read  in  the  psalter 
'  Thy  word  is  a  lantern  unto  my  feet,  and  a  light 
unto  my  paths'"  {Cont.  Vigilant,  c.  iii.).  In  the 
west  the  custom  is  first  mentioned  by  Isidore  of 
Seville,  writing  in  636,  which  makes  it  probable 
that  it  travelled  to  Rome  through  Spain,  as 
several  other  rites  appear  to  have  done.  He 
says  {Etymol.  vii.  xii.  29),  "  Those  who  in  Greek 
are  called  acolytes  are,  in  Latin,  called  ceroferarii, 
from  their  carrying  wax  candles  when  the  gospel  is 
to  be  read,  or  the  sacrifice  to  be  offered  ;  for  these 
lights  are  kindled  by  them,  and  carried  by  them, 
not  to  dispel  darkness,  for  the  sun  is  shining  the 
while,  but  for  a  sign  of  joy,  that  under  the 
form  of  bodily  light  may  be  represented  that 
light  of  which  we  read  in  the  gospel :  '  He  was 
the  true  light.'  " 

VIII.  There  is  ample  evidence  of  the  use  of 
lights,  both  stationary  and  processional,  at 
funerals  in  every  part  of  the  Christian  church. 
When  the  body  of  Constantine  lay  in  state,  "  they 
lighted  caudles  on  golden  stands  around  it,  and 
aflbrded  a  wonderful  spectacle  to  the  beholders, 
such  as  was  never  seen  on  the  earth  under  the 
sun  since  the  world  was  made "  (Euseb.  Vita 
Constant,  iv.  66).  Gregory  Nyssen,  A.D.  370, 
speaking  of  his  sister's  funeral,  says  that  "  No 
small  number  of  deacons  and  sub-deacons  pre- 
ceded the  corpse  on  either  side,  escorting  it  from 
the  house  in  orderly  procession,  all  holding  was 
candles "  (JDe  Vita  S.  Macrinae,  in  fin.).     From 


LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF 

Gregory"  Nazianzen,  we  learn  that  the  rite  was 
in  frequent,  if  not  general,  use  at  this  time;  for 
referring  to  the  burial  of  Constantius,  he  says : 
"  He  is  carried  forth  with  the  acclamations  and 
escort  of  the  people,  and  with  these  our  solemn 
rites,  viz.  hymns  by  night,  and  torch-bearing, 
with  which  we  Christians  are  wont  to  honour  a 
religious  departure  "  (m  Julian.  Invect.  ii.  Or.  v. 
16).  St.  Jerome,  of  the  obsequies  of  Paula,  A.D. 
386 :  "  She  was  borne  by  the  hands  of  bishops, 
who  even  put  their  shoulder  to  the  bier,  while 
other  pontifis  carried  lamps  and  candles  before 
her  {Ad  Eustoch.  Ep.  cviii.  §  29).  St.  Chryso- 
stom  :  "  Tell  me  what  mean  those  shining  lamps. 
Do  we  not  conduct  them  (the  dead)  forth  as 
athletes  ?  "  (in  Epist.  ad  Hebr.  c.  2  ;  Horn.  iv.  § 
5).  When  the  remains  of  Chrysostom  himself 
were  removed  from  Comana  to  Constantinople  in 
438,  "  the  assemblage  of  the  faithful  covered  the 
mouth  of  the  Bosphorus  at  the  Propontis  with 
their  lamps "  (Theodoreti  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  36 : 
comp.  34).  At  the  funeral  of  St.  Germanus  of 
Auxerre,  A.D.  447,  "  the  multitude  of  lights  beat 
back  the  rays  of  the  sun,  and  maintained  their 
brightness  even  through  the  day  "  (Constant,  in 
Vita  S.  Germ.  ii.  24;  ap.  Surium,  Jul.  31). 
When  Euthymius  died  in  Palestine,  A.D.  467,  the 
patriarch  of  Jerusalem  "  went  down  to  the  laura 
himself,  and  transferred,  with  accompaniment  of 
lamps  and  psalms,  that  holy  body  of  the  blessed 
one  to  the  abode  which  he  had  himself  built, 
trusting  it  to  his  own  hands  alone  "  {Euthymii 
Vita,  c.  112;  Eccl.  Gr.  Monuni.  ii.  296,  Cotel.). 
Corippus,  the  grammarian,  describing  the  cere- 
monial at  the  funeral  of  Justinian,  A.D.  565, 
says  that,  "  a  thousand  stands  of  gold  and  silver 
with  candles  set  on  them  filled  the  halls,"  and 
that  when  the  corpse  was  taken  out  for  burial, 
"the  whole  populace  went  out  in  procession 
from  the  palace,  the  mournful  bands  burning 
funereal  torches"  {De  Laud.  Justin.  Min.  iii. 
9,  38). 

At  Paris,  in  585,  king  Guntram  buried  a  mur- 
dered grandson  "  with  the  decoration  of  innu- 
merable candles"  (Greg.  Turon.  Hist. Franc,  vii. 
10).  When  queen  Radegund  was  buried  at 
Poictiers  in  587,  "  the  freewomen,  who  carried 
candles  (cereos)  before  her,  all  stood  round  tlie 
grave.  Every  one  gave  her  name  inscribed  on 
her  candle.  They  all,  according  to  the  order 
prescribed,  gave  the  candles  to  one  of  the  ser- 
vants. A  dispute  arises  among  the  people ;  som.e 
said  that  the  candles  themselves  ought  to  be  put 
into  her  holy  tomb ;  others  said  not "  (  Vita  St. 
liadeg.  auct.  Baudonivia,  cap.  v. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Aug.  13).  The  question  was  settled  by  one  of 
the  candles  leaping  out  of  the  hands  of  the  ser- 
vant who  held  them,  and  falling  at  the  feet  of 
the  corpse. 

IX.  From  this  use  of  lights  the  transition  was 
easy  to  leaving  them  in  the  sepulchre,  or  near 
the  grave,  when  the  nature  of  the  place  admitted 
of  it.  We  accordingly  often  read  of  lights  in 
the  martyria  or   oratories  ei-ected  over  the  re- 


b  Gregory  {Orat.  vii.  15)  has  been  quoted  as  saying 
that  his  mother  carried  a  lamp  at  the  funeral  of  her  son 
Caesarius,  but  the  original  has,  not  Aon7raSo<|)opia,  but 
\aij.npo<l)opia,  and  tells  us  that  the  wore  a  shining  white 
dress.  The  error  is  due  to  the  old  Latin  translation, 
which  gives  "  cereorum  gestatione  "  as  the  equivalent  to 
Kaij.npo<l>opCti,    See  edit.  Morell.  Or.  x.  torn.  i.  p.  169. 


LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF 

•mains  of  martyrs.  We  have  already  seen  this 
forbidden  in  the  daytime  by  the  council  of  Illi- 
beris,  about  305,  because  it  tended  to  distract 
those  who  resorted  to  them  for  prayer.  St. 
Jerome,  as  we  have  also  seen,  owns  and  defends 
the  practice,  though  ascribing  it  to  weak  and 
ignorant  persons.  We  may  cite  an  instance  from 
the  Dialogues  of  Gregory,  A.D.  595.  That  author 
relates  that  St.  Peter  once  appeared  to  the  sacris- 
tan, not  long  deceased,  of  the  church  dedicated  to 
him  at  Rome,  and  in  which  the  saint's  body  lay, 
wnen  he  had  risen  at  night  "  to  trim  the  lights 
by  the  entrance  "  (lib.  iii.  c.  24).  Gregory's  sug- 
gested explanation  is,  that  he  did  so  in  order  to 
shew  that  he  was  always  cognizant  of,  and 
always  ready  to  reward  "  whatever  was  done 
out  of  reverence  for  him."  Gregory  of  Tours 
tells  us  that  two  energumens  entering  a  monas- 
tery at  Malliacum(Maille-Lallier),  declared  that 
it  contained  the  tomb  of  St.  Solemnis,  and  said  : 
"  When  you  have  found  it,  cover  it  with  hang- 
ings, and  burn  a  light."  Miracles  followed  the 
discovery,  and  we  read  that  one  person  who  had 
been  cured  of  an  ague,  "  having  prayed  and 
lighted  candles,  held  them  in  his  hands  through- 
out the  night,  keeping  vigil  there "  (^De  Glor, 
Conf.  21).  A  lamp  gave  perpetual  light  at  the 
tomb  of  St.  Marcellinus  of  Iverdun  {ibid.  c.  69), 
and  of  St.  Marcellus  of  Die  in  Dauphiny  (ibid. 
70).  The  oil  in  both  these  instances  was  sup- 
posed to  be  endued  with  miraculous  power. 
Franco,  bishop  of  Aix,  A.D.  566,  having  been 
plundered  by  a  powerful  neighbour,  is  said  to 
have  addressed  St.  Merre,  before  whose  tomb  he 
had  prostrated  himself,  in  these  words  :  "  Neither 
light  shall  be  burnt  here,  nor  psalmody  sung, 
most  glorious  saint,  unless  thou  first  avenge  thy 
servants  of  their  enemies,  and  restore  to  holy 
church  the  things  by  force  taken  from  thee" 
(ibid.  71). 

X.  The  next  step,  naturally,  was  to  treat  any 
supposed  relic  of  the  saint,  however  small,  with 
similar  tokens  of  veneration.  In  the  5th  cen- 
tury, we  read  of  a  man  who  had  been  cured  of 
lameness  after  praying  in  a  church  where  relics 
of  St.  Stephen  and  other  saints  were  thought  to 
be  preserved,  "lighting  candles  and  leaving  his 
staff  there "  before  he  went  home  (Evodius,  de 
Mirac.  St.  Steph.  i.  4;  App.  vi.  0pp.  Aug.). 
Gregory  of  Tours  having  dedicated  an  oratory, 
removed  thither  from  a  church  relics  of  St. 
Euphronius  and  others,  "  candles  and  crosses 
shining  "  as  they  went  (Be  Glor.  Conf.  20).  In 
another  oratory  at  Tours  were  alleged  relics  of 
.John  the  Baptist,  before  which  a  lamp  burnt, 
the  oil  of  which  bubbled  miraculously  {Mime. 
i.  15).  The  bishop  of  a  certain  sea-town  in  the 
east,  hearing  that  some  relics  of  St.  Julian  were 
in  a  ship  that  had  just  arrived,  "moved  the 
people  to  go  in  procession  to  the  port  with 
lighted  torches "  (ibid.  ii.  33).  During  an  epi- 
demic at  Rheims  m  546,  a  relic  of  St.  Remigius 
was  carried  through  the  city  "  with  lighted 
candles  on  crosses,  and  with  candlesticks  "  {De 
Glor.  Confess.  89).  Lights  fixed  on  crosses  were 
an  invention  of  St.  Chrysostom,  who  employed 
them  in  those  nocturnal  processions  which  he 
'instituted  at  Constantinople  to  counteract  a  simi- 
lar custom  of  the  Arians  (Socrates,  Hist.  Eccl. 
vi.8). 

XI.  Lights  before  relics  were  naturally  fol- 
lowed by  lights  before  images,  when  the  latter 


LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF    997 

began  to  be  unduly  honoured.  There  are  no  in- 
stances, however,  earlier  than  the  6th  century. 
Some  MSS.  of  Gregory  of  Tours  relate  a  miracu- 
lous cure  performed  with  oil  from  a  lamp  before 
the  picture  of  St.  Martin  in  a  church  at  Ravenna 
{De  Mirac.  St.  Mart.  i.  15).  This  proves,  at 
least,  that  the  practice  was  known  to  the  writer, 
while  its  novelty  and  partial  distribution  may  be 
inferred  from  the  fact  that  Paulus  Warnefridi,  tell- 
ing the  same  story,  says  that  "  there  was  an  altar 
in  honour  of  St.  Martin,  with  a  window  near  it,  in 
which  a  lamp  was  set  to  give  light  "  {De  Gcst. 
Longob.  ii.  13).  In  the  east,  John  Moschus,  A.D. 
630,  tells  the  story  of  a  hermit  who,  when  about 
to  visit  any  holy  place,  used  to  set  a  caudle 
before  the  picture  of  the  blessed  Virgin,  trust- 
ing to  her  to  keep  it  burning  until  he  returned 
{Fratum  Spirit,  c.  civ.).  In  715,  Germanus, 
Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  writing  to  another 
bishop,  says :  "  Let  it  not  scandalize  some  that 
lights  are  before  the  sacred  images  and  sweet 
perfumes.  For  such  rites  have  been  devised 
to  their  honour.  .  .  .  For  the  visible  lights  are 
a  symbol  of  the  gift  of  immaterial  and  divine 
light,  and  the  burning  of  sweet  spices  of  the 
pure  and  perfect  inspiration  and  fulness  of  the 
Holy  Ghost  {Ep.  ad  Thomam,  in  Labbe,  Cone.  vii. 
313).  In  787,  the  second  council  of  Nicaea  gave 
its  sanction  to  the  practice  already  popular  by 
a  decree  that  "  an  offering  of  incense  and  lights 
should  be  made  in  honour "  of  the  icons  of 
Christ,  of  angels,  of  the  blessed  Virgin,  and 
other  saints  (Labbe,  u.  s.  556).  This  was  one  of 
the  practices  which  even  the  more  moderate  of 
the  emperors  opposed  to  image  worship  en- 
deavoured to  put  down  {Epist.  Mich.  Balb.  ad 
Ludov.  Pium  in  Decreta  de  Cultu  Imag.  Gold- 
ast.  p.  619). 

XII.  During  the  last  three  centuries  of  our 
period,  a  custom  prevailed  of  offering  candles  to 
God,  and  at  length  to  the  saints,  with  prayer  for 
recovery  from  sickness,  and  other  benefits.  E.g.  a 
girl  who  had  been  long  ill  made  a  candle  of  her 
own  height,  which  she  lighted  and  held  burning, 
"  by  the  help  of  which  (God  pitying  her  in  the 
name  of  the  holy  woman  St.  Radeguud),  the  cold 
was  expelled  before  the  candle  was  consumed  " 
{  Vita  S.  Radeg.  §  32  ;  Venant.  Fortun.  a.d.  587  ; 
compare  the  Lifehy  Baudon.  §  20).  Gotselin,  the 
monk  who,  in  the  9th  century,  wrote  a  life  of 
St.  Augustine  of  Canterbury,  when  relating  the 
cure  of  a  cripple,  says,  that  he  had  received  from 
a  charitable  woman  "  a  light  to  offer "  to  the 
saiut  (§  2,  Acta  SS.  0.  B.  tom.  i.).  By  the 
council  of  Nantes,  a.d.  660,  all  persons  were  for- 
bidden "  to  make  a  vow  or  to  carry  a  candle  or 
any  gift  when  going  to  pray  for  their  health, 
except  at  the  church  to  the  Lord  their  God " 
(can.  20).  The  object,  it  must  be  explained,  was 
to  put  down  heathen  superstitions,  not  to  dis- 
courage saint-worship.  In  the  life  of  St.  Sabas, 
ascribed  to  Cyril  of  Scythopolis,  A.D.  555,  there 
is  a  story  of  a  silversmith  who,  having  been 
robbed,  "  went  immediately  to  the  martyrium 
of  St.  Theodore,  and  for  five  days  supplied  (and 
probably  tended,  encyaa)  the  lights  of  the 
nave,  and  remained  there  night  and  day  weeping 
at  the  rails  of  the  bema  "  (§  78,  Cotel.  Mon. 
Grace,  iii.  355). 

XIII.  Candles  were  also  offered  as  a  token  of 
thankfulness  for  mercies  received.     For  example, 
when  Justin  the  Younger,  on  his  accession,  went 
3  T  2 


*J98      LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF 

with  the  empress  to  a  public  service  of  thanks- 
giving, they  both  offered  frankincense  and  candles 
(Corippus,  u.  s.  ii..9,  71 ;  comp.  v.  317).  A  wax 
candle  was  offered  at  the  tomb  of  St.  Eucherius 
of  Orleans,  A.d.  738,  by  a  woman  whom  he  had 
converted  {Vita  S.  Eucker.  §  10;  Acta  SS. 
0.  B.  iii.  599). 

XIV.  The  Liber  Pontificalis  {Anastat.  Dihlioth. 
■a.  85)  tells  us  that  Sergius  I.  a.d.  687,  ordered 
that    on    the    feast   "of  St.  Simeon,  which  the 
Greeks  call   hijpapante,  a  litany  (i.e.  procession) 
should    go    forth    from    St.    Adrian's,    and    the 
people  meet  it  at  St.  Mary's."     The  Greeks  had 
observed   the   feast    for  some  time  (with  what 
ceremonies  we  cannot  say) ;  but  this  appeal's  to 
be  its    introduction   at    Ixome.       Sergius  was  a 
Syrian    of  Antioch    by    birth,    and    was    more 
likely  to  bring  in  an  eastern  custom  than  many 
of  his   predecessors.     This    feast   (Feb.   2)   was 
afterwards  called  the  Purification  of  St.  Mary, 
and  was  marked  by  so  profuse  an  use  of  lights 
that  it   acquired  the  name  of  Missa   Luminum 
(Candlemas).      Lights  are  not  mentioned  in  the 
above   account,    nor    by    the    interpolater    who 
in    the    9th    century   or  later  adapted  Gregory 
Nyssen's    Sermon   de    Occursu   Domini    to    the 
feast;    but   they  were  so  common  in  processions 
at  Rome,  that  they  were  probably  carried  in  it 
from  the  first ;  especially  as  the  words  of  Simeon 
(Luke   ii.  32)  suggested  them  as  appropriate  to 
the  occasion.     The  earliest  witness  to  their  use 
however  is   Bede,  730,  who  says  that  the  festi- 
val   took    the   place    of  the    old    lustrations   of 
February:     "This    custom    of    lustration    the 
Christian  religion  did  well  to  change,  when  in 
the  same   mouth,  on  the   day  of  St.  Mary,  the 
whole  people    with  the  priests  and  ministers  go 
in  procession  through  the  churches  and  suitable 
jiarts  of  the  city  with  the  singing  of  hymns,  all 
carrying    in    their    hands   burning    wax    lights, 
given  them  by  the  pontiff"  {De  Temp.  Eat.  10). 
The    only    other    witness   before    the    death    of 
Charlemagne  is  Alcuin,  in  a  sermon  (in  Hypa- 
/rtnif,  §  2)  before   that  prince:  "The  solemnity 
of    this    da}',    while    it    is   unknown    to    some 
Christians,  is   held  by  many   in  greater  honour 
than    the    other    solemnities   of  the  year;    but 
above    all    in    that    place,    where    the    Catholic 
Church  has  obtained  the  primacy  in    its    chief 
pastor,  is  it  held  in  so  great  reverence,  that  the 
whole  populace   of  the  city   collected  together, 
shining  with   huge  lights  of  wax  candles,  cele- 
brate   the    solemn  rites  of  masses,  and  no   one 
n-ithout    a   light    held    in   his    hand  enters  the 
approach   to  a   public  station ; — as  if,  in  sooth, 
being  about  to  otier  the  Lord  in  the  temple,  yea, 
to  receive  also  the  light  of  faith,  they  are  out- 
wardly  setting  forth  by  the  sacred  symbolism 
(religione)  of  their  offering    that    light  where- 
with they  shine  inwardly  "  (Baluz.  Miscell.  ed. 
Mansi,  ii.  52).     Martene  and  others  have  cited 
similar  references  to  the  lights  of  this  festival, 
which,  if  genuine,  would  be  earlier  than  Bede, 
from    homilies  ascribed    to    St.  Eloy,   bishop  of 
Noyon,    A.D.    640,    and    Ildefonsus,    bishop    of 
Toledo,  657  ;  but  those   homilies  are  by  careful 
critics  assigned  respectively  to  the  9th  and  12th 
centuries.     See  Oudin  in  nn. 

It  will  be  observed  that  Bede  speaks  of  the 
candles  as  "  given  "  by  the  bishop  of  Rome.  He 
does  not  say  "  blessed."  Similarly,  Pseudo- 
Alcuin  (De  Div.   Off.  Hittorp.   231):     "They 


LILY 

receive  all  a  single  wax  candle  from  the  hand  of 
the  pontiff."  Amalarius,  a.d.  827  (De  Eccl.  Off. 
iv.  33)  and  Rabanus,  847  (De  Instit.  Cleri,  ii.  33), 
also  mention  the  lights,  but  not  any  benediction. 
Nor  can  we  find  any  form  of  blessing  in  any 
sacramentary  written  before  the  9th  century. 
There  is  one  in  a  Tours  missal  of  that  age,  but 
so  inferior  in  composition  that  it  can  hardly  be 
older  than  the  missal  itself.  We  give  it  here  : — 
"^  Prayer  at  the  Blessing  of  the  Liyhts.  O 
God,  the  true  light  (lumen),  propagator  and 
author  of  the  light  (lucis)  everlasting,  pour  into 
the  hearts  of  Thy  faithful  the  brightness  of 
perpetual  light  (luminis);  and  (grant)  that 
whosoever  in  the  holy  temple  of  Thy  glory  are 
adorned  with  lamps  of  present  lights,  being 
purified  from  the  contagions  of  all  vices,  may  be^ 
able  to  be  presented  unto  Thee,  with  the  fruit  of 
good  works,  in  the  temple  of  Thy  heavenly 
habitation :  for  the,"  &c.  (Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl. 
Hit.  iv.  15,  5).  [W.  E.  S.] 

LILIOSA,  martyr ;  commemorated  Aug.  27 
(Usuard.  Mart.) ;  Bede  as  LiEiOSA  same  day. 

LILY.  Though  this  flower  may  be  con- 
sidered as  a  sQ-iptural  symbol  from  St.  Matt.  vi. 
28,  no  particular  meaning  seems  to  have  at-^ 
tached  to  it  at  any  early  date.  The  Kpiva  of 
that  passage  may"  be  the  scarlet  anemones 
which  every  traveller  must  have  observed  in 
the  Holy  Land  during  the  spring,  or  rather,  as 
the  writer  is  inclined  to  fancy,  the  delicate  and 
lovely  cyclamens  which  flower  in  great  plenty 
in  both  spring  and  autumn  in  the  valley  of  Jeho- 
shaphat.  The  early  Christian  decorators  made^ 
little  generic  distinction  in  the  wreaths  of 
flowers  they  painted  or  carved  on  graves. 
The  Italian  use  of  the  lily  may  probably  date 
from  Giotto  and  the  early  Florentine  Renaissance,^ 
and  would  then  refer  to  the  red  or  white  Giglio  of 
the  city  arms.  The  subject  of  the  Annunciation, 
so  frequently  treated  from  the  earliest  Byzantine 
or  Lombard-Romanesque  dates,  would  sooner  or 
later  bring  the  favourite  flower  of  Florence  and 
of  France*  in  special  pictorial  relation  to  the 
blessed  Virgin.  In  later  days,  it  is  considered 
as  the  lily  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  and  accordingly 
forms  a  symbolic  essential  to  pictures  of  the 
Annunciation  (Giienehault,  Dictioiinaire  desMonu- 
ments,  s.  v.).  But  as  a  symbol,  carved  or  painted, 
it  is  either  ethnic  or  mediaeval,  though  used  to 
convey  the  idea  of  virginal  beauty  in  Cant.  ii. 
2,  16,  &c.  Its  connexion  with  the  lotus,  dwelt 
on  by  Auber  (Symbolisme,  iii.  546),  is  not  made 
out,  and  appears  to  be  simply  architectural,  and 
founded  on  the  convex  or  concave  form  of  the 
bells  of  capitals  of  columns  (1  Kings  vii.  19, 
22).  See  Ruskin,  Stones  of  Venice,  ii.  128, 
242,  137. 

The  following  meanings  are  attached  to  the 
lily  in  the  C'lavis  attributed  to  Melito  of 
Sardes  (Spicilegium  Soksmcnse,  iii.  p.  475). 
It  is  fairest  of  flowers,  and  so  resembles  Him 
(Cant.  ii.  1).  It  is  golden  on  white,  it  has 
petals  and  six  leaves,  both  perfect  numbers, 
representing  perfect  deity  and  humanity.  It 
possesses  both  beauty  and  medicinal  virtue 
("  membris  medetur  adustis  "),  and  so  resembles 
the  mother   of  God,  who   has  pity  on  sinners. 


«  No  earlier  than  Philip  Augustus  (Auber,  vol.  iii. 
p.  547). 


LIMINIUS 

Its  green  signifies  liuraility;  its  whiteness, 
chastity ;  its  golJea  hue,  charity.  It  is  the 
holy  church  ;  it  is  the  glory  of  immortality  ;  it 
is  the  Holy  Scriptures,  with  reference  to  Cant. 
iv.  5  ;  and  a  variety  of  impertinences  of  symbo- 
lism, which  have  been  its  weak  side,  and  the 
Lane  of  religious  art,  from  a  distressingly  eai-ly 
date  m  the  history  of  religion  and  art  alike. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 

LIMINIUS,  martyr,  in  Auvergne,  circ.  a.d. 
25-5  ;  commemorated  Mar.  29  {Acta  SS.  JIar.  iii. 
769).  [C.  H.] 

LINEXTIUS,  confessor  near  Tours,  6th 
century ;  commemorated  Jan.  25  (^Acta  SS. 
Jan.  ii.  628).  [C.  H.] 

LINUS  (1)  Bishop  and  martyr  at  Tyre; 
•commemorated  Feb.  20  (_Mart.  Usuard.). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Rome,  martyr ;  commemorated 
Sept.  23  (Usuard.  Awt. ;  Ado,  3Iart.  Append.  ; 
Acta  SS.  Sept.  vi.  539),  and  Nov.  26  {Mart. 
Usuard. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.).  One  of  the  saints 
of  the  Gregorian  canon.  [C.  H.] 

LIOBA  (Leobgytha,  Truthgeba),  abbess, 
circ.  A.D.  780;  commemorated  Sept.  28  (2Iart. 
Ado,  Append.,  Usuard.  Auct.  ;  Acta  SS.  Sept.  vii. 
748).  [C.  H.] 

LION.  It  is  difficult,  as  Ciampini  admits 
/(Vet.  2Ion.  tab.  17),  to  attach  specially  Chris- 
tian meaning  to  the  form  of  an  animal  which 
has  been  an  ethnic  or  universally  human  sym- 
bol of  strength  and  courage  from  the  earliest 
records  of  Egypt  and  Assyria.  As  part  of  a 
composite  form,  the  shape  of  the  lion  is  con- 
aected  with  the  cherubic  symbol.  [See  Cherub 
an  Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Bible.']  The  twelve  lions 
of  Solomon's  throne  (1  Kings  x.  19,  20),  to  which 
Ciampini  alludes,  were  intended  of  course  as 
emblematic  sentinels,  after  the  f;ishion  of  Assy- 
rian imagery  ;  and  he  also  notices  that  the  eagle 
is  used  in  the  .same  mannei-,  often  in  company 
v/ith  the  lion,  apparently  for  state  and  ornament 
alone.  It  is  pretty  certain,  however,  that  the 
ideas  of  watchfulness  and  vigour,  or  authority 
in  the  faith,  were  connected  with  the  leonine 
form,  as  it  not  unfrequently  occurred  in  Christian 
churches,  especially  under  Lombard  rule.  It  is 
placed  at  the  doors,  very  frequently  as  a  solid 
base  to  small  pillars  in  the  porch,  or  tympanum  ; 
and  also  at  the  foot  of  ambons  or  pulpits ;  as  a 
symbol  no  doubt  of  watchfulness,  or  even  of 
wakefulness,  according  to  the  tradition  of  the 
lion's  sleeping  with  open  eyes.  The  lions  of 
the  gate  of  Mycenae  may  be  an  instance  of 
ancient  Greek  use  of  the  form  in  this  sense.  To 
this  effect  Martigny  quotes  Alciati's  Emblems 
{Beliciae  Ital.  Foetarum,  p.  20,  Francof.  1558): 
"  Kst  leo,  sed  custos,  oculis  qui  dormit  apeitis ; 
Templorum  idcirco  ponitur  ante  fores." 

It  is  natural,  of  course,  that  archaeologists  of 
all  dates  should  wish  to  attach  a  specially 
Christian  symbolism  to  the  lion-form.  But,  as 
Ciampini  shews,  the  principal  sculptures  of  the 
subject  are  of  early  pre-Christian  date  ;  he  gives 
two,  in  particular,  from  ancient  Egypt  ( Vet. 
Mon.  i.  tab.  17),  and  the  same  associations  have 
attended  the  image  of  the  king  of  beasts  from 
the  first  records  of  ideas.  By  the  early  church, 
it  was  adopted,  like  the  originally  ethnic  images 


LITANY  999 

of  the  shepherd,  the  vine,  or  the  fish ;  though 
not  sanctioned,  like  them,  by  the  Lord's  use 
of  the  image. 

Lions  are  sometimes  represented  as  grasping 
the  "  hystri.x "  or  porcupine,  or  holding  a 
small  human  figure  in  their  claws,  appa- 
rently with  tenderness,  in  the  latter  case  (see 
Ciampini).  The  hystrix  will  in  this  case  repre- 
sent the  power  of  evil,  the  human  form  the  race 
of  mankind.  The  Veronese  griffin,  mentioned  by 
Prof.  Ruskin  {Modern  Painters,  vol.  iii.  ch.  viii. 
p.  106),  holds  a  dragon  in  his  claws  to  typify 
victory  over  evil  by  the  angelic  powers. 

On  a  gem  figured  vol.  i.  p.  715,  the  lion  and 
serpent  are  represented  on  each  side  of  a  dove, 
which  is  placed  on  a  wheatsheaf,  bears  the  olive 
branch,  and  evidently  represents  the  church. 
This  Mr.  King  considers  an  illustration  of  the 
precept  to  be  wise  as  serpents  and  harm- 
less as  doves ;  though  it  seems  possible  that  the 
idea  of  contest  with  the  lion  and  adder,  the 
young  lion  and  the  dragon,  may  be  connected 
with  it.  This  subject,  though  rare,  occurs  in  a 
Vatican  ivory  from  the  abbey  of  Lorch,  part  of 
the  binding  of  its  ancient  Evangeliary :  and 
again  in  Gori  {Thcs.  Diptycliorum,  vol.  iii.  iv.). 

For  the  lions  as  attendant  on  Daniel,  on  sarco 
phagi  and  elsewhere,  see  Bottari,  passim. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 


From  Biistard, '  Sacramentary  of  Gellone." 

LIPHARDUS  (1)  (LiETPHARDUS),  bishop  of 
archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  martyr,  circ. 
A.D.  640 ;  commemorated  Feb.  4  (Bede,  Mart., 
Auct. :  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  492).  [Lifardus.]  Bede 
has  Liphard  under  both  days. 

(2)  (Lifardus),  of  Magdunum  (Meun)  ;  com- 
memorated June  3  {Mart.  Hieron. ;  Bede,  Aact. ; 
Usuard.  Auct. ;  Acta  SS.  June,    i.  298). 

[C.  H.] 

LIPPIENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Paderborx, 
Council  of.] 

LIPSTADT,  COUNCIL  OF.  [Pader- 
born.] 

LIPTINENSE  CONCILIUIVI.  [Lestixes, 
Council  of.] 

LITANY  {Xiravela,  Litania  v.  Letania).  A 
litany  is  strictly  any  united  jirayer  and  suppli- 
cation in  the  churches  or  assemblies  of  the 
faithful.  "  Litania,  quae  Latine  Rogatio  dicitur, 
inde  et  Rogationes."  Ordo  Eumanus.  By  the 
word,  however,  is  usually  understood  a  form  of  . 
alternative  prayer,  intercessory  or  deprecatory, 


1000 


LITANY 


and  of  a  penitential  character,  containing  invo- 
cations to  the  Holy  Trinity  and  to  the  saints,  in 
which  the  people  respond  to  each  clause  of  the 
priest  by  the  repetition  of  a  short  and  expressive 
formula. 

Litanies  date  from  the  earliest  times  of  settled 
forms  of  Christian  worship.  Originally  they 
were  confined  to  the  liturgy,  properly  so  called ; 
but  in  course  of  time,  as  forms  of  public  prayer 
developed  themselves,  they  are  more  frequently 
found  apart  from  the  liturgy,  and  appropriated 
to  occasions  of  more  than  ordinarily  earnest  and 
penitential  supplication,  and  specially  associated 
with  processions,  during  which  they  were  re- 
peated. Hence  the  procession  itself  was  often 
called  litania. 

The  word  is  sometimes  spelt  "letania,"  and 
some  have  drawn  a  distinction  between  the  two 
forms,  and  argued  that  letania  means  a  day 
appointed  for  special  rejoicing.  "  Laetura  ac 
festivum  diem  significat.""  The  words  are, 
however,  generally,  and  probably  always,  used 
as  synonyms.'' 

The  earliest  and  simplest  form  of  Litany  is 
"^  the  Kyrie  Eleison,  repeated  three,"  six,"*  twelve," 
forty,'  or  more  times.  Mabillon  (Coinm.  in  Ord. 
Bom.  i.  2,  p.  34)  describes  a  procession  in  which 
the  people  chanted  alternately  three  hundred 
times  Kijrie  Eleison,  Christe  Eleison ;  and  the 
Capitulary  of  Charlemagne  (vi.  c.  197)  directs 
tliat  during  the  funeral  office,  if  the  people  do 
not  know  the  Psalms,  the  men  should  repeat 
Kyrie  Eleison  and  the  women  Christe  Eleison 
while  they  were  being  chanted. 

The  expression  has  been  thought  by  some  to 
have  been  suggested  by  a  sentence  of  Arrian 
^^  (Comment,  de  Epicteti  Disput.  ii.  c.  7),  "Calling 
upon  God  we  beg  of  Him  Kvpu  iKi-qcrov."  It 
occurs  however  with  slight  variations  in  the 
V  Old  Testament,  and  was  in  use  in  the  Christian 
church  before  the  date  of  the  sentence  just 
quoted.  It  has  been  used  in  the  ecclesiastical 
offices  of  all  nations,  and  from  the  earliest  times. 
It  is  found  in  the  liturgies  of  St.  James,  of  St. 
Mark,  and  of  the  Greek  feathers,  as  well  as  in 
those  of  the  Armenians,  Syrians,  and  other 
Oriental  Christianr,  whose  rites  are  among  the 
oldest  extant,  and  who  repeat  it  in  the  ver- 
nacular. 

There  is  some  uncertainty  by  whom  it  was 
introduced  into  the  Latin  Church.  The  chief 
writers  on  Ritual  s  attribute  the  introduction  to 
Gregory  the  Great.  But  the  custom  appears  to 
__  have  been  in  use  before  his  time,  as  the  .5th 
canon ''  of  the  2nd  council  of  Vaison,  in  the  time 


•■>  V.  Pappenbrock,  Acta  Sanct.  Jun.  28,  in  S.  Leon, 
ii.,  where  tie  gives  his  rcasous. 

i"  August!  {Chris.  Arch.  10.  33)  says,  "Aber  dieser 
•willkurlich  geniachte  Unterschied  scheint  nur  auf  einem 
Wortspiele  zu  beruhen." 

=  In  the  daily  ofRces,  i)as«iTO. 

"1  As  in  the  litanies  after  Terce  on  certain  days,  in  the 
Ambrosian  use. 

e  As  after  the  hymn  at  Lauds,  and  in  Lent  at  the  end 
of  Vespers  in  the  same  use,  and  in  Vespers  of  the  Greek 
church. 

f  As  in  the  daily  night  and  day  hours  of  the  Greek 
church. 

g  e.  g.  Micrologus,  Amalarius. 

^  There  is  some  confusion  in  the  canons  of  the  two 
councils  of  Vaison  (Vasio,  in  Gallia  Narbonensis) ;  the 
first  was  in  the  time  of  Leo  the  Great,  a.d.  442. 


LITANY 

of  Felix  IV.  (al.  III.),  a.d.  529,  seems  to  shew, 
which  speaks  of  the  Kyrie  Eleison  as  being  theL^ 
established  in  all  the  provinces  of  the  East  and 
of  Italy,  and  directs  it  to  be  used  in  the  churches 
of  Gaul ;  and  Gregory  himself  (lib.  7,  Ep.  G4), 
in  answer  to  some  who  spoke  of  him  as  wishing 
to  introduce  the  rites  of  the  church  of  Constan- 
tinople into  that  of  Rome,  says  :  "  We  neither 
have  hitherto  said,  nor  do  we  now  say,  Kyrie 
Eleison,  as  it  is  said  by  the  Greeks  "  [nos  neque 
disimus,  neque  dicimus,  &c.],  and  then  he  points 
out  the  double  distinction:  (1)  that  with  the 
Greeks  the  whole  congregation  say  it  together, 
whereas  with  the  Romans  the  clergy  and  people 
say  it  alternately ;  and  (2)  that  the  Roman  use 
is  to  repeat  Christe  Eleison  as  often  as  Kyrie 
Eleison  has  been  said,  which  the  Greeks  never  do.'  "^ 

The    words    were   always   said   by  the   Latin 
church  in   Greek,   for  which   practice    different 
symbolical  reasons  have  been  given.    St.  Aiigust. 
(Ep,  178)  compares  it  with  the  use  of  the  Greek 
Homoousion,   and   remarks  that  as  by  the  word 
Homoousion  the  unity  of  substance  of  the  Triuitv 
is   confessed  by  all   believers,  so  by  that  other, 
Kyrie  Eleison,  the    nature   of   the    One  God   is 
invoked  by   all   Romans   and    barbarian.      The 
words  were  said  after  the  Introit,  but  originally 
the  number  of  repetitions  was  not  prescribed, 
but    Kyrie  Eleison  was  repeated   by   the   choir     . 
until   the   presiding   prelate    directed    it   to  be    . 
changed    into    Christe   Eleison :    "  Schola   vero,    | 
finita   Antiphonia,    ponit    Kyrie   Eleison,    Prior    I 
vero  scholae  custodit  ad  Pontificem  ut  ei  annuat    1 
si   vult   mutare ''    numerum    Letaniae' "   (Ordo 
jRom.  V.  num.  6). 

It  appears  that  in  the  9th  century  the  number 
of  repetitions  was  prescribed  (v.  Amalarius,  de 
Div.  Off.  iii.  cap.  6),  and  by  the  12th  century  at 
latest  was  established  at  nine,  i.e.  Kyrie  Eleison 
(thrice),  Christe  Eleison  (thrice),  Kyrie  Eleison 
(thrice).  At  this  number  it  has  since  remained. 
Various  symbolical  reasons  have  been  assigned 
for  this  number,  on  which  it  is  not  necessary  to 
dwell.  In  the  Ambrosian  rite  Kyrie  Eleison  is 
said  thrice  after  the  Gloria  in  E.ccelsis,  thrice 
after  the  Gospel,  and  thrice  at  the  end  of  the 
mass. 

It  has  been  questioned  to  whom  the  invocation 
is  to  be  considered  as  addressed.  When  the  form 
Kyrie  Eleison  alone  is  used,  the  prevailing  opinion 
appears  to  be  that  it  is  addressed  to  the  second 
person  in  the  blessed  Trinity,  and  Anastasius  Si- 
naiticus""  ( Contemp.  in  Hexaemxron.  lib.  vii.  cont.), 
referring  to  Dionysius  the  Areopagite,"  says  that 
God  the  Word  was  properly  called  Lord  (Do- 
minus,  Kupios),  after  and  with  reference  to  the 
Incarnation,  and  the  dominion  which  He  there- 
upon received.  "  H«  is  called  Lord  [Dominus, 
nempe  Kupios]  because  He  has  the  Lordship  [ex 
eo  quod  /cypi€U€i].  Rightly,  therefore,  and 
fittingly  and  suitably,  when  God  the  Word  in 
His  advent  to  man  took  flesh  and  was  seen  upon 
earth,  was  He  also  called  Lord.  For  previously 
He  was  called  God  (fleo's),  as  being  the  overseer 
(9€aiprjT7)s)  of  the  world." 


i  In  the  Ambrosian  rite  the  invocation  Clirisle  Elei 
is  very  rarely  found,  and  only  in  borrowed  forms, 
k  Otherwise  called  "mutare  Litaniam." 
1  i.  e.  in  alteram  formulam,  so.  Christe  Eleison. 
™  Vid.  SiUioth.  Max.  Patrum,  vol.  xiv. 
»  Jb.  vol.  ii. 


LITANY 

When  Christe  Eleison  is  interposed,  the  invo- 
cation is  usually  considered  to  be  addressed  suc- 
cessively to  each  of  the  persons  in  the  Trinity 
(see  Amalarius,  lib.  iii.  6,  and  iv.  2  ;  and  S.  Tho. 
Aquin.  Summa,  part  iii.  qu.  83,  art.  4). 

We  have  entered  at  some  length  into  the  use 
of  liijrie  Eleison,  as  these  words  are  the  germ  of 
p-all  litanies.  We  will  now  proceed  to  their  use 
and  development. 

I.  As  to  the  use  of  litanies  in  the  Liturgy. 
In  the  Greek  liturgies  from  the  earliest  times 
long  intercessory  prayers,  broken  into  clauses, 
each  with  the  same  beginning,  and  responded  to 
in  the  same  words,  have  formed  part  of  the  in- 
troductory or  proanaj)horal  part  of  the  liturgy. 
In  the  Clementine  liturgy,  these  prayers  begin 
as  follows.  They  are  called  "The  Bidding  of 
Prayer   over   the  Faithful "  (irpoffcpitiyriffis  iiirep 

TCOV  iriCTTciu). 

"  Let  us  pray  for  the  peace  and  the  stability 
of  the  world  and  of  the  holy  churches,  that  the 
God  of  the  universe  may  give  us  His  perpetual 
peace  which  cannot  be  taken  away;  that  He 
would  keep  us  to  the  end  of  our  lives  in  the 
fulness  of  piety  and  godliness.  Let  us  pray  for 
the  holy  Catholic  and  Apostolic  Church  through- 
out the  world,  that,"  &c.,  and  so  on ;  the  sttc- 
cessive  petitions  comprising  prayers  for  the 
diocese,  the  bishop  and  clergy,  the  married,  the 
single,  relations,  travellers,  captives,  slaves, 
enemies,  those  who  are  in  error,  infants,  &c. 

Here  no  response  is  given  at  the  end  of  each 
clause,  but  each  begins  with  the  same  form,  Let 
us  pray  fur  (virep  ....   5e7]eciifj.€v). 

In  the  Liturgy  of  St.  James  these  prayers 
occur  in  the  same  position  as  in  the  Clementine 
liturgy,  shortly  before  the  beginning  of  the 
Anaphora.  Thiey  are  of  precisely  the  same 
nature,  though  differently  worded.  They  are 
called  the  catholic  and  universal  collecta  or 
synapte  (jrvvaTTTrf) ;  and,  after  a  ievf  opening 
words  by  the  deacon,  begin  thus  :  "  That  God 
may  send  peace  from  heaven  ;  that  He  may  be 
gracious  unto  us,  and  preserve  our  souls, 

" Let  us  beseech  the  Lord" 
and  so  on  for  twelve  such  clauses,  each  ending 
Let  us  beseech  the  Lord  (toC  Kvpiov  5eT]6di/j.iv), 
and  the  last  followed  by  Kvpie  4\4y]ffoi/  (thrice). 

In  the  liturgies  of  St.  Basil  and  of  St.  Chry- 
sostom  these  prayers  are  the  same  for  each. 
They  occur  in  both  at  the  opening  of  the 
liturgy,  before  the  prayer  of  the  first  autiphon. 

The  deacon  says :  "  Let  us  beseech  the  Lord  in 
peace. 

"  H.  Kyrie  Eleison. 

"  Deacon.  For  peace  from  above,  and  for  the 
salvation  of  our  souls,  let  us  beseech  the  Lord. 
"  R.  Kijrie  Eleison, 

"  For  the  peace  of  the  whole  world,  for  the 
stability  of  God's  holy  churches,  and  the  unity 
of  them  all,  let  us  beseech  the  Lord. 

"  R.  Kyrie  Eleison." 
and  so  on,  the  petitions  making  mention  of  all 
orders  of  men,  for  the  king,  his  court  and  army, 
for  success  in  battle,  for  fine  weather,  for  the 
fruits  of  the  earth,  &c.  These  prayers  are 
called  in  the  rubrics,"  elpriviKa,  because  of  the 
introduction,  "Let  us  beseech  the  Lord  in  peace," 
the  first  petition  in  all  of  them,  as  will  be  seen 
in  the  examples  given,  being  for  peace.    They  are 


LITANY 


1001 


Goar.   Not.  in  S.  Chi-ys.  Lit. 


also  known  as  SiaKoviKo.,  because  said  by  the 
deacon;  as  ffwaTn-i]  [Collecta] p,  because  they 
form,  as  it  were,  a  concatenation  of  petitions 
fitted  together  into  one;  or  as  Ectene  (e'/cTei'^), 
because  they  are  ordinarily  long.  They  were 
recited  by  the  deacon  from  the  Ambo. 

In  the  Armenian  liturgy  a  litany  of  the  same 
character,  except  that  the  response  is  not  always 
the  same,  is  said  by  the  deacon  and  the  choir 
alternately,  immediately  after  the  Trisagion,"^ 
and  before  the  lections  from  Scripture,  and  the 
Creed. 

In  the  West,  missal  litanies  were  also  common. 
It  was  usual  to  say  them  immediately  after  the 
Eyrie  on  those  days  on  which  Gloria  in  Excelsis 
was  not  said,  and  this  custom  continued  until 
the  9th  century.  They  contained  prayers  for 
all  estates  of  men,  and  were  of  the  same  cha- 
racter as  the  Creek. 

An  old  form  contained  in  a  MS.  at  Fulda, 
and  called  a  missal  litany,  begins  thus : 

"  Let  us  all  say  with  our  whole  heart  and  mind, 

"  0  Lord  hear  and  have  mercy  [Domini  exaudl  et 
miserere]. 

"  Thou  who  beholdest  the  earth  and  makest  it  tremble, 
"  We  beseech  Thee,  0  Lord,  hear  and  have  mercy. 

"  For  profouiidest  peace  and  tranquillity  of  our  times, 
"  We  beseech  Thee,"  &c. 

"  For  the  holy  Catholic  Church,  which  is  from  the 
borders  of  the  world  unto  the  ends  thereof, 

"  We  beseech  Thee,"  &c., 
and  so  on  for  15  clauses. 

In  the  Ambrosian  liturgy,  the  missal  litany  is 
still  said  on  the  Sundays  in  Lent,  immediately 
before  the  Oratio  super  populum,  which  corre- 
sponds with  the  Eoman  collect  for  the  day. 
There  are  two  litanies,  of  which  one  is  used  on 
the  first,  third,  and  fifth  Sundays  in  Lent,  the 
other  on  the  alternate  Sundays.  They  are 
framed  entirely  on  the  Greek  model ;  often  in 
almost  the  same  words.  They  are  said  by  the 
deacon,  the  choir  responding.  The  first  runs 
thus : 

"  Imploring  the  gifts  of  divine  peace  and  indulgence 
with  our  whole  heart  and  soul,  we  beseech  Thee, 
"  Lord,  have  mercy. 

"  For  the  holy  Catholic  Church,  which  is  here,  and  is 
dispersed  throughout  the  whole  world,  we  beseech  Thee 
"  Lord,  have  mercy,"       &c.,    &c. 

The  original  of  this  litany,  which  is  a  good 
specimen  of  missal  litanies,  is  as  follows : 

"Divinae  pacis  et  indulgentiae  muncra  supplicantes  ex 
toto  corde  et  ex  tota  mente  precamur  te, 

"  Domine  miserere  "  (repeated  at  the  end  of  each 
clause). 

"Pro  Ecclesia  sancta  Catholica,  quae  hie  et  per  uni- 
versum  orbem  diffusa  est,  precamur  Te."  [These  two 
words  repeated  at  the  end  of  each  clause.] 

"  Pro  Papa  nostro  III.^  et  Pontifica  nostro  III.  et  omni 
clero  eorum,  omnibusque  Sacerdotibus  ac  Ministris,  pre- 
camur Te. 

"  Pro  famulis  Tuis  III.  Imperatore,  et  III.  Rege,  Duce 
nostro,  etoninl  exercitu  eorum, 

"  Pro  pace  Ecclesiarum,  vocatione  gentium,  et  quiete 
populorum, 

"  Pro  civitate  hac  et  conservatione  tgus,  omnibusque 
habitantibus  in  ea, 

"  Pro  aeris  temperie  ac  fructu  et  fecunditate  terrarum, 


p  The  English  word  coUect  conveys  quite  a  different 
notion. 

1  This  must  be  distinguished  from  the  Sanctus  of  the 
liturgy. 

'  Sc  Illo. 


1002 


LITANY 


"  Pro  virginibus,  viduis,  orphanis,  captivis,  ac  poeniten- 
tibus, 

"  Pro  navigantibus,  iter  agentibus,  in  carceribus,  in  vin- 
culis,  in  metallis,'  in  exiliis  constitutis, 

"  Pro  lis  qui  diversis  infirmitatibus  detinentur,  quique 
spiritibus  vexantur  immundis, 

"  Pro  iis  qui  in  Sancta  Ecclesia  Tua  fructus  miseri- 
cordiae  largiuntur, 

"  Exaudi  nos  Deus  in  omnl  oratione  atque  deprecatione 
nostra, 

"  Dicamus  omnes,  Domine 


The  other  litany  is  of  precisely  the  same 
nature,  but  worded  diflerently. 

In  the  Mozarabic  liturgy,  missal  litanies, 
called  iJreces,  are  said  on  the  first  five  Sundays 
in  Lent,  after  the  psallendo,  which  follows  the 
prophecy,  or  Old  Testament  lection,  and  before 
the  epistle.  There  is  no  essential  difference  of 
character  in  them  from  those  hitherto  men- 
tioned, though  prayers  for  mercy  for  the  par- 
ticular congregation  occupy  a  larger  space,  and 
there  is  a  much  greater  number  and  variety  in 
them.  They  also  have  a  distinctly  rhythmical 
and  stanzaic  character,  and  an  approximately 
accentual  scansion,  which  a  few  corrections  of 
the  text,  often  corrupt,  would  probably  restore 
throughout.  Those  for  the  first,  second,  and 
third  Sundays  are  addressed  to  the  Saviour ; 
those  for  the  fourth  and  fifth  are  put  into  His 
mouth.  Their  rhythmical  character  is  clearly 
seen  in  the  following  opening  of  that  for  the 
second  Sunday  in  Lent,  which  is  in  accentual 
iambic  lines : ' 

"  Preces.    Miserere    et    parce  clempntissime    Douiine 
populotuo:  Quia  peccatyimus  Tibi. 
Prostrati  omnes  lacrymas  producinius, 
Pandentes  Tibi  occulta  quae  admiMmus 
A  Te  Deus  veniam  deposcimus. 

E.  Quia  peccaviiii'js  Tibi. 
"  Orationem  sacerdotum  accipe, 
Et  quaeque  postulant  [?  poscunt]  affluenter  tribue, 
Ac  Tuae  plebi  miserere  Domine. 

Quia  peccaviinus  Tibi." 
And  so  on  for  nine  such  stanzas. 
Or  in  that  for  the  third  Sunday : 
"  llogamus  Te,  Rex  Saeculorum,  Deus  Sancte, 
Jam  miserere,  peccavimus  Tibi. 
Audi  clamantes,  Pater  altlssime, 
Et  quae  prccamur,  clemens  attribue, 

Exaudi  nos  Domine.    Jam  miserere,  itc. 
Bone  Redemptor,  supplices  quaesumus, 
De  toto  corde  flentes,  requirimus 

Adsiste  propitius.    Jam  miserere,  &c." 
And  so  on  for  seven  stanzas. 

That  for  the  fourth  Sunday  begins  thus : 

"Vide  Domine  humilitatem   meam,  quia  erectus  est 
inimicus. 

"R.  Miserere  Pater  Juste  et    omnibus  indulgentiam 
dona." 
"  A  Patre  missus  veni  "  Praedictus  a  Prophetis 

Perditos  requirere,  Natus  sum  ex  Virgine, 

Et  hoste  captivatos  Assumpsi  formam  servi 

Sanguine  redimere,  Dispersos  coUigere, 

Plebs  dira  abjecit  me.  Venantes  ceperunt  me. 

R.  Miserere,  &c.  R.  Miserere,  &c." 

And  so  on  for  nine  stanzas,  recounting  the  inci- 
dents of  the  Passion. 

In  the  Roman  liturgy  these  litanies  did  not 
establish  themselves  permanently.     None  appear 

s  A  very  frequent  petition  in  these  litanies. 
»  In  the  office  books  they  are  printed  without  distinc- 
tion of  lines. 


LITANY 

in  the  sacramentary  printed  by  Thorn  isins 
(vol.  vi.),  which  cannot  be  later  than  the  end  of 
the  6th  century." 

The  interpolated  or  farced  kyries,  said  at  the 
mass  instead  of  the  simple  kyrie  on  certain  days, 
hardly  come  within  our  limits  of  time  ;  but  a 
reference  to  them,  in  connexion  with  the  subject 
before  us,  may  be  allowed.  They  were  common 
in  the  Middle  Ages,  and  probably  were  intended 
to  assist  the  devotion  and  bring  out  the  mystical 
signification  of  the  words.  A  few  are  printed 
in  an  edition  of  the  Roman  missal  of  Paul  III., 
with  the  heading  "  Sequuntur  quaedam  devota 
verba  super  Kyrie  Eleison,  Sanctus,  et  Agnus 
Dei,  ibi  ob  pascendam  nonnullorum  Sacerdotum 
devotiouem  posita,  quae  licet  non  sint  de  ordi- 
nario  Rom.  Ecc,  tamen  in  certis  missis  ibidem 
annotatis  licite  dicendae."^  These  interpolated 
kyries  were  called  "  tropes." 

The  following  is  appointed  for  festivals,  other 
than  those  of  the  highest  class : 

Kyrie,  Rex  genitor  ingenite,  vera  essentia,  Eleison. 

Kyrie  luminis  fons,  rerumque  conditor,  Eleison. 

Kyrie,  qui  nos  tuae  imaglnls  signasti  specie,  Eleison. 

Christe  Deus  formae  humanae  particeps,  Eleison. 

Christe  lux  oriens  per  quern  sunt  omnia,  Eleison. 

Christe  qui  perfecta  es  sapientia,  Eleison. 

Kyrie,  Spiritus  vivifice,  vitae  vis,  Eleison. 

Kyrie,  Utriusque  vapor  in  quo  cuncta,  Eleison. 

Kyrie  expurgator  scekrum  et  largitor  gratiae,  quae- 
sumus propter  nostras  offensas  noli  nos  relinquere, 
consolutor  dolentis  animae,  Eleison. 

II.  In  other  of  the  daily  offices  of  the  church, 
litanies  of  the  same  description  as  those  in  the 
liturgy  often  occur.  For  instance,  in  the  Greek 
church  a  litany,  whether  called  "synapte"  m- 
by  any  other  name,  is  said  in  the  daily  office  of 
nocturns,  and  at  great  vespers  of  a  vigil  at  the 
office  of  lighting  of  lamps.  Thev  also  form  part 
of  many  of  the  offices  of  the  church  contained 
in  the  euchology. 

In  the  Ambrosian  office,  litanies  are  said 
(among  otlier  days)  after  terce  on  Wednesdays 
and  Fridays  in  Lent  ("  litaniae  post  tertiam ''). 
These  consist  mainly  of  a  series  of  penitential 
antiphons,  divided  into  two  parts  by  invocations 
to  saints  and  two  collects,  and  other  forms. 

The  Mozarabic  daily  offices  abound  in  short 
litanies,  of  the  same  nature  as  those  in  the  mass. 
They  are  placed  at  the  end  of  most  of  the  offices 
in  Lent  and  on  days  of  penitence.  They  are  in 
most  cases  evidently  rhythmical,  and  are  ad- 
dressed to  the  Saviour. 

The  following  is  from  terce  on  Tuesday  in  the 
fourth  week  in  Lent,  and  is  a  fair  specimen : 


"  Among  other  reasons,  (1)  because  Filioque  does  not 
appear  in  the  Creed ;  (2)  bectmse  there  are  no  masses  for 
Thursday  in  Lent,  which  (on  the  authority  of  Anasta- 
sius)  Gregory  11.  instituted  early  in  the  8th  century; 
and  (3)  because  masses  for  some  festivals  are  wanting 
which  were  instituted  early  in  the  7th  century. 

»  They  were  in  common  use  in  England,  and  are  said 
by  some  to  have  beon  introduced  by  Bede,  and  twenty- 
nine  are  given  from  the  various  missals.  The  Sarum 
missal  directs  that  on  all  double  feasts  throughout  the 
year  one  of  the  following  Kyries  (which  are  there  given), 
with  its  verses  (cum  suis  versiculis),  shall  be  sung  at  the 
choice,  within  certain  limits,  of  the  precentor.  It  is  said 
they  were  in  use  in  Sicily  in  the  middle  of  the  last  cen- 
tury. The  one  given  in  the  text  is  found  in  the  Sarum 
and  Hereford  missals. 


IJTANY 

Preces.  Dicamus  omnes :  Miseiere  nobis  Deus. 

K.  Miserere  nobis. 
V.  Tu  Redemptor,  Jesu  Christe,  salva  mundum  Tua 

morte.  R.  Miserere  nobis. 

Qui  pro  nobis  es  percussus,  et  inique  Judicatus. 

R.  Miserere  nobis. 
Qui  ligatus  crucera  portas,  et  in  cruce  Patrem  vocas. 
R.  Miserere  nobis. 
Cujus  latus  peifoditur,  et  humilitas  arridetur. 

Miserere  nobis. 
The  "  miserationes  "  said  at  compline  on  week 
days  in  Lent  are  of  tiie  same  nature.     There  is 
a  different  form  for  each  day  in  the  week. 

III.  The  typical  form  of  litany  difters  from  tlio.se 
already  noticed.  It  was,  moreover,  appropriated 
to  other  occasions  of  prayer,  and  used  at  other 
times  than  the  ordinary  liturgy  or  daily  offices, 
and  specially  in  connexion  with  processions. 

The  original  and  simplest  form  was,  as  we 
have  seen,  Kyric  Elcison  and  its  repetitions. 
The  smallest  and  most  usual  number  of  these 
i-epetitions  was  three,  in  the  place  of  the  second 
of  which  the  Roman  church,  at  an  earh'  period, 
substituted  the  form  Christe  Eleison.  To  this 
introduction  was  added  an  invocation  to  each 
Person  of  the  Blessed  Trinity  severally  and  to 
all  collectively,  with  miserere  nobis  at  the  end  of 
each  clause.  Then  followed  invocations  to  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  angels  and  saints,  each  with  ora 
pro  nobis.  Then  "deprecations"  from  various 
evils,  spiritual  and  temporal,  each  followed  by 
Libera  nos  Domine  ;  supplications  for  the  church 
■and  all  estates  of  men,  each  followed  by  Te 
rogamus,  audi  nos;  the  whole  series  concluding 
with  the  Agnus  Dei  thrice  repeated,  with  the 
three  successive  responses — Parce  nobis  Domine; 
Exaudi  nos  Domine ;  miserere  nobis.  Then 
Christe  audi  nos  ;  Christe  exaudi  nos  ;  Kyrie,  &c. ; 
Pater  nosier,  a  few  "preces"  (said  alternately), 
a  psalm,  or  disconnected  verses  of  psalms  said 
consecutively,  and  sometimes  called  "  capitula," 
and  the  whole  concluded  with  prayers  or  collects 
(orationes),  mainly  for  forgiveness  and  pro- 
tection. 

This  is  the  outline  of  a  Roman  litany  in  its 
full  development.  The  names  of  the  saints 
invoked  varied  with  the  place,  or  the  occasion, 
or  the  service,  as  in  the  Ambrosian  litanies  in 
Lent,  already  referred  to,  in  which  they  vary 
with  each  litany.  The  list  was  always  headed 
by  the  Virgin  and  the  heavenly  host,  the  Agjius 
Dei  was  added  in  the  9th  or  10th  century.^ 
According  to  some  authorities  the  essential  parts 
of  a  litany,  without  which  no  form  of  prayer  is 
properly  entitled  to  the  name,  are  the  invocation 
of  saints,  and  the  Christe  audi  nos,  &c.,  at  the 
end  of  the  supplications. 

The  following  litany  is  found,  under  the  title 
Litania  Bomana,  in  an  old  MS.  sacramentary  of 
Gregory  the  Great.  It  was  doubtless  adopted 
in  some  church  or  churches  of  Gaul,  as  appears 
from  the  introduction  of  the  names  of  some 
saints  who  were  not  specially  venerated  at 
Rome  (S.  Maurice,  f  A.D.  286,  S.  Germanus, 
+  A.D.  448,  &c.),  and  from  the  petition  for  the 
Emperor  of  the  Franks. 

Incipit  Litania  Fomana. 
Kyrie  Eleison     ..     ter.        S.Philippe          ..     ora. 
Christe  audi  nos  . .    tcr.        S.  Bartliolomace  . .    ora. 


I-etter  from  J.  M.  Tommasi  to  Eras.  Gattola,  abbat 
and  librarian  of  ilontecasino,  dated  Rome,  1690. 


LITANY  1003 

Sancta    JIaria,       ora  pro  S.  Matthaee..  ,.  ora. 

nobis.  S.  Simon      . .  . .  oi-a. 

Sancte  Jlichael  . .  ora.  S.  Thaddaee  . .  ora. 

S.  Gabriel    . .  . .  ora.  S.  Mattbia   . .  . .  ora. 

S.  Raphael  . .  . .  wa.  S.  Barnaba  . .  . .  oca. 

S.  Johannes  . .  ora.  S.  Marce      . .  . .  ora. 

S.  Petre        . .  . .  ora.  S.  Luca        . .  . .  ora. 

S.  Paule       . .  . .  ora.  S.  Stephane . .  . .  ura. 

S.Andrea    ..  ..  ora.  S.  Line ora. 

S.  Jacobe     ..  ..  ora.  S.  Clete        ..  ..  ora. 

S.  Johannes..  ..  ora.  S.Clemens..  ..  ora. 

S.  Thoma     . .  . .  ora.  kc.  &c. 

S.  Jacobe      . .  . .  ora. 

[And  so  on  for  101  names.^] 

Omnes  Sancti Orate  pro  nobis. 

Propitius  ehto Parce  nobis  Domine. 

Propitius  ebto Libera  nos  Domine. 

Ab  omni  malo Libera. 

Ab  hoste  malo Libera. 

A  periculo  mortis     Libera. 

Per  crucem  tuam      Libera. 

Peccatores Te  rogamus  audi  nos. 

Ut  pacem  nobis  dones     . .     . .     Te  royamus. 

Ut  sanitatem  aeris  dones        . .     Te  rogamus. 

Ut  fructum  terrae  nobis  dones      Te  rogamus. 

Ut  aeris  temperiem  nobis  dones    Te  rogamus. 

Ut    domnum  Apostolicum  ill.  in  sancta 

religione  conservare  digneris,  Te  rogamus, 

Ut  domnum  Imperatorem  et  e.xercitum 

Francorum  conservare  digneris,  Te  rogamus. 

Ut  cunctum  populum  Chribtianum  pre- 
tloso  sanguine  tuo  redemptum  con- 
servare digneris,  Te  rogaraiis. 

Ut  iram  tuam  ab  eo  auferre  digneris,        Te  rogamus. 

Fill  Dei,  Te  rogamus. 

Agnus  Dei  qui  toUis  peccata  mundi.        Miserere  nobis. 

Christe  audi. 

Kyrie  eleison. 

Later  forms  of  litanies  are  fuller,  but  in  cha- 
racter do  not  differ  from  the  earlier. 

In  the  early  Latin  church  various  kinds  of 
litanies  were  distinguished  by  different  names. 
The  principal  of  these  were — 

1.  The  greater  litany  (litania  major),  called 
also  the  sevenfold  litany  (litania  septiformis). 

This  is  said  to  have  been  instituted  by  Gregory 
the  Great,  A.D.  590,  to  be  observed  on  St.  Mark's 
day  (April  25),  for  the  purpose  of  averting  the 
Divine  wrath  on  the  occasion  of  a  pestilence 
then  ravaging  the  city.  In  a  sermon  preached 
the  day  before,  he  urged  the  people  to  come  at 
daybreak  the  next  day  with  contrite  heart  and 
amendment  of  life  to  the  sevenfold  litany,  for 
which  he  then  proceeds  to  give  directions.  It 
was  so  called  from  its  being  divided  into  seven 
litanies  or  processions,  each  of  which  started 
from  a  different  church,  and  singing  litanies  on 
their  road,  all  met  in  the  church  of  St.  Mary 
the  Great.  "Let  the  litany"  (i.e.  the  pro"- 
cessiou),  he  continues,  "  of  the  clergy  proceed 
from  the  church  of  St.  John  the  Baptist ;  the 
litany  of  men  from  the  church  of  St.  Marcellus 
the  Martyr;  the  litany  of  monks  from  the 
church  of  SS.  John  and  Paul ;  the  litany  ot 
the  handmaidens  of  God  from  the  church  of  the 
Blessed  Martyrs  Cosmas  and  Damian;  the  litany 
of  married  icomen  from  the  church  of  the  Blessed 
Stephen  the  Protomartyr  ;  the  lit.iny  of  ii:iduv:s 
from  the  church  of  the  Blessed  Martyr  Vitalis; 
the   litany  of  the  poor  and  infants   from   the 


«  The  number  of  these  invocations  was  sometimes 
much  larger.  A  litany  of  the  church  of  Tours,  assigned 
to  a  date  not  later  than  a.d.  800,  has  more  than  300. 


1004 


LITANY 


churcli  of  the  Blessed  Martp-  Cecilia  ""  (S.  Greg. 
Ep.  lib.  ii.  2).  In  another  passage  Gregory 
speaks  of  litanies  as  already  in  existence,  and 
their  observance  as  familiar  to  the  people  : — 
"The  return  of  this  annual  devotional  cele- 
bration reminds  us,  beloved  brethren,  that  we 
ought,  by  the  help  of  God,  to  celebrate  with 
earnest  and  devout  hearts  the  litany  which  is 
called  by  all  the  greater  (major)." 

But  there  is  an  uncertainty.  It  may  well  be 
that  Gregory  found  some  litanies  on  a  smaller 
scale  in  existence,  and  developed  them.  These 
litanies  on  St.  Mark's  day  are  still  observed  in 
the  Ambrosian  rite. 

2.  There  were  the  litanies  on  the  three 
Rogation  days.  These  are  said  to  have  been 
instituted  by  St.  Mamertus,  archbishop  of 
Vienne,  A.D.  477.  St.  Avitus,  his  disciple, 
Sidonius  Apollinaris  (lib.  i.  7,  &c.),  and  Gregory 
of  Tours  (^Hist.  Franc,  lib.  ii.  c.  34),  relate  the 
circumstances.  The  latter  says  there  had  been 
a  great  and  destructive  earthquake  in  the  city 
of  Vienne,  which  also  suifered  from  war  and 
wild  beasts,  and  that  as  Wamertus  was  cele- 
brating mass  on  Easter  Eve,  the  royal  palace  in 
the  city  was  struck  with  fii-e  from  heaven 
(divino  igne)  and  destroyed.  Upon  this,  he 
ordered  litanies,  with  fasting,  for  the  three  days 
previous  to  Ascension  Day.  The  rite  was  adopted 
in  other  French  churches,  and  enjoined  by  the 
council  of  Orleans,  a.d.  511.  These  litanies  were 
not  introduced  into  the  clmrch  of  Rome  till  the 
pontificate  of  Leo  III.  (A.D.  795-816).  In  Spain 
they  were  received  still  later.  Acco]-ding  to 
Ambrosian  use,  they  are  not  observed  on  the 
original  days  of  their  institution,  as  is  supposed 
on  account  of  our  Lord's  words,  "  Can  the 
children  of  the  bridechamber  fast,  u-iile  the 
bridegroom  is  with  them,"  &c.  (St.  Mark,  ii.  19), 
but  a  week  later,  i.  e.  on  the  Monday,  Tuesday, 
and  Wednesday  in  the  octave  of  the  Ascension. 
The  litanies  are  said  after  terce  as  on  the  days 
in  Lent,  and  are  of  the  same  description,  but 
somewhat  longer.  In  the  Mozarabic  breviary 
the  four  days  next  before  Pentecost  are  ap- 
pointed as  days  of  fasting  — "  ad  exorandum 
D".  nostrum  J.  C.  pro  peccatis  nostris,  ac  pacem 
impetrandam  vel  pro  sacris  lectionibus  audiendis  ; 
et  ut  veniat  Spiritus  Paraclitus,  et  munda  nostra 
reperiat  habitacula  Ecclesiam  D"'.  frequentemus  " 
(^Rub.  in  Brev.  Moz.).  The  ordinary  service  is 
modified  by  the  addition  of  short  preces  at  the 
end  of  terce,  sext,  and  none. 

There  is  some  variation  in  the  name  by  which 
the  litany  of  the  Rogation  days  is  known.  At 
first  it  seems  to  have  been  called,  in  Rome  at 
least,  letania  "  minor,"  partly  to  distinguish  it 
from  the  litany  on  St.  Mark's  day,  which  was 
always  called  "  major,"  and  to  which  the  epithet 
was  appropriated,  and  partly,  possibly,  as  sug- 
gested by  Durandus — "  quae  minorem  nacta  sit 
auctorem  ;  non  Romanum  Pontificem,  sed  Ma- 
mertum  Viennae  Allobrogum  Episcopum."  These 
litanies,  however,  were  soon  called  "major,"  as 
in  the  council  of  Mentz,  can.  33,  a.d.  813 — 
"  Placuit  nobis  ut  Litania  major  observanda  sit 
a  cunctis  Christianis  diebus   tribus,"   &c.    Me- 


»  This  sevenfold  order  is  said  to  have  been  kept  up  at 
Tours  as  late  as  the  ITth  century,  the  clergy  of  the  seven 
churches  in  the  city  starting  each  from  their  own  church 
and  meeting  in  the  abbey  church  of  St.  Martin. 


LITANY 

nardus  also  says  (in  Litania  majore):  "  Haec 
Litania  mijor  est  Rogationum,  quae  in  triduo 
ante  Dominicam  Ascensionem  celebranda,"  &c.  It 
was  also  sometimes  called  Gallicana,  from  the 
country  in  which  it  was  instituted,  while  the 
Litany  on  St.  Mark's  day  was  called  Homana. 

The  directions  for  the  order  of  the  Litany  and 
procession  on  the  Rogation  da3's  are  given  very 
fully  from  a  MS.  ceremonial  of  the  Church  of 
Vienne  by  Martene,  iii.  126,  and  also  the 
Litanies  themselves  for  each  day  from  a  MS. 
ordinary  of  the  church  of  Lyons.  They  present 
no  peculiar  features,  but  are  interesting  as 
pointing  out  clearly  where  the  Stations  occur,. 
and  at  what  churches.  They  are  always  said 
after  Terce.  After  the  ordinary  litany,  in  which 
no  psalm  is  said  (Nulla  dicas  capitula  sed  ora- 
tionem  tantum),  Sext  is  said,  the  processional 
office  continuing  with  more  invocations  and  anti- 
phons,  and  at  the  last  station  of  the  day  None 
is  said,  and  then  31ass.  Afterwards  the  proces- 
sion returns,  saying  alternately  certain  pieces, 
and  the  whole  terminates  with  the  "  Litany  for 
any  trouble "  [Letania  de  quacunque  tribu- 
latione]. 

Litanies  of  the  same  character  were  said  in 
some  churches  at  other  times.  Thus  the  Moza- 
rabic breviary  prescribes  Litanies  and  days  of 
fasting  on  the  Jejunium  calcndarum  Januarii,  i.e. 
the  three  days  next  before  the  Epiphany,  for 
three  days  before  the  festival  of  St.  Cyprian 
[Sept.  13],  and  for  three  days  before  that  of 
St.  Martin  [Nov.  11],  called  Jejunium  calendarum 
jS~orcmbris.  as  well  as  on  certain  other  week  days. 

The  Ambrosian  rite  also  appoints  Litanies  for 
the  week  days  of  the  last  week  in  Advent,  called 
Feriae  de  Exceptato. 

3.  Certain  Litanies  were  also  called  septenary, 
quinary,  ternary  (septena,  quina,  trina').  They 
were  thus  said  at  the  font  on  Easter  Eve  : 

The  first  subdeacon  begins  Eyrie  Eleison,  then 
the  second  repeats  ICyrie  Eleison,  and  so  on  till 
the  seventh. 

Then  the  first  begins  Christe  Eleison,  and  so 
on  till  the  seventh. 

Then  the  first  begins  Christe  audi  nos,  and  so 
on  till  the  seventh. 

And  the  whole  Litany  is  gone  through  in  the 
same  manner,  each  clause  being  repeated  seven 
times,  once  by  each  of  seven  subdeacons.  In  the 
Invocations  of  the  saints,  seven  names  are  recited 
out  of  each  order  of  saints  (dicuntur  de  quolibet 
choro  septem  sancti),  seven  from  the  apostles, 
seven  from  the  martyrs,  seven  from  the  con- 
fessors, and  seven  from  the  virgins. 

Then  follows  the  quinary  litany,  said  in  the 
same  manner  by  five  subdeacons,  the  names  of 
five  saints  being  recited  from  each  order,  and 
then  the  ternary,  said  in  the  same  manner  by 
three. 

Litanies  were  also  used  at  baptisms,  at  ad- 
ministering extreme  unction,  and  on  other  occa- 
sions, which  it  is  not  necessary  to  specify. 

In  a  MS.  Pontifical  of  Salzburg,  the  following 
metrical  litany  occurs  : — 

Rex  sanctorum  Angelorum,  totum  mundum  adjuva, 
Ora  primum  tu  pro  nobis,  Virgo  mater  Germinis 
Et  ministrl  Patris  summi,  ordines  Angelici, 

Hex  Sanctorum. 
Supplicate  Christo  regi,  coetus  Apostolici, 
Supplicetque  permagnorum  sanguis  fusus  Martyrum, 

Hex  Sanctorum- 


LITE 

Implorate  Confessores,  consonate  VirKines, 
Quo  donetur  magnae  nobis  dies  Indulgentiae, 

Hex.  Sanctorum. 
(and    so    on    through    all    the   orders  of  saints, 
ending  thus) : 
Praesta  Patiis,  atque  Nati  compar  Sancte  Spiritus, 
Ut  te  solum  semper  omni  diligamus  tempore, 

Hex  Sanctorum. 

The  following  is  "ex  pervetusto  codice  seu 
ordine  Eomano  Wirtinensis,  in  dioecesi  Monas- 
teriensi : — 

"  Letania"  (for  the  first  day  of  Rogation). 
Humill  prece  ad  Te  clamantes  semper  exaudi  nos. 
Summus  et  Omnipotens  Genitor  qui  cuucta  creasti, 

Aeternus  Christus  Filius  atque  Deus  ; 
Necnon  sanclifiMns  Dominator  Spiritus  almus, 
Unica  majestas  trinaque  sola  Dei, 

Ad  Te  clamantes. 
Ipsa  Dei  Genetrix,  reparatrix  iiiclyta  mundi, 

Quae  Dominum  casto  corpore  concipiens, 
Perpetua  semper  radians  cum  virginitate 
Indignos  famulos  Virgo  Maria  tuos, 

ITumili. 
Angelici  proceres,  coelorum  exercitus  omnis, 

Aeterno  semper  lumine  conspicuus. 
Agmine  ter  triuo  supero  per  sidera  regno 

Laudibus  aeternum  concelebrans  Dominum, 
Petrus  cum  Paulo,  Thomas  cum  Bartholomeo, 

Et  Jacob  sanctus  nos  relevent  precibus. 
Andreas,  Matthaeus,  Barnabas  atque  Johannes, 
Matthias,  Lucas,  Marcus  et  altisonus, 

(and  so  on  for  78  Elegiac  verses,  embodying  the 
usual  invocations  of  saints,  and  supplications  of  a 
litany). 

These  curious  litanies  are  given  by  Martene, 
vol.  iii.     [See  also  Lite,  Peocessiox.] 

[H.  J.  H.] 

LITE  (Aitt7).  This  word  is  explained  as  the 
united  supplication  of  many.  In  the  Greek 
church  it  has  acquired  the  technical  meaning 
of  a  religious  procession  accompanied  with 
prayer ;  or  of  prayer  for  a  special  object  made 
during  such  procession.  Hence  Xtrr)  and 
TrepiiraTos  are  used  by  Codinus'  as  synonyms,  and 
both  as  equivalents  of  the  Latin  irrocessio,  en 
^aWofxevov  rov  upQpov  yiyverai  b  vfpiiraTos, 
Kai  icTTtv  avdyKt]  yeveadai  ws  edos  Xtrriy,  eV  Se 
ry  Airfj  TrepnraTTJaai  tov  /SaciAe'a.  "  Matutinis 
decantatis,  procesiio  fit,  et  necesse  est  suppli- 
cationem  in  procedendo  fieri,  et  in  suppUcatione 
Imperatorera  procedere."  (Codinus  L>e  off.  aul. 
Const,  c.  ii.)  Again  AittJ  and  \iraueia  are  used 
by  Cedrenus''  as  synonymous,  avxiJ-ov  yevofxevov 
\iTaveiav  iiroiricTavro  at  rov  ^affiAeccs  a5e\<poi 
....  eVoir/cre  5c  Koi  kripav  \nrtv  6  TraTpidpx'ns 
<rvv  ra>  K\i]pcf.  So  Xnavevav  is  used  in  the 
sense  of  "to  walk  in  such  a  procession"  {Typi- 
cum  Sabae,  c.  42). 

Litae  were  used  on  various  occasions  of  public 
calamity  and  intercession.  The  Greek  euchology 
contains  a  general  "office  for  different  Litae, 
and  vigils  with  supplications"  [aKoKovQia  us 
dia<p6povs  Mrds  Kal  aypvitvias  TrapaK\ri<Tewv^, 
the  framework  of  which  is  common  to  all  Litae, 


"  Codinus  held  the  office  of  Curopalate  at  the  court  of 
the  last  emperors  of  Constantinople,  and  wrote  (among 
other  works)  de  Offlciis  Eccl.  et  aulae  Conslantin.  Grae. 
et  Lat. 

b  A  Greek  monk  of  the  11th  century,  who  wrote  Com- 
pendium Historiarum  from  the  beginning  of  the  world  to 
A.D.  1057. 


LITE 


1005 


and  is  adapted  to  the  special  occasion  by  the  in- 
troduction of  proper  prayers,  epistle,  gospel, 
and  canon.  These  and  some  other  minor  varvino" 
portions  are  given  for  the  following  emergencies  : 
in  time  of  Drought ;  in  peril  of  Earthquake ;  in 
time  of  Pestilence  ;  in  storms  on  Land  and  at  iSea  ; 
on  occasion  of  Inroads  of  Barbarians ;  in  anti- 
cipation of  War.  There  are  also  special  prayers 
for  occasions  of  intercession,  such  as,  in  any 
public  calamity  ;  for  the  Christian  people  ;  for  the 
Emperor  and  his  Army;  in  times  oi famine ;  in 
danger  of  thunder  and  lightning." 

The  outline  of  the  service  is  as  follows: 

The  customary  opening  formulas  (Ter  sanc- 
tus— rpiaayiov.  Most  Holy  Trinity — iravayia 
Tpias).  The  Lord's  prayer.  Eyrie  eleison  twelve 
times. 

Psalm  142  [143,  E.  V,  Domine  exaudi]. 

The  great  Synapte.'^ 

A  few  Troparia  of  the  usual  character. 

Psalm  6. 

"Then  the  first  of  the  priests  says  a  prayer 
proper  to  the  Lite,  and  the  deacon  the  little 
Synapte"  (elra  \4yei  6  ■KpSnos  rwu  Upewv  fj.iau 
euxvv,  Kara  Tr;v  Ajttjj',  6  Sh  SiaKOVos  ffwaTrT^i/ 
/xiKpciv). 

Then  begins  the  second  station  : — 

[»fai  apx^M-^da  ttjs  SevT€pas  (Trd.(Teccs.~\ 

Psalm  101  [102,  E.  V,  Domine  exaudij. 

A  few  Troparia. 

The  second  of  the  priests  says  another  prayer. 

The  little  Synapte. 

Psalm  78  [79.     Deus  venerunt]. 

A  few  Troparia  and  the  gradual  psalms. 

The  proper  gospel  and  canon.     Dismissal. 

[euayyeKwv  Kara  Tr]v  AtTTji/,  Koi  6  Kavaij/ 
irapOfj,oiujs.^ 

The  special  prayers  in  these  offices  are  long; 
several  occupying  a  closely  printed  folio  column 
and  a  half,  or  more,  and  one  (in  time  of 
pestilence)  almost  five  such  columns. 

A  Lite  of  a  somewhat  different  nature  from 
the  foregoing  occurs  in  the  course  of  Great 
Vespers  of  a  Vigil. 

After  the  prayer  of  Inclination  of  the  head 
[evXT?  TVS  Ke(pa\oK\ta-ias'}  the  rubric  proceeds : 
"  Then  we  sing  in  this  manner  the  idiomela^ 
proper  to  the  saint  of  the  day,  making  procession 
in  the  Narthex  {Xiravevovres  iv  rcS  vapQ^Ki)  the 
priest  and  the  deacon  going  first  with  lights  and 
censer.  Glory.  Stichos  of  the  saint.  And  now, 
Theotokion^,  and  after  this  the  deacon,  if  he  is 
present,  or  if  not,  the  priest,  says  this  prayer." 

Then  follows  a  prayer  for  protection  through 
the  intercessions  of  the  saints,  and  prayers  for  all 
conditions  of  men,  framed  as  an  ordinary  Ectene, 
but  with  Kyrie  eleison  repeated  not  after  each 
clause,  but  three  times  after  a  group  of  several 
in  the  course  of  the  prayer,  and  forty  times  at 
the  conclusion. 

The  priest  then  says  a  short  prayer,  bids 
Peace  to  all,  and  after  the  injunction  by  the 
deacon  to  bow  the  head  to  the  Lord,  says  a  prayer 
for  protection  identical  in  substance  with  that 
immediately  preceding  the  Ectene. 

c  There  are  corresponding  offices  for  nearly  all  these 
occasions  in  the  rituals  of  the  'Western  church. 

d  The  same,  with  the  omission  of  the  clauses  for  the 
king,  Jtc,  as  that  said  in  the  oflice  of  the  Luceunariom. 

«  i.  e.  certain  antiphons,  or  stichi,  i.  e.  verses. 

'  i.  e.  an  antiphon  to  the  B.  V.  M. 


1006    LITERAE  COMMENDATOEIAE 

Then  the  Aposticha  (^airSarixa)^  are  begun, 
and  while  they  are  being  sung,  the  procession 
returns  into  the  nave,  preceded  by  lights,  and 
singing  both  the  Aposticha  and  the  Stichi 
belonging  to  them  (eTroSovres  Koi  rods  rvx^^ras 
(TTixous  avTwv). 

The  office  then  finishes  with  the  benediction 
of  the  loaves  [see  Article]. 

[This  is  extracted  from  the  office  for  vespers 
(cLKoXovdla  Tov  ecnrepiyov)  given  in  the  euchology. 
The  "  order  of  the  sacred  ministry  "  {Sidra^ts 
TTjs  lepoBiaKovias),  in  the  same  book,  gives  fuller 
and  more  complicated  rubrics,  but  the  office  is 
the  same.] 

S3-meon,  Archbishop  of  Thessalonica*",  speaking 
of  this  office  (op.  cont.  Hacres.)  says,  "This 
(KiT'fi')  is  celebrated  out  of  doors  (f^oo6(v)  in 
the  Narthex  of  the  church,  on  Saturdays  and 
chief  festivals"  He  assigns  also  as  the  reason 
whj-  the  Lite  is  celebrated  in  the  Narthex,  that 
as  the  Saviour  descended  to  our  lower  regions, 
so  we  implore  His  mercy,  standing  at  the  doors 
of  the  church  as  though  at  the  doors  of  heaven. 

Other  occasional  and  extraordinary  Litae  take 
place,  he  says,  when  any  plague  or  public 
calamitv  threatens.  [See  also  LlTANY  and  Pro- 
CESSXON.]  [H.  J.  H.] 

LITERAE  COMMENDATOEIAE.  [Coji- 

MENDATORY  LETTERS.] 

LITERAE    DIMISSORIAE.     [Dimissory 

Letters.] 

LITERAE  FORMATAE.     [Forma.] 

LITERAE  PASCHALES.  [Paschal  Let- 
ters.] 

LIETEAE   PEREGEINORUM.    [Koino- 

UIKON,  I.  907.] 

LITIGATION  ilitcs).  Lawsuits  of  any 
kind,  especially  before  secular  courts,  were  dis- 
couraged as  far  as  possible.  The  3rd  Council  of 
Carthage  (c.  9)  provides  that  any  of  the  clergy 
who  might  appeal  to  a  secular  court  in  a  civil 
matter,  should  in  case  of  success  forfeit  what 
they  had  gained,  if  they  desired  to  retain  their 
offices.  The  4th  council  of  Carthage  goes  still 
farther.  A  bishop  is  altogether  forbidden  to 
undertake  any  lawsuit  about  a  temporal  matter 
(Statut.  Ecd.  Antiq.  c.  19;  BrUns,  Canones,  i. 
143).  The  disputes  of  the  clergy  among  them- 
selves were  to  be  settled  by  the  bishop,  either  by 
persuasion  or  authority,  those  refusing  to  obey 
him  were  to  be  condemned  by  the  synod  (c.  59). 
Any  catholic,  lay  or  clerical,  who  referred 
any  cause,  just  or  unjust,  to  the  decision  of  a 
non-catholic  (alterius  fidei)  judge  was  to  be 
excommunicated  (c.  87).  The  council  of  Chalce- 
don  (c.  9)  provides  a  series  of  appeals  to  eccle- 
siastical courts,  ending  with  the  tribunal  of  the 
emperor  at  Constantinople  (c/.  Codex  Ecd. 
Afric.  c.  125).  The  council  of  Vannes  however 
(c.  9)  permits  the  clergy  to  appeal  to  the  secular 
courts  by  permission  of  their  bishops,  but  an 
appeal   from   the  decision  of  a  bishop,  or  a  suit 


8  Gear  {in  loco)  calls  these  to.  airb  cttixov  cm'xjjpa. 
They  are  sticheia  appended  to  stichi,  or  fragmentary 
verses  from  I  be  psaltiis,  and  are  explaiiied  as  "  versus  e 
Davidicis  versibus  compositi." 

•»  £ibl.  Max.  Pat.  xxii. 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS  \ 

against  a  bishop,  must  be  made  to  other  bishops, 
and  on  no  account,  on  peril  of  excommunication,    ] 
be  referred  to  a  secular  court.     The  council  of 
Agde  (c.  31,  32 ;  Bruns,  Can.  ii.  152)  provides  that    ' 
those  who  refuse  to  cease  from  litigation  at  the 
bidding  of  the  bishop  shall  be  excommunicated, 
and   forbids  any  of  the  clergy  to  carry  a  cause    ■ 
into  a  secular   court  without  permission  of  the 
bishop,  but   permits   them   to  plead   in   a  cause 
that   has  already  been  taken    there.     The    evi- 
dence of  those  who  were  prone  to  litigation  was    '■ 
to   be  regarded  with  suspicion  and  not  received 
without    very    careful    inquiry    into    its    truth    , 
(Statut.  Eccl.  Antiq.  c.  58).     In  all  lawsuits  the 
faith  and  moral  chai-acter  of  both  parties  were  to 
be  taken  into  consideration  (ibid.  c.  96).     [P.  0.] 

LITTEUS  (Liteus),  bishop  and  confessor  in  1 
Africa  ;  commemorated  Sept.  10  (Mart.  Usuard.  ' 
Ado  ;  Acta  SS.  Sept.  iii.  483).  [C.  H.]       ' 

LITURGICAL  BOOKS.  The  present  article  i 
relates  not  merely  to  such  books  as  are  neces-  1 
sary  for  the  performance  of  the  Liturgy  proper,  j 
or  Mass;  but  to  all  that  are  used  in  the  per-  ; 
formance  of  the  offices  of  the  church. 

L  Before  enumerating  these,  it  will  be  con- 
venient to  attempt  some  answer  to  the  question, 
"  When  were  liturgies  or  other  formularies  com- 
mitted to  writing  for  use  in  the  church  ?  " 

It  is  sometimes  alleged  that  the  great  variety 
and  length  of  the   prayers,  &c.  in   the   liturgies 
and  offices  of  the  church  preclude  the  supposi- 
tion that  these  can  ever  have  been  said  without     ; 
book.     And  this  is  no  doubt  true ;   but  it  only     j 
throws  us  back  on  the  further  enquiry,  when  it    ! 
was  that  liturgies  and  services  became  so  lengthy 
and  complicated  as  absolutely  to  require  written     i 
manuals  for  their  due   performance — a  question     i 
to  which  no  definite  answer  can  be  given. 

We  cannot,  in  fact,  inquire  when  liturgies 
were  first  written,  without  first  inquiring  when 
they  were  first  celebrated  in  set  forms  ;  forms 
must  have  been  adopted  before  they  were  written 
down,  though  it  by  no  means  follows  that  they  j 
were  at  once  written ;  some  forms  may  have  ] 
been  long  handed  down  by  tradition  before  they 
were  committed  to  writing. 

As  it  is  certain  that  the  Jews  used  forms  of 
devotion  in  the  Temple  and   in   the  Synagogue     j 
before  the  Incarnation,  and  as  the  services  of  the     ! 
church  were  unquestionably  influenced  by  those 
of  the  Synagogue,  it  seems  to  be  a  fair  presump- 
tion  that  Christians   also  adopted  set   forms  in 
their    public  devotions    from   an   early   period.* 
To  this  it  is  objected  that  Justin  Martyr  (Apol. 
i.  0.  67)  describes  the  president  of  a  Christian 
assembly  as  sending  up  prayers  "according  to  his 
ability" — an   expression  which  (it   is  thought)     I 
must  imply  that  the  prayers  were   wholly  de-     j 
pendent  upon  the  powers  of  him   who  uttered     | 
them.     But  in  fact  it  is  probable  that  the  words 
oarj   Svva/xis  avrZ  simply  mean  "  with   all   his 
strength,"    referring    to    the    vehemence   with 
which  the  prayer  was  uttered,  and  not  to  the 
matter  of  it ;  and  Valesius  has  noted  (on  Euseb.     1 
H.  E.    iv.    15,  §   36),   that  ai/airffxirtiv  is  used 
specially  of  uttering  with  a  loud  voice.     Indeed, 
when  Justin  describes  (1.  c.)  the  Christians  as 


*  In  saying  this,  the  writer  does  not  contend  that  forms 
of  prayer  were  adopted  to  the  exclusion  of  ex  tempore 
prayer. 


LITUEGICAL  BOOKS 

standing  up  together  in  a  body,  and  uttering 
prayers  (evxds  irfjUTrOjUer),  we  can  hardly  avoid 
the  conclusion  that  the  harmonious  utterances  of 
a  multitude  must  have  taken  some  well-known 
form,  perhaps  rather  of  the  nature  of  short 
"  preces "  than  more  lengthened  "  orationes." 
And  when  he  says  (Apol.  i.  c.  13)  that  Chris- 
tians thought  it  right  to  send  "  pomps  and 
hymns"''  to  the  Creator  by  means  of  language, 
rather  than  as  the  heathen  did,  his  words  suit 
better  the  majestic  style  of  Eastern  prayers  and 
odes,  such  as  we  have  them,  than  the  unpre- 
meditated effusions  of  a  presiding  brother. 

Another  objection  is  found  in  Tertullian's 
assertion  (AjjoL  c.  30),  that  Christians  prayed 
without  a  prompter  (sine  monitore)  because  they 
prayed  from  the  heart.  We  know  too  little 
of  the  functions  of  the  heathen  "  monitor " 
to  be  able  to  say  with  certainty  what  kind 
of  contrast  is  intended.  If  the  monitor 
dictated  the  icoi-ds  of  the  prayer,  the  passage 
seems  to  imply  that  Christians  needed  no  such 
aid,  but  prayed  in  such  words  as  the  heart 
prompted  ;  if  the  monitor,  like  the  deacon  in 
Christian  assemblies  at  a  somewhat  later  date, 
simply  proclaimed  the  object  for  which  prayer 
was  to  be  made  from  time  to  time,  no  such  in- 
ference can  be  drawn.  And,  as  Bingham  has  re- 
marked (xiii.  V.  5),  in  public  prayer  the  presiding 
brother  or  presbyter  must,  in  any  case,  have 
dictated  words  to  the  rest,  whether  with  the 
help  of  a  set  form  or  not,  or  there  could  have 
been  no  common  worship.  On  the  whole,  we 
conclude  that  Tertullian,  in  the  passage  before 
us,  simply  means  that  Christians  needed  no 
urging  to  pray,  as  some  of  the  heathen  did ;  they 
needed  no  prompting  but  that  of  their  own 
hearts. 

Again,  it  is  contended  (e.g.  by  Le  Brun,  torn, 
ii.  Diss.  i.  p.  11  ff.)  that  certain  expressions  of  St. 
Basil  prove  conclusively  that  liturgies  were  not 
committed  to  writing  in  his  time.  The  passage 
in  question  is  the  following  :  ra  rrjs  eiTiKKr\aeais 
p-qfj-ara  eVl  rrj  avaSei^ei  rod  aprou  ttjs  evxa- 
piarlas  Ka\  rod  Tror-qpiov  TTjy  evXoyias  ris  twv 
ayicov  iyypd(pccs  rty-lv  KaTaXtAoLirev;  (Dc  Spiritu 
Sancto,  c.  27,  §  66)  •  that  is,  "  which  of  the 
saints  left  behind  for  us  in  writing  the  words  of 
the  invocation  at  the  displaying  (or  dedicating) 
of  the  bread  of  thanksgiving  and  the  cup  of 
blessing  ?"  On  this  passage  we  have  to  remark, 
that  St.  Basil  is  here  defending  apostolic  tradi- 
tion ;  if,  he  says,  we  were  to  reject  everything 
which  has  not  direct  written  [i.  e.  scriptural] 
authority  as  being  of  no  great  importance,  we 
should  very  much  endanger  the  church  ;  for 
many  well-known  practices  rest  only  on  tradi- 
tion ;  as  the  use  of  the  sign  of  the  cross  in 
baptism,  the  turning  towards  the  East,  the  use 
of  the  words  of  invocation  [Epiclesis].  That  he 
is  referring  to  the  want  of  scriptural  authority 
for  certain  parts  of  the  church  service,  not  to 
the  absence  of  written  copies,  is  evident  from 
the  words  which  follow  the  passage  quoted 
above  :  "  for  we  do  not  by  any  means  content 
ourselves  with  those  words  which  are  recorded 
in  the  Epistles  or  the  Gospels,  but  we  prefix  and 
suffix  others,  as  being  of  great  efficacy  in  respect 


b  For  the  application  of  the  word  Tronwij  to  language, 
compare  Pseudo-Plato,  Axioch.  p.  369  d,  rro/ijiSj  Kai 
pjj/iioTiov  ayAaitr/jios. 


LITUEGICAL  BOOKS        1007 

of  the  mystery,  receiving  them  from  the  un- 
written discipline  (ik  tJjs  a.ypa.(pov  SiSaaKaAias 
irapaAa/S^rres)."  Clearly  when  St.  Basil  says 
that  the  words  of  the  Epiclesis  were  not  received 
in  a  written  form  from  any  of  the  saints,  he 
means  that  they  were  not  contained  in  scripture, 
but  formed  a  part  of  that  mass  of  non-scriptural 
tradition  which  included  so  many  well-known 
church  observances.  On  the  question,  whether 
these  formularies  were  committed  to  writing  in 
his  own  time,  his  words  determine  nothing ; 
what  he  says  is  virtually,  that  they  were  not 
contained  in  any  writing  of  the  apostolic  age. 
In  any  case,  St.  Basil's  expressions  relate  only 
to  the  Epiclesis  in  the  liturgy,  the  exact  words 
of  which  may  perhaps  not  have  been  committed 
to  writing  until  a  comparatively'  late  period, 
from  the  dread  of  profanation  by  the  heathen. 

In  another  of  Le  Brun's  arguments  (torn.  ii. 
Diss,  i.,  art.  5,  p.  29-32),  that  the  fathers 
expressly  forbade  the  Lord's  Prayer  or  the 
Creed  to  be  written  down  on  paper  or  parch- 
ment, he  seems  to  have  forgotten  both  that  the 
Lord's  Prayer  and  the  Creed  were  regarded  as 
much  more  secret  and  sacred  than  most  other 
portions  of  divine  service,  and  that  these  cautions 
were  addressed  to  catechumens. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  has  been  supposed  that 
some  at  least  of  St.  Paul's  quotations,  which  are 
not  found  in  canonical  scripture,  are  taken  from 
Christian  liturgies.  As,  for  instance,  in  1  Cor. 
ii.  9,  the  quotation,  "  eye  hath  not  seen  nor  ear 
heard  ..."  which  is  introduced  with  the 
words  "  KaBws  yiypairrai"  is  by  no  means  exactly 
taken  from  Isaiah  Ixiv.  4,  and  may  (it  is  con- 
tended) have  been  taken  from  a  liturgy.  The 
expression  does  in  fact  occur  in  the  liturgy  of 
St.  James  (Daniel,  Codex,  iv.  113),  which  how- 
ever is,  as  a  whole,  unquestionably  of  much 
later  date  than  the  apostolic  age.  With  greater 
probability  it  has  been  thought  that  the  expres- 
sion "  faithful  is  the  word  "  {-KKnhs  o  \6yos), 
several  times  occurring  in  the  pastoral  epistles 
(1  Tim.  i.  15  ;  iii.  1  ;  2  Tim.  ii.  11 ;  Tit.  iii.  8) 
implies  the  quotation  of  a  saying  or  yvdixtf 
familiar  to  the  Christians  in  their  assemblies, 
perhaps  one  which  they  were  accustomed  to 
repeat  "with  one  voice;"  the  passage  2  Tim. 
ii.  11  in  particular  has  very  much  the  rhythni 
of  an  "  ode  "  intended  for  chanting. 

Whether  we  should  reckon  the  books  or  rolls 
found  in  ancient  Christian  pictures  [I.  877]  as 
liturgical  books  is  very  doubtful.  But  we 
come  upon  the  traces  of  at  least  some  forms 
committed  to  writing  in  the  2nd  century.  Celsus 
(Origen  c.  Cels.  vi.  40,  p.  302  Spencer)  says 
that  he  saw  in  the  possession  of  Christian  priests 
certain  "  barbaric  books,  full  of  names  of  demons 
and  portentous  expressions."  These  were  in  all 
probability  forms  of  Exorcism  [I.  651],  though 
Daniel  {Codex,  iv.  28  tl".)  considers  them  to  have 
been  Diptyciis.  They  were  at  any  rate  some 
kind  of  formulary  used  by  Christians.  And  the 
way  in  which  Origen  replies  to  Celsus,  that 
Christians  who  duly  worship  God  in  the  set 
prayers  (Trpoo-rax^eicons  ei'X"'^^)  ^*'^  ^'"'^^  i'iam 
the  assault  of  demons,  seems  at  any  rate  to 
indicate  the  existence  of  forms.  Eusebius  de- 
clares (//.  E.  V.  28,  §  5)  that  written  odes 
(ypa<pi7ffai)  testified  from  the  very  beginning  to 
the  divinity  of  Christ  the  word  of  God  ;  a  pass- 
age which  reminds  us  of  the  well-known  phrase 


1008        LITURGICAL  BOOKS 

of  Pliny  {F.plst.  x.  96  [al.  97]),  "  carmen  Christo 
quasi  Deo  dicere."  In  the  account  of  the  mar- 
tj-rdom  of  Felix  (f  250)  of  Tubyza  in  Africa 
(Baluz.  Miscdl.  ii.  77),  the  emperor  is  said  to 
have  put  forth  an  edict,  that  the  books — mean- 
ing apparently  those  which  were  the  property 
of  the  church — should  be  taken  from  the  bishops 
and  priests  by  violence  if  necessary ;  and  in  the 
same  narrative,  the  priest  Januarius  and  the 
readers  Fortunatus  and  Septimianus  declare  that 
the  bishop  had  the  custody  of  the  books.  In 
the  4th  century,  the  evidence  of  the  existence 
of  liturgical  books  becomes  more  clear  and 
definite.  Pseudo-Athanasius,  for  instance,  speak- 
ing of  the  rage  of  the  Arians  against  the  orthodox 
(Epist.  Ath.  et  Episc.  ad  Marcum,  in  Migne,  vol. 
28,  p.  1445),  says  that,  among  other  things,  they 
burned  the  church  books.  It  is  not  impro- 
bable that  the  book  which  Hilary  of  Poitiers 
is  said  to  have  compiled  (Jerome  de  Scrip- 
torihus  Eccl.  c.  100),  called  Lihcr  Hijmnorum  ct 
Mysteriorum,  was  a  collection  of  forms  for  the 
celebration  of  the  sacraments.  Gennadi  us  {De 
Viris  III.  c.  48)  describes  certain  books  which 
Paulinus  of  Nola  compiled  as  Sacraincntarium 
and  Hymnarium.  Victor  Vitensis  {Persec.  Vandal. 
i.  12)  tells  how  Geiseric  compelled  the  priests 
to  give  up  the  sacred  vessels  or  all  their  books 
(ministeria  divina  vel  libros  cunctos). 

The  existence  of  something  of  the  nature  of  a 
"  mass-book  "  in  the  5th  century  is  testified  by 
Gregory  of  Tours  in  the  following  circumstance 
{Hist.  Franc,  ii.  22).  Sidonius  Apollinaris  (f  ca. 
488),  when  the  book  from  which  he  was  accus- 
tomed to  read  the  sacred  office  (per  quem  sancta 
sollemnia  agere  consueverat)  had  been  mis- 
chievously taken  away,  was  able  to  go  through 
the  whole  service  of  the  holy  day  "  a  tempore," 
to  the  admiration  of  all.  This  is  mentioned  as 
an  instance  of  his  readiness  and  command  of 
expression,  not  of  his  memory ;  but  even  if  we 
suppose  that  the  saint  extemporised  the  office, 
the  passage  equally  proves  that  a  "libellus" 
was  in  common  use.  Gregory  also  (  Vitae  Patr. 
c.  16,  §  2,  p.  1229)  relates  of  Venantius,  that 
coming  one  day  to  the  chui-ch  he  said,  "  my  eyes 
are  dim  and  I  cannot  see  the  service  book 
(libellum),"  and  requested  a  presbyter  to  say 
the  office,  which  was  (as  the  subsequent  narra- 
tive shews)  the  altar  service. 

II.  List  of  Liturgical  Books. — The  rule  of  Chro- 
degang  (c.  79,  in  Cone.  Germ.  i.  119)  lays  down 
that  every  priest  ought  to  have  in  his  church 
the  books  which  are  necessary  to  enable  him  to 
read":  masses,  epistles,  gosjjels,  baptismal  and 
penitential  offices,  the  series  of  offices  for  the 
year  (circulos  anni)  or  the  nocturnal  lections, 
without  further  defining  the  books.  The  English 
Aelfric  at  a  somewhat  later  date  required  that 
every  presbyter  should  possess  before  ordination 
a  psalter,  a  book  of  the  Epistles,  a  book  of  the 
Gospels,  a  mass-book  (librum  missalem),  books 
of  the  Canticles,  a  manual  or  encheiridion,  a 
"  gerim,"  a  penitential,  and  a  lectionary  (Har- 
douin's  Cone.  vi.  982).  Instead  of  the  word 
"gerim,"  Mansi  gives  {Suppl.  Cone.  i.  1168) 
"Numerale,"  which  is  thought  to  mean  a  calendar 
or  martyrology.      [Libraries,  II.  986.] 

We  proceed  now  to  give  a  list  of  liturgical 

=  Or  "understand,"  If  "intelligi"  be  the  right  reading 
rather  than  "  legere.'' 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS 

books  actually  existing,  and  used  (in  most  cases) 
from  ancient  times. 

0.  Of  the  Western  Church. — For  the  saying 
of  the  several  offices  at  the  altar  or  in  the  choir 
there  would  evidently  be  required — 

1.  Some  kind  of  directory  as  to  the  order  and 
manner  of  performing  the  services  and  cere- 
monies appropriate  to  the  several  days.  Such  a 
book,  which  would  contain  what  in  modern 
times  we  call  the  Rubrics,  the  Latins  called 
Ordo. 

2.  The  actual  matter  of  the  prayers,  thanks- 
givings, prefaces,  &c.,  which  were  to  be  iised  in 
the  offices.  The  Sacramentary  or  Missal 
contained  the  prayers,  &'c.,  used  in  the  altar 
offices  on  the  several  festivals  throughout  the 
year. 

The  plenary  Missals,  which  contain  all  that  is 
necessary  for  the  performance  of  the  altar-ser- 
vices, do  not  f:vll  within  our  chronological  limits. 
The  Collcctarium  contained  the  Collects  [I. 
403],  and  Capitula  [I.  289],  to  be  said  in  the 
Hour-offices. 

3.  The  Psalter  contained  the  Psalms  ar- 
ranged for  saying  in  the  daily  offices,  together 
with  the  Canticles  [I.  284],  and  the  Psalm 
Quicunque  Vult. 

4.  Provision  was  of  course  made  for  the  read- 
ing the  Scripture-portions  appointed  in  the 
offices,  whether  at  the  altar  or  in  choir.  This 
was  done  either  by  marking  in  a  copy  of  the 
Gospels,  Epistles,  or  other  books  of  Scripture, 
the  passages  to  be  read  in  the  several  offices;  or 
by  extracting  the  several  passages  and  arranging 
them  in  a  separate  book  [Epistle,  I.  621 ;  Gos- 
pel, I.  740  ;  Lectionary,  II.  953]. 

5.  The  Antiphoxary  [I.  100]  contained  the 
Antiphons,  Responds,  and  Invitatories  used  in 
divine  service. 

6.  The  Hymnarium  contained  the  metrical 
hymns  used  in  the  offices. 

7.  It  was  sometimes  found  convenient  to 
place  the  Benedictions  in  a  separate  volume 
called  a  Benedictional  [I.  199]. 

8.  The  Manual  contained  those  offices  (other 
than  the  Mass  and  the  Hour- offices),  which  a 
presbyter  could  administer;  and 

9.  The  Pontifical,  those  which  only  a  bishop 
could  perform. 

10.  The  Penitential  (Pocnitentiale)  contained 
not  only  the  form  of  administering  penance,  but 
also  the  penances  required  for  various  forms  of 
sin.     [Penitential  Books.] 

11.  The  Passional  {Passionale,  or  Liber  Pas- 
sionarius)  contained  the  acts  of  the  martyrs  who 
were  commemorated  on  certain  days  of  the  year. 
[Legenda,  Martyrology.] 

/3.  The  Greek  Liturgical  books  in  the  list  given 
below  are  probably,  in  several  cases,  of  later 
origin  than  the  eighth  century  ;  but  as  there  is 
great  difficulty  in  determining  their  exact  date 
it  seemed  best  to  give  the  whole  list  according  to 
the  modern  arrangement. 

1.  The  Directory  for  saying  the  offices  was 
called  by  the  Greeks  Typicum  (TuTri/cdv). 

2.  The  Liturgy  proper  (Xeirovpyla)  contains 
the  fixed  portions  of  the  office  of  the  altar.  If 
to  this  the  offices  for  the  administration  of  the 
other  sacraments,  benedictions,  etc.  are  added, 
the  whole  volume  is  called  EuciiOLOGiON. 

3.  The  Menaea  contains  the  portions  both  of 
the    choir-services   and   altar-offices   which  are 


LITUKGICAL  BOOKS 

proper  for  the  several  Saints'-days  or  other  fes- 
tivals. 

4.  The  HOROLOGiON  [I.  784]  contains  the 
daily  offices  for  the  hours  of  prayer. 

5.  The  Greeks,  like  the  Latins,  have  a  book  of 
the  Gospels  (tuayy^XLOv)  ;  of  Epistles  {airdaroXos, 
or  Trpa^airSffToKos) ;  and  of  Lessons  from  the  Old 
Testament  (avayvwatoiv  ^i^Kos).     Also 

6.  The  Psalter  (\\/aKTripi.ov),  containing  the 
Psalms,  arranged  for  recitation,  and  several  other 
offices  or  portions  of  offices. 

7.  The  Triodion  contains  the  Canons  of  odes 
to  be  used  in  Lent;  and  a  similar  book,  the 
Pentecostarion,  contains  the  proper  odes,  &c. 
for  the  period  from  Easter  to  the  octave  of 
Pentecost. 

8.  The  Paracleticon,  or  Paracletice,  con- 
tains the  Troparia  for  the  ferial  offices. 

9.  The  OcTOECHUS  contains  the  ferial  Stichera 
and  Troparia  from  the  vespers  of  the  Saturday 
till  the  end  of  the  liturgy  on  Sunday. 

10.  The  Menologion  is  equivalent  to  the 
Martyrology  of  the  Western  Church. 

The  Antiiologion  [I.  91]  and  Synopsis  ought, 
perhaps,  scai'cely  to  be  reckoned  among  liturgical 
books,  as  they  are  mere  compilations  for  the  use 
of  ordinary  worshippers,  from  the  Paracletice, 
Menaea,  and  Horologion,  of  such  portions  as  are 
most  commonly  in  use. 

The  Hirmologion  is  a  collection  of  HiRMOi 
(L  773). 

The  Synaxaria  are  "  the  abbreviated  lections 
from  the  Menologion,  extracted  from  the  Menaea, 
and  published,  for  convenience  sake,  by  them- 
selves "  (Neale's  Eastern  Ch.  Int.  890). 

The  Panegyricon  is  a  collection  of  sermons, 
by  approved  authors,  for  various  festivals. 

III.  Among  liturgical  books,  the  first  place, 
both  for  its  importance  and  the  splendour  with 
which  it  was  written,  illuminated,  and  decorated 
[see  below],  is  to  be  given  to  the  Evangeliary,  or 
book  of  the  Gospels.  Evangelistaria,  or  books  con- 
taining only  those  passages  of  the  Gospels  which 
were  read  in  the  altar-office,  are  rare  within  our 
period,  while  many  ancient  MSS.  of  the  Gospels 
bear  marginal  words  or  marks  which  shew  that 
they  have  been  used  for  liturgical  purposes  [Lec- 
tionary]. 

The  book  of  the  Gospels  was  an  object  of 
veneration  in  many  ways.  When  the  church 
was  able  to  celebrate  its  services  and  arrange 
its  churches  without  fear  of  persecution,  and  the 
sacred  books  were  no  longer  concealed  from  the 
prying  eyes  of  informers;  then  it  came  to  be 
usual  to  lay  the  book  of  the  Gospels  in  some 
conspicuous  place  in  the  church,  or  even  on  the 
altar  itself  [Altar,  I.  Q'o\  (Augustine,  de 
Civ.  Dei,  X.  29  ;  see  the  representations  figured 
by  Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  tab.  xxxvii.).  Compare 
Entrance,  Gospel.  In  councils  it  was  not  un- 
usual for  the  Codex  of  the  Gospels  to  be  enthroned 
with  great  solemnity  at  the  beginning  of  the 
assembly,  as  was  done  in  the  councils  of  Chalce- 
don,  in  the  third  and  fourth  of  Constantinople, 
the  second  of  Nicaea,  and  in  the  Roman  synods 
of  the  years  642,  745,  and  969.  In  the  Chris- 
tianised Empire,  Justinian  ordered  the  book  of 
the  Gospels  to  be  deposited  in  the  courts  of  jus- 
tice (Binterim,  iv.  i.  225).  From  Chrysostom 
{Horn.  72  [al.  73]  in  Matt,  p.  669,  Migne),  and 
Jerome  {Comm.  on  Matt,  xxiii.  6,  p.  186),  we 
learn  that  in  their  time  it  was  not   unusual  for 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS 


1009 


Christians  to  have  a  copy  of  the  Gospels  hung 
from  their  necks,  which  was  also  a  practice  of 
pious  ladies  in  the  fifth  century,  according  to 
the  testimony  of  Isidore  of  Pelusium. 

The  oath  in  the  Gospels  was  from  ancient 
times  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  solemn  adju- 
rations.   [Oath.] 

On  the  use  of  the  book  of  the  Gospels  in  ordina- 
tion, see  Bishop,  I.  221,  and  Ordination. 

The  Fathers  of  the  Eighth  General  Council 
{Constantinoi)le,  a.d.  869,  c.  7)  approved  the 
veneration  paid  to  the  book  of  the  Gospels  by 
the  faithful. 

The  Evangeliary,  to  protect  it  from  injury, 
was  commonly  placed  in  a  clasped  or  sealed 
CAPSA  when  not  actually  in  use ;  an  example 
may  be  seen  in  a  mosaic  of  the  Liberian  church 
in  Rome,  said  to  have  been  completed  under 
Sixtus  III.  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  i.  16).         [C] 

lY.  Liturgical  Books  in  Art. — Dom  Gue- 
ranger  (Institt.  Liturg.  iii.  223  ff.)  dwells 
on  the  devoted  care  with  which  the  sacred 
books  were  transcribed,  edited,  and  corrected,  in 
early  days.  There  was  required  of  them,  he  says, 
accuracy  and  fidelity  enough  to  set  all  men  free 
from  the  least  fear  of  alteration  in  the  text ;  per- 
sonal morality,  well  suited  to  the  sanctity  of  di- 
vine mysteries ;  and  a  degree  of  dignity,  if  possible 
of  splendour,  in  execution  such  as  might  impress 
the  eye  and  the  mind  with  religious  respect.  The 
MSS.,  when  completed  in  the  scriptoria,  wei-e  cor- 
rected under  the  care  of  bishops  and  abbats,  who 
either  entrusted  that  duty  to  confidential  hands, 
or,  in  many  cases,  executed  it  themselves.  The 
cojjyists  would  have  thought  it  sacrilege  to  de- 
part in  any  degree  from  the  words  given  them 
to  reproduce. 

Gueranger  (iii.  225)  quotes  the  prologue 
found  in  Alcuin's  sacramentary,  as  a  specimen 
of  the  spirit  in  which  church-books  were  com- 
piled and  copied. 

"  But  since  there  are  some  other  forms  whicli 
the  holy  church  necessarily  makes  use  of,  and 
which  the  said  fother  saw  had  been  set  forth 
by  others,  and  so  himself  had  passed  them  by, 
on  this  account  we  thought  it  worth  the  while 
to  gather  these  up  like  blossoming  flowers  of  the 
field,  and  collect  them  in  one,  and  set  them  apart 
in  the  body  of  this  MS.  .  .  .  and  for  the  sake 
of  this  distinction  we  have  set  this  prologue  in 
the  midst,  so  as  to  be  the  end  of  the  first  part 
of  the  book  and  the  beginning  of  the  second.  .  .  . 
We  pray  you  therefore,  whoever  shall  have 
taken  in  hand  this  roll  to  read  or  transcribe  it, 
that  ye  pour  out  your  prayers  to  the  Lord  for 
me,  for  that  we  have  been  diligent  to  collect  and 
correct  these  things  for  the  profit  of  as  many 
as  may  be.  And  we  pray  you  to  copy  it  agam 
so  diligently,  as  to  its  text,  that  it  comfort  the 
ears  of  the  learned,  and  allow  not  any  of  the 
simpler  sort  to  go  astray.  For  it  will  be  no 
avail,  as  saith  blessed  St.  Jerome,  to  have  made 
correction  in  a  book,  unless  the  corrected  reading 
be  preserved  by  the  diligent  care  of  the  book- 
keepers." 

Some  of  the  personal  prayers  or  benedictions 
of  actual  scribes  are  of  great  beauty,  but  few 
appear  to  have  been  preserved  before  the  11th 
century.  One  or  two  may  be  repeated  here. 
Gueranger  has  extracted  the  first  from  a  Greek 
evangeliary   of  that    period.     Their    mournful 


1010         LITURGICAL  BOOKS 

piety  is  certainly  difTereut  from  the  quiet  greet- 
ing of  St.  Paul's  secretary,  "I  Tertius,  who 
wrote  this  epistle,  salute  you." 

"  This  book  has  been  written  by  the  hand  of 
a  sinner.  May  the  most  holy  mother  of  God, 
and  Saint  Eutychius,  vouchsafe  to  accept  its 
homage,  and  may  the  Lord  God,  by  intercession 
of  the  most  holy  mother  of  God  and  Saint  Euty- 
chius, grant  us  eternal  life  in  heaven.     Amen." 

The    two    illustrious  (and   ominously  named) 
caligraphs    of   the    9th-century   evangeliary    of 
St.  Emmeran  of  Ratisbon  speak  to  this  purpose 
on  its  last  page,  in  Latin  elegiacs : — 
"Bis  qnadringenti  volitant  et  septuaginta 
Anni,  quo  Deus  est  virgine  natus  Homo ; 
Ter  denis  annis  Karolus  regnabat  et  uno, 

Cum  codex  actus  illius  iinperio. 
Ilactenus  undosum  calamo  descripsimus  aequor, 

Littoris  ad  finem  nostra  carina  manet, 
Sanguine  nos  uno  patris  matrisque  creati, 
Atque  sacerdotis  servit  uterque  gradum, 
Eu  Berengerius,  Luitliardus  nomine  dicti, 

Quels  fuerat  sudor  difficilisque  nlmis. 
Hie  tibimet,  lector,  succedant  verba  precantis, 
Ut  dicas,  capiant  rrgna  beata  poli." 

Mabillon,  Iter  Germaniciim,  p.  53. 
"  Twice  four  hundred  years  are  fled  and  seventy, 
since  the  God-Man  was  born  of  a  virgin :  thrice  ten  years 
and  one  Charles  had  reigned  when  by  his  command  this 
book  was  begun.  Thus  far  we  have  traced  our  course 
over  a  troubled  sea  with  oui-  pen ;  our  bark  is  staid  on 
the  shore  at  last:  we  two  were  born  of  the  blood 
of  one  father  and  one  mother,  and  each  of  us  serves 
the  office  of  priest,  even  we,  called  by  name  Berengarius 
and  Luithard,  to  whom  has  been  toil  much  and  hard. 
Here,  0  reader,  mayest  thou  thj'self  take  up  words  of 
prayer,  and  say.  May  they  reach  the  blessed  kingdom  of 
heaven." 

Charlemagne  exerted  himself,  amidst  all  the 
cares  of  his  vast  empire,  to  multiply  exact  copies  '^ 
of  evangeliaries,  psalters,  and  sacramentaries, 
often  destined  as  presents  to  his  bishops  for  the 
use  of  their  dioceses.  There  can  be  no  doubt  of 
the  important  effect  produced  on  deep  and  imagi- 
native minds,  not  greatly  aided  nor  encumbered 
by  book-study,  by  the  lovely  ornament,  and  some- 
times energetic  and  powerful  realizations  of 
actual  events,  which  are  found  in  the  great 
MSS.  of  early  ages.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt 
the  story  that  king  Alfred  received  help  in  the 
pursuit  of  knowledge,  if  he  was  not  induced  to 
learn  to  read,  by  the  ornamental  letters  of  a 
MS.  (Asser,  pp.  7,  8,  ed.  Walsingham).  Charle- 
magne's devotion  to  the  subject  induced  him  to 
attempt  the  art  of  caligraphy  and  illumination 
with  his  own  hand  (Eginhard,  Vita  B.  Caroli 
Magni,  cap.  vii.),  "  sed  parum  prospere  successit 
labor  praeposterus  et  sero  inchoatus." 

Mabillon  and  Montfaucon  both  describe  a  MS. 
which  is  said  to  have  been  copied  by  the  hand  of 
Eusebius  ofVercelli  in  the  4th  century.  (See 
Iter  Italicum,  xxv.  p.  9,  ed.  1687 ;  Diarium 
Italicum,  p.  445,  1702.)  It  contains  the  gospels 
of  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Mark,  as  Mabillon  says  ; 
and  it  may  here  be  observed,  in  passing,  that  the 
early  grandeur  of  uncial  characters,  majuscular 
or  minuscular,  often  made  it  necessary,  for  want 
of  space,  to  divide  the  evangeliaries  into  parts  ;  or 


d  Krazer  (De  Liturg.  p.  224)  quotes  Charlemagne's 
Capitularies  (i.  62)  thus :  "  Pueros  vestros  non  sinatis  eos 
vel  legendo  vel  scribendo  corrumpere :  et,  si  opus  est, 
Kvangelium,  et  Psalterium,  et  Missale  scribere,  yexfeclM 
aetatis  homines  scribant  cum  omnl  diligentia." 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS 

oven  prevented  their  completion.  The  Eusebian 
evangeliary  is  in  uncial  writing,  chiefly  minus- 
cular, says  Gueranger  (Institutions  Liturgiques, 
iii.  312),  and  Montfaucon  gives  its  alphabet.  But 
both  he  and  Mabillon  speak  of  it  as  in  a  most  la- 
mentable state  of  fragility  and  decay,  caused  more 
by  damp  and  former  accidents,  than  by  its  age. 
"  Membrana  situ  fere  corrupta  est,  characteres 
paene  fugientes  et  semideleti  tantisper  a  Eomana 
scriptura  degenerant,"  says  the  latter ;  and 
Montfaucon  seems  to  have  regretted  its  probable 
destruction  somewhat  the  less  because  he  found 
it  as  a  version,  "  a  vulgata  nostra  toto  coelo  dis- 
crepantem."  It  has  been  published  by  Bianchini, 
Rome,  1749,"  and  is  said  to  be  still  preserved  in 
the  treasury  of  its  ancient  convent. 

In  the  5th  century  the  principal  authentic 
specimens  of  evangeliaries  yet  remaining  are  the 
Vatican  MS.  above  mentioned  (1209),  the  Gothic 
evangeliary  of  Ulfilas,  kept  at  Upsal,f  the  Latin 
evangeliary  of  St.  Germain  des  Pro's,  and  those 
at  Cambridge,  with  perhaps  the  most  important 
of  all,  the  Syriac  gospels,  transcribed  by  the 
monk  Rabula  in  586,8;  now  in  the  Laurentian 
Library  at  Florence.  The  Leonian  sacramentary, 
the  psalter  of  St.  Germain  des  Preis,*'  and  that  of 
Zurich,'  complete  Gue'ranger's  selection  of  litur- 
gical MSS.  of  this  century.  Without  giving  his 
full  list  (iii.  289-292)  of  the  works '  and  °eali- 
graphers  of  the  7th,  8th,  and  9th  centuries, 
we  may  mention  the  evangeliaries  of  Monza,'' 
of  Notre  Dame  de  Paris,  and  that  which  bears 
the  name  of  Colbert,  both  in  the  Bibliothfeque 
National  at  Paris;'  the  Anglo-Sa.xon  Cottonian 
MS.  in  the  British  Museum,  and  St.  Kilian's 
at  Wurzburg,  in  the  cathedral  treasury,  with 
the  Cottonian  psalter  of  St.  Augustine.  Of  the 
8th  century,  the  Sacramentary  of  Gellone  will 
be  found  admirably  illustrated  by  Count  Bastard, 
vol.  i. ;  and  the  great  Greek  evangeliary  of 
Vienna,  with  the  Missale  Fi-ancorum,  Missale 
Gothicum,  the  Cottonian  MSS.,  and  others,  in 
Silvestre's   Paleo.jraphie  Univcrselle. 

Before  proceeding  farther,  it  may  be  well  to 
call  the  reader's  attention  to  the  accurate  mean- 
ings of  a  few  terms,  and  one  or  two  necessary 
explanations.  The  first  has  reference  to  the 
real  function  of  the  caligrapher,  as  distinguished 
from  that  of  the  illuminator  or  miniature-artist 
of  later  times.  The  illuminators,  as  Gueranger 
observes,  begin    their  reign  at  the  end    of   the 


'  The  silver  cover  of  this  ancient  MS.  is  described  by 
Mabillon,  and  will  be  referred  to  later  in  this  article. 

f  See  Migne,  Umias. 

s  Assemani,  Catalogue  of  Laurentian  Library ; 
D'Agincourt,  Hist,  de  V Art  par  les  Monuments ;  Peinture 
pi.  xxvii. 

•>  See  Nouveau  Traite  de  Diplomatique,  vol.  i.  p.  CS6, 
nos.  2  and  3  in  plate. 

i  Dom.Tassin.  Nouveau  Traite  de  Diplomatique,  tom.  i. 
p.  686,  no.  14  in.  plate. 

k  Mabillon,  Iter  Italicum,  p.  213:  "Codex  ex  mem- 
branis  purpureis,  quadralis  Uteris  aureis  exaratus,  sed 
mutilum;  Gregorii  Antiphonariumcontinens;  cum  oper- 
culis  ex  ebore,  quae  ex  una  parte  praeferunt  effigiem 
Davidis  regis,  ex  alia  Sancti  Gregorii  cum  disticho,"  etc. 
"Kst  et  duple.x  alterius  codicis  majoris  operculum  ex 
auro,  cum  cruce  ex  utraque  parte,  addita  hinc  et  inde 
haec  inscriptione.  Ex  donis  Dei  dedlt  Theodolinda  Eeg. 
in  Baselec.i  {sic),  quam  fundavit  in  ModiJecia  juxta  pala- 
tium  suum." 

'  Count  Bastard,  vol.  i.  Peintares  des  MSS. 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS 

12th,  and  enter  on  decided  pre-emiuence  in 
the  13th  century.  They  have  little  to  do  with 
our  period,  and  their  work  marks  the  com- 
jnencement  of  a  new  period  when  the  study 
of  natural  beauty  had  begun,  and  the  vege- 
table kingdom  in  particular  began  to  be  illus- 
trated for  ornamental  purposes  in  the  service 
books  of  the  church.  A  distinction  will  be 
found,  under  article  MINIATURES,  between  truly 
caligraphic  and  artistic  ornament.  (See  West- 
wood,  Palaeographia  Sacra.)  Much  of  what  we 
have  to  say  on  the  subject  of  artistic  ornamenta- 
tion belongs  to  article  Miniatures:  for  the 
present  the  distinction  must  always  be  observed 
between  the  beauty,  elegance,  or  splendour  of 
the  letters  as  writing,  which  is  caligraphy,  and 
the  power  of  colour,  form,  and  imagination  dis- 
played in  pictures  attached  to  the  writing,  which 
is  fine  art.  It  is  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to 
assign  proper  limits  between  these  phases  of 
decoration:  and  it  is  enough  to  say  that  they 
are  combined  in  most  liturgical  MSS.  of  the 
earliest  date  which  still  remain  to  us ;  and, 
further,  that  in  most  of  the  most  valuable  the 
caligraphic  art  has  its  full  share  of  importance, 
and  that  the  decoration  is  subordinate  to  the 
writing,  and  dependent  on  the  text,  not  only  as 
to  meaning  and  import,  but  also  in  appearance. 
The  effect  of  the  whole  page,  as  to  form  and 
colour,  has  evidently  been  the  chief  object  of  the 
caligraphic  artists  as  such,  apart  from  the 
genuine  piety  of  aim  which  really  seems  to  have 
influenced  them  as  their  main  motive.  The  text 
and  its  pictures  form  a  whole,  united,  generally 
speaking,  by  the  etl'ect  of  grandly  ornamented 
capital  letters  ;  unless,  of  course,  the  MS.  be  on 
purple  vellum,  when  the  ground  colour  gives 
the  main  effect,  and  determines  all  the  rest  of 
the  ornament.  Perhaps  only  one  modern  artist 
has  revived  this  idea  of  the  old  caligraphists 
i  in  a  perfectly  original  way,  but  with  exact 
I  analogy.  The  illustrations  and  ornamented 
j  writing  of  Blake's  various  poems,  copied  and 
j  executed  by  his  own  hand,  renew  and  illustrate 
i  that  excellent  moderation  of  judgment  of  the 
old  copyists,  which  made  their  pictorial  orna- 
ment, however  beautiful  and  ingenious,  still 
always  subsidiary  to  their  caligraphy.  The 
pictures  were  beautiful,  they  thought,  the  text 
was  sacred ;  but  even  because  the  latter  was 
chief  and  the  one  thing  needful,  too  much  atten- 
tion could  not  possibly  be  given  to  the  former. 

The  capital  letters  in  liturgical  MS.  are  gener- 
ally of  the  kind  called  rustic,  especially  when 
several  lines  consist  of  smaller  capital  letters. 
But  they  are  frequently  executed  in  the  best 
Roman  style,  as  in  the  evangeliaries  of  Soissons 
and  of  Gellone,  and  in  the  sacramentary  of  Drogon. 

I  (Count  Bastard,  vol.  i.  ii. ;  Silvestre,  Faleographie 
Universelle,  S^e  partie,  §  2.)  The  uncial  cha- 
racters, or  rounded  capitals,  with  their  parti- 
cular beauties  of  size,  clearness,  .and  order, 
appear  and  reappear  in  all  the  richer  MSS. 
_  down  to  the  11th  century,  when  writing  begins 
"  to  be  altogether  Gothicised  or  made  cursive,  and 
the  ornament  is  concentrated  on  the  initial 
letters,  and  their  accompanying  miniatures. 
The  artistic  use  of  varied  colour  may  be  said 
to.be  based  on  the  minium  or  red  lead,  from 
■which  the  word  miniature  is  derived.  Green 
and  yellow  follow  almost  immediately  in  the 
Visigothic  and  Merovingian  work  •,  but  while  the 
CHRIST.  ANT.— VOL.  II. 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS 


1011 


richest  MSS.  were  executed  on  purple  or  azure 
grounds,  the  use  of  varied  hues  was  of  course 
out  of  the  question,  and  writing  and  ornament 
were  alike  executed  in  gold  cr  silver.  A  very 
grand  specimen  of  the  earlier  chrysographs,  as 
they  are  called,  in  uncial  capitals  of  gold  and 
silver,  is  the  celebrated  psalter  of  St.  Germain 
(Bastard,  i.  1).  But  the  use  of  purple  vellum 
for  books  destined  for  the  use  of  imperial  stu- 
dents goes  back  to  comparatively  early  days  of 
the  empire,  on  the  eve  of  the  triumph  of  the 
Christian  faith  ;  Maximin  the  younger  received  a 
purple  vellum  MS.  of  Homer  as  a  present  from 
his  mother  (Jul.  Capitolin,  Vita  Maxim.').  Sacred 
books,  and  in  particular  the  evangeliaries,  would 
naturally  have  been  the  first  objects  of  Christian 
splendour,  when  such  a  thing  became  possible. 
The  gospels  of  Ulfilas,  the  psalter  of  St.  Germain 
above  mentioned,  with  that  of  Zurich,  and  the 
evangeliary  of  Brescia,  are  on  purple,  and  the 
evangeliary  of  Brescia  on  azure-blue  vellum ; 
but  that  of  St.  Germain  has  one  side  of  each 
page  dyed  purple,  the  other  in  azure. 

St.  Wilfrid  of  York  gave  a  purple  evangeliary 
to  his  cathedral  in  the  7th  century  :  the  8th 
produced  those  now  at  Vienna  and  Monza. 
Charlemagne  presented  one  to  his  church  at 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  another  of  his  evangeliaries, 
entirely  on  purple  vellum,  is  still,  says  Guc- 
ranger,  the  principal  ornament  of  the  library  of 
Abbeville."  The  splendid  MS.  preserved  in  the 
library  of  the  Remonstrants  at  Prague,  appears 
to  the  writer  to  be  of  about  the  same  date.  The 
great  emperor's  attachment  to  the  art  of  cali- 
graphy has  been  mentioned,  and  the  splendour 
of  the  early  empire  was  revived  by  him  in  this 
use  of  purple  or  azure  books,  necessarily  written 
in  either  gold  or  silver.  They  reappear  during 
the  Carolingian  age,  and  go  out  of  use  almost 
entirely  in  the  10th  century,  though  the  Bod- 
leian Library  at  Oxford  possesses  a  purple  evan- 
geliary, with  whole-page  pictures,  dating  from 
the  11th. 

Silver-ink  MSS.  are  much  rarer  than  chryso- 
graphs, strictly  so-called,  but  both  metals  are 
frequently  used  together,  as  in  the  evangeliary 
of  Ulfilas  and  the  psalters  of  St.  Germain  and  of 
Zurich.  The  evangeliaries  of  Verona  and  Brescia 
are  written  almost  entirely  in  letters  of  silver." 
In  the  others  the  text  is  silver,  with  golden 
headings  and  initials,  gold  being  used  also  for 
the  sacred  names. 

Purple  vellum  begins  to  be  economised  in  or 
before  the  9th  century,  as  in  Charlemagne's 
psalter,  presented  to  Adrian  VIII.  about  the  end 
of  the  8th.  This  is  now  in  the  Imperial  Library 
at  Vienna,  and  has  a  limited  number  of  purple 
pages.  The  antiphonary  of  Monza,  of  nearly  the 
same  date,  is  entirely  purple. 

In  the  sacramentaries  of  the  9th  century,  the 
canon  of  the  mass  is  frequently  on  purple,  or  the 
frontispiece  and  first  pages  of  the  hooks;  or  texts 
to  which  special  attention  is  to  be  drawn,  are 
thus  distinguished.  Gradually  the  purple  is 
arranged  with  other  hues  on  a  white  ground, 
and  begins  to  be  used,  artistically  speaking,  as  a 
colour. 

Golden  writing  was  not,  or  was  not  long,  con- 


>n  Notice  par  M.  de  Belleval,  Wemoires  de  la  Societe 
Royale  d'emulation,  d'AbbeviUf,  1836,  37. 
"  The  latter  admits  a  few  golden  lelters. 

3  U 


1012        LITURGICAL  BOOKS 

fined  to  the  purple,  violet,  or  azure  MSS."> 
Many  which  have  but  few  coloured  pages  are 
chrysographs  throughout ;  as  the  evangeliaries  of 
Charlemagne  (or  of  St.  Martin  des  Champs),  of 
St.  Martin  and  St.  Medard  of  Soissons  (in  Count 
Bastard's  second  volume).  The  expense  of 
purple  vellum  seems  to  have  been  very  great ; 
so  much  so,  tliat  as  early  as  the  4th  century  the 
bishop  Theonas  enjoins  on  Lucianus,  the  em- 
peror's chamberlain,  not  to  have  the  MSB.  of  the 
imperial  library  entirely  in  colour,  unless  by 
special  order  (D'Achery,  Spicilegium,  torn.  xii.). 
Charlemagne  seems  to  have  reserved  this  magni- 
ficence especially  for  evangeliaries,  the  Vienna 
psalter  being  only  gold  in  part.  For  chryso- 
graphs on  white,  in  the  9th  centuiy,  they  are 
too  numerous  to  allow  of  more  than  brief  men- 
tion of  a  few,  besides  those  of  St  Medard  and 
St.  Martin  already  named.  The  evangeliaries  of 
St.  Emmerand  at  Munich,  of  Lothaire  in  the 
National  Library  of  France,  with  his  psalter; 
those  of  the  abbeys  of  Hautvillers  (Bastard,  ii.) 
and  Lorch  (the  latter  now  at  the  Vatican,  with 
fine  uncial  writing  on  alternate  bands  of  purple 
and  azure),  and  the  antiphonary  of  Goubert, 
monk  of  St.  Bertin,  are  named  by  Dom  Gue- 
ranger.  Those  of  Charlemagne,  or  St.  Martin 
des  Champs  (Gothic  writing),  and  of  St.  Medard, 
and  another  very  grand  one,  written  for  Charle- 
magne, in  fine  uncial,  with  large  whole-page 
illustrations  [see  Miniatures],  the  sacramen- 
tary  of  Drogo  (golden  uncial,  rustic  capitals, 
and  cursive  Gothic,  with  splendid  Roman  initials), 
the  evangeliaries  of  Lothaire  and  Louis  le  Debon- 
naire,  are  all  magnificently  illustrated  by  Count 
Bastard,  vol.  ii.,  with  that  of  Hautvillers.  He 
also  gives  pictures  from  two  magnificent  bibles, 
written  for  Louis  le  Debonnaire  and  Charles  the 
Bold ;  and  one  presented  to  the  latter  monarch 
by  Count  Vivien,  abbat  commendatory  of  Tours, 
which  shews  great  progress  in  miniature  paint- 
ing, and  attains  something  like  a  climax  of  splen- 
dour in  ornamental  caligraphy.  The  ceremony 
of  its  presentation  to  Charles  the  Bald  is  illus- 
trated on  its  title-page  with  considerable  skill, 
and  perhaps  with  some  attempts  at  portraiture. 
Its  writing  is  a  perfect  example  of  what  is  called 
the  Caroline  uncial  and  demiuncial. 

Gueranger  goes  back  to  the  7th  century  for 
the  first  employment  of  artistic  design  by  the 
liturgical  caligraphers  of  the  Western  church. 
They  began  naturally  with  their  initial  letters, 
making  the  illustration  a  part  of  the  page  con- 
sidered as  a  whole,  and  keeping  their  art  in 
equal  alliance  with  their  caligraphy.  In  the 
Eastern  church  the  Eabula  MS.  shews  how  much 
could  be  done  even  in*  the  6th  century,  but  its 
miniatures  are  inserted  in  rectangular  spaces, 
and  independent  of  the  writing.  (See  Professor 
Westwood'.s  Palaeographia  Sacra,  Introduction ; 
also  Crucifix  and  Miniature.) 

The  canons  of  Eusebius  of  Caesarea  were  very 
early  added  to  the  sacred  text :  they  are  found 
in  the  MS.  of  Rabula,  in  the  6th  century,  accom- 
panied with  a  free  and  luxuriant  ornament :  and 


o  The  names  of  these  colours  are  somewhat  vague  and 
must  necessarily  convey  rather  different  ideas  to  differ- 
ent persons.  The  greater  number  of  purple  WSS.  are  at 
present  of  what  would  be  called  a  puce  colour,  mostly  dark 
and  rich,  but  occasionally  lightened  by  time,  or  deadened 
almost  into  black. 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS  j 

in  the  western  world  the  evangeliary  of  Ulfilas, 
of  the  same  period,  possesses  them.     The  idea  of 
architectural  decoration  of  pages  struck  the  cali- 
graphers at  once,  as  was  natural.     To  consider  a    • 
row  of  parallel  columns  as  an  arcade,  separated  by     ! 
pillars,  and  to  lavish  wreath-,  scroll-,  and  flower-     1 
work,  or  even  birds,  on  their  traceries,  was  an     ! 
obvious  and  pleasing  system  of  decoration.     The    1 
Colbert  evangeliary  (Bastard,  i.),  7th  century,  has 
its  columns  drawn  firmly  and  beautifully  with  the 
pen :  and  it  is  most  interesting  to  the  artist,  in    i 
an  age  of  mechanical   copying,   to  observe    the 
extraordinary    power    and    freedom    of  manual     ! 
execution  in  many  of  these  MSS.,  which  in  the    J 
opinion  of  the  present  writer,  fully  raise  the    ! 
ancient  caligraphy  to  the    level  of  a  fine  art.    ; 
The  0  of  Giotto  was  doubtless  a  fair  test  of  his    ' 
great  executive  power ;    but    it    is   excelled    in    i 
difficulty  and  interest  by  the  pen-drawn  birds    j 
and  grotesques  of  the   IMSS.     See  Grotesque,    j 
1.  751  f ;  Lion,  H.  999,  for  instances  of  true  pen-    ' 
drawing.     It  is  singular  that  the  last  relics  of    | 
the  vanished  art  should  be  the  swans  or  birds    \ 
of  the  modern  writing-master's  flourish. 

The  8th  and  9th  century  MSS.  are  richest  in    j 
their   decoration   of  the   canons,   and   those   of   1 
St.    Martin   des   Champs,    St.    Medard,   of  the    | 
Church  of  Mans,  of  Hautvillers,  and  that  written    i 
for  Lothaire,  are  models  of  gorgeous  grotesque. 
Sometimes  there  are  twenty  or  twenty-five  pages 
of  them,  worked  out  with  inexhaustible  varia-    i 
tions  and  fancies.     Gold  and  silver  are  lavished    ; 
everywhere ;  the  horizontal  lines  end  in  nonde-    : 
script  heads,  the   leaf-work   is   rich  but  chaste,    i 
and  wreaths  about  the  pillars  like  "the  gadding 
vine;"  and  a  first  faint  sign  of  naturalistic  imi-    | 
tation  appears  in  the  very  skilful  use  of  gold  to    j 
imitate  the  wavy  cloudings  and   changing  lines    I 
of  polished  marble  pillars.     Animals  and  small    j 
figures  present  themselves  apparently  just  where    j 
they  like,  though  always  in  places  well  adapted 
to  balance  of  pattern  and  ordered  arrangement. 
They  are  in  some  cases  emblematic,  as  the  evan- 
gelical symbols  present   themselves  constantly, 
and  there  are    endless    nondescripts.     A  list  is 
appended,  taken  from  the  above-mentioned  MSS., 
which  differ   from   the  wild  grotesques  of  the 
Gellone  sacramentary  of  7th  century,  by  being    ' 
often  drawn  with  careful  attention  to  natural 
character.i*  | 

A   decided  falling   off  in  colour-power,  with    j 
some  carelessness  of  di-awing,  will  be  observed  in    j 
the  Hautvillers  MS. :  the  bibles  of  Charles  the 
Bald  are  either  Franco-Saxon  or  Gallo-French,    I 
showing  the  serpentine  spirals  and  endless  inter-    I 
lacings  of  the  Northern-Gothic   work.      Count 
Vivien's  MS.  shews  equal  splendour  and  higher 
aim  in  the  artist :  the  great  zodiac  illumination    , 
is  given  by  Count  Bastard  (vol.  ii.).  I 

In  the  Visigothic  work  of  the  Sacramentary 
of  Gellone,  8th   century,  there  is  a  crucifixion, 


p  List  of  animals  represented  in  9  th  century  MSS.  o 
the  Western  church  :— 

Antelope.  Peacock. 

Centaur.  Pheasant. 

Cock  and  hen.  Khinoceros     (bull-like), 
Crane.  marking  the  idea  of 

Dove  (white).  the  "  Unicorn  " 

Eagle.  (MS.  Lothaire). 

Elephant.  Swan. 

Hound  (and  compounded  Stag  and  hind. 

as  griffin).  Stork. 

Lion  (and  compounded).  Stockdove. 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS 

with  angels ;  much  blood  is  used,  and  the  draw- 
ing is  very  rude.  There  is  a  miniature  of  the 
crucifix  in  the  canon  of  the  mass,  the  cross 
forming  the  T  in  the  words  "  Te  igitur."  In 
the  same  MS.  the  Mass  of  the  Invention  of  the 
Cross  has  in  its  initial  letter  the  figure  of  a  man 
squaring  a  tree-trunk,  as  if  to  foi-m  the  upright 
stem.  The  *'  Leofric "  sacramentary,  in  the 
Bodleian,  9th  century,  has  highly-ornamented 
initials  in  the  canon  of  the  mass,  but  is  without 
figures.  Our  Lord  sits  in  the  initial  of  the  word 
Quoniam,  at  the  beginning  of  St.  Luke's  Gospel, 
in  the  MS.  of  St,  Medard.  The  grand  whole- 
page  St.  Matthew  of  the  Charlemagne  evan- 
geliary,  with  its  mystic  fountain  and  symbolic 
building  of  the  Church,  is  an  interesting  example 
of  the  decoration  of  manuscripts.  As  Gueranger 
remarks,  the  ideas  of  the  heavenly  city  or  palace, 
and  possibly  the  pillars  and  polished  corners  of  the 
Hebrew  Temple,  may  have  been  in  the  minds  of 
the  artists  (Ps.  cxliv.,  12).  We  cannot  agree  with 
him  (Inst.  Lit.  p.  366)  as  to  their  admirable 
knowledge  of  perspective ;  but  ingenuity  of 
invention,  splendour  of  material,  harmony  of 
colour,  and  minute  accuracy  of  hand,  can  go 
no  further  than  in  most  of  their  works.  In- 
formation about  Byzantine  architecture  is  cer- 
tainly to  be  gathered  from  the  illustrations 
of  the  Menologium  or  Calendar  of  the  emperor 
Basil  the  Younger,  and  other  works;  as,  fur 
instance,  Charlemagne's  evangeliary.  They  re- 
mind the  student  of  the  architectui-al  back- 
grounds of  Giunto  of  Pisa,  in  the  lower  church 
of  Assisi  and  elsewhere. 

The  ease  with  which  cheap  copies  of  the  holy 
scriptures  and  other  books  are  to  be  obtained  in 
our  own  day,  may  prevent  us  from  understand- 
ing the  real  and  practical  value  of  the  sacred 
MSS.  of  the  earlier  ages,  and  still  more  from 
understanding  the  single-hearted  devotion,  and 
happy  self-concentration,  with  which  the  copyists 
seem  to  have  carried  on  their  labours.  It  is 
probable  that  in  most  cases  the  best  educated 
monks,  or  men  of  more  natural  refinement  than 
others,  must  have  been  employed  in  the  scrip- 
toria of  the  great  houses ;  at  least  in  every 
monastery  which  professed  the  life  of  labour  and 
prayer  with  sincerity,  some  sensible  division  of 
labour,  according  to  various  capacities,  must 
have  taken  place,  and  the  fine  hands  of  the 
caligraphist  or  painter  would  hardly  be  set  to 
hew  wood  or  draw  water,  unless  for  temporary 
discipline. 

It  is  singular  that  Martene,  who  records  forms 
of  benediction  in  use  for  all  other  objects,  from 
emperors  and  empresses  down  to  pilgrims'  staves 
and  scrips,  says  nothing  in  his  chapter  "De 
Benedictionibus,"  of  forms  for  dedication  of 
sacred  books,  though  he  gives  the  full  order  for 
blessing  a  writing-desk  (scrinium)  or  book-case 
(capsa),  {De  Antiquis  Ecdesiae  Bitibus,  lib.  iii.  cap. 
1).  This  is  quoted  from  an  English  pontifical  MS., 
and  a  second  from  a  MS.  of  St.  Victor,  said  to  have 
been  500  years  old,  in  his  own  time.  The  first, 
however,  seems  to  apply  to  an  area  or  credence, 
and  neither  are  within  the  limits  of  our  period. 

A  specimen  of  malediction  on  any  person  guilty 
of  stealing  a  13th-century  MS.  is  not  to  be 
omitted  (Colbert,  Bibliotheque  Nationcdc).  "  This 
sacred  gospel  has  been  copied  by  the  hand  of 
George,  priest  of  Rhodes,  by  the  exertions  and 
care  of  Athanasius,  cloistered  monk,  and  by  the 


LITUEGICAL  BOOKS 


1013 


labour  of  Christonymus  Chartinos,  for  their 
souls'  health.  If  any  man  dares  to  carry  it  off, 
either  secretly  or  publicly,  let  him  incur  the 
malediction  of  the  twelve  apostles,  and  let  him 
also  receive  the  heavier  curse  of  all  monks. 
Amen."  The  first  day  of  the  month  of  Septem- 
ber, year  6743,  of  Jesus  Christ  1215." 

The  missal  of  St.  Maur  des  Fosses  speaks  to 
the  same  purpose.  "  This  book  belongs  to  St. 
Mary  and  St.  Peter,  of  the  monastery  of  the 
Trenches.  He  who  shall  have  stolen  or  sold  it, 
or  in  any  manner  withdrawn  it  from  this  place  ; 
or  he  who  shall  have  been  its  buyer,  may  he  be 
for  ever  in  the  company  of  Judas,  Pilate,  and 
Caiaphas.  Amen,  amen.  Fiat,  fiat.  Brother 
Robert  Gualensis  (of  Wales  ?),  being  yet  young 
and  a  Levite,  hath  devoutly  written  it  for  his 
soul's  health,  in  the  time  of  Louis  (le  Gros), 
king  of  the  French,  and  of  Ascelin,  abbat  of  this 
place.  Richard,  prior  and  monk,  caused  this 
book  to  be  copied,  in  order  to  deserve  the 
heavenly  and  blessed  country.  Thou,  0  priest, 
who  ministerest  before  the  Lord,  be  mindful  of 
him.     Pater  noster." 

The  bindings  and  outer  cases  (capsae)  of  the 
more  important  liturgical  books  are  in  them- 
selves a  subject  of  no  small  interest.  That  of 
the  Eusebian  evangeliary  of  Vercelli  is  thus 
described  by  Mabillon  (iter  Ital.  p.  9,  April 
1685).  "  Codicis  operculum  ex  argento,  a  Beren- 
gario  imperatore  ab  annis  fere  octingentis  in- 
stauratum,  ex  una  parte  Salvatoris  efTigiem, 
ex  alio  sanctum  Eusebium  exhibet;  ad  cujus 
caput  hi  versus  adscripti  leguntur : 

Praesnl  hie  Eusebius  scripsit,  solvitque  vetustas ; 
Rex  Berengarius  sed  reparavit  idem. 

In  infima  vero  parte  ad  pedes  Eusebii 

Argentum  [o  ?]  postquam  fulvo  decompsit  el  auro, 
Ecclesiae  Praesul  obtulit  ipse  suae." 

He  also  mentions  (p.  213,  Jan.  1686)  the  ivory 
covers  of  St.  Gregory's  purple  antiphonary,  at 
Monza,  one  of  which  has  a  medallion  of  David, 
the  other  of  the  donor.  The  great  MS.  of  Theo- 
dolinda  (supra)  has  a  golden  cover,  with  the  cross 
on  each  side.  These  ancient  relics  may  be 
classed  according  to  their  material  and  orna- 
ments, whether  of  carved  ivory,  of  chased  metal, 
or  of  metal  with  jewelled  ornaments.  A  special 
interest  attaches  to  the  ivory  covers,  not  only 
from  their  intrinsic  value,  but  from  the  use  of 
ancient  consular  diptychs  [Diptych].  There  is 
no  doubt  that  many  of  these  ancient  ivories 
have  been  employed  by  later  ages  in  the  bindings 
of  liturgical  books,  sometimes  with  slight 
changes  and  adaptations,  as  in  the  antiphonary 
of  Monza.  This  is,  perhaps,  the  typical  ex- 
ample of  a  consular  diptych,  converted  to 
ecclesiastical  use.  Two  ivory  panels  or  plaques 
bear  each  its  figure,  perfectly  recognisable  as  a 
consul  of  the  5th  century,  by  the  dress  and  the 
mappa  of  the  games.  But  one  of  them  has  been 
converted  into  St.  Gregory  the  Groat,  by  the  addi- 
tion of  a  tonsure,  and  the  addition  of  a  cross  to 
his  staff  of  office.i  The  other  has  had  his  wand 
lengthened  and  curved  into  a  shepherd's  staff, 
and   passes  for   David.      The  consular  ivory  of 


1  This  Professor  Westwood  denies,  Karhj  Christian 
Sculptures,  p.  34. 

3  U  2 


1014 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS 


Flavius  Taurus  Clementinus,  now  at  Nuremberg, 
had  an  ecclesiastical  diptych-list  engraven  on 
the  ivory  itself,  and  the  Diptychon  Leodiense, 
in  memory  of  the  consul  Flavius  Astyrius,  forms 
one  of  the  sides  of  an  evangel  iary  in  St.  Martin's, 
of  Liege,  and  is  also  engraved  on  the  inside.  (See 
Donati,  De  Dittici  degli  Anticid  profani  e  sacri, 
Lucca,  1753-4;  Gori,  Thesaurus  veterum,  Dipty- 
chuin,  Flor.  1751,  fol. ;  and  Maskell,  Ivories, 
1876.) 

There  is  a  passage  in  Cassiodorus  in  which  he 
speaks  of  having  designed  and  published,  or  set 
forth  in  a  collected  volume,  a  number  of  examples 
of  carvings,  or  designs  of  some  kind,  for  the 
external  bindings  of  sacred  books.  "  We  have 
moreover  designed  skilful  artifices  in  the  cover- 
ings of  our  MSS. ;  so  that  there  might  be  a 
covering  of  outer  ornament  over  the  beauty  of 
the  sacred  text,  herein  perhaps  in  some  sort 
imitating  that  example  of  the  Lord's  figuring. 
Who  clothed  in  marriage  garments  those  whom 
He  thought  worthy  of  invitation  to  His  supper. 
Among  which  we  have  set  forth  many  examples 
of  designs  (facturarum)  represented  in  one 
volume,  that  any  studious  person  may  choose  for 
himself  any  form  of  covering  he  shall  prefer." 
(De  Institutione  divin.  Scripturarum,  cap.  xxx.) 
These  would  probably  be  executed  in  ivory  for 
the  most  part.  The  ivory  of  Murano  (described 
by  Costadoni  in  the  collection  of  Calogera,  torn. 
XX.)  is  of  the  greatest  interest,  as  it  is  covered 
with  reliefs  of  the  ancient  cubicula  of  the  cata- 
combs and  of  the  earlier  sarcophagi,  and  it  may 
be  considered  earlier  than  the  8th  century.  The 
nail-holes  intended  to  fix  the  ivory  panel  on  the 
cover  of  the  book  to  which  it  belonged  still 
remain,  as  is  the  case  with  many  ivories,  which 
have  been  used  for  reliquaries  and  shrines,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  diptychs  of  Symmachus  and 
Nicomachus  (Gori,  Thesaurus,  tom.  i.  p.  207). 
For  9th-century  ivories  as  bindings  of  church 
books,  those  of  the  evangeliary  of  Lorch  in  the 
Vatican,  and  of  the  sacramentary  of  Droyon 
and  evangeliary,  No.  99  of  the  Bibliotheque 
Nationale,  may  be  referred  to.  The  collection, 
or  catalogue,  of  Professor  Westwood,  is  the  best 
reference  in  this  country  for  all  the  more  ancient 
documents  on  ivory. 

The  Gothic  evangeliary  of  Ulfilas  is  called 
Codex  Argenteus,  on  account  of  its  rich  binding 
of  that  metal  ;  and  the  evangeliaries  of  St. 
Medard  and  St.  Emmeran  possess  covers  of 
enamel  and  gold  respectively,  the  latter  with 
embossed  portraits.  Plates  of  vermilion-enamel 
occur  in  the  Eusebian  gospels,  and  one  of  the 
covers  of  the  Lorch  evangeliary  is  of  this  mate- 
rial. This  use  of  different  metals  was  practised 
by  Victor  IIL,  while  at  Monte  Casino,  under  the 
name  of  Didier ;  who  ornamented  an  epistolary 
for  his  abbey,  with  gold  plate  on  one  side  and 
silver  on  the  other ;  this  binding  was  called 
dimidius  (D'Achery,  Spicilegium,  tom.  iii.  p.  402). 
Precious  stones,  and  even  relics,  have  been  en- 
closed in  these  bindings,  as  by  Didier  of  Monte 
Cassino,  in  the  MS.  of  St.  Emmerand,  in  the 
splendid  ones   of  the    Sainte-Chapelle,'   and  in 


r  On  the  gold  bindings  of  the  Sainte-Chapelle  evan- 
geliaries ; — 
No.  Kmeiiiids.  Pearls.  Sapphires.    Rubies. 

1.  30  140  35  24        (10th  cent.) 

2.  20  60  12  10         Onyx  2. 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS 

many  instances,  and  with  great  magnificence,  in 
the  Eastern  church.' 

The  subjects  represented  in  ivory  or  metal  on 
covers  of  sacred  books  are  of  course,  in  most 
cases,  simple  in  choice  and  in  execution  during 
our  period.  Gue'ranger  mentions  in  particular 
the  grand  ivory  cover  of  the  Lorch  evangeliary 
in  the  Vatican,  which  bears  some  resemblance 
in  its  carving  to  the  work  of  the  later  sarco- 
phagi, and  which  he  vindicates  on  Gori's  autho- 
rity {Thes.  vet.  Diptych,  tom.  iii.  tab.  iv.)  from 
the  imputation  of  being  a  pagan  ivory,  altered 
and  adapted  to  Christian  use.'  Our  Lord  is 
represented  as  holding  the  Gospel  and  treading 
down  th(;  Lion  and  the  Dragon,  attended  by  two 
angels  l»'ariug  sceptres  and  rolls  ;  above  are  two 
flying  angels  with  a  clipeate  cross,  and  below, 
two  subjects  of  the  Magi  before  Herod,  and  also 
making  their  offerings  to  the  Holy  Child  and 
His  Mother. 

On  the  great  MS.  99  of  the  Bibliothfeque  Na- 
tionale, are  Lazarus,  the  Samaritan  woman,  and 
the  Entry  into  Jerusalem,  treated  much  as  in 
the  sarcophagi.  See  Tre'sor  de  Numismatiquc, 
Bas-reliefs  et  Ornements,  X.  Se'rie,  II.  Classe, 
2  partie,  pi.  ix.  x.  xi.  The  sacramentary  of 
Drogon  has  liturgical  rites  chased  or  embossed 
on  its  cover  in  eighteen  compartments. 

The  embossed  figure  of  our  Lord  on  the  Ver- 
celli  Gospels  is  probably  one  of  the  earliest  in  such 
a  place,  and  dates  from  about  888.  Representa- 
tions of  the  crucifixion  also  begin  in  that  age. 

The  folio  work  of  Prof.  Westwood,  published 
1869,  contains  an  appendix  note  on  the  mag- 
nificent book-covers,  "auro  argento  gemmis- 
que  ornata,  which  are  repeatedly  mentioned 
in  connexion  with  fine  early  copies  of  the 
Gospels.  They  have,  for  the  most  part,  long 
ago  disappeared  ;  but  there  still  exist  a 
number  of  metal  cases  which  have  served  to 
hold  some  of  the  smaller  Irish  MSS.,  which 
generally  exhibit  restorations  at  various  periods." 
They  are  also  generally  ornamented  with  crystals 
or  other  gems,  and  are  known  under  the  name 
of  cumhdachs.  See  article  on  the  Book  of  Armagh, 
p.  80 ;  on  the  Psalter  of  S.  Columba,  p.  82  ;  the 
Book  of  Diurna,  pp.  83,  84 ;  and  the  Gospels  of 
S.  Mulling,  p.  93.  Plate  51,  fig.  9,  represents  a 
party  of  ecclesiastics  from  the  cumhdach  of  the 
Stow  missal,  p.  88.  The  front  of  that  of  St. 
Molaise  or  Molasch  is  at  fig.  6,  pi.  53.  "It  is 
5|  inches  by  4|  inches,  and  3J  inches  deep ;  of 
bronze,  bound  with  silver,  overlaid  with  open- 
work, riveted,  on  white  metal,  silvered  ...  a 
cruciform  or  wheel-cross  design,  with  the  em- 
blems of  the  Four  Evangelists  at  the  angles,  bar- 
barously designed.  Portions  of  gold  filigree  and 
interlaced  ornaments,  with  some  jewels,  occupy 
some  of  the  remaining  compartments  of  the  open- 
work, one  ruby  still   remaining  in  its  setting." 

The  capsae  or  cases  in  which  the  books  thus 
gorgeously  ornamented  were  deposited  for  safety 
were  generally  made  of,  or  adorned  with,  plates 


B  Even  in  Constantinople.  The  Russian  service  books 
have  been  pronounced  the  most  splendid  in  the  world 
(La  Neuville,  Relation  de  Moscow.,  k  Paris,  1698,  p.  193, 
quoted  hy  Gudranger). 

t  It  appears  to  be  i-th  or  9th  century  by  the  nimbi,  the 
imago  clipeata,  and  its  overloaded  ornament;  it  cannot 
be  supposed  to  be  of  anything  like  primitive  or  classical 
antiquity. 


■LITURGICAL    LANGUAGE 

of  gold,  silver,  &c.  They  are  mentioned  re- 
peatedly in  mediaeval  documents  beyond  our 
period ;  but  Gregory  of  Tours  says  that  Childe- 
bert  obtained,  in  the  plunder  won  from  Amalaric, 
about  twenty  of  these  cases  for  evangeliaries,  all 
covered  with  pure  gold  and  precious  stones" 
(Hist.  Francor.  cap.  Ixiii.  p.  114;  Migne,  71, 
250).  St.  Wilfrid  of  York's  evangeliary  had  a 
case  of  this  kind  (Ada  SS.  O.S.B.  Saec.  IV. 
part  ii.  '  Vita  S.  Wilfredi '). 

The  study  of  this  subject  must  necessarily 
lead,  as  has  been  said,  to  a  full  understanding  of 
the  reverence  paid  to  the  text  of  the  Gospels,  in 
particular,  during  the  dark  ages,  and  at  a  period 
when  that  text,  like  the  oral  prophecies  of  the 
Lord  in  Samuel's  early  days,  was  rare  and  pre- 
cious in  the  eyes  of  those  who  were  its  keepers. 
Yet,  in  looking  at  the  few  and  splendid  relics  of 
the  magnificence  of  Byzantine  or  Carolingian 
ritual,  it  is  impossible  to  help  thinking  of  the 
vast  mass  of  perished  MSS.  of  far  earlier  days, 
written  on  humbler  materials  and  for  humbler 
hands  ;  and  on  the  important  question,  how  far 
the  skill,  enterprise,  and  numbers  of  the  regular 
book-transcribing  and  selling  trades  of  Rome  and 
the  larger  cities  of  the  empire  may  have  multi- 
plied cheap  copies  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  in  the 
first  three  centuries.  This  is  for  other  hands  ; 
an  article  on  the  learning  of  the  early  Church 
by  the  Rev.  Prof  Milligan  {Cont.  Rev.  vol.  x. 
April  1869)  is  well  worthy  of  reference  as  bearing 
on  the  subject ;  but  the  important  and  strictly 
correct  remark  of  the  Commendatore  de  Rossi, 
that  the  early  cycle  of  Christian  ornament  in 
the  Catacombs  is  merely  a  cielo  hiblico,  or  scrip- 
tural repertory  of  Christian  symbolism  and  his- 
tory, bears  also  on  this  observation.  It  is 
impossible  not  to  see  that  in  the  earliest  cen- 
turies the  Holy  Scriptures  were  held  to  be  the 
exclusive  repertory  of  subjects  for  Christian  art, 
and  that  the  true  and  exclusive  use  of  Christian 
popular  art  was  general  instruction  in  Scripture. 

It  seems  possible  that  evangeliaries  or  forms 
of  sacramental  ministration  may  have  been  mul- 
tiplied on  papyrus,  like  other  books,  in  large 
numbers  by  means  of  dictation — possibly  to  edu- 
cated slaves  or  freedmen.  If  so,  they  have 
perished  with  other  books  in  the  wrecks  of 
ancient  civilisation. 

The  following  inscription  from  the  first  folio 
of  the  Gospels  of  Ti-eves  may  be  taken  (as  pre- 
fixed to  the  facsimiles  of  Anglo-Saxon  and  Irish 
miniatures)  to  represent  the  commendatory  in- 
scriptions of  the  Greek  MSS. 

"  Scriptori  vita  aeterna ;  Legenti  pax  per- 
petua ;  Videnti  felicitas  perennis ;  Habenti  pos- 
sessio  cii  salute.  Amen  Do  gracias  :  Ora  pro 
me  :  D's  tecum."  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

LITURGICAL  LANGUAGE.  It  would 
seem  natural  that  prayer  and  praise  in  the  con- 
gregation should  be  made  in  the  vernacular 
tongue  of  the  people  ;  and  in  the  early  days  of 
Christianity  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  was 
so.     St.  Paul's  depreciation  of  "speaking  with 


»  The  same  author  tells  a  story  of  a  goldsmith  who 
fraudulently  combined  with  the  saint's  messenger  to  sub- 
Btitute  silver  for  gold  in  the  binding  of  an  evangeliary. 
Both  were  swallowed  up  by  tlie  earth,  "  viveiites  et 
VOciferanteB."    {De  Glvria  Confess,  cap.  Lslii.  p.  946.) 


LITURGICAL  LANGUAGE     1015 

tongues,"  in  comparison  with  "  prophesying  " 
(1  Cor.  xiv.  1-17),  has  not  indeed  a  direct  bear- 
ing on  the  question  of  liturgical  language,  for 
the  "  tongues  "  of  which  he  speaks  do  not  appear 
to  have  been  foreign  languages,  but  utterances 
which  only  persons  specially  gif^ted  could  inter- 
pret ;  but  his  reasoning  on  the  necessity  of  so 
giving  thanks  and  so  speaking  that  the  congre- 
gation may  be  edified,  and  may  not  merely  hear 
sounds  which  convey  no  definite  impression,  ap- 
plies in  full  force  to  services  celebrated  in  lan- 
guages "  not  understanded  of  the  people."  Even 
Gueranger  {Instit.  Lit.  iii.  86,  88  ;  compare  Bona, 
de  Reh.  Lit.  i.  5),  eagerly  as  he  defends  the  mo- 
dern Roman  usage,  "  has  no  difficulty  in  conceding 
that  originally  the  church  must  have  employed 

the  vulgar  tongue  at  the  altar As  for 

the  apostles  themselves,  there  is  no  doubt  that 
they  celebrated  the  liturgy  in  the  language  of 
the  people  whom  they  instructed."  In  truth,  we 
may  safely  conclude,  on  the  testimony  of  Origen 
(c.  Celsum,  viii.  c.  37,  p.  402,  Spencer),  that  in 
the  third  century  "each  man  prayed  to  God  in  his 
own  common  speech  (/coxa  tV  eouToC  5id\€K- 
Tov),  and  sang  hymns  to  Him  as  he  could." 

Over  a  large  portion  of  the  East  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  Greek— in  which  were  written 
the  great  liturgies  which  bear  the  names  of  St. 
James,  St.  Basil,  St.  Chrysostom,  and  St.  Mark — 
was  the  language  of  public  devotion ;  for,  from 
the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  Greek  was 
the  official  language  of  the  Eastern  empire,  and 
Constantinople  the  seat  of  a  patriarchate.  Nume- 
rous liturgies  are  also  found  in  Syriac,  whether 
translations  of  Greek  originals  or  of  independent 
origin.  The  Armenian,  the  Ethiopic,  and  the 
native  Egyptian  churches  had  also  vernacular 
services.  Of  the  early  use  of  the  latter  we  have 
an  instance  in  the  circumstance  which  Athana- 
sius  (Vita  Antonii,  c.  2,  p.  633)  relates  of  St. 
Anthony,  that  he  was  induced  to  sell  all  that  he 
had  by  hearing  the  parable  of  the  rich  young 
man  read  in  church.  As  we  are  expressly  told 
that  the  saint  knew  none  but  his  native  lan- 
guage, this  lection  must  have  been  in  Coptic. 
Where  a  vernacular  version,  from  whatever 
cause,  was  not  used  in  the  services,  an  inter- 
preter explained  what  was  read.  Thus  Proco- 
pius  held  three  offices  in  the  church  at  Scytho- 
polis;  first,  that  of  reading;  second,  that  of 
interpreting  Syriac  (in  Syri  interpretatione 
sermonis)  ;  third,  that  of  exorcist. 

It  is  probable  that  even  in  the  West  the  first 
missionaries  of  Christianity  spoke  mainly  Greek, 
the  "  lingua  franca "  of  the  educated  class 
throughout  Europe,  and  of  the  scattered  commu- 
nities of  Jews  and  Jewish  proselytes  in  Gentile 
cities.  The  church  in  Rome  to  which  St.  Paul 
wrote  was  a  Greek-speaking  community,  and  so 
it  continued  to  be  for  seveuil  generations.  Poly- 
carp  came  to  Rome  to  confer  with  Anicetus  on 
the  observance  of  Easter  in  the  year  170.  Euse- 
bius  tells  us  (//.  E.  v.  24)  that  on  this  occasion  the 
pope — himself  almost  certainly  a  Greek — ceded 
to  the  stranger  the  privilege  of  consecrating  the 
eucharist.  It  is  in  the  highest  degree  improbable 
that  Polycarp  celebrated  in  any  other  languago 
than  Greek.  At  the  beginning  of  the  third 
century  Hippolytus  wrote  in  Greek,  and  evi- 
dently contemplated  the  church  in  Rome  as  a 
Greek-speaking  society.  The  inscriptions  on  the 
tombs  of  popes  Fabian  (a.d.  251),   Lucius  (a.D. 


1016       LITUKGICAL  LANGUAGE 


LITURGICAL  LANGUAGE 


252),  and  Eutychianus  (a.d.  275)  are  in  Greek ; 
a  fact  which,  as  De  Rossi  (^Roma  Sott.  Christ,  i. 
p.  126)  points  out,  evidences  the  official  use  of 
the  Greek  tongue  by  the  Roman  church  in  its 
solemn  acts.  And  at  an  even  later  date,  pope 
Sylvester  (t335)  wrote  against  the  Jews  in  the 
Greek  tongue ;  unless  indeed  the  treatise  which 
we  possess  is  a  Greek  translation  of  a  Latin  ori- 
ginal. From  this  time  all  trace  of  Greek  as  the 
language  of  the  church  of  Rome  vanishes ;  it 
probably  migi-ated  to  Byzantium  with  the  em- 
peror and  the  court.  Pope  Leo  (440-461)  seems 
to  have  been  ignorant  of  Greek  ;  he  was  cer- 
tainly unable  to  write  it,  for  he  speaks  of  the 
necessity  of  having  an  accurate  Greek  translation 
made  of  his  letter  to  Flavian  {Epist.  131  ad 
Julian.');  and  the  words  of  Proterius  (Leon. 
Epist.  133),  apologising  for  the  omission  of  a 
Latin  translation  of  his  letter,  the  responsibility 
of  which  (as  it  seems)  he  wished  to  leave  to 
the  pope,  seem  to  imply  that  he  could  not  read  it 
in  Greek.  Survivals  of  the  days  when  Greek  was 
the  liturgical  language  of  the  church  of  Rome  are 
found  in  the  Kyrie  Eleison  so  frequent  in  her 
services ;  in  the  use  of  the  Greek  Trisagion — 
Agios  0  Theos,  agios  ischyros,  agios  athanatos,  elei- 
son imas — in  the  Holy  Week ;  in  the  recitation 
of  the  Creed  in  Greek  on  behalf  of  a  child  to  be 
baptized  [Creed,  L  492];  in  the  reading  of 
certain  lections  in  Greek  as  well  as  in  Latin 
[Instruction,  L  862];  and  in  the  singing  of 
the  angelic  hymn  in  Greek  in  the  Christmas 
mass  (Martene,  Bit.  Ant.  I.  iii.  2,  §  6). 

In  the  half-Greek  districts  of  Southern  Italy, 
Greek  rites  naturally  lingered  long ;  but  the 
Greek  element  received  a  large  accession  when 
Leo  the  Isaurian,  in  the  eighth  century,  placed  a 
considerable  part  of  Southern  Italy  under  the 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  of  the  patriarchs  of  Con- 
stantinople, who  not  only  founded  new  sees,  but 
made  vigorous  efforts  to  introduce  Greek  rites. 
And  these  efforts  of  the  pope's  adversaries  were 
seconded  by  the  pope's  adherents ;  for  many 
Basilian  monks  who,  like  the  pope,  defended 
images,  took  refuge  in  the  same  region,  where 
they  naturally  maintained  their  own  services  in 
their  monasteries,  which  were  numerous  (P.  P. 
Rodota,  Deir  Origine,  Progresso,  e  stato  p-esentc 
del  Eito  Greco  in  Italia  osservato  dai  Grcci  Monaci 
Basiliani  e  Albanese,  Roma,  1758).  There  is  a 
strong  indication  of  the  mixture  of  the  two 
languages  in  the  following  circumstance.  The 
author  of  the  life  of  Athanasius  of  Naples  (1877), 
commonly  supposed  to  be  Peter  the  Deacon, 
speaks  of  "  laity  and  clergy  not  ceasing  in  com- 
mon prayer  in  Greek  and  Latin."  Even  the 
purely  Western  Benedictine  Order  was  not  insen- 
sible to  the  influence  of  the  Greek  colonies  in  its 
neighbourhood.  Thus  we  read  that  the  monks 
of  Monte  Cassino  on  Easter  Tuesday,  going  from 
their  monastery  to  the  church  of  St.  Peter,  sang 
mass  with  a  bilingual  chant  (Greek  and  Latin) 
to  the  end  of  the  gospel  (^Codcx  Cassin.  in  Mar- 
tene, Monach.  Bit.  III.  xvii.  n.  14). 

In  Southern  Gaul  we  find  another  region 
which  had  received  its  civilisation  mainly  from 
Greece.  There,  says  Dean  Milman,  "  Latin  had 
not  entirely  dispossessed  the  Greek  even  in  the 
fifth  century;"  and  Jourdain  {Traductions 
d'Aristote,  p.  44)  refers  to  a  MS.  of  Limoges  in 
the  National  Library  at  Paris  (No.  4458),  which 
gives  the  Gloria,  Sanctus,  and  Agnus  Dei  in  the 


mass  of  Pentecost,  in  Greek.  Doublet  {Antiq.  de 
S.  Denis,  c.  48,  p.  366)  tells  us  that  on  the  fes- 
tival of  St.  Denis  the  monks  of  the  abbey  of  St. 
Denis,  near  Paris,  chanted  the  whole  mass  in 
Greek,  in  honour  of  the  Greek  apostle  of  France, 
with  Epistle  and  Gospel  in  Latin  as  well  as  in 
Greek. 

The  MS.  Sacramentary,  No.  2290,  of  the  Paris 
National  Library,  which  is  of  the  ninth  century, 
contains  at  the  beginning  the  Gloria  in  Excelsis, 
the  Nicene  Creed,  the  Sanctus,  and  the  Agnus 
Dei,  in  Greek,  but  in  Latin  characters.  In  the  so- 
called  "  Athelstane's  Psalter"  (British  Museum, 
Galba,  A.  xviii.),  in  a  portion  of  the  MS.  which 
belongs  to  the  early  part  of  the  ninth  century, 
we  find  a  short  Litany,  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the 
Apostles'  Creed,  and  the  Sanctus,  in  Greek,  in 
Anglo-Saxon  characters.  And  in  a  Psalter  in 
the  library  of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge, 
called  "  Pope  Gregory's  Psalter,"  is  a  Creed  in 
Greek. 

At  the  time  when  Christianity  was  first 
preached,  Latin  was  rapidly  becoming  the  com- 
mon tongue  of  a  large  part  of  Western  Europe  ; 
the  conquests  of  Rome,  as  St.  Augustine  remarks 
(De  Civ.  Dei,  xix.  7),  imposed  the  Latin  language 
on  the  subject  races.  Latin  was  commonly 
spoken  in  the  Roman  colony  of  Africa,  and  in 
Africa  we  find  the  most  considerable  Latin 
writers  of  the  early  ages — Tertullian  and  Cyprian. 
St.  Augustine  tells  us  of  himself  (Conff.  i.  14) 
that  he  learned  Latin  in  the  nui'sery,  and  C6n- 
trasts  the  perfect  ease  with  which  he  acquired 
this  with  the  difficulty  which  he  afterwards 
experienced  in  learning  Greek.  In  preaching  at 
Hippo  he  assumes  that  his  congregation  all  spoke 
Latin,  while  some  at  least  did  not  understand 
the  native  Punic  ;  for,  quoting  a  Punic  proverb, 
he  thinks  it  necessary  to  translate  it  into  Latin : 
"quia  Punice  non  omnes  nostis  "  {Serin.  167,  on 
Eph.  v.  15,  16).  The  earliest  distinct  mention 
of  a  liturgical  form  in  Latin  appears  to  be 
Cyprian's  citation  of  the  Sursum  Corda  {De  Orat. 
Dom.  c.  31).  Gaul  from  the  time  of  its  subju- 
gation adopted  the  Roman  customs  and  idiom 
with  remarkable  readiness ;  and  in  later  times 
the  civilised  Gauls  imposed  their  tongue  on  their 
Prankish  and  Norman  conquerors.  An  incident 
related  by  Sulpicius  Severus  {Vita  S.  Mai-t. 
c.  9)  may  serve  to  shew  that  Latin  was  what  we 
may  fairly  call  the  vernacular  of  at  least  a  por- 
tion of  Gaul  in  the  fourth  century.  Martin  was 
taken  by  force  from  his  beloved  monastery  by  a 
crowd  of  the  neighbouring  villagers  to  be  made 
bishop.  In  the  church  to  which  he  was  taken 
some  one  in  the  crowd,  opening  a  Psalter  at  ran- 
dom, read  aloud  from  the  eighth  psalm  the  verse, 
"Ex  ore  infantium  et  lactentium  perfecisti 
laudem  propter  inimicos  tuos,  ut  destruas  ini- 
micum  et  defensorem."  »  There  was  instantly  a 
shout  raised,  for  the  people  looked  upon  the  pas- 
sage as  of  ill  omen  to  Defensor,  a  neighbouring 
bishop  who  had  opposed  Martin's  election.  In 
Spain  also,  after  its  subjugation  by  the  Romans, 
the  Latin  language  came  into  common  use.  It 
seems  also  to  have  been  spoken  in  Dalmatia. 
Jerome  at  least,  who  was  born  there,  clearly 
regarded  it  as  his  native  language,  and  complains 
that  he  never  heard  of  it  in  its  purity  while  he 


'■  The  word  defensorem  is  used  in  the  older  version 
for  the  uUorem  of  the  pre-sent. 


LITURGICAL  LANGUAGE 

■was  living  in  the  East  (^Epist.  7  [al.  43]  ad 
Chrora.  p.  18).  Even  in  Britain  after  the  time 
of  Agricola  the  upper  classes  adopted  to  some 
extent  the  Roman  language  and  customs  (Tacit. 
Agric.  c.  21). 

When  Latin  was  so  generally  diffused,  it  could 
not  fail  soon  to  become  the  vehicle  of  public 
worship.  When  public  prayer  was  first  offered 
in  Latin  in  Rome  itself  we  cannot  tell,  but  it  is 
an  obvious  conjecture  that  when  the  "  old  Italic" 
version  of  the  New  Testament  came  into  use  in 
Rome,  prayers  and  thanksgivings  were  also  said 
in  the  Latin  tongue.  That  at  an  early  date 
Latin  became  the  liturgical  languageof  (at  least) 
much  the  greater  part  of  Italy,  of  Gaul,  and  of 
Spain,  admits  of  no  doubt  whatever.  The 
"clerks"  and  officials  everywhere  spoke  Latin 
throughout  the  Western  empire.  And  even  when 
Christianity  was  introduced  into  regions  where 
little  or  no  Latin  was  spoken,  as  Britain  and  Ire- 
land, there  is  no  evidence  of  vernacular  services; 
the  early  evangelists  of  Britain,  St.  Patrick  and 
his  followers  in  Ireland,  the  Roman  missionaries 
to  the  Angles  and  Sa-xons,  alike  seem  to  have  re- 
tained the  Roman  language  in  the  offices  which 
they  introduced.  Probably  it  would  have  seemed 
a  kind  of  profonation  to  translate  sacred 
phrases  into  the  "gibberish"  of  barbarian  tribes. 
Indeed  it  came  to  be  maintained  that  a  certain 
sacredness  attaches  to  the  three  languages,  Greek, 
Latin,  and  Hebrew,  of  the  inscription  on  the 
Lord's  crass  (Hilary  of  Poitiers,  Prol.  in  lib.  Pss. 
c.  15 ;  Honorius  of  Autun,  Gemma  Animae,  i.  92), 
and  that  these  tongues  alone — Syriac  being  taken 
to  represent  the  ancient  Hebrew — are  fit  vehicles 
for  the  public  pi-ayers  of  Christians.  Hilary 
further  elevates  Latin  to  a  dominant  position 
among  the  three  tongues,  as  the  language  of 
Rome,  "  specialiter  evangelica  doctrina  in  Romani 
imperii,  sub  quo  Hebraei  et  Graeci  continentur, 
sede  consistit."  Ulfilas  did  indeed  give  the 
Goths  a  vernacular  version  of  the  Bible,  but 
-even  here  there  is  no  trace  remaining  of  Gothic 
offices. 

That  the  Latin  of  the  service-books  was  often, 
even  among  the  so-called  "Latin"  races,  a 
tongue  "  not  understanded  of  the  people  "  seems 
scarcely  doubtful.  In  Italy,  for  instance,  where 
even  at  this  day  the  peasantry  speak  several 
dialects  neither  mutually  intelligible  nor  intel- 
ligible to  those  who  only  understand  the  literary 
Italian,  we  cannot  suppose  that  the  language  of 
Leo  and  Gregory  was  everywhere  understood. 
The  same  may  be  said  of  Spain  and  Gaul,  and 
still  more  of  Britain  and  Ireland.  Provision  was 
no  doubt  made  for  instructing  the  several  races 
in  their  own  tongues  wherein  they  were  born,  and 
there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  nature  of  the 
several  offices  was  explained  to  the  faithful ;  but 
the  offices  themselves  seem  to  have  been  invari- 
ably said  in  Latin.  Whatever  may  be  the  case 
■with  the  Syriac  or  other  Eastern  offices,  in  the 
districts  where  Greek  and  Latin  were  the  eccle- 
siastical languages  the  gulf  between  the  tongue 
of  the  church  and  the  tongue  of  the  people  was 
always  widening ;  the  dialect  of  the  streets 
came  to  differ  widely  from  the  unchanging  idiom 
of  the  church,  even  while  it  retained  the  same 
name.  In  the  eighth  century  this  divergency 
became  so  marked  that  it  was  recognised  by 
authority.  A  council  at  Frankfort  in  the  year 
794  (c.  52,  Concc.  Germ.  i.  328 ;  Baluze,  Capit.  \ 


LITURGICAL  LANGUAGE       1017 

Beg.  Fr.  i.  270)  expressly  repudiated  the  theory 
of  the  three  sacred  languages,  on  the  ground 
that  God  heareth  prayer  in  every  tongue ;  and 
Charles  the  Great,  insisting  (^Capit.  v.  161,  in 
Baluze,  i.  855)  that  all  men  should  learn  the 
Creed  and  the  Lord's  Prayer,  makes  provision  for 
the  case  of  those  who  know  none  but  their 
mother  tongue :  "  qui  aliter  non  potuerit  vel  in 
sua  lingua  hoc  discat."  The  same  monarch  fur- 
ther directs  (^Capit.  vi.  185 ;  Bal.  i.  954)  that 
every  presbyter  should  teach  men  publicly  in  his 
church,  in  the  tongue  which  his  hearers  vinder- 
stand,  truly  to  believe  the  faith  of  Almighty 
God  in  Unity  and  Trinity,  and  also  those  things 
which  are  to  be  said  to  all  generally ;  as  of 
avoiding  evil  and  doing  good,  and  of  the  judg- 
ment to  come  in  the  Resurrection.  He  who 
cannot  do  this  of  himself  is  to  get  a  proper  form 
of  words  written  out  by  some  more  learned  person, 
which  he  may  read ;  and  he  who  cannot  even  do 
this  must  exhort  the  people  in  the  words,  "  Re- 
pent ye,  for  the  kingdom  of  heaven  is  at  hand." 
Herard  {Capit.  55,  Bal.  i.  1289)  ordered  that  no 
man  should  be  admitted  to  be  a  godfather  who 
did  not  understand  the  Creed  and  the  Lord's 
Prayer  in  his  own  tongue,  and  the  nature  of 
the  covenant  made  with  God.  A  council  at 
Rheims,  a.d.  813  (c.  15),  enjoined  bishops  to 
preach  in  the  dialects  of  their  several  dioceses, 
and  in  the  same  year  a  council  at  Tours  (c.  17) 
ordered  bishops  to  translate  their  homilies  into 
the  rustic-Roman  or  the  Teutonic  tongue.  So 
the  council  of  Mayence  (c.  2)  in  the  year  847. 
At  a  still  earlier  date  the  council  of  Lestines, 
A.D.  743  {Concc.  Germ.  i.  51 ;  Swainson,  The 
Nicene  and  Apostles'  Creeds,  p.  22)  had  ordered 
the  Renunciations  and  Professions  in  baptism  to 
be  made  in  the  vernacular — which  is  given  in 
the  canon — of  the  Teutonic  converts.  These 
instances  shew  that,  while  care  was  taken  to  in- 
struct the  faithful  in  the  cardinal  truths  of 
Christianity,  the  offices  in  general  were  in  the 
ecclesiastical  tongue,  Latin. 

When  the  Slavonic  races  were  converted  in 
the  9th  century,  pope  John  VIII.  (a.d.  880)  not 
only  permitted  but  recommended  that  the  divine 
offices  and  liturgy  should  be  said  in  their  ver- 
nacular. It  is  interesting  to  notice  that  he 
expressly  repudiates  the  theory  of  three  sacred 
languages  and  no  more,  saying  that  Scripture 
calls  upon  all  nations  and  all  peoples  to  praise  the 
Lord,  and  that  the  apostles  spoke  in  all  tongues 
the  wonderful  works  of  God  {Epist.  293,  ad  Swen- 
topulc.  Migne,  126,  p.  906).  Nor  is  it  (he  con- 
tinues) in  any  way  contrary  to  sound  faith  and 
doctrine  to  say  masses  in  the  Slavonic  tongue ; 
or  to  read  the  gospel,  or  lessons  of  the  Old  or 
New  Testament,  well  translated  or  interpreted  ; 
or  to  sing  other  hour-offices  in  it ;  for  He 
who  made  the  three  chief  tongues  (linguas 
principales),  Hebrew,  Greek,  and  Latin,  also 
made  the  others  to  His  honour  and  glory.  The 
pope  however  makes  this  reservation,  that  the 
gospel,  to  give  it  the  more  honour,  should 
always  be  read  first  in  Latin,  and  afterwards 
translated  into  Slavonic.  Swentopulk  and  his 
judges  may,  if  they  please,  hear  mass  in  Latin. 
The  Russian  church  retains  to  this  day  its  ver- 
nacular services. 

The  following  are  instances  of  provision  being 
made  for  the  wants  of  a  district  where  several 
languages  were  spoken.     Theodosius  the  archi- 


1018 


LITURGY 


mandrite  built  within  the  ciixuit  of  his  monas- 
tery four  churches  ;  one  for  the  brothers  of  the 
house,  in  which  the  offices  were  said  in  Greek  ; 
one  in  which  they  were  said  in  the  vernacular 
of  the  Bessae,  a  barbarous  tribe  of  the  neighbour- 
hood ;  one  in  which  they  were  said  in  Armenian  ; 
and  a  fourth  in  which  the  brothers  who  were 
vexed  with  devils,  and  those  who  had  charge  of 
them,  had  their  special  service.  The  ordinary 
daily  offices  were  thus  said  severally  ;  but  when 
the  eucharist  was  celebrated,  the  office  was  said 
in  the  several  churches  and  tongues  to  the  end 
of  the  gospel,  and  then  the  several  congregations 
(except  the  demoniacs)  assembled  in  the  Greek 
— the  proper  monastic — church  for  the  remain- 
ing portion  of  the  celebration  (Simeon  Metaphr. 
Vita  Theod.  c.  24-,  in  Surius,  Jan.  11).  It  is 
not  quite  clear  whether  the  restriction  of  the 
more  solemn  part  of  the  mysteries  to  one  church 
and  one  tongue  arose  simply  from  a  desire  to 
symbolise  more  emphatically  the  oneness  of  the 
community,  or  from  a  reluctance  to  recite  the 
anaphora  in  any  other  than  one  of  the  recognised 
"sacred"  languages;  and  the  same  ambiguity 
attaches  to  the  following  somewhat  similar  in- 
stance. St.  Sabas  is  said  (Cyril  Scythop.  Vita 
Sab.  cc.  20, 32,  in  Cotelerius,  Mon.  Eccl.  Graec.  iii. 
247,  264)  to  have  provided  the  Armenians  with 
an  oratory,  and  afterwards  with  a  church,  where 
they  might  say  the  psalmody,  the  megalion,  and 
other  portions  of  the  divine  office  separately  in 
their  own  tongue,  but  at  the  time  of  oblation 
join  the  Hellenists  and  communicate  with  them. 
The  same  event  is  narrated  in  Surius  (Dec.  5) 
in  the  following  form.  Sabas  transferred  the 
Armenian  congregation  to  the  church  which 
he  had  built,  on  condition  that  the  glorificatio 
and  reading  of  the  gospels  should  take  place  in 
their  own  tongue,  while  they  should  partake  of 
the  divine  mysteries  with  the  I'est.  And  the 
writer  adds,  that  when  some  adopted  an  addition 
made  by  Peter  the  Fuller  to  the  angelic  hymn 
[Sanctus],  Sabas  desired  them  to  chant  that 
hymn  in  Greek,  that  he  might  know  whether 
they  adopted  the  correct  version  ;  he  apparently 
did  not  understand  Armenian. 

Literature. — Ussher,  Historia  Dogm.  de  Script. 
et  Sacris  Vernaculis ;  Bona,  de  Reh.  Liturg.  I. 
V.  4 ;  Bingham,  Antiq.  XIII.  iv. ;  Martene,  de 
Eit.  Ant.  I.  iii.  2 ;  Krazer,  de  Liturgiis  Occ. 
sec.  V.  c.  3 ;  Blnterim,  DeniiwUrdigkeiten,  vol.  iv. 
pt.  2,  p.  93  ff. ;  Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chre't. 
s.  v.  Langues  Liturgiques ;  Bishop  A.  P.  Forbes, 
On  Greek  Rites  in  the  West,  in  the  Church  and 
the  World,  1867,  p.  145  ff. ;  W.  E.  Scudamore, 
Notitia  Eucharistica,  p.  207,  first  edition  ;  Probst, 
Liturgie  der  drei  ersten  Christl.  Jahrhunderte, 
Einleitung,  §  4.  [C] 

LITURGY.  (1.)  The  Greek  words  \movpyla, 
Xiirovpyo^,  Keirovpyflv,  in  their  early  usage  are 
applied  to  the  work  or  the  agent  in  any  public 
service.  Etymologically  we  may  compare 
07\ixiovpy6s.  AfiTovpyeTv  thus  means  to  perform 
come  service  for  the  public.  In  Athens,  it  came 
to  be  used  technically  for  the  duty  which  wealthy 
men  were  especially  called  upon  to  render  to 
the  state,  and  the  \fiTovpyia  was  the  ser- 
vice which  they  rendered.  [See  "  Leiturgia," 
IN  DiCTIONAKY  OF  GREEK  AND  EOMAN  ANTI- 
QUITIES.] 

(2.)  Except  in  a  passage  of  Plutarch,  where 


LITURGY 

the  limitation  is  effected  by  the  context,  we 
do  not  find  in  classical  Greek  any  sacred  appli- 
cation of  the  word  Liturgy  other  than  is  con- 
tained in  the  above.  But  in  the  Septuagint  it 
is  generally,  though  not  exclusively,  used  in  this 
behalf.  Thus  we  have  the  word  and  its  deri- 
vatives applied  to  the  service  at  the  altar  ;  or  to 
the  service  in  or  to  the  tabernacle  ;  and  in  Daniel 
vii.  10,  "Thousand  thousands  ministered  unto 
Him." 

(3.)  In  the  New  Testament  the  usage  of  the 
words  is  less  restricted.  Thus,  kings  are 
ministers  to  God,  in  attending  on  the  duties  of 
their  high  office  (Rom.  xiii.  6).  Hence  we  pass 
on  to  the  parabolic  use  of  the  word  Kiirovpy6s, 
in  Rom.  xv.  16.  "  So  that  I  should  be  a  minister  to 
Jesus  Christ  {Kurovpyhv  'I.  X.)  for  the  Gentiles, 
in  administering  in  sacerdotal  or  sacred  fashion 
{IfpovpyovvTo)  the  gospel  of  God,  in  order  that 
the  offering  up  of  the  Gentiles  might  become 
accepted,  being  sanctified  in  the  Holy  Ghost." 
Another  instance  of  this  parabolic  use  is  to  be 
found  in  Phil.  ii.  17.  "  But  even  if  I  am  poured 
out  as  a  libation  over  the  sacrifice  and  ministri/ 
(^\fiTovpyia)  of  your  faith,  I  rejoice  and  congra- 
tulate you  all."  Thus  the  special  meaning  cf 
the  word  and  its  cognates  in  any  particular  pus- 
sage  must  be  determined  (if  at  all)  by  the 
context.  There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  meaning 
in  Luke  i.  23,  "  when  the  days  of  his  ministration 
were  accomplished."  Some  doubt  is  felt  as  to  Act? 
xiii.  2,  "  As  they  ministered  to  the  Lord,  and 
fasted."  Chrysostom  explains  the  word  by  KijpvT- 
t6vtodv  (preaching):  it  would  rather  seem  to  refer 
to  some  public  ministration  to  the  Lord,  such  as 
was  accompanied  with  a  fast.  Of  the  Saviour 
it  is  recorded  (Heb.  viii.  C),  that  He  has  obtained 
a  more  excellent  ministry  than  the  ministry  of 
Aaron :  the  explanation  being  given  in  vv.  1,  2. 
"  He  is  seated  on  the  right  hand  of  the  Majesty 
in  the  heavens,  a  minister  of  the  sanctuary  and 
of  the  true  tabernacle."  Thus  the  angels  are 
ministeri\ig  spirits,  sent  forth  for  service  (ejs 
5toKo;'iai'),  for  the  sake  of  those  who  are  to  in- 
herit salvation, 

(4.)  In  early  Christian  literature  the  word 
\€iTovpye7i/  was  soon  adopted  in  reference  to 
sacred  functions.  Thus  Clemens  Romanus  (1.  c. 
8)  speaks  of  the  old  prophets  as  the  ministers  of 
the  grace  of  God,  speaking  through  the  Holy 
Spirit.  And  in  c.  44  he  speaks  of  the  office  of 
the  apostles  as  being  their  Liturgy  or  Ministry. 
In  the  process  of  time  the  word  liturgy  came, 
in  practice,  to  be  regarded  as  the  appropriate 
designation  of  the  Eucharistic  office,  but  it  is 
not  quite  clear  when  this  limitation  was  gene- 
rally accepted.  At  the  council  of  Ancyra, 
(a.d.  314),  a  presbyter  who  had  offered  to  an 
idol,  was  forbidden  (c.  i.)  "  either  to  offer  or  to 
address  the  congregation,  or  to  minister  any 
part    whatever   of   the    hieratic  ministrations," 

i)      '6\<ilS     \HT0Vpy(7v      TO.      Ttiv      lipaTlKUV       \(l- 

Tovpyiuiv.  Canon  2  enforced  a  similar  rule  on 
deacons  who  had  lapsed.  Athanasius  speaks  of 
the  Arians  stopping  the  bread  (rtav  Xtirovpywv 
Kol  TcSv  irapdivwv)  of  the  ministers  and  the 
virgins.  In  the  acts  of  the  council  of  Ephesus 
mention  is  made  of  the  evening  and  morning 
liturgies,  and  Theodoret  (iii.  114)  is  also  quoted 
as  speaking  of  the  evening  liturgj',  i.e.  the 
evening  service.  The  same  writer  (iii.  1065) 
speaks   of  the   liturgy  of  the  Holy   Baptism: 


LITURGY 

and  Ep.  cxlvi.  p.  1032,  he  says  that  in  almost 
all  the  churches  the  apostolic  benediction  (2 
Cor.  xiii.  13)  forms  the  introduction  to  the 
mystical  liturgy.  The  additional  mystical  of 
course  limits  the  term  Liturgy,  and,  in  fact, 
we  shall  find  that  this  benediction  stands  at 
the  commencement  of  the  anaphora  in  most  of 
the  liturgies  that  will  come  under  our  review. 
It  is  not  found  in  that  of  St.  Mark,  nor  the 
Coptic  St.  Basil,  nor  in  the  Mozarabic.  I  may 
mention  also  here  that  it  is  not  found  in  either 
the  iioman  or  the  Ambrosian  or  the  Galilean 
Canon.  Theodoret  therefore  refers  to  the  litur- 
gies of  the  Oriental  churches  proper.* 

(5.)  Turning  now  to  the  services  for  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  Eucharist,  which  are  specifi- 
cally called  Liturgies,  we  may  note  in  passing 
that  the  newly  discovered  complement  to  the  first 
letter  of  Clemens  Romanus  contains  liturgical 
phrases  which  we  find  also  in  the  liturgy  of  the 
church  of  Alexandria,  of  which  below.  Apart 
from  this,  the  earliest  records  of  such  service 
are  contained  in  the  letter  of  Pliny  to  Trajan, 
and  the  Apology  of  Justin  Martyr.  From  the 
former,  we  know  that  the  Christians  used  to 
meet  on  a  stated  day  before  it  was  light,  and 
repeat  alternately  a  hymn  to  Christ  as  God,  and 
bind  themselves  sacramento  that  they  would 
commit  no  crime ;  then  they  separated,  and 
came  together  again  a  second  time  to  partake  of 
food,  ordinary  and  innocent.  The  use  of  the 
word  sacramentuin  here  certainly  seems  to  point 
to  the  reception  of  the  Eucharist,  for  it  is,  of 
course,  inconceivable  that  an  oath  to  this  effect 
should  be  repeated  on  every  occasion : — it  may, 
however,  point  to  the  Baptismal  promise.  But 
^  the  accounts  in  Justin  Martyr  give  us  more  infor- 
mation. He  describes  the  service  as  it  was 
performed  after  the  administration  of  Baptism, 
and  again  on  an  ordinary  Sunday.  Combining 
the  two  accounts  together  we  learn  that  during 
the  service  the  records  of  the  apostles  or  the 
writings  of  the  prophets  were  read  by  a  special 
reader,  and,  when  he  had  ceased,  the  President 
instructed  the  congregation,  urging  them  to 
imitate  the  noble  things  of  which  they  had 
heard.  United  or  common  prayer  was  offered  for 
those  who  were  assembled,  for  those  who  had 
been  baptized,  and  for  all  believers  everywhere, 
that  now  that  they  had  learned  the  truth  they 
might  by  their  good  works  be  enabled  to  keep 
God's  commandments  so  that  they  might  attain 
to  eternal  salvation.  The  prayers  were  said 
standing,  and  apparently  by  all :  and  these 
being  concluded  they  saluted  each  other  with 
the  kiss  of  peace.  Then  bread  was  brought  to 
the  president  and  a  cup  of  wine  and  water ;  and 
now  he,  alone,  with  all  his  energy,  sent  up  his 
prayers  and  thanksgivings,  and  the  people  as- 
sented with  the  word  "Amen,"  and  the  deacons 
gave  to  each  of  those  who  were  present  a  por- 
tion of  the  bread  and  wine  and  water  over 
which  the  thanksgiving  had  been  offered,  and 
portions  were  also  sent  by  their  hands  to  those 
who  were  absent,  and,  Justin  adds,  the  wealthy 
and  willing  give  freely,  each  according  as  he 
I  wishes,  and  the  collection  is  deposited  with  the 
president,  and  he  assists  the  orphans  and  widows, 


LITURGY 


1019 


»  The  use  of  Kenovpyia  as  embracing  the  evening  ser- 
vice continued  even  to  tlie  end  of  the  6th  century  (see 
Eustratius ;  Mlgne,  86,  p.  2380  b). 


those  who  are  impoverished  by  sickness  or  other 
cause,  those  that  are  in  prison,  and  strangers 
who  may  happen  to  be  sojourning  amongst  them  : 
and  Justin  twice  announces  that  this  is  done  on 
the  day  called  Sunday.  In  his  dialogue  with 
Trypho  we  have  frequent  references  to  the  Eucha- 
rist. From  one  of  them  we  learn  that  at  the 
time  when  the  Christians  offered  their  sacrifice 
to  God,  mention  was  made  of  the  sufferings 
which  the  Son  of  God  underwent  (Dialogue, 
§  117). 

(6.)  A  question  has  arisen  whether  this  ac- 
count refers  to  the  service  in  Palestine — for 
Justin  was  a  native  of  Samaria — or  to  the  service 
near  Rome,  the  seat  of  the  emperors  to  whom 
his  apology  was  addressed.  The  question  seems 
to  be  settled  by  the  following  considerations : — 
The  kiss  of  peace  is  given  in  the  Roman  church 
in  the  solemn  mass  after  consecration:  here  it 
is  before  it.  Again,  it  is  one  of  the  points  which 
are  noted  as  differencing  the  Roman  from  the 
other  missae,  that  in  the  Roman  order  there 
was  generally  no  lesson  from  the  prophets.  Here 
there  was  such  lesson  every  Sunday. 

Thus  we  have  apparently  sufficient  warrant 
for  the  conclusion  of  Palmer  (Origines  Liturgicae, 
vol.  i.  p.  42)  that  Justin  Martyr's  account  is  of 
the  liturgy  of  the  patriarchate  of  Antioch. 
And  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  later  narratives 
agree  with  his  description  as  far  as  it  goes.  All 
the  points  he  introduces  are  found  in  the  later 
liturgy  of  Jerusalem. 

(7.)  Liturgy  of  Jerusalem. — Passing  over  for  the 
time  the  liturgy  contained  in  the  eighth  book 
of  the  Apostolic  Constitutions,  we  proceed  from 
Justin  Martyr,  who  must  have  written  about 
A.D.  150,  to  the  lectures  of  Cyril,  who  was 
bishop  of  Jerusalem  from  the  year  351  to  386. 
Cyril  has  left  us  seventeen  lectures,  delivered, 
apparently  about  the  year  347,  to  the  catechu- 
mens in  the  course  of  Lent,  and  five  to  the  re- 
cently baptized,  delivered  shortly  after  Easter. 
In  these  five  he  gives  descriptions  and  explana- 
tions of  the  sacramental  offices,  and,  in  the  last 
of  all,  an  account  of  the  Communion  Service. 
His  hearers  had  been  present  at  it,  but  they 
had  not  been  taught  the  meaning  of  its  several 
parts. 

(8.)  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  every  marked 
feature  of  the  office,  as  it  then  existed,  is  noted 
here  by  St.  Cyril.  He  commences,  however, 
after  the  dismissal  of  the  uninitiated  ;  at  a  point 
(that  is)  corresponding  to  the  close  of  the  sermon 
in  the  account  of  Justin  Martyr.  He  describes  the 
ablutions,  possibly  with  Lavabo[II.  938],  followed 
by  the  Kiss  of  peace,  and  then  proceeds  to  the 
Sursum  Corda,  Preface,  Sanctus,  Consecration, 
Intercession,  Lord's  Prayer  [Canon,  I.  269], 
Sancta  Sanctis,  Gustate,  and  Communion  [I. 
413]. 

(9.)  It  is  interesting  to  compare  with  this  the 
liturgy  of  St.  James, — the  liturgy,  that  is,  of  the 
church  of  Palestine. 

We  have  it  in  two  forms :  the  one  form  from 
two  Greek  manuscripts  (with  a  fragment  of  a 
third),  of  which  the  first  was  written  during 
the  12th  century  at  Antioch;  the  second  MS. 
appears  to  have  been  transcribed  at  Mount  Sinai 
during  the  10th  (Palmer,  i.  21,  22).  The  second 
form,  published  by  Kenaudot,  vol.  ii.  p.  29,  is 
found  in  Syriac,  and  is  still  retained  amongst  the 
Monophysites  or  Jacobites  in  the  East  (Palmer, 


1020 


LITUEGY 


i.  16).  The  points  of  similarity  are  sufficient 
to  prove  that  they  had  a  common  origin,  and 
undoubtedly  what  is  common  to  the  two  must 
have  been  in  use  in  the  united  church  'at  the 
beginning  of  the  5th  century,  i.e.  before  the 
schism  of  A.D.  451. 

(10.)  We  see,  therefore,  here,  on  the  one  hand, 
how  the  service  of  Cyril's  time  was  even  in  a 
hundred  years  augmented  by  many  additions, 
and  we  .'ind  on  the  other  that  nearly  everything 
which  Cyril  mentions  remains  untouched,  both 
in  the  Greek  and  Syriac  liturgies.  We  have 
the  "  Sursum  Corda  "  in  both, — the  "  Vere 
dignum,"  the  "  Sanctus  sanctus";  the  precise 
words  that  the  Holy  Spirit  may  make  this  bread 
the  Body  of  Christ,  and  this  cup  the  Blood  of 
Christ,  the  prayers  for  the  living,  the  com- 
memoration of,  and  the  petitions  for,  the  dead. 
The  very  words  used  by  Cyril  are  found  in  the 
Greek.  And  thus  we  take  a  step  forward  in 
our  history ;  and  it  is  interesting  further  to 
notice  that  Jerome  in  his  controversy  with  the 
Pelagians  (book  ii.  sect.  23;  Migne,  vol.  xxiii. 
p.  587),  mentions  that  the  voices  of  the  priests 
daily  sing  that  "Christ  is  the  only  sinless  One." 
We  find  the  expression  both  in  the  Syriac  and  in 
the  Greek  liturgies  before  us :  "  He  is  the  only 
sinless  one  that  has  appeared  upon  the  earth." 
Again,  in  the  same  dialogue,  book  iii.,  sect.  15, 
p.  612,  Jerome  says  that  our  Lord  taught  His 
apostles  that  "  daily  at  the  sacrifice  or  sacrament 
of  His  body  (the  manuscripts  read  Sacramento) 
believers  should  dare  to  say — Our  Father  which 
art  in  heaven."  He  refers,  no  doubt,  as  before, 
to  the  liturgy  of  Jerusalem,  for  his  work  seems 
to  have  been  written  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  Holy  City  shortly  after  the  opinions  of 
Pelagius  had  received  encouragement  from  the 
bishop  Johannes.  Once  more  in  his  commentary 
on  Isaiah,  book  ii.  chap.  vi.  v.  20  (vol.  xxiv.  88 
of  Migne),  Jerome  says,  "  Quotidie  caelesti  pane 
saturati  dicimus  ;  Gustate  et  videte  quam  suavis 
est  Dominus," — words  which  occur  (I  believe) 
only  in  the  liturgy  of  St.  James.  The  whole 
psalm  is  recited  in  the  Syriac  St.  James. 

(11.)  Further  illustrations  have  been  drawn 
from  the  Homiletic  writings  of  St.  Chrysostom, 
of  which  several  were  written  when  he  was  a 
presbyter  of  the  church  of  Antioch  (see  Palmer, 
i.  80,  and  Bingham,  Antiquities,  book  XHI.  vi.). 
It  will  be  unnecessary  to  carry  out  this  com- 
parison at  length,  but  we  may  note  that  Chry- 
sostom speaks  of  the  whole  congregation  joining 
in  common  prayer  for  those  who  were  afflicted 
by  evil  spirits  and  those  who  were  in  a  state  of 
penance ;  and  then  he  reminds  his  hearers  how, 
when  only  the  initiated  remain,  they  prostrate 
themselves  on  the  pavement,  rise  together,  and 
the  priest  alone  offers  up  the  prayers,  and  the 
people  respond.  He  mentions  the  benediction, 
"The  Grace  of  our  Lord,"  and  the  address,  "  Up 
with  our  mind  and  hearts."  He  speaks  of  the 
reasonable  service,  the  bloodless  sacrifice ;  he 
speaks  of  the  cherubim  and  seraphim,  of  the 
invocation  of  the  Holy  Spirit  to  be  present  and 
touch  the  gifts  lying  upon  the  holy  table  ;  he 
speaks  of  the  commemoration  of  the  living  and 
the  dead,  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  of  the  holy 
things  for  holy  persons,  of  the  breaking  of  the 
bread  of  the  Cortimunion.  All  these  but  one 
(of  which  below)  are  found  both  in  the  Syriac 
and  in    the  Greek,  and  so   far  our  position   is 


LITUEGY 

strengthened — that  much  that  is  common  to  the 
two  belongs  at  least  to  the  4th  or  5th  century. 

(12.)  Two  points  remain  to  be  noticed. 
i.  After  the  words  of  institution  the  oblation  in 
the  Greek  is  this :  "  remembering  then  His  life- 
giving  sufferings.  His  saving  cross.  His  death  and 
resurrection  from  the  dead,  and  His  ascension 
into  heaven  ;  His  session  at  the  right  hand  of 
Thee,  0  God  and  Father,  we  ofier  to  Thee  this 
fearful  and  bloodless  sacrifice." 

The  words  in  the  Syriac  liturgy  correspond 
almost  exactly  to  these,  except  that  the  oblation 
is  made  to  Christ :  "  We  remember  Thy  death 
and  resurrection.  Thy  ascension  into  heaven,  Thy 
sitting  at  the  right  hand  of  God  the  Father,  and 
we  ofler  to  Thee  this  fearful  and  bloodless  sacri- 
fice." The  difference  is  momentous,  and  the 
question  at  once  arises  which  of  the  two  is  the 
more  ancient  form. 

The  Syriac  is,  as  we  have  seen,  in  use  at  the 
present  day.  The  Greek  is,  as  we  shall  see, 
affected  by  later  additions  from  foreign  sources  ; 
but  this  fact  alone  would  not,  of  course,  decide 
the  question  as  to  the  original  form  of  this 
momentous  formula, 

(13.)  ii.  Our  second  point  is  this:  Palmer 
draws  attention  (^Origines,  i.  24,  25)  to  several 
indications  that  the  Greek  liturgy  of  St.  James 
has  been  affected  by  late  interpolations.  These 
we  need  not  repeat  here.  I  would  add  that  the 
introduction  of  a  Creed  in  the  proanaphora  is  a 
further  indication  that  the  liturgy  was  altered 
after  the  date  which  I  have  specified.  Another 
indication  of  change  is  this  :  that  the  prayer  for 
the  king,  mentioned  by  St.  Cyril  and  retained  by 
the  Syriac  (p.  35),  is  omitted  in  the  Greek,  proba- 
bly because  the  state  rulers  of  Palestine  favoured 
the  Jacobites  more  than  the  orthodox.  The 
appeal  x'^'/'f  Kexapnwjxivri,  which  is  introduced, 
is  entirely  out  of  place,  and  ungrammatical ;  it 
must,  therefore,  be  a  late  addition  :  and  it  is  not 
in  the  Syriac.  There  is  no  prayer  in  the  Greek 
for  the  energumeni,  nor  for  the  penitents,  nor  for 
the  catechumens,  and  no  notice  of  their  exclu- 
sion. This  fact  also  shews  that  the  text  of  the 
manuscripts  which  we  possess  had  been  altered  at 
a  period  when  the  custom  of  excluding  tho  two 
former  classes  had  ceased  to  be  observed. 

(14.)  The  paucity  of  the  Greek  manuscripts  of 
course  indicates  that  the  rite  of  St.  James  has 
long  ceased  to  be  of  general  observance ;  in  fact, 
it  was  first  interpolated  out  of  the  liturgy  of 
Constantinople,  and  then  gave  way  before  it. 
Yet  it  is  said  to  be  still  used  in  islands  of 
the  Archipelago  and  elsewhere  on  St.  James's  day, 
but  no  manuscripts  of  the  modern  form  have 
been  brought  to  the  west.  The  conclusion  is 
that  the  Greek  use  was  generally  discontinued 
before  the  13th  centui-y.  Charles  the  Bald 
stated  that  the  rite  was  celebrated  before  him  ; 
and  we  learu  from  Theodore  Balsamon  and  his 
contemporary  Marcus,  orthodox  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria, that  it,  or  a  rite  which  went  by  this 
name,  was  still  used  in  the  12th  century  on  great 
feast-days  in  the  churches  of  Jerusalem  and  the 
rest  of  Palestine.  It  was  at  that  time  unknown 
at  Antioch. 

(15.)  Liturgies  of  the  Churches  of  Egtjpt. — 
It  will  be  best  now  to  turn  to  the  liturgies 
of  the  churches  of  Alexandria,  with  which  I 
would  connect  the  liturgy  of  the  Coptic  version 
of  the  Apostolic  Constitutions.     We  have  three 


LITURGY 

notices  of  the  celebration  in  this  version  ; 
two  of  them  analogous  to  that  in  the  eighth 
book  of  the  Greek  version,  which  is  called  the 
Clementine  liturgy,  and  is  really  an  account 
of  a  service  after  the  consecration  of  a  bishop. 
There  are  several  points  of  deep  interest  con- 
nected with  the  Coptic  constitutions,  not  the 
least  that  the  Copts  had  introduced  into  their 
language  the  Greek  terms  for  presbyter,  deacon, 
bishop,  Spirit,  Eucharist,  offering,  salutation ; 
indeed  we  may  say  every  technical  term  con- 
nected with  the  celebration.  We  read  (Tattam, 
Apostolical  Cvustitutions  in  Coptic,  with  Trans- 
lation ;  Orient.  Trans.  Fund,  1848  ;  bk.  ii. 
p.  32),  "After  the  salutation  and  the  kiss  of 
peace,  the  deacons  present  the  offering  to  the 
newly-made  bishop;  he  puts  his  hand  upon  it 
with  the  presbyters,  and  says  the  eucharistia." 
It  begins  with  the  prayer,  "  The  Lord  be  with 
you  all,"  and  the  people  say,  "  And  with  thy 
spirit."  The  bishop  says,  "  Lift  up  your  hearts  ;" 
they  reply,  "  We  lift  them  up  unto  the  Lord." 
He  says  again,  "  Let  us  give  thanks  unto  our 
Lord  ;"  the  people  say,  "  It  is  right  and  just ;" 
and  then  he  is  directed  to  say  the  prayers  which 
follow  according  "  to  the  form  or  custom  of  the 
holy  offei-ing."  It  is  quite  clear  that  the  service 
was  in  Greek  throughout  when  this  version 
of  the  "  canons  of  the  apostles "  was  made. 
But  Archdeacon  Tattam,  to  whom  we  owe  our 
edition  of  the  book,  unfortunately  missed  some 
of  the  points  in  his  translation ;  and  thus,  to  the 
mere  English  reader,  his  words  can  scarcely  be 
said  to  represent  adequately  the  character  of  the 
original.  Thus  evxwfiiv,  he  translates  "  Let  us 
pray."     It  was  really  a  mistake  for  exo/u-ev. 

(16.)  We  have  a  further  account  in  the  same 
second  book  (Tattam,  p.  62).  This  may  be  com- 
pared with  the  last  lecture  of  St.  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem,  for  it  is  the  account  of  the  Communion 
as  administered  to  the  newly  baptized.  We  have 
again  the  instruction  that  the  deacon  should 
bring  the  oflering  to  the  bishop,  and  that  the 
latter  should  give  thanks  over  the  bread  and 
over  the  cup  of  wine,  because  of  the  similitude 
of  the  one  to  the  flesh  of  Christ,  and  of  the 
other  to  the  blood  of  Christ.  Mention  is  made 
of  an  offering  of  milk  and  honey  in  remembrance 
of  the  promise  made  to  the  fathers  :  "  I  will  give 
you  a  land  flowing  with  milk  and  honey."  Then 
the  bishop  divides  the  bread,  and  gives  a  portion 
to  each.  "  This  is  the  bread  of  heaven,  the  Body 
of  Christ  Jesus  "  (the  last  clause  in  Greek).  The 
presbyter  or  deacon  takes  the  cup,  and  gives 
them  the  blood  of  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord,  and  the 
milk  and  the  honey,  saying,  "  This  is  the  Blood 
of  Christ  Jesus,"  and  he  who  receives  says, 
"  Amen." 

The  account  concludes:  These  things  have 
been  delivered  to  you  briefly  concerning  the 
holy  Baptisma  and  the  holy  Offering. 

(17.)  There  is  yet  a  third  account  in  the  fourth 
book  (§  Ixv.  p.  116).  This  is  a  second  represen- 
tation of  the  service  after  the  ordination  of  a 
bishop  ;  it  is  somewhat  longer  than  the  other, 
supplying  additional  details.  Thus  we  have  the 
direction  of  the  deacon :  "  Let  no  unbeliever 
remain  in  this  place ;"  the  words  bidding  them 
salute  one  another  with  a  holy  kiss  ;  the  exclu- 
sion of  the  catechumens  and  the  "  hearers," 
and  of  all  who  were  not  partakers  of  the  holy 
mysteries.     The  deacons  bring  the  gifts  to  the 


LITURGY 


1021 


bishop  to  the  holy  altar  (eua-iaarrjpiov),  the  pres- 
byters standing  on  his  right  hand  and  on  his  left, 
and  the  "  high  priest  "  prays  over  the  offering 
that  the  Holy  Spirit  may  descend  upon  it  and 
make  the  bread  the  body  of  Christ,  and  the  cup 
the  blood  of  Christ.  Then  all  partake;  first 
the  clergy,  then  all  the  people,  and  then  all  the 
women  ;  a  psalm  was  sung  during  the  distribu- 
tion, and  when  all  was  over  the  deacons  called 
out,  "  We  have  all  partaken  of  the  blessed  Body 
and  Blood  of  Christ ;  let  us  give  thanks  to  Him  ;" 
the  bishop  gives  them  the  blessing,  and  they  are 
told  to  depart  in  peace. 

(18.)  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  rubrics  of 
these  second  and  fourth  books  represent  the  ser- 
vice at  slightly  different  epochs  ;  thus  the  word 
apxiepevs,  which  is  limited  to  the  Jewish  high 
priest  on  p.  108,  is  given  to  the  bishop  on  p.  122, 
The  word  6v(na<nriptov  occurs,  however,  twice  in 
the  first  book  (p.  20).  But  the  whole  account  will 
serve  us  as  an  introduction  to  the  later  liturgies 
of  the  church  of  Alexandria  as  we  find  them  in 
the  Greek  and  Coptic  versions. 

(19.)  Of  the  Alexandrine  Fathers,  Clemens 
speaks  {Stromat.  i.  19)  of  those  who  use  bread 
and  water  in  the  offering  not  ia  accordance 
with  the  canons  of  the  church ;  and  Origen 
of  our  offering  sacrifices  to  the  Father  through 
Christ  (on  Isa.  vi.  6 ;  Homil.  i.  near  the  e'nd ; 
torn,  xii'i.  LommatzscK).  Of  the  liturgies  that 
have  come  down  to  us  as  connected  with  various 
branches  or  offshoots  of  the  church  of  the  patri- 
archate of  Alexandria,  Renaudot  gives  several, 
but  they  may  be  reduced  to  three  distinct 
works : — 

(1)  The  Greek  liturgy  of  St.  Mark  and  the 

Coptic  of  St.  Cyril. 

(2)  A  Coptic,  Arabic,  and   Greek  liturgy,  en- 

titled the  liturgy  of  St.  Basil.  This 
must  be  carefully  distinguished,  as  we 
shall  see  hereafter,  from  the  liturgy  of 
the  church  of  Caesarea. 

(3)  A  Coptic,  Arabic,  and  Greek  liturgy,  en- 

titled the  liturgy  of  St.  Gregory  the 
Theologian,  i.e.  Gregory  Nazianzen. 

To  these  we  must  add  what  is  called  'The 
Universal  Canon  of  the  Aethiopic  Church.' 

(20.)  The  Greek  liturgy  of  St.  Mark  and  the 
Coptic  liturgy  of  St.  Cyril  are  related  to  each 
other,  as  are  the  Greek  and  Syriac  liturgies  of 
St.  James;  they  have  much  in  common  ;  but 
the  liturgy  of  St.  Cyril  has  been  used  even  to 
the  present  day  by  the  Monophysites,  who  have 
formed  the  mass  of  the  Egyptian  Christians, 
whilst  that  of  St.  Mark  was  in  use  only  for  a 
limited  time  by  the  Melchites  or  orthodox.  For 
the  latter  body  being  small  in  numbers,  and 
weak  in  influence,  have,  for  many  ages,  been 
drawn  within  the  circle  of  the  church  of  Con- 
stantinople, and  have  used  the  liturgy  of  that 
church.  And  thus  it  is  that  apparently  only 
one  copy  of  the  Greek  liturgy  of  St.  Mark  has 
survived.  This  was  found  in  a  monastery  of 
the  order  of  St.  Basil,  at  Rossano,  in  Calabria. 
Renaudot  saw  it  at  Rome  in  the  house  of  the 
religious  of  the  same  order.  The  MS.  is  of  the 
10th  or  11th  century.  By  comparing  the  two 
together,  we  are  able  to  infer  what  was  the 
common  property  of  the  whole  patriarchate 
before  the  schism  of  A.D.  451,  and  thus  also  to 
discover  what  each  body  added  at  later  periods. 

The  liturgies  of  St.  Basil  and  St.  Gregory  are 


1022 


LITUKGY 


also  used  by  the  Monophysites  (Renaudot,  i.  154); 
the  former  on  fast  days,  the  latter  on  feast  days, 
except  in  Lent  and  the  month  "  Cohiac," 
during  which  the  liturgy  of  St.  Cyril  is  used. 

(21.)  We  will  turn  first  to  the  Greek  liturgy  of 
St.  Mark  and  the  Coptic  of  St.  Cyril.  We  have 
already  mentioned  that  words  recently  dis- 
covered in  the  Epistle  of  Clemens  Romanus  are 
found  here.  These  words  are  (Bryennius,  p. 
105),  "  Raise  those  that  are  fallen  ;  bring  back 
those  who  are  wandering ;  feed  those  who  are 
hungry  ;  deliver  those  of  us  who  are  in  bonds  ; 
comfort  the  feeble-minded."  They  are  all  found 
both  in  the  Coptic  (Renaudot,  vol.  i.  p.  65), 
and  in  the  Greek  (Neale,  Greek  Liturgies,  ed. 
1868,  p.  21).  The  Coptic  has  also  :  "  Save  those 
of  us  who  are  in  trouble,"  which  are  also 
Clementine.  This  fact  is  interesting  in  more 
ways  than  one,  as  we  shall  see.  I  may  men- 
tion now  that  it  is  a  renewed  proof  of  the 
connexion  between  the  churches  of  Ale.xan- 
dria  and  Rome,  to  which  Dr.  Neale  speaks  in 
his  'General  Introduction '  (vol.  i.  p.  120).  In 
the  Greek  St.  Mark,  we  have  the  introductory 
or  proanaphoral  portion,  which  is  quite  distinct 
from  anything  in  the  Coptic.  In  point  of  fact, 
the  liturgy  of  St.  Cyril  begins  with  the  kiss  of 
peace  immediately  preceding  the  Sursum  Corda 
(Renaudot,  i.  38).  We  are  informed  that  the 
"  Preparation  "  which  is  given  in  the  Coptic  St. 
Basil  (Renaudot,  i.  1-82)  is  always  used,  what- 
ever the  liturgy  proper  may  be.  Passing  on  to 
the  canon,  I  would  observe  that  the  intercessory 
prayers,  which  are  offered  by  the  priest  after  the 
giving  of  thanks  in  the  "dignum  et  justumest," 
are  addressed  in  the  Greek  liturgy  to  the  Father, 
in  the  Coptic  to  our  Lord.  In  both,  the  Virgin 
is  commemorated,  whilst  the  "  Hail  thou  that 
art  highly  favoured,"  occurring  in  the  Greek,  is 
not  found  in  the  Coptic.  This,  therefore,  is 
apparently  of  late  introduction.  In  the  Coptic 
the  prayer  is  addressed  to  Christ  to  receive  "  the 
sacrifices  and  oblations  of  those  who  offer  on  His 
spiritual  heavenly  altar ;"  in  the  Greek  a  similar 
prayer  is  addressed  to  God.  The  petitions  which 
I  have  mentioned  just  now  as  occurring  in 
Clemens  Romanus  occur  at  this  part  of  the  ser- 
vice. The  words  of  St.  Paul  with  reference  to 
Christ  (Eph.  i.  21)  are  found  in  both,  and  thus 
it  is  with  reference  to  Christ  that  the  words 
follow,  "  Thousand  thousands,  and  ten  thousand 
times  ten  thousand  of  holy  angels  and  archangels 
stand  before  Thee  !  "  Then  the  words  of  institu- 
tion follow.  In  both  versions  the  appeal  is 
made  to  God  the  Father  that  we  are  setting 
forth  the  death  of  His  Son,  and  confessing  His 
resurrection,  and  waiting  for  His  second  coming 
to  judge  the  world  ;  and  with  this  before  our 
mind  "  we  have  set  before  Thee  Thine  own  of 
Thine  own  gifts."  The  epiclesi.s  or  invocation 
follows,  the  same  in  both,  bearing,  however,  in- 
ternal marks  that  it  was  composed  after  the 
council  of  Nicaea,  a  prayer  for  sanctification,  and 
the  Lord's  Prayer.  Here  the  Coptic  of  St.  Cyril 
lapses  into  the  Coptic  St.  Basil.  The  Greek, 
however,  proceeds  to  the  end.  The  "  Sancta 
Sanctis,"  on  p.  28,  and  the  "  unus  Pater  sanc- 
tus,"  etc.,  on  the  same  page ;  the  benediction  and 
the  dismissal,  p.  30. 

(22.)  By  comparing  the  Coptic  St.  Basil  with 
the  Greek  and  Arabic  versions  of  the  same 
liturgy,  we   are  again  able,  in  some  degree,  to 


LITUKGY 

note  the  history  of  liturgic  change.  It  would 
appear  that  many  of  the  Greek  phrases  were 
continued  in  use  in  the  Coptic  church,  as  we 
have  already  noticed  them  in  the  Coptic  version 
of  the  Apostolic  Constitutions  (Renaudot,  i.  13). 
Here,  after  the  "  Sanctus,"  the  liturgy  reverts 
to  the  history  of  our  fall,  our  being  placed 
in  paradise,  our  transgression.  It  thus  ])asses 
onwards  with  great  beauty  through  the  warn- 
ings given  by  the  prophets  to  the  birth  of 
the  Saviour,  His  love  for  us,  His  death.  His 
resurrection.  His  ascension.  Then  it  records 
how  He  left  to  us  this  great  mystery  of  piety 
(the  words  of  1  Tim.  iii.  16)  and  instituted  the 
Eucharist,  giving  the  words  of  the  institution. 
Then  it  proceeds,  as  in  the  Greek  St.  Mark,  only 
where  that  had  "  we  have  offered  to  Thee  of 
Thine  own  gifts,"  here  we  read,  "  we  do  offer 
Thee."  The  Epiclesis  follows,  in  the  Coptic  the 
appeal  being  to  Christ,  in  the  Greek  and  Arabic 
to  God. 

Then  come  the  intercessory  prayers  (not 
before  the  words  of  institution,  as  in  St.  Mark 
and  St.  Cyril),  and  these  are  addressed  to  God. 
Commemoration  is  made  also  of  the  Virgin  and 
other  saints,  including,  in  the  Coptic  St.  Basil, 
several  of  a  late  date,  and  the  diptychs  are  read 
and  the  Lord's  Prayer  follows  ;  then  an  interest- 
ing absolution  of  a  precatory  character  and  the 
"  Sancta  Sanctis."  The  fraction  takes  place  and 
a  confession  (which  we  also  find  in  the  Gregorian 
liturgy),  "  that  this  is  the  flesh  of  Christ  which 
He  received  from  the  Virgin,  and  made  one  with 
His  divinity  and  delivered  for  us  all  on  the 
cross."  Further  intercessions — in  some  respect 
like  those  of  Clemens  Romanus,  but  with  the 
addition,  "  give  rest  to  those  who  have  fallen 
asleep  before  us  " — follow  in  the  Arabic,  but  arc 
not  in  the  Coptic.  The  dismissal  of  the  people 
takes  place,  and  then  that  of  the  deacons.  This 
does  not  occur  in  the  Coptic.  The  communion 
of  the  people  is  mentioned  in  the  Coptic  (p.  24), 
but  not  in  the  Greek  or  Arabic. 

(23.)  The  liturgy  of  St.  Gregory  will  not  detain 
us  long  ;  it  begins  in  the  Greek  and  Arabic  with 
a  prayer  which  is  also  found  in  the  Greek  St. 
James  (Neale,  G.  L.,  p.  54),  with  a  few  words  in- 
terpolated that  the  "sacrifice  may  be  for  the 
rest  and  refreshment  of  our  fathers  who  have 
fallen  asleep  before  us,  and  for  the  strengthening 
of  Thy  people."  Moreover,  in  the  Greek  "St. 
James  "  it  is  addressed  to  God,  in  the  Egyptian 
"  St.  Gregory  "  to  Christ.  This  liturgy  resem- 
bles the  Egyptian  St.  Basil  rather  than  that  of 
St.  Cyril ;  after  the  ''  vere  dignum,"  however, 
there  is  a  hymn  of  thanksgiving  which  we  do 
not  find  there,  but,  in  some  respects  like  the 
other,  it  passes  on  to  a  touching  appeal  to  God. 
"No  language  can  measure  the  ocean  of  Thy 
love  :  Thou  madest  me  a  man,  not  Thyself  being 
in  need  of  my  service ;  ....  it  is  Thou  who, 
in  the  bread  and  the  wine,  hast  delivered  to  me 
the  mystic  participation  of  Thy  flesh." 

The  account  of  the  Institution  follows  in  the 
form  of  a  narrative  addressed  to  the  Saviour, 
and  the  priest  continues  :  "  Remembering  Thy 
coming  upon  earth.  Thy  Death,  Thy  Resurrec- 
tion, Ascension  and  coming  Advent,  we  offer  to 
Thee  of  Thine  own  gifts " ;  and  he  beseeches 
Christ  to  come  and  complete  the  mystic  service, 
to  send  His  Spirit  and  sanctify  and  change  the 
gifts  into  the  Body  and  Blood  of  our  redemption. 


LITURGY 

Intercessory  prayers  now  follow,  and  the  com- 
memoration of  the  saints  departed:  the  diptychs 
are  read,  and  another  appeal  to  Jesus  Christ. 
The  Lord's  Prayer  follows,  and  after  a  while  the 
thanksgiving  after  Communion  ;  but  here  both 
the  Coptic  and  the  Arabic  fail  us,  so  that  the 
prayers  in  the  Greek  which  follow  appear  to  be 
late. 

(24.)  It  remains  only  to  speak  of  the  Ethiopia 
canon,  which  commences  (Renaudot,  vol.  i.  472) 
with  some  beautiful  passages  from  Holy  Scripture. 
FroHi  p.  476  we  have  much  in  common  with 
the  Coptic  St.  Basil.  The  canon  proper  begins 
on  p.  486,  but  it  is  strange  that  we  have 
nothing  corresponding  to  the  "  Lift  up  your 
hearts  "of  almost  all  the  other  liturgies.  The 
intercessory  prayers  precede  the  words  of  institu- 
tion, and  then  follows  the  appeal,  "  We  are  set- 
ting forth  Thy  death,  0  Lord.  We  believe  Thy 
resurrection,  ascension,  and  second  advent,  and 
keeping  the  memorial  of  Thy  death  and  resurrec- 
tion we  olier  to  Thee  this  bread  and  this  cup." 
The  epiclesis  follows  :  the  prayer  for  pardon  for 
the  living,  the  prayer  for  rest  for  the  dead.  The 
Sancta  Sanctis  with  the  confession  as  we  found 
it  in  St.  Basil,  the  Communion  of  the  people, 
the  thanksgiving  after  Communion  and  the  Lord's 
Prayer — the  only  instance  that  yet  we  have 
met  with  of  such  position.  We  need  not  discuss 
the  other  Ethiopic  forms ;  they  are  seven  in 
number,  but  five  have  never  been  published 
<Neale,  i.  325).  ^ 

(25.)  Some  question  has  arisen  as  to  the  rela- 
tive claims  of  these  liturgies  of  St.  Basil  and  St. 
Mark  to  be  the  primitive  liturgy  of  the  Egyptian 
church.  Kenaudot  gives  the  place  to  "  St.  Basil," 
Palmer  to  "  St.  Mark."  The  latter  found."!  his 
judgment  in  part  on  the  comparison  of  both 
with  the  Universal  Canon  of  the  Ethiopians, 
which  he  considers  to  "  agree  exactly  in  order 
and  substance  with  the  liturgies  of  Cyril  and 
Mark,  and  no  others  "  (i.  p.  90).  An  entirely 
independent  collation  leads  the  writer  to  reject 
this  statement,  and  to  regard  the  Alexandrine 
St.  Basil,  and  the  Ethiopian  Canon  as  intimately 
connected  with  each  other.  A  comparison  of 
the  liturgies  with  quotations  by  any  of  the 
Alexandrine  Fathers,  may  facilitate  our  judg- 
ment. 

(26.)  We  shall  receive  but  little  assistance  from 
the  general  tone  of  Origen's  treatise  on  prayer, 
except  by  noting  that  when  he  expresses  (as  he 
seems  to  do)  his  wish  that  prayer  should  he  ad- 
dressed mainly  to  the  Father  "through  the  Son, 
his  language  would  seem  to  intimate  that  in  his 
time  the  general  custom  of  his  church  was  to  ad- 
dress their  prayers  to  Christ,  His  reference  to 
the  thousand  thousands  and  myriads  of  myriads 
(against  Celsus,  viii.  34)  may  be  paralleled  out  of 
■all  the  liturgies.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  (we  take  these 
references  from  Palmer,  i.  102-3)  refers  to  the 
Seraphin  (not  Cherubin  as  Palmer  has  it)  veil- 
ing their  faces  ;  this  is  not  mentioned  in  "  Basil," 
but  it  is  mentioned  in  the  others.  The  same 
father  says  {Epist.  ad  Johan.  Autinch.),  "  We  are 
taught  also  to  say  in  our  prayers,  '  0  Lord  our 
;ive  us  peace :  for  Thou  hast  given  us  all 


LITURGY 


1023 


God, 


things,'" — words  to  which  we  find  the  nearest 
resemblance  in  the  Bnsilian  Coptic  and  Greek.  St. 
Mark  has  only  "  0  king  of  peace,  give  thy  peace 
to  us  in  harmony  and  love."  Origen  on  Jere- 
miah (xiv.  §  14)  remarks,  "  We  often  say  in  our 


prayers.  Give  me  a  portion  with  the  prophets, 
give  me  a  portion  with  the  apostles."  A  petition 
resembling  this  is  found  both  in  the  Coptic  St, 
Basil  and  St.  Cyril,  and  the  Greek  St.  Mark.  It 
would  be  scarcely  fair  to  draw  from  this  the 
conclusion  that  what  is  called  St.  Basil's  Liturgv 
was  used  at  Alexandria  in  the  time  of  Cyril, 
rather  than  that  which  we  call  St.  Mark's;  but 
it  would  seem  that  when  St.  Cyril  wrote  the 
words  I  have  quoted,  the  liturgy  which  bears 
his  name  had  not  been  amended.  Other  refer- 
ences have  been  noticed  in  Dionysius  of  Alexan- 
dria, Isidore  of  Pelusium,  and  Athanasius,  but 
they  do  not  throw  any  light  on  the  point  before 
us.  It  is  worthy  however  of  remark  that  Isidore 
states  distinctly  that  the  sacerdos  or  bishop 
uttered  the  words  "  Peace  be  with  you,"  from 
the  extremity  or  highest  point  of  the  church, 
"  imitating  the  Lord  assuming  His  chair  when 
He  gave  His  peace  to  His  disciples." 

(27.)  Liturgy  of  Caesarea. — There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  St.  Basil,  who  was  bishop  of  Caesarea 
in  Cappadocia  during  the  years  370-379,  com- 
mitted to  writing,  and  delivered  to  the  order  of 
monks  which  he  established,  a  liturgy.  And  when 
we  look  at  the  well-known  words  which  have 
been  often  quoted  from  his  treatise  on  the  Holy 
Spirit  [Canon,  I.  269],  we  can  scarcely  doubt 
that  this  liturgy  preserved  (at  least  in  its  chief 
features)  that  form  and  order  which  had  been  tra- 
ditionally used  within  the  diocese  or  (possibly) 
the  patriarchate  of  Caesarea.  Our  difficulty  is 
to  recover  the  service  as  it  came  from  the  hands 
of  Basil.  We  have  the  form  which  passes  by 
his  name  and  now  in  the  East  shares  with  the 
so-called  liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  the  rever- 
ence of  the  churches.  It  is  used,  we  are  told, 
on  all  Sundays  in  Lent  but  Palm  Sunday,  on 
Maundy  Thursday  and  Easter  Eve,  on  the  festival 
of  St.  Basil  himself,  and  on  the  vigils  of  Christ- 
mas and  of  the  Epiphany.  Dr.  Neale  and  Dr. 
Littledale  {Greek  Liturgies)  have  printed  this 
from  two  recent  editions,  published  the  one  at 
Venice,  the  other  at  Constantinople ;  whilst 
Daniel  has  given  it  in  a  form  presenting  con- 
siderable variations  from  both. 

The  Alexandrine  liturgy  assigned  to  Basil 
we  have  already  noticed.  With  the  exceptions 
mentioned  below  (§  29),  it  differs  entirely  from 
the  Greek  St.  Basil.  Besides  this  there  is  a 
Syriac  liturgy  which  goes  by  the  name  of  Basil, 
a  Latin  translation  of  which  Renaudot  gives 
from  Masius  in  his  second  volume.  But  most 
important  for  our  purposes  is  the  Greek  copy, 
found  in  a  manuscript  of  the  end  of  the  9th 
century  which  belonged  once  to  the  library  of 
St.  Mark  at  Florence  (introduced  probably  at 
the  time  of  the  council),  but  is  now  in  the  Bar- 
berini  collection  at  Rome.  This  was  printed  for 
the  first  time  in  Bunsen's  Bippolytns  and  his 
Aye  (vol.  iv.),  and  again  in  his  Analecta  Ante- 
Nicaena  (vol.  iii.  pp.  201-236),  and  it  is  strange 
that  it  has  not  attracted  the  attention  it  de- 
serves. 

(28.)  This  liturgy  commences  with  the  prayer 
which  the  priest  offered  in  the  sacri.sty,  when 
he  placed  the  bread  upon  the  disc:  this  is  fol- 
lowed by  the  prayers  of  the  three  antiphons. 
These  are  all  found  in  the  liturgy  as  published 
by  Daniel,  but  we  must  exclude  here,  as  through- 
out, almost  all  the  rubrical  directions  relating 
to  the  action  and  language  of  the  deacon.     The 


1024 


LITUKGY 


prayer  of  Introit  is  given  next,  then  the  prayer 
of  the  Trisagion,  and  the  prayer  said  by  the 
bishop  when  he  took  his  throne.  This  is  now 
omitted,  in  consequence,  no  doubt,  of  the  change 
of  ritual.  Prayers  for  the  catechumens,  for 
the  faithful,  for  the  bishop  himself  (the  last 
connected  with  the  cherubic  hymn)  follow,  and 
then  the  prayer  of  oblation,  which  is  distinctly 
stated  to  be  a  prayer  of  the  holy  Basil.  The 
kiss  of  peace  here  follows,  and  the  order  to  the 
deacons  to  look  "  to  the  doors  ;"  and  the  people 
say  the  creed.  Then  come  the  apostolic  bene- 
diction and  the  '  Sursum  Corda.'  The  "  dignum 
et  justum  est  "  is  entirely  eucharistic,  and  this 
is  succeeded  by  an  eucharistic  introduction  to 
the  words  of  institution.  But  here,  unhappily, 
a  sheet  (four  leaves)  of  the  manuscript  is  missing, 
and  we  are  unable  to  say  what  was  the  exact 
form  of  the  prayer  of  invocation,  or  of  that  of 
intercession  until  we  come  to  the  petition  for 
the  clergy,  in  the  middle  of  which  the  next  sheet 
commences.  The  words  with  which  the  Lord's 
Prayer  is  introduced  are  interesting.  It  is  fol- 
lowed by  a  petition  that  Christ  our  God  would 
attend  to  us  from  His  holy  habitation,  and  come 
to  sanctify  us,  seated  above  with  the  Father,  and 
invisibly  present  with  us.  Then  the  "  sancta 
Sanctis,"  and  the  "  unus  sanctus  :"  and  the  priest 
is  directed  to  take  portions  from  the  holy  Body, 
and  place  them  in  the  holy  cup.  Then  "  after 
all  have  partaken,"  whilst  the  deacon  is  saying 
TTjy  evxV)  the  priest  eVeuxfTai.  This  is  a 
prayer  of  thanksgiving  for  the  reception.  Col- 
lects follow :  one  to  be  uttered  outside  the 
sanctuary,  the  other  when  the  priest  retires  to 
the  sacristy,  and  so  the  liturgy  concludes.  If  we 
may  supply  from  the  more  modei-n  liturgy  the 
parts  lost  in  the  missing  sheet,  availing  our- 
selves of  the  analogy  which  the  collations  of 
the  rest  of  the  work  suggest,  we  must  conclude 
that  the  words  of  institution  were  embodied  in 
an  address  to  God  the  Father,  and  pleaded  that 
'•  remembering  the  sufferings  of  His  Son,  His 
cross.  His  death,  His  resurrection,  ascension,  and 
second  coming,  and  offering  to  God  His  own  of 
His  own — in  all  things,  and  because  of  all 
things — we  bless  Him,  we  glorify  Him,  we  give 
thanks  to  Him."  In  the  prayer  of  invocation 
the  priest  pleads  that  being  admitted  to  minister 
at  God's  holy  altar,  not  because  of  his  own 
righteousness  but  because  of  God's  mercy  and 
pity,  he  draws  nigh  to  it :  and  that  having 
offered  the  antitypes  of  the  holy  Body  and 
Blood  of  His  Christ,  he  beseeches  God  that  His 
Spirit  should  come  on  the  congregation  and  the 
gifts  and  (^avaSe7^at)  exhibit  the  bread  and  cup  as 
the  precious  Body  and  Blood  of  our  Lord.  There 
is  a  prayer  that  all  who  partake  of  the  one  bread 
and  the  cup  may  find  mercy  with  all  the  saints 
(the  Virgin  and  St.  .John  the  Baptist  are  espe- 
cially mentioned),  and  then  after  a  while  the 
prayer  passes  on  to  petitions  for  the  living. 

(29.)  Reverting  now  for  a  moment  to  the  Alex- 
andiine  liturgy  of  St.  Basil,  we  must  notice 
that  the  three  prayers,  which  in  the  Greek  and 
Arabic  are  distinctly  ascribed  to  the  great 
bishop,  i.e.  the  prayer  of  the  Kiss  of  Peace 
(Renaudot,  1.  60),  the  prayer  at  the  breaking 
of  the  bread  (p.  72),  and  the  doxology  (now  in 
the  Lord's  Prayer)  and  prayer  of  bending 
the  head  (p.  76)  are  all  of  them  found  in  the 
Barberini  copy,  and  are  all  of  them  contained  in 


LITUKGY 

the  modern  liturgy.  Not  one  of  them  however  is- 
in  the  Coptic  St.  Basil ;  these  facts  may  possibly 
allow  us  to  infer  that  the  Alexandrine  Greek 
received  its  title  from  the  prayers  of  St.  Basil 
which  it  incorporated,  but  that  the  Coptic  ver- 
sion was  made  before  they  were  admitted.  If 
so,  we  ha?e  some  little  light  thrown  upon  the 
relative  dates  of  the  various  documents,  and  it 
would  appear  that  the  Coptic  is  older  than  the 
Greek  Alexandrine  in  its  present  form.  We 
have  already  mentioned  that  in  no  other  respect 
can  we  trace  any  similarity  between  the  Alex- 
andrine Basil  and  those  which  bear  the  great 
Bishop's  name  in  the  Barberini  manuscript  and 
in  the  modern  Oriental  Church. 

(30.)  Daniel  has  noted  the  portions  which  are 
common  to  the  modern  Basil,  and  the  so-called 
liturgy  of  St.  .James.  A  comparison  with  the 
Barberini  manuscript  will  help  us  to  judge  how 
far  these  portions  are  modern.  For  example,  in 
both  we  have  the  apostrophe,  "  Let  all  human 
flesh  be  silent  and  stand  with  trembling,  for  the 
King  of  kings  and  Lord  of  rulers  comes  forward 
to  be  sacrificed,  and  to  be  given  for  the  food  of 
the  faithful."  In  the  liturgy  of  St.  James  this 
is  found  near  the  commencement  of  the  service, 
when  the  priest  is  bringing  in  the  holy  gifts :  in 
that  of  St.  Basil,  it  is  placed  after  the  invocation, 
before  the  communion  of  the  priest.  It  seems 
scarcely  appropriate  in  either  place.  The  fact 
is  that  it  is  not  to  be  found  either  in  the  Syriac 
St.  James,  or  in  any  of  the  liturgies  that  bear 
the  name  of  St.  Basil. 

Daniel  is  silent  on  the  comparison  between  the 
Greek  and  Syriac  liturgies  of  St.  Basil  (see 
Renaudot,  vol.  ii.  543).  On  comparing  the  latter 
with  the  Barberini  copy  (supplemented  where  it 
fails  from  the  modern  service),  it  will  be  found 
that  from  the  apostolic  benediction  to  the  words 
speaking  of  the  memorial  of  Christ's  death  and 
resurrection,  the  language  is  nearly  identical 
(Renaudot,  ii.  545-548  ;  Bunsen,  214-223).  This 
identity  stops  suddenly  where  the  latter  has, 
"We  offer  to  Thee  Thine  own,  of  Thine  own," 
the  former  passing  on  to  an  appeal  for  mercy 
and  pardon.  The  invocation  is  nearly  identical, 
but  the  Syriac  immediately  afterwards  gives  in- 
dications of  being  interpolated  ;  it  has  a  super- 
abundance of  epithetic  additions.  This  is  fol- 
lowed by  prolonged  intercessory  prayers,  one  of 
which  connects  the  liturgy  with  the  church  of 
St.  Peter  and  St.  James ;  but  the  collect  intro- 
ducing "  Our  Father  "  is,  as  we  have  said,  the 
same.  The  prayer  beginning  "  Father  of  mer- 
cies, God  of  all  comfort,"  has  received  modifica- 
tions. The  distinguishing  feature  of  the  Syriac 
liturgy  is,  that  the  verbal  oblation  of  the  vene- 
rated and  bloodless  sacrifice  is  made  after  the 
invocation. 

(31.)  Liturgy  of  Constantinople. — The  patri- 
archate of  Constantinople  dates  from  the  year 
381,  and  the  churches  subject  to  this  metropolis 
have  used  for  many  years  a  liturgy  which  bears 
the  name  of  St.  Chrysostom.  Lebrun  contends 
that  there  was  no  liturgy  ascribed  to  this  great 
father  for  300  years  after  his  death  ;  and  it 
seems  not  improbable  that  the  work  which  now 
bears  his  name  received  that  name  as  being 
used  in  the  city  of  which  he  was  the  most 
famous  bishop  in  its  earlier  years.  The  modern 
liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  is  used  most  exten- 
sively in  the  east ;  Dr.  Neale  says,  through  the 


LITURGY 

four  patriarchates  and  Russia,  except  on  the 
days  when  the  liturgy  of  St.  Basil  is  used.  To 
us  this  is  a  disadvantage,  because,  if  this  were 
the  only  evidence  we  possessed,  it  would  be  the 
more  difficult  to  discover  what  parts  of  it  are 
truly  ancient.  Dr.  Neale  gives  the  service  as  he 
found  it  in  a  work  printed  at  Venice  in  1840, 
corrected  by  a  later  edition  from  Constantinople  ; 
Daniel  (vol.  iv.  327-372)  "  ad  normam  ecclesiae 
Graecorum  hodie  acceptam  et  probatam."  Dr. 
Neale's  book  was  originally  published  in  the 
year  1850,  two  years  before  Baron  Bunsen  printed 
in  the  fourth  volume  of  his  work  Hippolyius 
and  his  Age,  a  transcript  of  this  liturgy  from 
the  Barberini  manuscript.  It  seems  to  be  inex- 
cusable, however,  that  Daniel,  whose  fourth 
volume  came  out  in  1853,  should  have  been  con- 
tent with  the  meagre  collations  with  this  MS. 
given  bv  Gear  in  his  Euchologion,  and  have 
neglected  the  transcript  of  Bunsen. 

(32.)  With  the  aid  of  this  manuscript  we  may 
put  upon  one  side  as  of  uncertain  date  the 
thirteen  paragraphs  which  occupy  pages  337 
to  339  in  Daniel's  book,  and  besides  this,  we 
must  reject  the  eight  succeeding  pages,  with  the 
exception  of  one  brief  prayer.  Almost  all  the 
rubrical  directions  (as  in  St.  Basil)  disappear ; 
they  belong  to  a  period  since  the  time  of  Charle- 
magne. Once  more,  the  prayers  which  the  deacon 
is  requested  to  repeat  outside,  whilst  the  priest 
within  the  veil  is  praying  fxviTTiKcis,  must  be 
rejected  also  as  of  later  introduction ;  and  the 
division  of  the  consecrated  bread  into  the  four 
parts,  each  part  containing  two  letters  of 
icxcNiKA  [see  Elements,  I.  603;  Fraction, 
I.  687],  is  also  proved  to  be  later. 

The  rubric  directing  the  elevation  of  the  bread 
(Daniel,  p.  365 ;  Neale's  G.  L.  p.  140)  is  also 
shewn  to  be  modern  ;  so  too  the  introduction  of 
the  boiling  water.  And  one  thing  more  attracts 
attention.  As  in  the  rite  of  St.  Basil  so  here, 
it  was  assumed  that  all  would  partake.  This  is 
altered  now.  Lastly,  in  the  modern  Greek  ritual 
there  is  an  appeal  at  the  very  close  to  St.  John 
Chrysostom  that,  "  having  used  his  liturgy,  we 
may  have  his  intercession  that  our  souls  may  be 
saved ;"  this  is  also  proved  now  to  be  of  later  date 
than  the  year  900.  Indeed,  the  liturgy  itself  is 
sine  titulo  (Bunsen,  iii.  197).  The  very  ascription 
of  the  Liturgy,  therefore,  to  St.  Chrysostom  may 
be  of  a  date  subsequent  to  the  time  when  this 
MS.  was  transcribed. 

(33.)  It  only  remains  for  us  to  note  that  in  this 
the  early  edition  of  St.  Chrysostom,  the  Kiss  ot 
Peace  precedes  the  Creed,  and  the  Creed  precedes 
the  Apostolic  Benediction.  The  "  dignum  et 
justum  est "  is  truly  eucharistic,  and  the 
"  Sanctus,  sanctus  "  is  speedily  followed  by  the 
words  of  institution.  The  text  with  reference 
to  the  bread  resembles  that  accepted  now  in  the 
Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  tovt  ((tti.  rh  c(ofj.d. 
ft-ov  rh  VTTip  vfj.aiv.  The  liturgy  proceeds  :  "  Re- 
membering His  saving  command  and  all  things 
done  by  Him,  and  oHering  Thine  own  of  Thine 
own,  we  praise  Thee."  The  priest  proceeds: 
"We  offer  to  Thee,  moreover,  this  reasonable 
and  bloodless  service,  and  we  beseech  Thee,  send 
down  Thy  Holy  Spirit  on  us  and  on  these  gifts 
that  lie  here  befcire  Thee,  and  make  this 
broad  the  Body  of  Thy  Christ  .  .  .  ."  The 
offering  is  represented  as  made  on  behalf  of  all 
who  have  gone  to  rest  in  the  faith,  "  Fathers, 


LITURGY 


1025 


patriarchs,  prophets,  especially  the  Holy  Virgin." 
Then  intercessions  follow  on  behalf  of  the  living ; 
— amongst  them,  "for  those  in  mountains, 
caves,  and  holes  in  the  earth."  (This  is  now 
omitted.)  "  For  faithful  Kings,  and  our  Queen. 
lover  of  Christ."  (This  possibly  points  to  a 
precise  date  when  the  original  of  this  manu-cript 
was  prepared.)  Then  there  is  a  prayer  of  com- 
mendation to  God  of  ourselves,  our  lives,  and 
our  hopes,  followed  by  the  Lord's  Prayer.  Christ 
is  entreated  to  come  to  sanctify  us.  At  last 
we  have  the  "  Sancta  Sanctis,"  the  "  Unus 
sanctus,"  and  the  thanksgiving  after  the  Com- 
munion. 

(34.)  Liturgy  of  the  Nestorians  or  Chaldean 
Christians. — Notwithstanding  the  fearful  mas- 
sacres to  which  even  during  the  last  forty  years 
they  have  been  subjected,  there  still  remain 
among  the  cities  of  Mesopotamia  Christians  who 
trace  their  origin  to  the  influx  of  Nestorians 
after  the  council  of  Ephesus.  They  possess  three 
liturgies,  or  rather  three  anaphorae,  ascribed 
respectively  to  the  Apostles  (i.  e.  SS.  Adaeus  or 
Thaddeus  and  Mari),  to  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia, 
and  to  Nestorius  himself.  Those  are  used  at 
specified  times  of  the  year,  but  the  pro-anaphoral 
and  post-Communion  portions  of  the  liturgy  of 
the  "  Apostles  "  are  never  omitted.  Latin  trans- 
lations of  the  three  from  Syriac  manuscripts 
brought  into  Europe  by  emissaries  of  the  Roman 
church  are  given  by  Renaudot  in  his  collection 
(vol.  ii.). 

An  English  translation  of  the  services  now  in 
use  has  been  recently  published  by  Dr.  Badger. 
Any  effort  to  point  out  what  portions  of  these 
are  really  ancient,  apart  from  the  instruction  we 
have  received  from  our  previous  investigations, 
must  rest  on  hypothesis  only ;  hut  the  distin- 
guishing features  of  the  liturgy  of  the  Apostles 
are  (1)  that  in  it  our  Lord's  words  of  institu- 
tion are  not  introduced  at  all,  and  (2)  that  the 
prayers  of  intercession  both  for  the  living  and 
the  dead  are  connected  with  the  oblation  which 
is  made  before  the  epiclesis.  In  the  liturgies  of 
Theodore  and  of  Nestorius,  the  words  of  institu- 
tion are  found.  It  would  certainly  seem  from 
this  that,  so  far,  the  'Liturgy  of  the  Apostles' 
must  be  very  ancient,  as  it  is  inconceivable  that 
the  words  of  our  Lord,  if  at  any  time  brought 
into  the  service,  could  at  any  subsequent  period 
have  been  omitted  (see  §  59  below). 

There  are  some  points  of  difference  between 
the  liturgy  as  given  by  Renaudot  and  that  given 
by  Dr.  Badger,  indicating  probably  that  even 
during  the  last  few  hundred  years  additions  have 
been  made  to  that  which  had  been  in  use ;  but 
as  these  additions  must  fall  into  a  period  far 
below  the  9th  century,  it  is  unnecessary  to  discuss 
them  further  here.  We  should  mention,  how- 
ever, that  the  canon  begins  with  the  ajiostolic 
benediction,  and  we  have,  as  everywhere  else,  the 
"  sursum  corda."  The  words  are  intro'iuced 
simply  in  the  liturgy  of  the  Apostles  ;  but  in 
the  liturgies  of  Theodore  and  Nestorius,  as  given 
by  Dr.  Badger,  they  are  embodied  in  a  highly 
rhetorical  appeal.  Some  passages  of  a  Ncsto- 
rian  tendency  are  discoverable  in  the  last-named 
liturgy.     The  other  two  have  no  such  traces. 

(35.)  Liturgy  of  the  Apostolic  Constitutions. — 
It  remains  now  only  that  we  should  briefly 
discuss  the  liturgy  of  the  Apostolic  Constitu- 
tions,  commonly   called,    "The  Liturgy  of  St. 


1026 


LITUKGY 


Clement."  [Apostolical  Constitutions,  I.  pp. 
119-126.]  We  have  already  given  (§§  15, 
17)  a  brief  account  of  the  Eucharistic  services 
as  we  find  them  in  the  Coptic  edition  of 
these  constitutions.  Ludolf,  in  his  Oommentarius 
ad  Historiam  Aethiopicam  (pp.  324-327),  gives  a 
Latin  translation  of  the  corresponding  passage 
in  the  Ethiopic  version  of  the  constitutions. 
This  has  been  reproduced  by  Baron  Bunsen  in  his 
Analecta  Ante-Nicaenn  (vol.  iii.  pp.  106-126).  It 
commences  with  "  The  Lord  be  with  you,  and 
v/ith  thy  spirit.  Up  with  your  hearts,"  etc.  ; 
then  an  Eucharistic  address  to  God  for  the  gift 
and  work  of  His  Son,  passing  at  once  to  the 
words  of  institution,  which  are  given  in  the 
simplest  form.  The  prayer  proceeds,  "calling 
to  mind,  therefore,  His  death  and  His  resurrec- 
tion," etc.,  "  we  ofler  to  Thee  this  bread  and 
cup,  rendering  Then  thanks  that  Thou  hast  made 
■us  worthy  to  stand  before  Thee,  and  to  perform 
the  functions  of  Thy  priesthood."  The  Holy 
Spirit  is  invoked  upon  the  oblations,  but  there  is 
no  prayer  that  He  will  make  them  the  Body  and 
Blood  of  Christ.  The  prayer  is,  "  that  those 
who  partake  of  the  gifts  may  be  fulfilled  with  that 
Spirit."  We  have  the  "  Sancta  Sanctis,"  and 
the  "  Uuus  Pater  sanctus,"  etc.,  and  the  "  Hymn 
•of  Praise ;"  the  latter,  possibly,  consisting  of  the 
148th  Psalm.  The  people  enter  to  receive  the 
"  medicine  of  their  souls,"  and  the  thanksgiving 
follows  with  a  collect.  The  service  concludes, 
"  Depart  in  peace,  and  so  the  Eucharist  is  ac- 
complished." It  will  be  noticed  that  the  Lord's 
prayer  is  not  introduced. 

(36.)  Neither  is  the  Lord's  Prayer  introduced 
in  the  so-called  liturgy  of  St.  Clement.  This 
liturgy  is  found  in  some  MSS.  of  the  eighth  book 
of  the  Greek  Apostolical  Constitutions,  but  in  the 
valuable  O.xford  manuscript  {Codex  Baroccianus) 
it  is  entirely  omitted.  There  are  other  marks 
that  it  is  an  interpolation  of  late  date.  In  the 
manuscripts  where  it  occurs,  it  follows  on  the 
service  for  the  consecration  of  a  bishop,  as  it  does 
in  the  Coptic  and  Ethiopic  constitutions.  The 
Greek  liturgy  begins  with  the  apostolic  benedic- 
tion, and  the  unbelievers,  the  hearers,  the  cate- 
chumens, etc.,  are  then  dismissed  in  order.  Then 
comes  a  long  intercessory  prayer,  the  "  kiss  of 
peace  "  is  given,  and  the  apostolic  benediction  is 
repeated  in  a  slightly  different  form  ;  we  have 
the  "sursum  corda"  and  the  "dignum  et 
justum."  This  is  Eucharistic,  detailing  the 
blessings  of  the  creation  and  the  history  of 
God's  dispensations  to  mankind.  When  we  reach 
the  victories  of  Joshua,  the  ascription  of  glory 
by  the  Cherubim  and  Seraphim,  "  Sanctus, 
sanctus,  sanctus,"  is  introduced,  and  the  Thanks- 
giving passes  on  to  record  the  mercies  of  the 
incarnation,  death,  burial,  resurrection,  and 
ascension  of  our  Lord;  then  the  bishop  intro- 
duces the  words  of  institution,  and  recites  how, 
"  Remembering  His  sufferings.  His  resurrection. 
His  ascension,  and  second  coming,  we  offer  to 
Thee,  our  King  and  God,  according  to  His  appoint- 
ment, this  bread  and  this  cup,  giving  thanks  to 
Thee  by  Him ;"  then  follow  the  epiclesis  and  the 
great  intercessory  prayer,  the  various  clauses  of 
which  are  introduced  by  the  words,  "  We  pray 
Thee,"  or  "  we  entreat  Thee,"  or  "  we  ofler  to 
Thee,"  or  "  we  beg  Thee."  After  this  come  the 
"  Sancta  Sanctis  "  and  the  "  Glory  to  God  in  the 
highest."     All  the  people  receive  in  order ;  first, 


LITURGY 

presbyters,  then  deacons,  sub-deacons,  etc.  The 
psalm,  "  I  will  always  give  thanks  to  thee," 
(which  includes  the  words,  "  0  taste  and  see,") 
is  sung  during  the  Communion.  The  post-Com- 
munion service  begins  with  a  prayer  of  thanks- 
giving, the  benediction  from  the  bishop  follows, 
the  deacon  says,  "  Depart  in  peace." 

(37.)  Considerable  doubts  are  felt  as  to  whether 
the  liturgy  was  ever  celebrated  after  this  fashion. 
At  all  events  we  have  here  the  advantage  of 
examining  a  rite,  as  it  was  proposed  at  some  time 
not  later  than  the  4th  century.  It  can  scarcely 
have  been  altered  or  interpolated  since  that 
time.  It  is  worthy  of  mention  that  the  liturgi- 
cal expressions,  which  have  been  noted  in  the 
recently  recovered  pages  of  the  genuine  Epistle 
of  Clemens  Romanus,  are  not  found  here  as  they 
are  found  in  the  Alexandrine  service  books  ;  this 
would  be  an  additional  proof,  if  proof  were 
wanting,  that  the  ascription  of  the  liturgy  to 
St.  Clement  is  purely  fictitious. 

(38.)  Liturgij  of  the  Churches  of  Carthage,  etc. — 
In  passing  from  Alexandria  along  the  coast  of 
Africa  to  Carthage  we  pass  from  an  order  of 
things  of  which  the  characteristics  were  Greek 
to  another  whose  characteristics  were  Latin. 
The  early  writers  of  the  Carthaginian  churches 
are  so  important  and  so  voluminous  that  from 
their  works  which  have  come  down  to  us  we 
can  supply  many  details  of  the  Carthaginian 
services — our  sources  of  information  being  per- 
haps more  trustworthy  than  any  "liturgy" 
would  be  which  professed  to  have  been  prepared 
by  St.  Augustine.  Thus  we  know  from  Tertullian 
{Apology,  xxxix.)  that  in  the  gatherings  of  the 
faithful,  "  the  most  approved  seniors  presided." 
The  same  chapter  in  the  Apology  mentions 
that  at  their  gatherings  the  Christians  in 
one  body  sued  God  by  their  prayers.  They 
prayed  for  the  emperors  and  for  their  ministers, 
for  the  state  of  the  world,  for  the  quiet  of  all 
things,  "  for  the  delay  of  the  end."  The  sacred 
writings  were  called  to  remembrance,  selections 
being  made  apparently  with  a  view  to  the 
emergencies  of  the  times, — and  an  exhortation 
followed.  Then  we  infer  that  all  were  directed 
to  leave  the  church  who  were  under  censure. 
A  collection  of  money  was  made  on  one  day  of 
the  month,  the  money  collected  being  used  for 
the  relief  of  the  poor,  and  for  the  succour  of 
those  who  were  suffering  for  conscience  sake. 
No  doubt  Tertullian  is  describing  features  of  the 
ordinary  Sunday  Eucharist.  The  section  passes 
on  to  speak  of  the  Agapae.  Elsewhere  we  learn 
that  the  passages  from  Scripture  were  taken 
from  the  Prophets,  from  the  Epistles  or  Acts  of 
the  Apostles,  and  from  the  Gospel  {Apology, 
xxii.),  and  that  psalms  or  {Ad  Uxor.  ii.  9)  hymns 
intervened  between  these  sections.  Tertullian 
frequently  insists  that  these  rites  had  been 
"  handed  down  to  us."  In  praying  they  turned 
to  the  east  {Apology,  xvi.),  lifting  up  their 
hands  to  God  the  Father  {Idolat.  vii.  7).  We 
have  two  ascriptions  of  glory,  one  {Ad  Uxor. 
i.  1)  "  To  whom  be  honour,  glory,  majesty, 
dignity,  and  power,  for  ever  and  ever."  The 
other  {l)e  Oratione,  iii.),  "To  whom  be  honour 
and  power  for  all  ages." 

With  regard  to  the  second  part  of  the  eucha- 
ristic office,  to  which  he  apparently  gives  the 
title  '  Officium  sacrificii '  we  have  additional 
evidence.     The  prayers  for  the  emperor  seem  to 


LITURGY 

have  been  repeated  here;  the  words  Sursum 
suspicicntes  (Apology,  xxx.)  probably  refer  to  the 
Sursum  corda,  which  we  know  was  used  at 
Carthage  in  the  time  of  Cyprian.  The  Lord's 
Prayer  formed  part  of  the  prayers ;  after  it  the 
faithful  drew  near  and  gave  to  each  other  the 
kiss  of  charity  (de  Oratione,  xiv.).  The  com- 
munion followed.  This  part  of  the  service  was 
undoubtedly  kept  as  a  mystery  from  unbelievers. 
At  some  time  during  the  service  apparently, 
special  mention  was  made  of  individuals  by  whom 
or  on  whose  behalf  the  oblations  were  offered. 
With  reference  to  the  living,  this  seems  to  have 
been  done  on  the  day,  monthly  or  otherwise, 
when  they  made  their  gifts ;  on  behalf  of  the 
dead,  on  the  anniversary  of  their  removal. 

(39.)  Cyprian,  who  died  in  258,  gives  us  infor- 
mation which  indicates  the  progress  of  ritual 
<!ven  in  the  few  years  which  had  elapsed  since 
the  writing  of  these  works  of  Tertullian's.  The 
offerer  is  the  bishop  (sacerdos)  or  the  presbyter, 
"  they  offer  the  sacrifices  to  God "  (Epistles 
iv.  and  bviii.).  The  sacrifice  was  celebrated 
daily  (Ep.  liv.).  The  lessons  were  read  from 
a  pulpitum.  The  Sursum  corda  and  Hahemus 
ad  Dominum  are  spoken  of  explicitly  in  the 
treatise  on  the  Lord's  Prayer.  The  mixed 
cup  was  used,  signifying,  as  Cyprian  stated, 
"  the  union  of  Christ  with  His  people."  The 
sacrament  was  given  into  the  hands  of  the 
people ;  and  frequently,  if  not  generally,  they 
took  a  portion  of  it  home,  reserving  it  in  a  small 
box,  and  partaking  of  it  from  day  to  day.  The 
bread  and  wine  used  for  the  sacrament  were 
taken  out  of  that  which  had  been  offered,  and 
Cyprian  complains  of  the  rich  as  at  times  con- 
suming a  part  of  the  sacrifice  which  the  poor 
had  offered.  —  Towards  the  end  of  the  4th 
century  (a.d.  398)  the  well-known  laws  were 
enacted,  forming  part  of  the  canons  of  the  African 
church,  by  which  the  offerings  at  the  sacra- 
ment were  restricted  to  bread  and  wine  mixed 
with  water,  and  the  sacrament  was  always  to 
be  received  fasting,  except  on  Maundy  Thurs- 
day, and  at  the  altar  prayer  was  always  to 
be  addressed  to  the  Father.  These  are  fre- 
quently spoken  of  as  if  they  were  canons  of  the 
universal  church.  As  a  body  they  seem,  how- 
ever, in  the  first  instance,  to  have  been  observed 
only  in  the  country  where  they  were  enacted, 
and  we  have  had  numerous  instances  already 
which  shew  that  the  last  canon  was  never 
accepted  in  the  churches  of  the  East. 

(40.)  We  come  now  to  St.  Augustine,  from 
whose  voluminous  writings  we  may  learn  much 
on  the  subject  before  us.  Mone  (Lateinische  und 
Griechische  Messen)  has  collected  from  Augus- 
I  tine's  sermons  the  chief  passages  there  found 
j  bearing  upon  the  liturgy,  and  to  him  I  am 
indebted  for  much  contained  in  this  and  the 
preceding  paragraphs.  The  exclusion  of  all  save 
the  initiated  and  those  in  full  communion  with 
the  church  from  being  present  at  the  Eucharist, 
was  still  most  rigidly  maintained  in  the  province 
of  Carthage.  The  three  lessons  from  the  Pro- 
phet, Epistle  and  Gospel  were  now  taken  appa- 
rently according  to  a  fixed  rule;  between  the 
Epistle  and  the  Gospel  a  psalm  was  sung  (Sermon 
<;lxv.  1):  and  this  was  the  daily  use  of  the 
church.  The  second  part  of  the  service  (Ser- 
mon 311)  commenced  with  the  Sursum  corda, 
in  which  the  answer  of  the  people  was  Ilabemus 

CHRIST.  ANT,— VOL.  II. 


LITUEGY 


1027 


ad  Dominum ;  the  priest  responded,  "  Let  us 
give  thanks  to  our  Lord  God"  (68,  5).  The 
people  attested,  "/i  is  meet  and  right  so  to  do" 
(227).  In  the  canon  the  martyrs  were  men- 
tioned, but  prayer  no  longer  was  made  on  their 
behalf.  The  prayer  of  consecration  is  called 
the  Sanctificatio,  and  Augustine  reserves  to  the 
priests,  as  distinct  from  the  laity,  the  function 
of  offering  the  sacrifice.  After  the  consecration 
followed  the  Lord's  Prayer,  apparently  said  by 
the  clergy  alone.  The  Pax  vobiscum  followed, 
and  the  kiss  of  peace  (Sermon  227).  Then  the 
communion,  then  the  dismissal.  Apparently 
there  was  at  some  period  a  confession  of  sins, 
beginning  with  the  word  confiteor  (Sermon  67), 
at  which,  as  well  as  at  the  petition  Forgive  us 
our  debts,  the  people  smote  their  breasts. 
Augustine's  se-rmons  give  us  of  course  ample 
illustrations  of  the  addresses  which  were  made  to 
the  people  on  these  occasions,  no  doubt  at  the 
early  part  of  the  service,  as  in  the  time 
of  Tertullian;  and  the  great  bishop  tells  us 
(Sermon  f  9),  that  post  sermonem  jit  missa  cate- 
chumenis :  manebunt  fideles. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  we  have  had  no  inti- 
mation here  of  the  apostolic  benediction,  with 
which  the  Greek  liturgies  generally  commence, 
nor  a  word  informing  us  of  the  character  of  the 
prayer  of  consecration.  There  is  no  intimation 
of  any  epiclesis  or  invocation  ;  no  hint  given 
as  to  the  sanctus.  Of  course  we  must  remem- 
ber that  the  Communion  office  proper  was 
essentially  a  mystery,  and  we  have  no  right 
to  expect  a  priori  that  the  sermons  would  give 
us  as  much  information  regarding  it  as  in  fact 
they  do.  We  might  surmise  that  Augustine's 
private  letters  would  prove  a  more  fertile  field 
of  information  than  his  sermons. t"  To  these, 
therefore,  let  us  now  turn. 

(41.)  I  would  mention,  therefore,  first,  that 
we  read  in  Letter  cxxxiv.,  addressed  to  Apringius, 
the  pro-consul,  that  Augustine  "  invoked  Christ 
on  his  behalf  in  the  holy  mysteries."  Thus  we 
have  an  instance  here  of  a  prayer  addressed  to 
Christ.  A  reference  to  the  feasts  held  in  the 
churches,  and  deemed  by  the  ignorant  people  to 
be  "  solatia  mortuorum,"  will  be  found  in  No. 
xxii.  Infants  communicated,  indeed  their  com- 
munion was  deemed  to  be  necessary  for  their 
salvation  (Epist.  clxxxii.  §  5,  and  clxxxvi.  §  29). 
The  offering  was  considered  to  be  of  the  Body 
and  Blood  of  the  Lord  ;  and  Augustine  mentions 
that,  on  one  certain  day  of  the  year  (of  course 
Maundy  Thursday),  it  was  received  in  the 
evening.  His  sermons  have  not  spoken  of  any 
benediction,  but  Letter  clxxix.  (§  4)  shews  that 
there  was  one,  and  tells  us  what  the  form  of  the 
benediction  was.  The  bread  used  at  the  Com- 
munion appears  to  have  been  brought  to  the 
church  in  the  form  of  one  loaf.  At  all  events, 
Augustine  says  (Epist.  clxxxv.  §  50,  p.  994  of 
Gaume.)  that  the  one  bread  is  the  sacrament  of 
unity.  Letter  ccxvii.  (Gaume,  p.  1212)  speaks 
of  the  priest  at  the  altar  exhorting  the  people 
to  pray  for  unbelievers,  that  God  would  con- 
vert them  to  the  faith ;  for  the  catechumens, 
that  He  would  inspire  in  them  a  desire  for 
regeneration ;    and    for   the    faithful,    that    by 

b  The  sermons  ad  infantes  de  Sacramento  (227  and 
272)  contain,  however,  much  information  to  our  pur- 
pose. 

3  X 


1028 


LITURGY 


His  gift  they  may  persevere  in  that  which 
they  have  begun — a  prayer  analogous  to  what 
we  have  seen  in  the  liturgy  of  St.  Clement. 
The  Domine  Deus  Sabaot/i,  and  the  Holy,  Holy, 
Holy,  are  introduced  in  his  interesting  letter  to 
Januarius  (Iv.),  in  which  mention  is  also  made 
of  the  Alleluia,  and  of  the  custom  of  praying 
standing  between  Easter  and  Pentecost. 

In  the  Oriental  liturgies  mentioa  was  made  of 
the  church  dispersed  throughout  the  world;  the 
words  are  found  in  Letter  Ixxxvii.  The  custom  of 
adoring  is  referred  to  in  more  than  one  place.  But 
the  classical  passage  is  in  his  famous  letter  to  Paul- 
inus  (No.  cxlix.),  in  which  he  tries  to  explain 
the  meaning  of  the  different  words  in  1  Tim.  ii.  1, 
prayers,  orations,  supplications,  etc.  If  we  take 
the  words  as  they  are  found  consecutively  in  our 
version,  he  would  say  that  the  sujjplications 
embrace  all  that  is  done  in  the  celebration  of  the 
sacrament  before  that  which  is  on  the  table  of 
the  Lord  begins  to  be  blessed, — the  prayers, 
when  it  is  being  blessed  and  sanctified  and  broken 
for  distribution,  the  part  "  which  ends  in  almost 
every  church  with  the  Lord's  Prayer," — the 
intercessions,  when  the  people  is  being  blessed 
by  the  imposition  of  hands  and  commended  to 
God's  great  mercy, — the  giving  of  thanks,  con- 
cluding all. 

(42.)  We  thus  have  the  following  clearly  laid 
down  as  contained  in  the  African  Liturgy  in  the 
time  of  St.  Augustine.  The  preliminary  part 
included  lessons  from  Scripture,  hymns,  sermons, 
and  the  prayers  for  the  unbelievers,  catechumens, 
and  believers  which  we  have  described  above. 

Then,  all  being  excluded  except  the  initiated, 
the  oblations  of  the  people  appear  to  have  been 
made,  and  the  opening  words,  '■  Sursum  corda," 
with  the  "  Vere  dignum  et  justum  est;"  with  this 
we  connect  of  course  the  "  Sanctus."  Then 
came  what  Augustine  would  call  the  "sancti- 
fication  of  the  sacrifice,"  concluding  with  the 
fraction,  and  probably  a  prayer  of  fraction, 
such  as  we  found  in  the  Alexandrian  litur- 
gies ;  the  Lord's  Prayer  ensued.  Then  came 
the  kiss  of  peace,  this  being  followed  by  the 
benediction  of  the  people,  "  whom  the  priest 
offers  up  to  God;"  then  the  participation  of  the 
sacrament  and  the  giving  of  thanks, — the  last 
part  of  the  service  before  the  dismissal.  The 
three  petitions  mentioned  by  Augustine  (Letter 
cxlix.)  are  also  mentioned  by  Fulgentius  of  Ruspe 
in  his  letter  to  Bitellus  (No.  cvii.) ;  two  of  them 
are  alluded  to  in  a  treatise  of  the  same  bishop, 
Be  bono  perseverantiae.  It  is  probable  that  no 
great  change  was  introduced  into  the  liturgy  for 
many  years  after  the  death  of  the  great  bishop 
Augustine. 

(43.)  Spanish  Liturgies,  of  the  time  of  Isidore. 
— The  liturgy  of  the  Spanish  Church  in  its 
earlier  years  has  a  singular  interest  in  several 
respects.  It  is  quite  clear  that  it  was  framed  in 
the  first  instance  independently  of  the  Roman 
Church,  although  in  the  time  of  Innocent  the 
First  great  efforts  were  made  to  render  it  similar 
to  that  of  the  church  of  the  prince  of  the  Apos- 
tles. But  time  was  required  for  these  efforts  to 
succeed.  Thus  Gu^ranger  (vol.  i.  p.  133)  refers 
to  a  council  of  Gironne,  held  in  the  year  517 
(Labbe,  vol.  i.  p.  568),  the  first  canon  of  which 
directed  that  throughout  the  province  of  Tarra- 
gona the  use  of  the  metropolitan  church  was  to 
$e  observed.     The  council  of  Braga,  in  the  year 


LITURGY 

565,  passed  an  enactment  of  the  same  character 
for  the  province  of  which  it  was  the  metropolis, 
which  would  be  nearly  conterminous  witli  Gal- 
licia.  The  same  lessons  were  to  be  read  at  mass 
through  all  the  churches ;  all  the  bishops  or 
presbyters  and  the  people  were  to  retain  the 
salutation,  "  The  Lord  be  with  you,"  "  And  with 
thy  spirit,"  "  in  the  manner  that  all  the  East 
observed  it  from  apostolic  tradition,"  but  at  the 
same  time  directions  were  given  that  the  masses 
were  to  be  celebrated  in  the  order  which  their  late 
bishop,  Profuturus,  had  received  in  writing  from 
the  authority  of  the  apostolic  see.  In  633  a  uni- 
formity was  established,  not  in  each  province 
severally,  but  throughout  the  whole  extent  of  the 
peninsula  or,  as  it  is  called,  through  all  Spain  and 
Gaul  (that  is  Gallia  Narbonensis) ;  and  amongst 
other  things  it  is  mentioned  about  the  same  time 
that  the  Kyrie  Eleison  was  repeated,  and  the 
"Sicut  erat  in  principio"  was  added  to  the  "  Gloria 
Patri,"  to  meet  the  heresy  of  the  Priscillianists, 
"  as  it  had  been  done  not  only  at  the  apostolic 
see,  but  also  throughout  all  the  East,  Africa,  and 
Italy." 

(44.)  Isidore,  the  famous  archbishop  of  Se- 
ville, who  presided  in  one  or  more  councils 
at  Toledo,  has  left  us  two  books  on  the 
ecclesiastical  offices,  which  are  supposed  to 
have  been  written  about  the  year  633.  (He 
succeeded  Leander  as  bishop  in  the  year  595, 
and  died  in  the  year  636.)  In  the  thirteenth 
and  three  following  chapters  of  the  first  book, 
he  gives  us  information  as  to  the  liturgy  of  his 
day.  He  mentions  that,  "  In  Africa  the  Alleluia 
was  sung  only  on  Sundays,  and  on  the  fifty  days 
after  Easter ;  but  with  us,  according  to  the 
ancient  tradition  of  the  Spains,  it  is  sung  at  all 
times,  except  the  days  of  Lent  and  other  fast 
days."  It  would  appear  also,  that  what  was 
called  the  offertorium  was  sung.  With  reference 
to  the  order  of  t'ne  mass,  or  "  the  prayers  with 
which  the  sacrifices  offered  to  God  are  conse- 
crated," he  claims  that  St.  Peter  was  the  author 
of  the  service  which  was  celebrated  throughout 
the  whole  world.  He  speaks  of  there  being 
seven  prayers  or  orations,  the  first  being  one  of 
exhortation  to  the  paople,  inciting  them  to 
earnest  prayer  to  God  ;  the  second  is  a  prayer 
to  God,  that  He  will  mercifully  receive  the 
prayers  and  oblations  of  the  faithful ;  the  third 
is  poured  forth  either  for  those  who  offer,  or  for 
the  faithful  who  have  departed  this  life,  that  by 
the  same  sacrifice  they  may  obtain  pardon ; 
fourthly,  comes,  connected  with  the  kiss  of 
peace,  a  prayer  that  all,  being  mutually  recon- 
ciled to  each  other,  may  partake  worthily  of  the 
sacrament  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ, 
because  the  indivisible  Body  of  Christ  admits  not 
of  dissension.  Then  follows,  fifthly,  the  illatio, 
which  answers  to  the  Preface  in  the  Roman 
Missal.  It  is  described  by  Isidore  as  con- 
nected with  the  sanctification  of  the  oblation 
in  which  "  the  whole  universe  of  terrestrial 
creatures  and  heavenly  powers  are  urged  to  join 
in  the  praise  of  God."  and  the  "  Hosanna  in  the 
Highest  "  is  sung.  Then  succeeds,  sixthly,  that 
which  in  some  manuscripts  is  described  as  the 
"  confirmatio  "  of  the  sacrament,  in  others,  the 
"  conformatio,"  that  "  the  oblation  which  is 
now  offered  to  God,  being  sanctified  by  the  Holy 
Spirit,  may  be  conformed  to  the  Body  and  Blood 
of  Christ."     Seventhly,  the  Lord's  Prayer  fol- 


LITURGY 

lows,  in  which  he  notices  likewise  seven  pe- 
titions— the  first  three  for  things  eternal,  the 
last  four  for  things  temporal.  In  chapter  xvi. 
Isidore  speaks  of  the  Nicene  Creed  as  proclaimed 
to  the  people  at  the  time  of  the  sacritice,  and  in 
the  next,  of  the  priestly  benedictions.  In 
chapter  xviii.  he  teaches  on  the  nature  of  the 
sacrifice.     [Compare  Elements,  I.  602.] 

(45.)  Isidore  does  not  mention  the  part  of  the 
seiTice  at  which  the  Nicene  Creed,  as  he  calls  it, 
was  recited ;  but  we  know  that  at  the  third 
council  of  Toledo,  in  589,  king  Reccared  had 
ordered  that  the  creed  of  the  hundred  and  fifty 
should  be  recited  "in  the  liturgy  before  the 
Lord's  Prayer  throughout  all  the  churches  of 
Spain  and  Gaul,  according  to  the  form  of  the 
Oriental  churches."  [Creed,  I.  491.]  This 
position  of  the  creed  is  not  that  which  was 
adopted  by  the  Roman  church,  but  it  is  that 
which  the  creed  of  the  hundred  and  fifty  occu- 
pies in  the  liturgy  which  we  must  proceed  now 
to  discuss,  namely — 

(46.)  The  Spanish  or  Mozarabic  Liturgy. — 
The  Mozarabic  Liturgy  was  first  printed  under 
the  direction  of  Cardinal  Ximenes,  in  the  year 
1500.  The  manuscript  which  he  used  must  have 
been  of  a  comparatively  late  date ;  for  as  Loren- 
zano,  subsequently  archbishop  and  cardinal, 
noticed  in  the  preface  to  his  edition  (which 
was  dedicated  to  Benedict  XIV.  and  has  been  re- 
printed in  Migne's  series,  vol.  Ixxxv.)  the  book 
makes  mention  of  St.  Francis,  St.  Dominic,  St. 
Thomas  Aquinas,  St.  Anthony  of  Padua,  all 
belonging  to  the  13th  century,  to  which  I  would 
add,  that  in  the  first  part,  amongst  the  greater 
festivals,  there  is  a  mass  for  the  feast  of  Corpus 
Christi,  which  we  know  was  not  introduced  until 
the  same  century.  It  would  be  extremely  diffi- 
cult, therefore,  to  say  what  parts  of  the  services 
are  ancient,  and  what  portions  fall  below  the 
chronological  limit  by  which  we  are  bound  ;  and 
it  must  be  understood  that  much  that  follows 
is  stated  under  reservation. 

(47.)  On  comparing,  however,  the  account  given 

by  St.  Isidore,  with  the  masses  which  we  find  in 

the  Mozarabic   Liturgy  (as  given  by  Lorenzano, 

Migne,  p.  109;  compare  Daniel,  i.  p.  65,  etc.), 

I     we  have  every  point  mentioned  by  Isidore  repro- 

I     duced  in  the  liturgy.     The  exhortation  to  the 

!     people  is  found  almost  everywhere,  under    the 

j     heading  Missa.      We   have   the  Alleluia  at  the 

j     beginning,  apparently,    of    every  mass,    except 

I     those  to  be  used  in  Lent  (Daniel,  pp.  55-57). 

We  have  the   prayer    that   God  would  receive 

the  oblation  (ibid.  p.  67).     We  have  the  prayer 

for  the  offerers  (ibid.  p.  69).      The  prayer  for 

the  Holy  Spirit  must  have  been  displaced,    for 

in  the  modei-n  form  it  follows  here.     We  have 

the  "  Dominus  vobiscum  "  and  "  Et  cum  Spiritu 

tuo"  (p.  71).     That  connected  with  the  kiss  of 

peace,  which  is  the  fourth  prayer  mentioned  by 

Isidore,  follows  on  p.   77.     Then  the  "■  Illatio" 

follows,  p.  79.       It  is,  as  Daniel  describes  it,  a 

somewhat  long   ascription  of    glory,  beginning 

with    the    "Dignum  et   justum    est,"   varying 

almost  every  Sunday  of  the  year,   but   always 

ending  with  the    "Sanctus,  sanctus "   and    the 

"Hosanna  in  the  Highest."    The  "  Confirmatio," 

or  "  Conformatio,"  consists  of  the  narrative   of 

the  institution.   The  choir  recite  the  creed  whilst 

the  priest  elevates  the  consecrated  elements;  the 

Lord's  Prayer  follows,  and  the  benediction  before 


LITUEGY 


1029 


the  communion.  Thus,  with  the  one  excep- 
tion of  the  invocation  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  the 
position  of  each  prayer  mentioned  by  Isidore  is 
found  here  to  be  the  same  as  that  to  which  he 
assigned  it. 

(48.)  There  are  some  points  which  have  not  yet 
been  mentioned  which  establish  still  more  closely 
the  connexion  of  this  liturgy  with  those  of  the 
Oriental  churches.  We  have  three  Lessons  at 
least — four  in  Lent.  The  first,  or  first  two,  from 
the  Old  Testament ;  the  next  from  the  Acts  ot 
the  Apostles  or  the  Epistles;  the  last  from  the 
Gospel.  The  ofl'ering  was  distinctly  made  before 
the  consecration,  the  choir  retained  the  use  of 
the  Greek  words,  "  Agyos,  Agyos,  Agyos."  The 
Apostolic  Benediction  is  found  as  in  the  Greek 
liturgies.  After  the  Kiss  of  Peace  we  have  the 
"  Sursum  corda  "  and  the  "  Habemus  ad  Domi- 
num."  In  the  other  Latin  liturgies  the  words 
of  institution  are  always  introduced  thus:  "Qui 
pridie  quam  pateretur."  In  the  Greek  liturgies 
it  always  was,  "  Who,  in  the  night  in  which  He 
was  betrayed."  The  Mozarabic  follows  the 
Oriental  form,  and  this  serves  as  an  indication 
that,  at  all  events,  in  some  points  the  Spanish 
has  never  been  altered,  for  the  prayer  which 
follows  is  (I  believe)  throughout  the  volume 
entitled  Post  pridie :  oratio,  i.  e.  the  modern 
rubric  assumes  that  the  prayer  of  consecration 
had  run  in  the  Roman  form.  [Canon,  I.  272.] 
Once  more,  we  have  the  Sancta  Sanctis  here, 
and  the  choir  sings,  Gustate  et  viclete  quoniam 
suavis  est  Dominus.  I  think  I  might  add  that 
we  have  the  words,  "  Give  redemption  to  the 
captives,  health  to  the  infirm,"  as  we  had  them 
in  the  liturgy  of  St.  Mark,  and  "  Rest  to  the 
departed,"  as  we  found  the  addition  made  in 
another  of  the  Oriental  liturgies. 

(49.)  But  most  curious  of  all  is  the  rite  which 
is  peculiar  to  the  Mozarabic  Liturgy,  of  dividing 
the  bread.     [Fraction,  I.  688.] 

(50.)  One  point  more  remains  to  be  noticed  : 
That  the  prayer  "  Post  nomina "  is  very  fre- 
quently addressed  to  Christ,  and  in  many 
of  the  petitions  so  addressed  our  Lord  is 
entreated  to  "  accept  the  offering  now  made  to 
Him ;"  the  same  may  be  noted  in  the  petitions 
Post  pridie,  in  which  our  Lord  is  entreated  to 
sanctify  the  sacrifices.  (See  for  examples,  Migne, 
pp.  129,  138,  175,  195-,  202,  204,  etc.)  Thus  it 
is  ai)parent  that  the  canon  of  the  church  of 
Carthage,  to  which  attention  has  been  drawn, 
was  not  observed  in  Spain  at  the  time  when 
these  services  were  framed. 

(51.)  Gallican  Liturgies. — We  know  from  the 
correspondence  which  passed  between  Gregory 
the  Great  and  the  missionary  Augustine  that  the 
customs  of  the  churches  in  Gaul  and  at  Rome 
were  different,  even  in  the  Mass  or  Eucharist. 
(Greg.  Ep.  xi.  64;  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  19.) 
The  difference  continued  during  the  seventh  and 
the  greater  part  of  the  eighth  centuries  ;  but  the 
introduction  of  the  Roman  chant  into  Gaul  in 
the  time  of  Pepin  was  followed  up  by  a  command 
of  Charlemagne  that  every  presbyter  should 
celebrate  the  Mass  according"  to  the  Roman  order 
{Capitul.  V.  cap.  219-371),  and  for  this  purpose 
Charles  obtained  a  copy  of  what  professed  to  be  the 
Gregorian  Sacramentary  from  his  friend  Pope 
Hadrian.  This  order  was  not  carried  out  with- 
out some  heartburnings,  for  we  find  in  the  next 
century  the  abbat  Hilduin  remarking  to  Louis 
3X2 


1030 


LITURGY 


the  Pious  that  the  older  rites  had  been  observed 
in  Gaul  from  the  very  earliest  times,  and,  as  a 
proof,  he  referred  to  "  the  missal  books,  which 
were  most  ancient  and  were  almost  eaten  up 
by  age."  (Hilduin,  Vita  Dionys.  Areop.,  in  Surius, 
Oct.  9  ;  Palmer,  i.  145.) 

(52.)  We  must,  of  course,  conclude  that  these 
"  missal  books "  were  not  reproduced  in  the 
schools  founded  by  Charlemagne  and  watched 
over  by  Alcuin  and  others.  Indeed,  they  became 
so  rare  before  the  accession  of  Charles  the  Bald, 
that  that  monarch  mentioned  in  his  famous  letter 
to  the  clergy  of  Ravenna  (quoted  by  Mabillon,  Lit. 
Gall.  p.  20)  that  he  was  indebted  to  the  clergy 
of  the  church  of  Toledo  for  his  knowledge,  that 
"  up  to  the  time  of  his  grandfather,  the  Gallican 
churches  had  celebrated  the  divine  offices  in  a 
manner  diflereut  from  those  adopted  in  the 
churches  of  Rome  and  Milan."  We  cannot  be 
surprised,  therefore,  at  finding  that  the  liturgical 
remains  of  the  early  Gallican  church  are  very 
scanty,  and  we  shall  welcome  with  the  greater 
thankfulness  the  discoveries  of  Thomasius,  Mar- 
tene,  Mabillon,  and  Mone. 

(53.)  If  we  remember  the  early  connexion  of 
the  churches  of  Lyons  and  Vienne  with  the  East, 
we  shall  of  course  expect  that  the  ritual  of  these 
churches  must  exhibit  some  points  of  resemblance 
with  the  ritual  of  the  church  of  Ephesus.  From 
the  undoubted  writings  of  Irenaeus  (I  abstain 
from  using  the  so-called  Pfalfian  fragment),  we 
learn  but  little  of  the  eucharistic  office  of  his 
day,  but  we  do  learn  that  it  contained  the  words 
els  Tovs  aluvas  twv  aluvcev,  that  the  service 
included  an  offering  or  sacrifice  to  God  through 
Christ  Jesus  of  the  first  fruits  of  His  creatures, 
that  there  was  an  invocation  (iKKKriffLs  or 
e7rt/cAij(ris)  on  the  bread  and  the  temperaincntum 
offered  (i.  3.  1 ;  iv.  17.  5  ;  18.  4,  5).  These  points 
remind  us  of  the  Oriental  rites.  Later  allusions 
""to  the  Gallican  service,  found  in  the  writings  of 
Gregory  of  Tours  and  others,  have  been  col- 
lected by  Mabillon  in  his  learned  work,  de 
Liturgia  Gallicana,  published  in  1685 ;  and 
additional  light  is  thrown  upon  the  subject  by 
the  discovery  in  the  library  of  St.  Martin's,  at 
Autun,  of  two  letters,  ascribed  in  the  MS.  to 
Germanus,  the  famous  bishop  of  Paris,  who  died 
in  the  year  576.  The  discovery  was  made  by 
Martene,  who  published  the  document  verbatim 
et  literatim  in  his  Thesaur.  Anecd.  torn.  v.  They 
are  reproduced  in  Migne's  series  (vol.  Ixxii.  pp. 
83-98),  and  Migne  has  given  as  an  appendix  to 
them  Mabillon's  work  de  Liturgia  Gallicana 
(pp.  101-447),  and  also  the  same  writer's  fui-ther 
work,  entitled  Sacratnentarium  Gallicanum  (pp. 
448-576). 

(34.)  We  have  altogether  in  these  reprints  : — 

a.  The  letters  of  St.  Germanus,  of  which  I  have 
spoken.  They  seem  to  be  somewhat  fragmentary, 
and  I  am  disposed  to  regard  the  former  as  giving 
an  account  specifically  of  the  service  on  Easter 
Eve  and  Easter  Day.  (Migne,  ut  sup.  pp.  89- 
98.) 

b.  A  Lectionary  of  the  Gallican  church,  which 
Mabillon  found  at  Luxeuil,  and  which  he  assigned 
to  the  end  of  the  seventh  century.  (Migne,  pp. 
171-216.) 

c.  A  Missal,  entitled  in  the  manuscript,  though 
in  a  later  hand,  Missale  Gothicum.  This  is  con- 
sidered by  the  learned  as  representing  the  ritual 
of  the  south  of  France  about  the  beginning  of 


LITURGY 

the  eighth  century.  (It  contains  a  service  for 
the  martyrdom  of  St.  Leodgar,  who  was  killed  in 
678.)  The  volume  is  very  interesting,  exhibiting 
indisputable  marks  that  the  services  it  contains 
were  framed  not  merely  at  different  times,  but 
on  different  principles.  Several  holy  days  are 
noted  by  Mabillon  as  having  been  introduced  at 
a  period  subsequent  to  the  Lectionary,  which  he 
described  as  above.     (Migne,  pp.  225-318.) 

d.  Then  follows  a  missal  entitled  Missale 
Francorum,  in  consequence  of  petitions  that  it 
contains  for  the  king  and  kingdom  and  rulers  of 
the  Franks.  This  missal  concludes  (at  least  in 
its  present  form)  with  a  fragment  of  the 
Roman  canon  as  it  exists  in  the  Gregorian  Saora- 
mentary ;  the  earlier  part  is  occupied  with  very 
interesting  ordination  offices.  Morinus  consi- 
dered the  MS.  to  be  of  the  sixth  century,  but 
Mabillon  puts  it  later.  It  evidently  belongs  to 
an  epoch  at  which  the  Roman  services  were 
ousting  those  of  the  Gallican  church.  (Migne, 
pp.  318-340.) 

The  MSS.  (c)  and  (d)  are  now  in  the  Vatican. 
The  former  is  numbered  Vat.  Reg.  626,  or  Alex. 
Vat.  317  (the  accounts  differ);  the  number  of 
the  other  is  apparently  Alex.  Vat.  257.  They 
must  have  come  from  the  Library  of  Fleury, 
which  was  dispersed  by  the  Huguenots. 

c.  The  Missale  Gallicanum  which  follows  in 
Mabillon  (Migne,  pp.  340-382)  is  also  at  the 
Vatican  (Vat.  Pal.  493);  it  came  from  the 
library  at  Heidelberg.  It  contains  interesting 
expositions  of  the  Creed  and  Lord's  Prayer,  and, 
almost  unmutilated,  the  services  for  Easter  Day. 
It  is  believed  to  represent  the  use  of  Mid-France 
in  the  eighth  century. 

/.  To  these  must  be  added  the  Sacramenta- 
rium,  Gallicanum,  above  referred  to.  It  was  found 
by  Mabillon  at  Bobio,  and  was  regarded  by  him, 
as  by  others,  as  indicating  the  services  of  the 
neighbourhood  of  Besan(;on.  It  commences  with 
the  Gregorian  Canon  under  the  title  Missa  Rom- 
ensis  cottidiana  (Migne,  pp.  451-580). 

g.  And  M.  Mone,  the  librarian  at  Carlsruhe, 
discovered  in  the  library  under  his  care  palim- 
psests from  which  he  was  enabled  to  decipher 
several  old  masses.  The  volumes  came  from 
the  famous  Benedictine  convent  of  Reichenau, 
the  island  near  Constance.  Baron  Bunsen  has 
thrown  additional  light  upon  them  in  the  third 
volume  of  the  Analecta  Ante-Nicaena. 

(55.)  A  comparison  of  these  manuscripts  shews 
that  if  the  suppositions  regarding  their  origin 
are  correct,  there  must  have  been  a  great  variety 
in  the  details  of  the  Eucharistic  services  in  the 
various  dioceses  or  provinces  of  France.  Taking, 
however,  the  liturgy  of  St.  Germanus  as  our 
guide,  we  learn  that  in  his  time,  on  the  day  or 
days  of  which  he  describes  the  services,  when 
the  priest  came  from  the  sacristy  the  clerk  sang 
a  kind  of  introit,  and  then  the  deacon  proclaimed 
silence.  The  salutation  followed,  Dominus  sit 
semper  vobiscum,  with  the  usual  response.  Lec- 
tions were  read  from  a  Prophet,  an  Apostle,  and 
a  Gospel.  The  "  Aius,"  or"A7ios,  in  Greek  and 
then  in  Latin,  preceded  the  "  prophet,"  and  the 
Song  of  Zacharias  followed  it.  The  Benedicite 
followed  the  Apostle,  the  "  Aius  "  being  again 
sung  before  the  Gospel.  The  book  was  carried 
to  the  pulpit,  preceded  by  seven  candles,  signify- 
ing the  seven  gifts  of  the  Spirit.  [Compare 
Gospel,  I.  743.]    A  homily  followed  upon  the 


LITURGY 

Gospel,  and  a  prayer  by  the  deacon.  Then, 
Germanus  says,  intimation  was  given  that  the 
catechumens  must  leave  the  church ;  but  his 
words  seem  to  shew  that  though  the  form 
was  kept  up,  the  occasion  had  ceased.  The 
oblations  were  now  brought  in  (they  are  de- 
signated as  being  the  Body  and  Blood  of 
Christ,  which  seems  to  me  to  indicate  that  we 
have  here  the  service  of  Easter  Eve)  amidst  the 
singing  of  the  choir ;  the  Lauds  or  Alleluia  fol- 
lowed, "  as  in  the  Revelation  "  (iv.  8-11),  and  the 
Angelic  Hymn ;  and  the  names  of  the  departed 
saints  were  recited,  "  as  if  heaven  were  opening 
at  the  second  coming  of  Christ."  The  Kiss  of 
Peace  was  given,  and  then  the  Sursum  corda,  the 
"  confractio  et  commixtio  corporis  Christi  "  (the 
breaking  being  connected  with  a  strange  legend), 
whilst  the  prostrate  clerks  were  singing  an 
anthem  (apparently  the  Sanctus,  Sanctus).  On  this 
followed  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the  benediction  of 
the  people  ("  Pax  fides  et  communicatio  corporis 
et  sanguinis  Domini  sit  semper  vobiscum  "),  and 
the  communion.  Then,  what  Germanus  called 
the  Trecanum,  which  he  describes  as  containing 
"  the  mystery  of  the  Trinity,"  in  such  words  as 
seem  to  me  to  suit  only  the  efs  0710?  k.  t.  A.  of 
the  Oriental  liturgies  ;  and  with  this  Germanus's 
account  of  the  form  of  the  service  terminates. 
It  will  be  noticed  that  he  omits  to  inform  us  of 
the  moment  when  the  consecration  took  place, 
although  we  find  in  an  earlier  part  of  the  letter 
that  "  pridie  quam  pateretur  Dominus,"  our 
Saviour  said,  "  Hie  est  calix  sanguinis  mei 
mysterium  fidei  qui  pro  multis  effundetur  in 
remissionem  peccatorum :"  which  are  the  words 
of  the  Gregorian  Canon.  This  omission  and  other 
reasons  prevent  me  from  accepting  this  account 
as  a  description  of  the  ordinary  liturgy  of  the 
Galilean  church  at  the  time  of  Germanus. 
The  account  seems  rather  to  be  that  of  one  of 
the  services  at  the  season  of  Easter. 

(56.)  With  this  we  may  compare  the  results  of 
Mone's  discoveries  amongst  the  palimpsests  at 
Carlsruhe.  We  should  not  be  justified  in  regard- 
ing the  originals  of  these  as  all  of  one  date,  but 
we  may  supplement  the  account  of  Germanus  by 
what  we  find  here.  It  would  appear  that  there 
was  occasionally  or  generally  a  prayer  post  pro- 
phetiam,  and,  after  the  catechumens  were 
dismissed,  a  praefatio,  which  was  an  address  to 
the  congregation,  explaining  the  service  which 
followed,  and  calling  upon  them  to  join  heartily 
in  it.  This  was  followed  by  a  collect.  The 
oblations  were  then  made,  and  the  names  both 
of  living  and  departed  members  of  Christ's  body 
were  read,  prayers  being  offered  both  ante  nomina 
and  post  nomina.  Then  came  the  kiss  of  peace 
and  the  prayer  ad  pacem,  and  the  service  pro- 
ceeded with  the  Sursum  corda,  etc.  (though  this 
is  not  mentioned)  and  the  contestation  which 
answered  to  the  modern  preface.  Of  these  con- 
testations there  was  evidently  a  great  variety. 
This  of  course  led  up  to  the  Sanctus,  and  we  have 
various  collects  entitled  post  sanctum ;  the  words 
of  institution  (we  have  not  them  at  length)  were 
introduced  "  qui  pridie,"  and  part  of  them  seem  to 
have  been  uttered  secreto,  for,  after  them,  comes 
in  one  missa  a  "  post  secreta."  (We  have  three 
instances  here  of  an  invocation.)  Then  came 
the  Lord's  Prayer  with  variable  introductions,  all 
entirely  different  from  the  Gregorian,  and  a 
variable  embolismus.    Then  must  have  followed 


LITURGY 


1031 


the  Communion,  for  the  nest  prayer  is  entitled 
generally  postcommunio,  once  only  post  mys- 
terium; then  came  the  collect  and  the  final 
benediction. 

(57.)  The  first  sacramentary  published  by  Ma- 
billon  entirely  upholds  the  correctness  of  our  in- 
ferences drawn  from  these  palimpsests,  and  at  the 
same  time  exhibits  marks  of  progress  towards 
later  modes  of  thought.  In  these  missals,  which 
were  prepared  for  the  Sundays  and  older  esta- 
blished festivals,  we  have  ihe  praefatio,  still  the 
title  for  an  address  to  the  congregation:  the 
collectio  post  nomina  frequently  shews  that  the 
names  recited  had  been  names  of  the  living 
who  had  made  their  offerings  or  sacrifices,  at 
the  same  time  that  it  included  at  times  a  prayer 
for  the  dead.  The  Vere  dignum  et  justum  est  is 
entitled  (generally  in  the  older  services)  immolatio 
missae,  sometimes  contestatio.  The  form  of  the 
mysterium  or  secreta  always  begins  Qui  pridie. 
The  words  of  consecration  are  not  given.  The 
post  secreta  is  either  a  prayer  or  an  expression 
of  belief.  There  seems  to  have  been  two  hene- 
dictiones  populi,  one  a  prayer  before  com- 
munion, the  other  a  blessing  before  dismissal. 
The  general  character  of  the  Missale  Gallicanum. 
(Migne,  pp.  339,  etc.)  is  the  same.  We  still  find 
the  titles  immolatio  and  contestatio  prefixed  to 
the  Vere  dignum  et  justum  est,  but  there  are 
a  few  indications  that  a  change  of  service  was 
being  introduced  when  the  manuscript  was  pre- 
pared, such  as  immolatio  nunc  missae  or  contes- 
tatio nunc,  and  in  a  very  few  instances  the  post 
communionem  is  altered  to  post  eucharistiam.  The 
character  of  the  collects  post  nomina  is  the  same 
as  in  the  Gothic  missal. 

(58.)  The  other  two  sacramentaries  i.e.  the 
Missale  Francorum,  and  the  Sacramentarium 
Gallicanum  (which  Mabillon  found  at  Bobio) 
contain,  either  in  whole  or  in  part  (the  former 
manuscript  being  mutilated),  the  Gregorian 
canon.  We  must  therefore  assign  them  to  the 
ninth  century  (or  the  later  years  of  the  eighth) 
at  the  earliest.  In  the  former  the  title  super 
oblat.  has  replaced  the  words  post  nomina,  and 
the  offerings  have  become  the  oblations  of  God's 
people.  The  names  of  the  offerers  are  no  longer 
recited :  and  the  Memento  etiam  appears  in  the 
canon,  after  the  consecration.  We  have  still 
benedictions  "  ad  plebem,"  pp.  336,  337. 

From  the  letter  of  the  Monks  of  Mount 
Olivet  to  pope  Leo  HI.,  we  know  that  the  creed 
of  Constantinople  was  used  in  the  chapel  of 
Charlemagne.  [Creed,  §  15,  I.  492.]  We  find 
no  notice  of  it  in  any  of  the  manuscripts. *•' 

(59.)  Soman  Liturgy. — We  must  now  turn  to 
one  of  the  most  difficult  subjects, — the  history 
and  characteristics  of  the  liturgy  in  use  in 
Rome.  We  have  seen  evidences  that  it  diff"ered 
materially  from  the  Liturgy  of  Gaul  in  the 
middle  of  the  8th  century,  and  we  know,  with 
considerable  accuracy,  the  form  which  it  as- 
sumed before  the  end   of  the   9th  century ;  but 


<:  A  prayer  in  the  earlier  MS.  (p.  227),  "  Give  deliver- 
ance to  the  captive,  sight  to  the  blind,"  may  remind  us  of 
a  similar  petition  in  the  Alexandrine  liturgies.  The 
prayers  posi  nomina,  ad  pace  in,  post  secreta,  are  also  fre- 
quently addressed  to  our  Lord.  There  is  a  distinct  invo- 
cation of  the  Holy  Spirit  on  pages  246,  257,  and  on  page 
266  (  the  Thursday  in  Holy  Week)  I  notice  the  "  Agnus 
Del." 


1032 


LITUKGY 


the  evidence  is  very  limited  as  to  its  previous 
growth.  In  the  accounts  of  the  9th  century  we 
meet  with  statements  that  Alexander  (A.D.  100 
to  106)  comhined  the  history  of  the  Passion  of 
our  Lord  with  the  prayer  of  the  priest,  when 
the  masses  were  celebrated  (see  §  34) ;  that 
Xystus  (107-116)  directed  that  during  the 
service  the  people  should  sing  the  hymn  Sanctus, 
Sanctiis,  Sanctus,  etc.;  that  Telesphorus  (117- 
127)  ordered  that  at  the  commencement  of  the 
V  sacrifice  the  angelic  hymn  Gloria  in  cxcehis 
Deo  should  be  sung  on  the  night  of  the  Nativity 
alone.  These  and  similar  statements,  found  in 
the  works  of  Walafrid  Strabo  and  others, 
indicate  a  belief  that  the  portions  referred 
to  were  of  great  antiquity.  Greater  credence 
may  perhaps  be  given  to  details  such  as  these 
which  follow.  Caelestinus  (422)  is  said  to  have 
directed  that  Psalms  of  David  should  be  sung 
before  the  sacrifice,  in  addition  to  the  reciting  of 
parts  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles  and  the  Holy  Gospel. 
Of  Leo  the  Great  (440-462),  it  is  distinctly 
stated  that  he  added  the  words  "  sanctum 
sacrificium  et  caetera  :"  and  of  Gelasius  (about 
495),  that  he  framed  with  great  caution 
prefaces  for  the  sacraments.  The  letter  of 
Vigilius  to  Profuturus,  Bishop  of  Braga,  has 
been  already  referred  to :  he  sent  to  the  Spanish 
bishop  the  text  of  the  "  canonical  prayer," 
"  which  by  God's  mercy  we  have  received  (he 
said)  from  apostolic  tradition."  The  letter  is 
preserved,  the  enclosure  unhappily  is  lost.  But 
in  the  letter  he  gives  the  important  informa- 
tion that  "  in  the  celebration  of  masses,  at 
no  time  and  on  no  festival  was  the  order  of  the 
prayer  ditferent.  They  always  consecrated  in 
the  same  form  the  gifts  ofl'ered  to  God."  Then 
we  come  to  the  work  of  Gregory  the  Great,  of 
whom  it  is  stated  by  the  Deacon  John  that  he 
made  additions  to  the  ritual  of  the  church, 
that  he  ordered  the  Alleluia  [I.  56]  to  be  said 
at  other  times  beside  Pentecost,  the  Kyrie  eleison 
to  be  sung,  and  the  Lord's  Prayer  to  be  recited 
immediately  after  the  canon  over  the  sacrifice. 
(The  Canon  here  would  seem  to  be  the  list  of 
saints  commemorated  in  the  Nobis  quoque  pecca- 
torihus.  For  an  example  of  this  limited  meaning, 
see  Muratori  de  Lit.  Bom.  i.  555.)  Gregory  is 
also  declared  by  his  biographer  to  have  reduced 
into  one  volume  the  Gelasian  codex  of  the 
solemnities  of  the  mass,  by  removing  many 
things,  altering  a  few,  and  adding  others  "  pro 
exponendis  Evangelicis  lectionibus."  His  letter 
to  John  the  bishop  of  Syracuse  (Epist.  is.  12) 
seems  to  shew  that  the  Deacon  John  was  correct 
in  his  account  of  the  alterations  which  Gregory 
had  introduced,  and  several  writers  agree  in 
narrating  that  Gregory  added  the  words  "  dies- 
que  nostros  in  tua  pace  disponas."  They  are 
found  in  the  prayer  Jfanc  igitur.  With  these 
brief  hints  we  shall  be  better  able  to  examine 
the  documents  which  have  come  down  to  us. 

(60.)  The  first,  and  undoubtedly  the  oldest,  is 
a  sacramentary  discovered  in  the  library  at 
Verona,  and  published  by  Blanchini  in  the  year 
1735.  He  gave  to  it  the  title  Sacramentarium 
Leonianum,  and  attributed  it  (without  any  docu- 
mentary evidence)  to  pope  Leo  the  Great.  An 
examination  of  the  contents  of  the  work  has  in- 
duced almost  all  the  great  ritualists  to  differ 
herein  from  Blanchini ;  and  it  seems  now  to  be 
generally  agreed  that  the  manuscript  was  pre- 


LITURGY 

pared  by  some  ecclesiastic  for  his  own,  either 
private  or  public,  use.  It  is  mutilated  at  the 
commencement,  and  does  not  give  the  canon  of 
the  Mass.  It  contains,  however,  a  collection  of 
prayers  such  as  were  used  at  the  eucharistic  ser- 
vices, one  or  two  collects  for  the  day,  a  prayer 
of  oblation,  a  Vere  dignum,  a  prayer  after  com- 
munion, and  a  benediction.  Of  these  there  is  an 
immense  variety  ;  thus  there  are  eight  "  sets  " 
of  prayers  for  the  festival  of  St.  John  and 
St.  Paul,  and  twenty-eight  for  that  of  St.  Peter 
and  St.  Paul  (Migne,  Iv.  pp.  47,  49,  etc.). 
Titles  to  the  prayers  occur  very  rarely;  we 
have,  however,  preces  for  the  collects  on  p.  110  ; 
super  oblata  on  pp.  106,  110;  and  on  the  same 
pages,  postcommunio  and  super  populum.  We 
are  thus  severed  from  the  post  nornina  of  the 
Gothic  sacramentary,  and  brought  more  into 
connexion  with  the  Missale  Francorum  and  the 
Bobio  manuscript.  The  Ballerini  have  remarked 
that  in  a  mass  for  Pentecost  the  prayer  Hanc 
igitur  is  represented  as  preceding  the  Communi- 
cantes  (p.  40).  On  p.  70  there  is  an  emholismvs 
(the  only  one  I  have  discovered),  and  on  p.  75, 
"Quod  ore  sumpsimus,  Domine,  quaesumus, 
mente  capiamus,"  etc.,  and  a  distinct  invocation 
of  the  Holy  Spirit  on  pp.  79,  147  (compare 
p.  139).  On  p.  117  we  find  two  prayers,  still 
more  resembling  the  Gregorian  JIanc  igitur 
and  Quam  oblationem ;  the  former  has  the  words 
"diesque  meos  clementissima  gubernatione  dis- 
ponas " ;  in  the  latter  it  seems  to  have  been  as- 
sumed that  the  reader  needed  only  the  first  few 
words,  his  memory  would  supply  the  rest.  If 
so,  we  carry  the  petition,  Q'iiam  oblationem,  back 
to  a  period  before  the  time  of  Gelasius. 

We  meet  with  so  many  prayers  for  the  ruler.s 
or  princes  of  the  "  Roman  Name  "  that  we  can 
have  no  difficulty  in  assigning  the  book  to  some 
Roman  priest  or  bishop  ;  and  the  manner  in  which 
the  Roman  primacy  is  urged  (as  we  find  it  in 
no  other  sacramentary)  may  be  deemed  to  jus- 
tify Blanchini  in  his  opinion  that  Leo  might 
have  been  the  compiler.  We  learn  from  Ger- 
bert  (^Vetus  Liturgia  Alemannica,  i.  80)  that 
the  effect  of  the  discussions  which  followed 
his  publication  on  the  mind  of  Blanchini  was 
this :  he  became  persuaded  that  the  work  was 
still  more  ancient  than  at  first  he  deemed 
it  to  be,  and  attributed  it  to  Sylvester,  who 
was  pope  from  314  to  355.  One  thing  is  clear, 
that,  when  the  book  was  written,  the  liturgy  at 
Rome  had  not  assumed  the  character  which 
Vigilius  ascribed  to  it  in  the  middle  of  the  sixth 
century,  unless  we  limit  most  rigidly  his  lan- 
guage as  to  the  form  of  consecration. 

(61.)  In  the  year  1680  the  learned  Thomasius 
(afterwards  Cardinal)  published  the  contents  of 
a  manuscript  which,  having  belonged  to  Petau, 
was  then  in  the  library  of  Queen  Christina,  and 
is  now  in  the  Vatican  (Vat.  1455  according  to 
Daniel,  316  according  to  Muratori).  This  part 
of  Thomasius'  work  was  republished  by  Muratori 
in  the  first  volume  of  his  learned  work  Liturgia 
Bomana  Vetus,  and  with  it,  in  Migne's  series, 
vol.  Ixxiv.  p.  847,  etc.  The  manuscript  is  of  the 
tenth  century,  and  is  entitled.  Liber  Sacramen- 
torum  Bomanae  Ecclesiae  ordinis  anni  circuli. 
It  contains  several  prayers  for  the  princes  of  the 
Roman  kingdom  and  the  governors  of  the  Roman 
empire  (Muratori,  pp.  729-731);  but  one  of  the 
well-known   collects  for  Good  Friday  (p.  561) 


LITURGY 

has  the  prayer,  "  Eespice  propitius  ad  Romanum 
sive  Francorum  benignus  imperium."  Thus  the 
Koman  work  had  been  adapted  for  use  in  France 
in  the  ninth  or  tenth  century,  and  it  is  impos- 
sible to  say  how  tar  this  adaptation  extended. 
We  know  that  there  were  in  the  monastery  at 
Centula  (St.  Richerius  near  Corbey)  in  the  ninth 
century,  fourteen  Gelasian  and  three  Gregorian 
missals,  and  thus  it  was  inferred  by  Thomasius 
that  this  manuscript  might  represent  the  Gela- 
sian order.  All  doubt  on  the  subject  was  re- 
moved in  the  year  1777  by  Gerbert,  who  dis- 
covered three  similar  books  in  the  libraries  of 
Switzerland,  and  the  sacramentary,  as  distinct 
from  the  Canon  of  the  Mass,  may  now  un- 
hesitatingly be  described  as  Gelasian.  It  con- 
sists of  three  books,  the  prayers  for  great  festi- 
vals, ordinary  holy  days,  and  ordinary  Sundays, 
being  arranged  separately.  Scattered  over  the 
work  we  have  the  word  oratio  prefixed  to  the 
collect  of  the  day  ;  the  secreta  as  now  in  the 
Roman  missal ;  the  Vere  dignuui  varying  with 
almost  every  festival ;  on  p.  553  the  words 
infra  actionem  form  a  rubric  to  the  Communi- 
cantes,  and  the  Banc  igitur  is  similarly  intro- 
duced. Then  we  have  post  communionem,  and 
Isistlj  ad  populum.  Thus  the  benediction  followed 
the  communion.  There  is  no  mention  anywhere 
of  the  use  of  the  Constantinopolitan  Creed  in  the 
service  (perhaps  we  might  scarcely  expect  such 
mention),  but  in  the  Order  for  the  preparation  for 
Baptism  (which  had  commenced  on  the  Monday 
in  the  third  week  in  Lent,  on  p.  533),  after  the 
"  opening  of  the  ears,"  the  acolyth  recited  this 
Creed  in  the  name  of  the  children,  and  the  clause 
on  the  Procession  ran  in  Greek,  "  tonectupatros 
emporeuomenon " ;  in  Latin,  "  ex  Patre  proce- 
dentem  "  (compare  Dr.  Heurtley's  Harmonki  Sym- 
holica,  p.  158,  or  the  writer's  Creeds,  p.  138). 
The  omission  of  the  clause  Filioque  is  a  further 
indication  of  the  connexion  of  this  volume  with 
Eome. 

(62.)  But  when  we  come  to  the  canon  of  the 
Mass,  the  "  Canon  actionis  "  as  it  is  called,  which 
is  to  be  found  in  the  third  book  (Muratori, 
p.  S95),  we  find  the  words,  "  diesque  nostros  in 
tua  pace  disponas;"  and,  with  the  exception  I 
shall  mention  just  now,  this  canon  agrees  in 
•every  respect  with  what  was  deemed  in  the  tenth 
century  to  be  the  Gregorian  canon.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  the  Gregorian  canon  is  also  to 
be  found  in  the  "  Missale  Francorum  "  and  the 
"Missale  Gallicanum "  of  Besani;on,  although 
the  books  in  other  respects  differ  from  the 
Roman  use.  It  seems  probable,  therefore,  that 
the  work  before  us  indicates  that,  although  the 
Gelasian  Prefaces  etc.  were  used  in  some  parts  of 
France  in  the  ninth  or  tenth  century,  sttll  the 
directions  of  Charlemagne  had  been  carried  out 
completely,  and  the  Gregorian  ca7ion  had  re- 
placed all  others.'' 

1 

j  d  Some  questions  on  this  point  seem  to  be  set  at  rest 

j       by  observation  of  the  following  fact.    Ratram,  in  his 

lelter  to  the  Emperor  Charles  the  Bald  on  the  Body  and 

I       Blood  of  our  Lord,  $  2,  refers  to  two  cciUects  used  by  the 

I       priest  in  the  service  of  the  Mass.      Of  these  collects  one 

I       IS  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  and  indeed  is  used  to 

the  present  day.      Both  are  contained  in  that  published 

by  Thomasius  and  Muratori  as  the  "  Gelasian,"  and  they 

are  found  nowhere  else.     Thus  we  may  conclude  that 

ttis  really  was  the  Gelasian  sacramentary  as  used  in 

France  in  the  ninth  century;  and  that  this  Gelasian 


LITURGY 


1033 


(63.)  The  exception  to  which  I  have  referred  is 
this.  In  the  prayer  Communicantes  of  the  Gre- 
gorian canon  the  twelve  martyrs  commemorated 
were  all  connected  immediately  with  the  church 
in  Rome.  In  the  MS.  before  us  mention  is  also 
made  (either  in  the  text  or  margin)  of  Dionysius, 
Rusticus,  Hilary,  JIartin,  Augustine,  Gregory, 
Jerome,  Benedict,  Eleutherius.  Of  these,  Hilary 
and  Martin  are  also  named  in  the  Missale 
Francorum  ;  and  they,  with  Ambrose,  Augustine, 
Gregory,  Jerome,  Benedict,  in  the  Bobio  or 
Besanyon  copy.  Thus  these  names  carry  us  down 
to  a  period  far  later  than  Gelasius.  Indeed,  at 
p.  515  we  have  capitulum  Sancti  Gregorii  Papae. 

(64.)  Again,  there  is  here  no  Memento  etiam  of 
those  who  have  "  preceded  us  with  the  sign  of  faith 
and  rest  in  the  sleep  of  peace."  It  seems,  how- 
ever, that  this  is  missing  from  several  important 
manuscripts  of  the  Gregorian  canon  (see  Daniel, 
i.  38),  and  thus  the  omission  cannot  be  regarded 
as  a  point  of  difference  between  it  and  the  text 
before  us.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  clause, 
Pro  quibus  tihi  offerimus  in  the  Memento  Domine. 
Thus  we  have  no  satisfactory  direct  evidence  of 
the  contents  of  the  canon  as  left  by  Gelasius.' 
But  I  must  mention  that,  as  we  have  it  here,  we 
find  that  after  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  the  emho- 
lismus  the  Peace  was  given  by  the  priest,  with 
the  usual  response ;  announcements  were  made 
of  festivals  or  fasts,  and  of  sick  persons  to  be 
prayed  for ;  post  haec  conimunicat  sacerdos  cum 
omnipopulo;  fourteen  collects  are  given  under 
the  title,  "  Post  commun."  and  as  many  more 
under  the  words,  "Item  Benedictiones  super 
populum  post  communionem."  —  There  is  no 
account  of  these  benedictions  in  the  brief  sum- 
mary of  the  Gregorian  rite  to  which  I  must  now 
proceed. 

(65.)  After  these  remarks  the  Gregorian  Litur- 
gy will  not  detain  us  long.  Muratori  speaks 
of  four  or  five  MSS.  which  were  known  in  his 
time ;  to  these  the  search  of  later  investigators 
has  added  several  more,  so  that  Daniel  professes 
to  give  the  various  readings  in  the  Ordo  and 
Canon  of  nineteen  MSS.  Of  these  several  present 
similar  titles  :  "  Liber  sacramentorum  de  circulo 
anni  expositum  a  sancto  Gregorio  Papa  Romano 
editum  ex  authentico  Libro  Bibliothecae  Cubiculi 
scriptum."  Muratori  thinks  (not  unreasonably) 
that  this  repetition  of  the  same  grammatical 
error  indicates  that  these  were  all  (or,  all  but 
one)  transcripts  of  one  copy  taken  from  the 
cuhiculum  of  the  custodians  of  the  relics  at 
St.  Peter's.  The  copy  which  he  uses  in  his 
margin,  has  editus.  But,  as  Muratori  says, 
no  one  can  believe  that  we  have  the  book  as  it 
came  from  the  hand  of  Gregory.  The  masses 
vary  in  the  several  editions ;  some  copies  have 
only  nine  prefaces ;  others  have  many  more. 
The  festivals  vary ;  all  (as  I  understand)  include 
a  commemoration  of  St.  Gregory  himself.  Even 
the    account,    "Qualiter    missa    Romana    cele- 

sacramentary  continued  in  use  in  combination  with  the 
Gregorian  canon.  And  it  follows  that  we  have  no  dis- 
tinctive copy  of  the  true  Gelasian  canon.  (The  passage 
from  Ratram  may  be  seen  in  Gieseler,  third  period,  divi- 
sion i,  5  14,  note  6;  and  the  collects  referred  to  in 
Muratori,  i.  C57.  671.) 

e  It  would  appear  that  one  of  Gerbert's  MSS.  of  the 
Gelasian  sacramentary  contains  two  prayers  for  the  faith- 
ful departed ;  one  before,  the  other  after,  the  consecration. 
[Canon,  I.  271.] 


1034 


LITURGY 


bratur,"  varies    in    the    details    which    I    shall 
mention  as  I  proceed. 

(66.)  What  is  now  called  the  Ordo  (of  which  we 
have  DO  notice  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary)  is 
given  briefly  but  satisfactorily.  Mention  is 
made  of  the  Introit,  the  Kyrie  eleison,  the  Gloria 
in  excelsis  Deo,  to  be  used  on  Sundays  and  festivals 
if  a  bishop  is  present,  otherwise  only  at  Easter. 
When  the  Litany  is  said,  neither  the  Gloria  in 
excelsis  nor  the  Alleluia  is  sung.  Then  followed 
the  Oratio  or  Oratio  Missalis,  i.  c.  the  collect  for 
the  day ;  the  Apostolum  (sic)  or  Epistle ;  then 
either  the  Gradalis  or  the  Alleluia ;  then  the 
Gospel.  This  was  followed  by  the  offertory,  and 
the  prayer  super  ohlata,  which  varied ;  it  is  called 
the  secreta  in  one  MS.  It  concluded  with  the 
Avords,  Per  omnia  saecula  saecidorum,  which  were 
recited  aloud.  The  absence  is  noted  (Gerbert,  p. 
301)  of  the  salutations  before  the  Epistle  and 
before  the  Gospel,  of  the  Creed,  and  of  the 
Sermon.  Then  the  canon  commenced,  but  the 
records  end  with  the  salutation  after  the  embo- 
lismus;  i.e.  we  have  no  account  of  the  communion, 
or  the  kiss  of  peace,  or  the  benediction.  The 
Vatican  MS.  used  by  Muratori  has,  however,  one 
line  more,  Agnus  Dei  qui  tollis  peccata  mundi, 
miserere  nobis,  which  is  also  contained  in  two  or 
more  other  MSS.  In  the  body  of  the  books  we 
have  for  each  day  a  prayer  ad  complendam, 
answering  to  the  similar  prayer  in  the  modern 


(67.)  I  think  it  is  certain  that  all  the  known 
MSS.  of  this  sacramentary  were  used  north  of  the 
Alps,  yet  not  one  of  them  refers  to  the  use  of 
the  "Nicene"  Creed  in  the  service  of  the  Mass. 
We  know,  however,  that  the  Galilean  churches 
used  the  Gloria  in  excelsis  every  Sunday,  and 
that  the  recitation  of  the  creed  spread  very 
much  after  the  fall  of  Felix  and  Elipandus.  The 
collects  super  ohlata  have  never  (I  believe)  any 
reference  to  the  offerers.  This  had  been  dis- 
couraged by  Pope  Innocent  I.  The  persons  named 
in  the  Te  igitur  are  different  in  the  different 
manuscripts.  In  some  places  the  king  was 
prayed  for ;  in  others  the  emperor :  many 
omitted  the  petition,  pro  omnibus  orthodoxis, 
and  all  the  MSS.  but  one  (the  Vat.  Othob.) 
omit  the  words.  Pro  quibus  tibi  offerimus.^  The 
Memento  etiam  on  behalf  of  those  who  have  died 
with  the  sign  of  faith  is  absent  from  five  of  the 
MSS.,  and  in  two  other  early  copies  it  is  inserted 
in  the  margin.  The  names  adduced  in  the  prayer 
commencing  Nobis  quoque  are  again  all  Roman. 
(This  collect  is  referred  to  by  Innocent  III.  as 
indicating  the  growth  of  the  Roman  service.) 

(68.)  Ambrosian  Liturgy. — The  church  of  Milan 
was  said  to  have  been  founded  by  Barnabas,  and 
it  seems  to  be  undoubted  that  it  was  regarded  as 
entirely  independent  of  Rome  until  Gregory  in 
593  attempted  to  exercise  patriarchal  privileges 
within  the  province.  Milan  certainly  had  a 
liturgy  of  its  own,  which,  notwithstanding  re- 
peated eflbrts  on  the  part  of  the  Roman  patriarch, 
was,  though  with  some  modifications,  retained 
until  our  own  times.  One  of  the  most  important 
of  these  efforts  was  encouraged  by  Charlemagne, 
who,  in  his  anxiety  to  compel  the  Lombards  to  fol- 
low the  example  he  had  set  to  his  earlier  subjects, 


f  They  are  omitted  in  loco  both  in  the  Bobio  MS.  and 
in  the  Missale  Francorum,  and  in  the  e.xplanation  of 
Amalarlua. 


LITURGY 

carried  off  to  Rome  all  the  service-books  he  could 
collect  at  Milan,  with  the  intention  of  replacing 
them  by  Roman  offices  (Mabillon,  Jter  Ital. 
tom.  i.  part  ii.  p.  106,  etc.).  Eugenius,  a  Galilean 
bishop,  induced  Leo  to  exercise  some  forbear- 
ance in  the  matter,  and  thus  the  Milanese  rite 
was  preserved  ;  but,  as  the  account  proceeds, 
only  one  copy  of  the  earlier  service-book  could 
be  discovered,  so  that  from  it  the  more  recent 
copies  must  have  been  taken. 

(69.)  This  statement  seems  to  be  in  some  degree 
corroborated  by  the  fact  that  no  manuscript  of 
very  ancient  date  has  been  discovered  containing 
the  Ambrosian  rite.  The  sacramentary  published 
by  Pamelius  in  1571  differs  considerably  even  in 
the  canon  from  the  modern  rite  given  by  Daniel, 
and  it  differs  too  in  the  service  for  the  Thursday 
before  Easter  from  that  which  Saxe,  the  librarian 
at  Milan,  furnished  from  a  very  old  manuscript 
to  Muratori  (cfe  Lit.  Rom.  i.  131).  The  text  of 
Daniel  approximates  more  nearly  to  that  of  the 
modern  Roman  Ordo  and  Canon  than  that  given 
by  Pamelius,  shewing,  I  conceive,  that  the  efforts 
of  various  popes  to  induce  the  Milanese  to  resign 
their  inheritance  have  tended  to  encourage  the 
admission  of  details  from  the  Roman  liturgy. 
Thus,  the  text  of  the  Confiteor  (Daniel,  p.  50) 
and  the  absolutions,  the  Mimda  cor  meum  (p.  62), 
the  Lfanc  igitur  (p.  84,  in  which  the  well-known 
Gregorian  words  Diesquc  nostros  in  tua  pace  dis- 
ponas  are  to  be  found),  the  Supplices  te  rogamus 
(p.  90),  the  Libe)-a  nos  (p.  96)  do  not  occur  in 
Pamelius,  nor  do  other  prayers  of  great  import- 
ance given  by  Daniel  (pp.  100,  102,  104) :  and 
the  language  of  many  others  differs  considerably. 
(70.)  Taking  the  text  of  Pamelius  as  our  guide, 
we  observe  that,  after  two  private  prayers  said 
by  the  priest  before  and  whilst  he  draws  near  to 
the  altar,  an  Lngressa  takes  the  place  of  the 
Roman  Introit;  and  that  before  the  Gloria  in 
excelsis  there  is  an  oratio  super  popidum,  cor- 
responding to  our  collect  for  the  day.  The 
salutations,  Dominus  robiscum,  etc.,  are  very 
frequent  ;  after  the  Gloria  in  excelsis  (in  which, 
as  in  the  older  copies,  the  Qui  tollis  jxccata  mundi 
miserere  nobis  is  not  repeated)  the  Kyrie  eleison 
follows.  (In  the  Gregorian  it  precedes  the  Angelic 
Hymn.)  Three  lessons  were  read,  as  in  the 
Gallican  and  Spanish  rites — the  Prophecy,  the 
Epistle,  the  Gospel ;  a  Psalmulus,  consisting  of 
two  (or  more)  verses  suited  to  the  Prophecy,  was 
sung  after  it ;  a  Benedictus  preceded  the  Epistle, 
and  a  verse  for  the  day  with  the  Alleluia  followed 
it  ;  the  first  few  words  of  the  Gloria  in  excelsis 
and  a  suitable  benedictory  prayer  preceded  the 
Gospel ;  salutations,  the  Kyrie  eleison,  and  an 
antiphon  succeeded  it.  The  oblations  of  the 
bread  and  the  cup  were  then  made,  and  they 
were  made  even  until  our  own  day  in  a  manner 
recalling  the  earlier  conceptions  of  the  church  ; 
they  were  brought  in,  not  by  the  deacon,  but  by 
ten  aged  men  and  as  many  women,  and  presented 
by  them  to  the  priest.  He  had  previously  offered 
an  oratio  super  sindonem,  which  varied  with  the 
day  or  season  ;  then  came  the  orationes  secretae 
ad  munus  oblatum,  and  a  prayer  resembling  the 
suscipe  Sancte  Pater  of  the  Roman  office,  and  two 
others  commencing  Et  s^cscipe  Sancta  Trinitas 
(these  differ  in  very  interesting  details  from 
those  which  in  the  Roman  book  follow  the 
recitation  of  the  creed).  According  to  the  book 
before  us  a  prose  hymn  entitled  offerenda  was 


LITUEGY 

then  chanted  (it  began  Ecce  apertum  est  templum 
tahernaculi  testimonii,  and  ended  with  the  Sanctus 
of  the  Apocalypse),  and  this  introduced  the  creed. 
Then  followed  the  varying  prayer  super  oblatam 
repeated  aloud,  and  the  "  preface  to  the  canon  " 
followed.  The  prefaces  (they  are  so  entitled) 
are  numerous.  The  canon  commenced  in  a  manner 
similar  to  the  Gregorian,  but  the  Hanc  igitur  and 
Quara  oblationemwere  replaced  by  a  single  prayer 
commencing  Fac  nobis.  (This  is  not  in  Daniel, 
nor  's  there  notice  there  of  the  washing  of  the 
fingers  of  the  priest  which  here  ensued,  its 
position  differing  from  that  in  the  Roman  book.) 
Then  immediately  ensued  the  consecratio  panis 
per  verba  Christi  and  the  consecratio  calicis,  and 
the  commemoratio passionis  resnrrectionis  etascen- 
sionis  Domini — all  differing  from  the  Gregorian 
te.xt ;  but  we  have  the  Memento  etiam  and  the 
Xobis  quoque.  The  Per  quem  differed  materially  : 
there  was  a  special  prayer  for  the  confraction  and 
commixtion,  and  the  Lord's  Prayer  followed  with 
a  doxology.  The  Pads  nuntiatio,  including  a 
prayer,  Pax  in  caelo,  pax  in  terra,  pax  in  omni 
populo,  pax  sacerdotibus  ecclesiarum  Dei ;  pax 
Christi  et  ecclesiae  maneat  semper  nobiscum.  Then 
followed  prayers  of  the  priest  before  and  after 
he  communicated,  and  the  communion  of  the  by- 
standers (V.  Corpus  Christi,  R.  Amen).  With  the 
last  exception,  and  that  of  the  offering  of  the 
priest  after  his  reception,  Deo  gratias,  Deogratias, 
etc.,  the  modern  or  Daniel's  text  here  differs 
almost  entirely  from  that  of  Pamelius,  which  has 
nothing  analogous  to  the  prayers  of  the  Roman 
Liturgy.  Then,  an  appeal  to  the  church  to 
rejoice,  entitled  transitorium ;  a  varying  prayer 
l')ost  communionem ;  Dominus  vobiscum ;  Kyrie  elei- 
son ;  Benedicat  et  exaudiat  nos  Dens ;  Procedamus 
in  pace,  R.  in  nomine  Christi,  and  the  service 
concluded. 

(71.)  The  importance  of  our  subject  is  such  that 
it  is  necessary  to  say  a  few  more  words  on  the 
canon  which  Muratori  printed  in  his  famous  work 
(p.  131),  from  the  copy  furnished  to  him  by  Saxe. 
Here  we  find  the  Hanc  igitur  oblationem  adapted 
for  the  day,  and  the  Quam  oblationem,  neither  of 
which  is  in  Pamelius ;  but  there  is  a  prayer 
commencing  Haec  facimus,  to  which  I  know  of 
nothing  analogous  anywhere  else.  The  service 
is  represented  as  then  passing  on  to  a  prayer 
resembling  in  some  respects  that  commencing 
Per  quem,  and  on  this  the  Lord's  Prayer  follows. 
Thus  then  (if  Muratori's  account  may  be  im- 
plicitly trusted)  we  have  no  offering  after  con- 
secration, no  prayer  for  those  who  have  departed 
with  the  sign  of  faith,  no  commemoration  of  the 
(Roman)  martyrs,  no  ceremony  of  fraction  before 
the  Lord's  Prayer  ;  all  of  which  are  contained  in 
the  rite  as  published  by  Pamelius.  The  fact  is 
remarkable,  and  the  discrepancy  seems  to  require 
some  explanation.  We  have  an  indication  in  both 
services  that,  as  we  have  them,  they  are  later 
than  800 ;  for  in  both  we  have  a  prayer  for  the 
emperor,  and  Charles  was  not  crowned  emperor 
before  that  year. 

(72.)  We  have  no  account  of  the  early  liturgy 
of  the  patriarchate  of  Aquileia. 

(73.)  Liturgies  of  the  British  Islands.— Wc  are 
in  almost  entire  ignorance  of  the  character  of 
the  liturgies  of  the  ancient  British  and  Celtic 
churches.  It  is  of  course  most  probable  that 
they  resembled  in  some  degree  the  uses  of  the 
churches  in  Gaul  or  Spain,  but  of  the  extent  of 


LITURGY 


1035 


this  resemblance  it  is  impossible  to  speak  pre- 
cisely. A  curious  document  originally  published 
by  Spelman,  and  much  used  by  Ussher,  Stilling- 
fleet,  and  others,  may  be  found  in  Haddan  and 
Stubbs  (i.  138-140).  It  seems  to  have  been 
written  in  the  latter  part  of  the  seventh  or  in  the 
eighth  century,  and  professes  to  give  some  notes 
on  the  various  '  courses '  in  use  in  Western 
Europe.  The  '  Cursus  Gallorum  '  is  refei-red  to 
St.  John,  and  it  is  stated  that  it  was  used 
widely.  The  'Cursus  Scottorum,'  of  which  a 
marked  feature  was  that  the  Sanctus,  the  Gloria 
in  excelsis  Deo,  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  the  Amen 
were  chanted  by  all  the  congregation,  male  and 
female,  is  assigned  to  St.  Mark  ;  and  its  intro- 
duction into  Britain  and  Scotland  is  attributed 
to  Germanus  of  Auxerre  and  Lupus,  who  visited 
the  islands  about  the  year  429.  It  thus  (as  Pro- 
fessor Stubbs  says)  is  silent  on  the  liturgy  of 
Britain  before  429,  and  its  evidence,  so  far  as  it 
is  worth  anything,  only  "  asserts  that  the  Irish 
liturgy  used  by  St.  Patrick  was  neither  Roman 
nor  Galilean,  but  Alexandrian."  Coming  down 
to  the  next  century,  we  find  an  assertion  attri- 
buted to  Gildas,  that  the  Britons  were  opposed 
to  the  whole  world  and  to  the  Romans  in  parti- 
cular, "in  the  mass"  (H.  and  S.  i.  112).  The 
date  is  questioned  by  j\Ir.  Stubbs,  who  would 
refer  the  assertion  to  a  later  period ;  but,  of 
course,  if  true  in  the  seventh  or  eighth  century 
it  must  have  been  true  in  the  sixth  as  to  the 
opposition  to  Rome.  The  words  of  Gregory  to 
Augustine  (i6.  iii.  19)  authorised  the  latter  to 
form  a  purely  Anglican  rite,  and  we  know  from 
his  proposals  to  the  British  bishops  (Bede,  U.  If. 
ii.  2,  in  Palmer,  i.  178),  that  in  matters  of  cus- 
tom, in  which  at  the  time  "  the  latter  differed 
from  the  use  of  Rome  and  of  the  church  univer- 
sal," Augustine  would  give  ujj  all  points  but 
three.  He  insisted  that  they  should  celebrate 
Easter  at  the  proper  time,  should  baptize  after 
the  Roman  ritual,  and  should  join  him  in  preach- 
ing the  word  of  the  Lord  to  the  English  nation. 
"Everything  else,  however  contrary  to  our  cus- 
toms, we  will  bear  with  equanimity.""  Of  course 
as  long  as  the  Britons  and  Celts  refused  to  ob- 
serve the  Roman  Easter,  they  must  have  refused 
to  adopt  the  Roman  ritual  for  the  Eucharist. 
And  we  know  that  the  Roman  Easter  was  not 
observed  either  in  Scotland  or  Ireland  before  the 
beginning  of  the  eighth  century.  Bede  (H.  E.  v. 
15,  see  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  ii.  110)  states  that 
Adamnan  came  to  Aldfred,  king  of  the  Angli, 
about  the  year  704,  and  whilst  staying  with 
him  saw  the  canonical  rites  of  the  church,  and 
was  then  persuaded  how  undesirable  it  was  for 
him  and  his  people,  very  few  in  number  and 
living  in  an  extreme  corner  of  the  earth,  to  re- 
tain customs  which  were  opposed  to  those  of  the 
whole  Christian  world.  Adamnan  succeeded  in 
inducing  the  North  Irish  churches  to  adopt 
the  Roman  Easter,  but  he  died  before  he  could 
persuade  his  own  monastery  at  lona  to  do  the 
same.  It  yielded,  however,  about  the  year  716 
(H.  and  S.  ii.  114).  The  British  churches  per- 
sisted for  a  few  years  longer,  but  at  length,  be- 
tween the  years  755  and  850,  the  bishops  in 
Wales  gave  way  one  by  one  (ib.  i.  203,  204), 
following  the  example  of  their  countrymen 
amongst  the  West  Saxons,  who  had  yielded  to 
the  persuasion  of  Aldhelm  in  705  (ib.  i.  674). 
(74.)  One  Tirechanus,  writing  about  the  year 


1036 


LITURGY 


750  (H.  and  S.  i.  115,  141,  154),  stated  that 
the  second  order  of  Irish  saints  (beginning  from 
the  year  544)  receive  their  office  of  the  Mass 
from  David,  Gildas,  and  Cadoc.  Dr.  O'Connor, 
in  the  year  1819  gave  some  account  of  a  manu- 
script (then  in  the  library  at  Stowe,  now  in  the 
collection  of  Lord  Ashburnham)  which  contained 
a  missal  that  must  have  been  in  use  in  Ireland. 
His  account  has  been  supplemented  and  cor- 
rected by  Dr.  Todd.  We  are  still,  unhappily,  in 
great  ignorance  as  to  the  character  of  the  service 
contained  in  the  MS.  Two  things  of  moment, 
however,  are  known.  First,  that  a  copy  of  the 
Nicene  Creed  is  found  in  it,  omitting  the  word 
Filioque.  But  we  are  not  told  whether  this  is  in 
the  office  of  the  Mass  or  in  the  scrutiny  in  pre- 
paration for  baptism.  If  the  latter,  we  are  re- 
minded of  the  Gelasian  or  Gregorian  Sacramen- 
tary,  for  the  exclusion  of  the  Filioque  ^^omts  to  a 
mark  of  difference  in  the  Irish  church  from  the 
churches  of  Spain  and  Gaul.  We  are  told,  se- 
condly, that  there  are  several  collects  in  this 
missal  before  the  Epistles ;  and  we  know  that  at 
a  synod  of  Macon,  held  about  624,  the  objection 
was  raised  against  the  famous  Columbanus,  that 
he  celebrated  the  solemnities  of  the  Mass  with  a 
multiplicity  of  prayers  or  collects.  Eustatius, 
who  was  then  abbat  of  Lu.xeuil  (the  convent  had 
been  founded  by  Columbanus),  defended  the  use. 
Additional  confirmation  is  furnished  by  the  two 
very  interesting  books  of  ^Mullen  and  Dimma,  in 
the  library  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin.  They 
are  undoubtedly  Irish,  and  although  they  con- 
tain only  services  for  the  visitation  of  the  sick, 
yet  these  services  bear  very  strong  resemblance 
to  each  other,  and  the  words,  Rcffecti  Christi 
corpora  et  sanguine,  tihi  semper  dicamus,  Domine, 
alleluia,  alleluia  (which  are  repeated),  are  found, 
almost  identically,  in  the  words  of  the  Spanish 
Liturgy,  Refecti  Christi  corpore  ct  sanguine,  te 
laudamus  Domine,  alleluia,  alleluia,  alleluia.  A 
post-communion  collect  commencing /I'e/ecij  is  fre- 
quently found  in  the  Gallican  and  other  services, 
but  the  jubilant  alleluia  is  connected  with  it  only 
in  the  Mozarabic  rite.  I  have  not  seen  in  the 
Spanish  books  the  concluding  thanksgiving,  JDeus 
tibi  gratias  agamus,  etc. 

Mabillon  (De  Liturg.  Gall.  lib.  i.  col.  iii.  §  2) 
shews  that  the  Roman  order  was  not  introduced 
into  Ireland  before  the  12th  century. 

(75.)  Mr.  Haddan(H.  and  S. ii.  p.  275)  considered 
that  the  one  fragment  of  Scottish-Celtic  liturgical 
documents,  that  has  as  yet  seen  the  light,  is  con- 
tained in  the  book  of  Deer  ; — a  portion  of  the  ser- 
vice for  the  Visitation  of  the  Sick.  It  resembles 
closely  that  contained  in  the  books  I  have  just 
named,  and  thus  it  seems  probable  that  the  service 
was  known  from  Aberdeen  to  Wexford.  We  thus 
connect  the  eai-ly  Scottish  rites  also  with  those 
of  Spain.  It  seems  that  in  the  12th  century  the 
bishop  of  Glasgow  introduced,  with  the  consent 
of  Pope  Alexander  III.,  the  Sarum  offices  into  his 
cathedral,  and  that  his  example  was  followed  by 
other  bishops  in  the  next  century  (H.  and  S. 
275  and  33).  As  the  Sarum  missal  contains  the 
Gregorian  Canon,  the  inference  is  that  the  Scotch 
use  up  to  that  time  must,  like  the  Irish,  have 
continued  to  difffer  from  that  adopted  in  Gaul 
and  England. 

(76.)  Returning  to  England,  we  have  only  to 
notice  that  the  Sarum,  Bangor,  York,  and  Here- 
ford uses,  which  continued  until  the  16th  century, 


LITURGY 

all  agreed  in  adopting  the  text  of  the  Gregorian 
Canon.  We  must  conclude  that  that  canon  had 
been  introduced  universally  before  the  end  of  the 
10th  century,  and  thus  we  have  proof  that  the 
13th  canon  of  the  council  of  Cloveshoo  (a.d.  747) 
had  secured  complete  obedience,  and  that  "  in 
the  celebration  of  the  masses  all  things  were 
then  done  after  the  example  which  they  had  in 
writing  from  the  Roman  church."  This  canon 
seems  to  refer  only  to  days  kept  in  memory  of 
events  in  the  life  of  our  Lord,  but  the  sjjirit  of 
the  enactment  is  manifest.  And  doubtlessly 
when  the  Welsh  bishops  finally  adopted  the 
Roman  Easter,  they  adopted  simultaneously  the 
Gregorian  Liturgy.  [C.  A.  S.] 

Literature. — It  is  impossible  to  attempt 
to  give  here  a  complete  account  of  the  very 
extensive  literature  connected  with  liturgies. 
The  following  list  contains  the  principal  col- 
lections and  editions  of  ancient  liturgies,  and 
works  useful  in  the  study  of  the  principal  rites 
of  antiquity. 

General  Collections. — J.  A.  Assemani, 
Codex  Liturqicus  Ecclesiae  Universae ;  Rome, 
1749-66.  H.  A.  Daniel,  Codex  Liturgicus  Eccle- 
siae Universae  in  Epitomen  I'edactus;  Leipzig, 
1847-1853.  [Includes  the  most  characteristic 
portions  of  modern,  as  well  as  ancient,  liturgical 
forms.] 

Special  Collections  and  Editions. — E. 
Renaudot,  Liturgiarum  Orientalium  Collectio, 
Paris,  1716.  [Reprinted,  Frankfort,  1847].  T. 
Brett,  A  Collection  of  the  principal  Liturgies, 
particularly  the  Clementine,  the  Liturgies  of 
S.  James,  S.  Mark,  S.  Chrj/sostom,  S.  Basil; 
translated  into  English  by  seceral  hands.  With  a 
Dissertation  upon  them.  London,  1720  [Re- 
printed, London,  1838].  J.  M.  Neale,  Transla- 
tion and  Parallel  Arranf/ement  of  the  Anaphorae 
of  S.  Chrysostom,  S.  Basil,  S.  James,  S.  Mark, 
Copto- Jacobite  S.  Basil,  Lesser  S.  James,  Theo- 
dore the  Jnterpreter,  the  Armeno-Gregorian,  and 
the  Mozarabic  Bite,  in  the  Introduction  to  his 
History  of  the  Eastern  Church,  p.  525  ff. ; 
London,  1850;  Tetralogia  Liturgica ;  sive  S. 
Chrysostomi,  S.  Jacobi,  S.  Marci  missae,  quibus 
accedit  Ordo  Mozarabicus,  parallelo  ordine ; 
London,  1849;  The  Liturgies  of  S.  Mark,  S. 
James,  S.  Clem£nt,  S.  Chrysostom,  and  the  Church 
of  Malabar,  with  Translation ;  London,  1859 ; 
The  Liturgies  of  S.  Mark,  S.  James,  S.  Clement, 
S.  Chrysostom,  S.  Basil  [in  Greek  and  in  English], 
London,  1868.  H.  Denzinger,  liitus  Orientalium, 
Coptorum,  Syrorum  et  Armeniorum  in  adminis- 
trandis  Sacramentis  ;  Wtirzburg,  1863-64.  [Bi- 
shop Rattray],  Liturgia  Prirnitiva  Hierosolymi- 
tana  ;  being  the  Liturgy  of  St.  James,  etc.,  London, 
1744.  W.  Trollope,  The  Greek  Liturgy  of  St. 
James,  with  Introduction,  etc.,  and  a  Latin 
Version  of  the  Syriac  Copy;  Edinburgh,  1848. 
Jac.  Goar,  Euchologium  Magnum,  sive  Rituale 
Graecorum;  Paris,  1647.  R.  F.  Littledale, 
Offices  from  the  Service-books  of  the  Holy  Eastern 
Church  ;  London,  1863. 

J.  Pamelius,  Liturgica  Latinorum,  Cologne, 
1571 ;  some  later  copies  bear  the  title  Missale 
SS.  Patrum  Latinorum ;  J.  M.  Thomasius,  Opera 
Omnia,  ed.  Vezzosi ;  Rome,  1747.  Gregorii  Did 
Sacramcntorum  Liber  was  printed  by  Pamelius 
in  his  Liturgica  Latinorum  (Coloniae,  1571), 
from  a  Cologne  MS.  Again  by  Angelo  Rocca 
from  a  Vatican  MS.,  in  his  edition  of  Gregory's 


LITURGY 

Works,  torn.  viii.  (Rome,  1597).  Again  by 
Hugh  Menard  from  a  MS.  at  Corbey,  with 
a  collation  of  many  other  MSS.  and  of  the 
printed  copies,  and  very  copious  notes,  Paris, 
1642.  The  text  and  notes  of  Menard,  with  the 
Scholia  of  Rocca,  were  reprinted  by  the  Bene- 
dictine editors  in  the  Works  of  Gregory,  vol.  iii. 
(Paris,  1705);  and  in  Migne's  Patrologia,  vol. 
78.  The  Sacramentarium  Gelasianum  was  pub- 
lished by  Thomasius  in  1680  ;  reprinted  in  his 
Operi,  torn.  vi.  (Rome,  1751);  in  Migne's 
Patrologia,  vol.  74.  The  so-called  Leonine 
Sacramentary  was  published  by  Jos.  Blanchini 
in  the  Prolegomena  to  the  work  of  Anastasius 
Bibliothecarius  (Muratori,  Scriptores  Ital.  iii.  55), 
under  the  title  Codex  Sacramentorum  Vetus  a 
S.  Leone  Papa  confectus.  These  three  sacra- 
mentaries,  with  other  liturgical  documents, 
were  republished  in  an  improved  form  by  Mura- 
tori, Liturgia  Eornana  Vetus  (Venetiae,  1748), 
with  a  learned  dissertation  de  Lihris  Liturgicis, 
which  is  reprinted  in  Migne's  Patrol,  vol.  74. 
An  Ordo  Pomanus  Antiquus  was  printed  by 
Hittorp  [see  below] ;  Mabillon  published  iifteen 
Ordines  Romani  in  his  Museum  Italicum,  vol.  ii. 
(Paris  1689)  ;  reprinted  in  Migne's  Patrologia, 
vol.  68. 

Rationale  Caerimoniarum  Missae  Amhrosianae, 
Mediol.  1499.  Repi-inted  in  Pamelius,  Liturgica 
Latinorum,  i.  p.  293  ;  Missale  Mediolanense  jussu 
ct  cura  C.  Borromaei,  Mediol.  1560.  Several 
times  reprinted.  Beroldi  Mediolanensis  Ordo  et 
Caerimoniale  Missae  Amhrosianae,  in  Muratori, 
Antiq.  Italicae,  iv.  p.  86  fF. 

Missale  mixtum  secundum  Regulam  B.  Isidori, 
dictum  Mozarahe,  cum  notis  .  .  .  Alex.  Leslaei, 
Rome,  1755 ;  Missale  Mozarahe  jussu  Francisci 
Ximenii  ed.  per  Alphonsum  Ortizium  Canonicum 
Toletanum,  Toledo,  1500  [Rare] ;  Missa  Gothica  sen 
Mozarahica . .  explanata  adusumpercelebris  Moza- 
rabum  sacelli  Toleti  [cura  Card.  F.  a  Lorenzana], 
Angelopoli,  1770.     Migne's  Patrol,  voll.  85,  86. 

The  Expositio  Brevis  Liturgiae  Gallicanae  by 
Germanus  of  Paris  was  printed  by  Martene  and 
Durand  in  their  Thesaurus  Anecdotorum,  v.  pp. 
85-100.  [Reprinted  in  Migne,  Patrologia,  vol. 
72] ;  J.  Morinus  appended  certain  Sacramentaria 
et  Ritualia  ex  parte  Gallicana  to  his  Comm^ntarii 
de  Sacris  Ordinationihus,  Paris,  1655;  J.  M. 
Thomasius  printed  in  his  Codices  Sacramentorum 
(Rome,  1680),  a  Missale  Gothicum  sice  Galli- 
canum  Vetus,  a  Missale  Francorum,  and  a 
Missale  Gallicanum  Vetus.  These  were  reprinted 
by  Mabillon,  de  Liturgia  Gallicana,  lib.  iii. 
(Paris,  1685).  Mabillon  also  printed  in  his 
Museum  Italicum  (Paris,  1687)  a  Sacram^ntarinm 
Gallicanum  from  a  MS.  at  Bobio  which  he 
believed  to  be  of  the  7th  century.  [All  re- 
prmted  in  Migne's  Patrologia,  torn.  72.]  The 
Gallican  Liturgies  are  collected  in  Liturgia 
Ephesina,  the  Ancient  Liturgies  of  the  Gallican 
Church  now  first  collected  by  J.  M.  Neale  and 
G.  H.  Forbes;  Burntisland,  1855,  ff.  F.  J. 
Mone  published  eleven  Fragments  of  Gallican 
Liturgies  in  his  Griechische  und  Lateinische 
Messen  aus  den  zweiten  his  sechsten  Jahrhundert ; 
Frankfort,  1850;  reprinted  in  Migne's  Patro- 
logia, vol.  138,  with  a  valuable  Disquisitio 
Critica  by  H.  Denzinger  (p.  855). 

M.  Gerbert,  Vetus  Liturgia  Alemannica,  St. 
Blaise,  1776 ;  Monumenta  Veteris  Liturgiae 
Alemannicae,  ib.  1777-9. 


LITURGY 


1037 


W.  Maskell,  The  Ancient  Liturgy  of  the 
Church  of  England  according  to  the  Uses  of 
Sarum,  Bangor,  York  and  Hereford ;  first  edition, 
London,  1844;  second,  enlarged,  lb.  1846. 

Liturgical  Writings. — J.  S.  Durantus,  de 
Ritibus  Ecclcsiae  Catholicae  libri  tres,  Rome,  1591. 
Often  reprinted.  R.  Hospinian,  Historia  Sacra- 
mentaria, pt.  i.  Ziirich,  1598 ;  pt.  ii.  lb.  1602. 
In  his  Opera  edited  by  Heidegger,  pt.  iii.  iv. 
(Geneva,  1681).  G.  Cassander,  Liturgica  de 
Ritu  et  Ordine  Dominicae  Coenae  celebrandae,  etc. 
in  his  Opera,  Paris,  1616.  M.  Hittorp,  de 
Divinis  Ecclesiae  Catholicae  Officiis  et  Mysteriis 
varii  vetustorum  aliquot  Ecclesiae  Patrum  et 
Scriptorum  Libri;  Paris,  1619;  several  times 
reprinted.  [A  very  useful  collection  of  ancient 
treatises  on  the  liturgy.]  B.  Gavanti,  Thesaurus 
Rituum  Sacrorum ;  Antwerp,  1646;  edited  with 
many  additions  by  C.  M.  Merati  ;  Venice,  1762. 
F.  B.  Casalius,  de  veteribus  sacris  Christianorum 
Ritibus ;  Rome,  1647.  De  veteribus  Aegyp- 
tiorum  et  Romanorum  Ritibus ;  Rome,  1644. 
H.  Rixner,  de  Institutis  ac  Ritibus  veterum  Chris- 
tianorum circa  sanctum  Eucharistiam ;  Helm- 
stadt,  1670.  J.  Bona,  Rerum  Liturgicarum  libri 
ii. ;  Rome,  1672.  Several  times  reprinted  ;  ela- 
borately edited  by  Sala;  Turin,  1747.  J.  A. 
Quenstedt,  dc  sanctae  Eucharistiae  Ritibus  anti' 
quis ;  Wittenberg,  1680.  Casp.  Calvor,  Rituale 
Ecclesiasticum,  Origines  et  Causas  Rituum  .  .  . 
reccnsens ;  Jena,  1705.  J.  Grancolas,  L'Ancien 
Sacrameritaire  de  I'Eglise,  ou  la  maniere  dont  on 
administrait  les  Sacremcns  chez  les  Grecs  et  chez 
les  Latins  ;  Paris,  1699.  Les  Anciennes  Liturgies, 
ou  la  maniere  dont  on  dit  la  sainte  Messe  dans 
chaque  siecle ;  Paris,  1704.  Traits  de  la  Messe  et 
de  Foffice  Divin ;  Paris,  1713.  Edm.  Martene, 
de  antiquis  Ecclesiae  Ritibus,  Rouen,  1700-2 ; 
second  and  very  much  amplified  edition,  Antwerp, 
1736-38  ;  4  vols.  fol.  including  the  treatise  de 
antiquis  Monachorum  Ritibus  ;  reprinted,  Venice, 
1777  ;  Bassano,  1788.  A.  De  Vert,  Explication 
des  Ceremonies  de  PEglise,  Second  Edition,  Paris, 
1709-13.  C.  M.  Pfaff,  de  Oblatione  Eucharistiae 
in  primitica  Ecclesia  usitata ;  The  Hague,  1715. 
De  Liturgiis  et  Libris  ecclesiasticis ;  Tiibingen, 
1718.  J.  L.  Selvagius,  Antiquitatum  Christ- 
ianarum  Institutiones ;  Padua,  1776.  [Re- 
printed, Ib.  1780.]  A.  Zaccaria,  Bibliotheca 
Ritualis ;  Rome,  1776-81.  Onomasticon  Rituale 
Selcctum;  Faventiae,  1787.  P.  Lebrun,  Ex- 
plication des  Prieres  et  des  Ce're'monies  de  la 
Messe;  Paris,  1777.  The  same  in  Latin,  Explica- 
tio  literalis,  historica,  et  dogmatica  Precum  et  Caeri- 
moniarum Missae,  a  J.  A.  Dalmaso  Latine  reddita, 
Venet.  1770.  F.Brenner,  Geschichtliche Darstellung 
der  Verrichtung  und  Ausspendung  der  Eucharistie 
von  Christus  bis  auf  unsere  Zeiten ;  Bamberg, 
1824.  J.  J.  I.  Dollinger,  Die  Eucharistie 
der  drei  crsten  Jahrhunderte ;  Mainz,  1826. 
W.  Palmer,  Origines  Liturgicae,  with  a  Disserta- 
tion on  Primitive  Liturgies  ;  London,  1832 
[often  reprinted].  P.  Gueranger,  Institutions 
Liturgiques;  Paris,  1840-1851.  H.  Alt,  Der 
kirchliche  Gottesdienst,  being  vol.  i.  of  Der 
christliche  Cultus,  second  edition,  Berlin,  1851. 
T.  Harnack,  Der  christliche  Oemcindegottesdienst 
im  apostolischen  und  altkatholischen  Zeitalter, 
Erlangen,  1854.  P.  Freeman,  The  Principle  of 
Divine  Service,  London  and  Oxford,  1855-1862. 
J.  M.  Neale,  Essays  on  Liturgiology,  London,  1863 ; 
second  edition,    by  R.    F.  Littledale,  ib.  1867; 


1038 


LIUDGER 


Ferd.  Probst,  Liturgie  der  drei  ersten  christUcheii 
Jahrhunderte,  Tiibingen,  1870  ;  Sakramente  und 
Sakramentalien,  Tiibingen,  1872  ;  W.  E.  Scuda- 
more,  Notitia  Eucharistlca,  London,  1872  ;  second 
e^tion,  London,  1876. 

J.  G.  Janus,  de  Liturgiis  Orientalihus  Dis- 
sertatio,  Wittenberg,  1724;  J.  M.  Neale,  The 
Liturgies  of  the  Eastern  Church,  in  the  Intro- 
duction to  his  History  of  the  Eastern  Church, 
p.  317  ff.,  London,  1850;  J.  W.  Etheridge, 
The  Syrian  Churches,  their  early  History,  Ritual, 
4-c.,  London,  1849;  G.  P.  Badger,  The  Kesto- 
rians  and  their  liitiuds,  London,  1852 ;  S.  C. 
Malan,  The  Divine  Liturgy  of  the  Armenian 
Church,  translated,  London,  1870;  Original 
Documents  of  the  Coptic  Church,  translated, 
London,  1872,  etc. ;  J.  M.  Rodwell,  Ethiopia 
Liturgies  and  Prayers,  translated  from  MSS., 
London,  1864,  etc. ;  G.  B.  Howard,  The  C/u-ist- 
ians  of  St.  Thomas  and  their  Liturgies,  Oxford 
and  London,  1864. 

Leo  Allatius,  de  Libris  et  Rebus  Ecclesiasticis 
Graecorum  Dissertationes  variae,  Paris,  1646 ; 
in  Fabricius,  Bibliotheca  Gracca,  torn.  v. ;  W.  Care, 
Dissertatio  de  Libris  et  Officiis  Ecclesiasticis  Grae- 
corum, in  his  Historia  Literaria,  torn.  ii.  ed.  Oxon. 
n4:4r-5 ;  J.  M.  Heineccius,  Abbildung  der  alten 
und  neuen  Griechischen  Kirche,  Leipzig,  1711. 

N.  P.  Sibbern,  de  Libris  Latinorum  ecclesiasticis 
et  liturgicis,  Wittenberg,  1706 ;  A.  Krazer,  de 
Ecclesiae  Occidentalis  Liturgiis,  Augsburg,  1786; 
A.  G.  Graser,  Die  Riim.-Kathol.  Liturgie  nach 
ihrer  Entstehung  u.  Ausbildung,  Halle,  1829. 

J.  Mabillon,  de  Hitu  Ainbrosiano,  in  his 
Museum  Italicum,  torn.  i.  pt.  2,  p.  95  ff. 

Sam.  Maresius,  Disputatio  Historico-TJieologica 
de  Mozarabum  Officio,  in  his  Disputationes  selectae, 
pt.  ii.  pp.  355-368,  Groningen,  1663 ;  Disser- 
tation on  the  ancient  Spanish  Liturgy  in  the 
third  volume  of  Espaiia  Sagrada  by  H.  Florez, 
Mantuae  Carpet.  1748;  Jo.  Pinius,  Tractatus 
Historico-Chronologicus  de  Liturgia  Antiqua  His- 
2)anica,  Gothica,  Isidoriana,  Mozarabica,  Toletana, 
Mixta,  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum,  July,  torn.  vi. 
pp.  1-112  ;  C.  W.  Fliigge,  Bemerkungen  iiber  die 
Mozarabische  Liturgie,  in  Henke's  Magazin  fiir 
Religions-Philosophie  u.  s.  v,'.,  Bd.  iv.  p.  115  &. 

[C] 

LIUDGEE,  bishop  of  Mimigardford  ;   com- 
memorated March  26  {Acta  SS.  Mar.  iii.  616-). 
[C.  H.] 

LIVAKIUS,  martyr  at  Marsal  ;  commemo- 
rated jS'oT.  25  (Usuard.  Av/)t.'). 

LIVENTIUS  (Usuard.  Auct.  Jan.  25).     [Li- 

NENTIUS.]  [C.  H.] 

LIVING,   COMMEMORATION  OF. 

[Canon;  Diptychs.] 

LIVINUS  (LiviNius,  LiAFWiNus,  Lebuinus, 
Lebwin,  Livin),  apostle  of  Flanders,  7th  cen- 
tury, archbishop  and  martyr ;  commemorated 
Nov.  12  (Usuard.  Auct. ;  Mart.  Ado  Append.  ; 
Acta  SS.  Ord.  Bened.  ii.  431  ;  Surius,  Prob. 
Sanct.  Hist.,  ad  diem).  [C.  H.] 

LIZERIUS,  Roman  martyr  at  Venice,  temp. 
Diocletian ;  commemorated  Oct.  2  {Acta  SS. 
Oct.  i.  324).  [C.  H.] 

LIZINIUS.      [Licinius.] 

LLAWDOG  or  LLEUDAD,  Welsh  saint, 
late  in  6th  century,  commemorated  Jan.  15,  at 


LOAVES 

Llanllawdog  in  Carmarthen  (Rees,  Welsh  Saints 
(Lond.  1636),  p.  274).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LLECHID,  early  in  6th  century,  Dec.  2,  at 
Llanlechid,  in  Carnarvon  (ib.  p.  223). 

LLEUDAD  V.  Llawdog.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LLIBIO,  late  7th  century,  Feb.  28,  at  Llan- 
llibio,  in  Anglesey  {ib.  p.  308).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LLONIO  Lawhir  ap  Alan,  early  6th  century, 
has  a  church  at  Llanio,  in  Cardigan  (i'6.  p. 
221).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LLWCHAIARN,  late  6th  century,  Jan.  11, 
at  Llanllwchaiarn  (ib.  p.  275).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LLWNI,    late    7th    centur)-,    Aug.    11,     at 
Llanllwni,  in  Carmarthen  (ib.  308).     [E.  B.  B.] 
LLWYDIAN,  late  7th  century,  Nov.  19  (ib.). 

[E.  B.  B.] 
LLYR,  late  7th  century,  Oct.  21,  at   Llan- 
llyr  in  Cardigan  (ib.     V.  also  p.  169). 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LLYWEL   or  Luhil,  at   Llywel   in    Brecon 

mid.  6th  century,  p.  253.  '  [E.  B.  B.] 

liOAVES,  Multiplication  of.  Represen- 
tations of  this  miracle  are  very  frequent  in 
early  Christian  art.  Perhaps  the  most  common 
form  of  treatment  is  that  given  by  Bottari  (pi. 
Ixxxv.),  in  which  the  Lord  lays  one  hand  on  the 
loaves  and  the  other  on  the  fishes  presented  by 
two  disciples,  whilst  at  his  feet  are  the  "  baskets" 
containing  the  "  fragments."  A  sarcophagus  in 
the  Vatican,  however,  presents  a  noteworthy 
variation  from  this  type  (Ld.  pi.  xix.).  Here 
the  loaves  are  placed  in  three  baskets  at  the 
Lord's  feet ;  in  His  right  hand  He  holds  a  rod, 
which  He  extends  over  them,  whilst  He  lays  His 
left  hand  on  the  fish,  presented  by  a  disciple  (see 
woodcut).  The  principal  symbolic  use  of  this  sub- 
ject was  doubtless  to  keep  before  the  minds  of 
the  faithful  the  perpetual  supply  of  the  heavenly 
bread  provided  in  the  Eucharist  for  the  nourish- 
ment of  their  souls.  Hence  we  find  the  second 
of  the  two  recorded  miracles  of  multiplication 
is  the  one  usuallj^  chosen  for  representation,  as 
in  it  the  loaves  multiplied  are  supposed  to  have 
been  of  wheat,  the  "  barley  loaves "  being  ex- 
pressly mentioned  on  the  first  occasions.  The 
seven  baskets,  which  are  of  almost  invariable 
occurrence  in  these  representations,  show  unmis- 
takably that  the  second  of  those  miracles  is 
referred  to.     [Compare  Manna.] 


From  Bottan  C^arcophagUa  of  J 


LOAVES,  BENEDICTION  OF 

The  Lord  almost  always  appears  with  a  rod  in 
his  haad  (Buonarr.  Vetri.  tav.  viiij.).  Upon  a  sar- 
cophagus given  by  Bottari  (iii.  p.  201)  the  Lord 
holds  a  rod  in  one  hand,  and  from  the  other  rays 
ot'  light  appear  to  stream  upon  three  baskets  of 
loaves.  This  subject  is  represented  in  paintings, 
in  sarcophagi  (v.  Bosio,  passim)  and  sepulchral 
slabs  (Perret,  vol.  v.  pi.  xlvii.  18),  on  glasses 
(Buonarr.  loc.  laud.),  and  on  mosaics  (Ciampini, 
Vet.  Monim.  ii.  98).  On  a  curious  sarcophagus 
in  the  Vatican  the  Jews  appear  to  seize  the 
Lord,  perhaps  to  take  him  by  force  and  make 
him  a  king  (St.  John  vi.  15).  [C] 

LOAVES,  BENEDICTION  OF.  The  pro- 
cession of  the  Lite  which  occurs  in  the  office  of 
Great  Vespers  [v.  art.  Lite]  returns  into  the 
nave  of  the  church  while  the  Aposticha  are  being 
sung  ;  and  each  one  puts  down  his  candlestick* 
on  either  side  of  a  table*",  already  prepared  by 
the  Cellarite  (or  steward),  on  which  stands  a  dish 
with  corn  and  five  loaves,  such  as  we  are  in  the 
habit  of  offering  in  church, ;  and  on  either  side 
of  the  dish  are  two  vessels  {kyyita)  ;  the  one  on 
the  left  filled  with  wine,  the  other  on  the  right 
with  oil.  The  priest  with  the  deacon  stands 
within  the  beautiful  doors  {rwv  wpaiwv  -KvKZvy. 
When  the  Aposticha  are  finished.  Nunc  diniittis, 
the  Trisagion,  and  the  Lord's  prayer  are  said ; 
and  after  certain  troparia  belonging  to  the  day, 
and  certain  ceremonies  which  are  detailed  in  the 
rubrics,  relating  mainly  to  the  censing  of  the 
loaves,  the  priest  takes  one  loaf  in  his  hand,  and 
says  the  following  prayer  in  a  loud  voice : 

"  0  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  our  God,  who  didst 
bless  the  five  loaves  in  the  desert,  and  didst  feed 
five  thousand  men  ;  do  Thou  bless  these  loaves 
also,  the  corn,  the  wine,  and  the  oil ;  and  mul- 
tiply them  in  this  holy  monastery  [or  in  the 
city],  and  throughout  the  whole  world  which  is 
Thine,  and  sanctify  the  faithful  who  partake  of 
them.  For  Thou  art  He  that  blesseth  and 
sanctifieth  all  things,  Christ  our  God  ;  and  to 
Thee  we  offer  up  [di/aTrg'jUTro^ej']  glory,  with 
Thine  eternal  [lit.  without  beginning]  Father, 
and  Thine  all  Holy  and  Good  and  Life-giving 
Spirit,  now  and  to  all  ages.     Amen." 

Then  Psalm  33  [34  E.  V.  Benedicam  Domino] 
is  said  as  far  as  the  words,  "  Shall  want  no 
manner  of  thing  that  is  good." 

And  the  priest  goes  from  his  place,  and  stands 
before  the  Holy  doors  looking  West.  And  after 
the  end  of  the  psalm  he  says  : 

"The  blessing    of  the    Lord   and   His  mercy 


LOCALIS  OKDINATIO 


1039 


»  TO  ixavova.\i.a.    So  called  because  carried  in  the  hand. 

*>  TerpaTToSiof.  Called  in  the  parallel  rubric  in  the 
office  for  Vespers  ai/oAoytoi',  which  word  is  explained  as 
pulpitum  portabile. 

<=  It  is  disputed  what  is  meant  by  this  term.  Here 
it  evidently  means  the  doors  which  separate  the  body 
(voos)  of  the  church  from  the  narthes ;  for  the 
rubric  on  the  procession  of  the  Lite,  which  starts  from 
the  interior  of  the  church,  says— SieAedi/Te?  Slol  twi/ 
wpouoi/  ■nvKCiv  .  .  .  icTTaiTat  fv  t(u  vdperiKi,  whence  they 
are  now  returning.  Dr.  Neale,  however,  holds  that  these 
doors  are  the  exterior  doors  of  the  narthcx.  The  question 
appears  to  be  connected  with  some  ambiguity  in  the  use 
of  th«  term  narthex,  and  probably  with  some  structural 
variation  in  different  churches.  See  Ducange,  Constan. 
Christna  and  Gloss.  Gr.  harb.  986;  Goar,  Euch.  pp.  12, 14, 
Ac. ;  Neale,  Intr.  pp.  197,  &c.    [Doges,  p.  574.] 


come  upon  you,  by  His  grace  and  love  for  men 
now  and  ever  and  to  all  ages." 

And  the  dismissal  takes  place. 

A  note  at  the  end  of  the  office  of  vespers  adds  : 
"Be  it  known  that  the  bread  which  has  been 
blessed  is  a  preservative  against  all  sorts  of  evils, 
if  it  be  taken  with  flxith." 

The  following  form  of  "  Blessing  bread  and 
distributing  it  to  the  poor  on  the  feasts  of  the 
Ascension  or  Pentecost  "  is  from  an  old  Pontifical 
of  Narbonne,  and  is  stated  [Martene,  iii.  193]  to 
have  been  used  in  other  churches. 

After  rubrical  directions  for  the  procession, 
and  other  ritual  observances,  the  deacon  reads 
the  gospel  from  St.  John  vi.  1.  The  officiating 
priest  or  bishop  (Sacerdos  vel  Pontifex)  begins, 
and  the  choir  continues  the  antiphon  De  quinque 
panibus,  &c. 

The  Priest.  Dispersit  dedit  pauperibus. 

v.  Beatus  qui  intelligit  super  egenum  et  pauperem. 

R.  In  die  mala  liberabit  eum  Domiuus. 

v.  Nnmquid  panem  poierit  dare  ? 

K.  Aut  parare  mensam  in  deserto  ? 

V".  Pluit  illis  manna  ad  manducandum, 

R.  Et  panem  coeli  dedit  eis, 

V.  Cibavlt  illos  ex  adipe  frumenti,  • 

R.  Et  de  petra  melle  saturavit  eos. 

V.  Manducaverunt  et  saturati  sunt, 

R.  Et  desiderium  attulit  eis. 

V.  Panem  angelorum  manducavit  homo. 

R.  Misit  eis  cibaria  in  abundantia. 

V.  Domine  exaudi  orationem  meam. 

R.  Et  clamor  mens  ad  te  veniat. 

And  the  form  concludes  with  two  collects  (the 
former  of  which  is  substantially  the  same  as  the 
Greek  prayer  already  given,  in  a  Latin  shape)  for 
blessing  the  bread,  and  that  it  may  convey 
spiritual  and  bodily  health  and  protection 
against  all  diseases  to  those  who  partake  of  it. 
[H.  J.  H.] 

LOCALIS  OEDINATIO.  By  ancient  cus- 
tom, no  priest,  deacon,  or  other  ecclesiastic  was 
permitted  to  be  ordained  without  having  a 
definite  sphere  in  which  to  exercise  his  minis- 
try, or,  in  the  later  phrase,  without  a  title  to 
orders.  This  was  termed  in  the  Western  Church 
localis  ordinatio,  and  the  clergy,  because  ordained 
to  the  charge  of  a  particular  church  or  monas- 
tery, were  termed  locales.  And  it  was  specially 
forbidden  that  a  clerk  should  be  ordained  to  two 
churches,  "  cauponarum  enim  est "  {Syn.  Nic.  IT. 
can.  15).  The  first  Council  of  Aries  (a.d.  314) 
recognises  this  custom  incidentally  in  its  22nd 
canon,  ordering  that  priests  and  deacons  who 
should  relinquish  the  churches  to  which  they 
were  bound  by  their  ordination  (in  quibus 
ordinati  sunt)  should  return  and  officiate  there 
only,  and  that  those  who  did  not  obey  should  be 
deposed.  And  the  Council  of  Valencia  in  Spain 
(a.d.  524)  expressly  forbids  ordination  unless  the 
candidate  should  have  first  promised  to  keep  to  a 
single  post  (se  futurum  localem)  in  order  that 
none  ordained  might  be  able  to  transgress  ecclesi- 
astical rule  and  discipline  with  impunity  by 
removing  from  one  church  to  another.  To  the 
same  effect  the  Oecumenical  Council  of  Chalcedon 
(a.d.  451)  in  its  6th  canon,  forbidding  any  to  be 
ordained  airoXeXvfXfi'ws,  i.e.  absolutely  and  with- 
out a  title.  It  annuls  ordinations  performed  in 
breach  of  this  rule.  By  the  two  following  canons 
it  declares  all  clergy  residing   in  monasteries  or 


1040        LOOALIS  ORDINATIO 

serving  chapels  of  the  martyrs,  to  be  locales. 
Aud  we  find  pope  Leo  {Ep.  92,  ad  Rustic,  c.  i.) 
instructing  his  correspondent  accordingly  that 
ordination  without  this  designation  to  a  particu- 
lar place  was  null,  "  vana  est  habenda  ordinatio, 
quae  nee  loco  fundata  est,  nee  auctoritate  munita." 

The  principle  in  fact  was  that  such  ordinations 
had  no  mission,  and  this  idea  kept  in  mind  will 
in  every  instance  give  the  reasons  of  the  rule. 
It  is  not  to  be  understood  as  binding  a  priest  to 
the  same  church  throughout  his  life,  but  it  would 
seem  that  he  was  expected  to  keep  as  a  general 
rule  to  the  same  diocese.  He  owed  obedience  to 
the  bishop  who  ordained  him  to  his  first  grade,  and 
was  bound  to  go  and  exercise  his  ministry 
whither  he  was  sent  by  him.  The  3rd  Council 
of  Carthage  (a.d.  397)  obliged  Julian,  a  bishop, 
to  send  back  to  another  bishop,  Epigonius,  a 
youth  whom  the  latter  had  ordained  as  reader, 
although  Julian  had  advanced  him  to  the  diacon- 
ate,  and  so  might  seem  to  have  a  claim  upon  him 
(can.  44).  It  was  not  usual  for  a  bishop  to  pro- 
mote to  a  higher  grade  a  clerk  ordained  by 
another  bishop.  This  was  expressly  forbidden 
by  the  ninth  canon  of  a  synod  held  at  Angers, 
and  by  the  tenth  of  another  held  at  Vannes  in 
Brittany.  It  was  the  breach  of  this  well-known 
and  understood  rule  that  occasioned  the  loud 
complaints  made  by  Demetrius  of  Alexandria 
when  Origen,  who  was  one  of  his  deacons,  was 
raised  to  the  presbyterate  in  Palestine  by  the 
bishops  of  Caesarea  and  Jerusalem.  We  find 
Gregory  the  Great  (a.d.  590)  writing  to  the 
bishop  of  Syracuse,  requesting  him  to  send  back 
to  their  ordinary  certain  clerks  who  had  taken 
refuge  with  him,  having  been  ordained  by 
another  bishop  (^Epist.  hi.  42). 

Canonical  penalties  were  imposed  for  breaches 
of  this  rule.  The  Council  of  Ilerda  (^Lcrida,  a.d. 
524)  suspended  the  bishop  so  offending  from  the 
power  to  ordain  (can.  12).  The  third  of  Or- 
leans (538)  sequestered  him  altogether  from  offi- 
ciating for  six  months  (can.  6).  The  civil 
power  appears  at  some  periods  to  have  been  called 
in  to  relegate  wandering  clerks  to  their  own 
diocesan  {Cone.  Tolet.  xiii.  A.D.  683,  cann.  11,  12). 
The  number  of  these  seems  to  have  been  very 
great  throughout  the  Western  Churches.  Isidore, 
writing  in  A.D.  595,  calls  them  Acephali,  and 
speaks  of  them  as  disgracing  the  church,  and 
hardly  deserving  the  name  of  clergy  at  all 
(Isid.  Hispal.  de  Eccles.  Offic.  lib.  ii.  c.  3). 

The  same  Gregory  wishing  to  appoint  the 
archdeacon  of  Catania  to  the  vacant  see  of  Syra- 
cuse, formally  asked  for  him  a  release  by  the 
bishop  of  Catania  from  this  bond  of  localis  {Epist. 
iv.  30).  In  like  manner  the  assent  of  the  arch- 
bishop of  Ravenna  was  formally  applied  for  before 
the  appointment  of  Florentius,  archdeacon  of  Ra- 
venna, to  the  see  of  Ancona  (£/5isf .  xii.  6).  Many 
such  instances  occur  in  history.  Charlemagne 
himself  presided  over  a  council  held  at  Frankfort 
in  794,  when  complaint  was  made  of  the  wander- 
ing habit  of  a  part  of  the  clerg)',  and  sundry  pro- 
hibitions of  this  were  repeated  {Cap.  Frankf.). 
That  neither  bishop,  presbyter,  nor  deacon  should 
migrate  from  city  to  city,  but  remain  attached 
to  their  own  church  according  to  rule  (can.  7). 
That  bishops  should  not  receive  wandering  clergy 
(can.  27).  That  none  should  be  ordained  unat- 
tached (absolute)  (can.  28). 

Nor  could  they  throw  off  their  clerical  character 


LOCALIS  OEDINATIO 

iu  order  to  escape  this  bond  of  localis  {Syn. 
Caesaraugust.  can.  6 ;  Cone.  Chalccd.  can.  7 ; 
Justinian,  Novell,  vi.  c.  l,declericis  in  aliam  vitae 
formam  transeuntibus).  But  the  clerk  could  not 
be  removed  from  his  church  or  preferment  at  the 
mere  will  of  the  bishop  (Greg.  Mag.  Ejjist.  i.  19  ; 
iii.  13),  though  he  might  be  transferred,  "  noii 
invitus,"  from  one  to  another  {Cone.  Carthag. 
iv.  can.  27).  The  bishop  might  not  in  ordinary 
cases  send  a  clerk  into  another  diocese  {Cone. 
Antioch.  can.  22  ;  Can.  Apost.  c.  35)  ;  but  he  might 
send  him  on  a  mission  to  the  heathen,  as  e.  g. 
Gregory  the  Great  sent  Augustine  to  the  heathen 
English. 

The  priest  might  not  travel  without  the 
licence  and  commendatory  letters  of  his  bishop 
under  penalty  of  suspension  {Cone.  Laodic.  a.d. 
361,  can.  42  ;  also  can.  41 ;  and  especially  Cmcil. 
Milev.  a.d.  416,  can.  20,  which  is  very  express  and 
detailed  on  this  point).  Similar  canons  were 
passed  by  the  second  of  Seville  (A.D.  619,  can.  3  ; 
Worm.  868,  can.  19).  In  506  the  Council  of 
Agde  imposed  by  its  64th  canon  the  penalty  of 
three  years'  suspension  upon  priests  for  absence 
from  their  churches  for  even  three  weeks. 

The  clerk  seems  not  to  have  been  quite  helpless 
before  the  power  of  his  bishop.  The  Council  of 
Sardica  (A.D.  381)  gave  permission  to  a  clerk 
unjustly  accused  to  appeal  to  neighbouring 
bishops,  and  to  these  a  discretion  to  hear  and 
judge  of  such  a  case  (can.  17).  But  it  is  very 
cautiously  worded,  and  seems  to  point  rather  to 
the  rehabilitation  of  the  clerk  in  his  own  diocese, 
than  his  admission  to  another.  The  thirteenth  of 
Toledo,  however,  in  its  12th  canon  gives  to  clerks 
a  distinct  right  of  appeal  to  the  metropolitan 
and  even  to  the  sovereign.  And  see  also  a  letter 
of  Pope  Leo  I.  {ad  Anastas.  c.  9),  which  imposes 
upon  the  metropolitan  the  obligation  of  compel- 
ling such  a  fugitive  to  return  to  his  own  church. 
And  Cone.  Wornmt.  can.  18. 

There  were  occasional  exceptions  to  this  rule 
of  making  all  clergy  locales.  Paulinus,  bishop 
of  Nola  (A.  D.  353-431)  writes  in  his  first  letter 
to  Sulpicius  Severus  that  he  was  ordained  a 
presbyter  at  Barcelona  upon  the  express  condition 
that  he  should  not  be  bound  to  that  church.  But 
his  was  altogether  a  special  case  ;  that  of  a  man 
of  high  rank  and  large  fortune  who  was  induced 
to  take  upon  him  the  priesthood  by  the  urgent 
persuasions  of  the  people.  The  case  of  Jerome 
(A.D.  340-420)  again  is  peculiar.  He  was 
ordained  a  presbyter  by  Paulinus,  bishop  of 
Antioch,  having  previously  stipulated  that  he 
should  not  be  obliged  to  quit  his  monastic 
life.  He  says  {ApoL  ad  Pammach.  tom.  ii.  p. 
181)  that  he  told  Paulinus  "si  tribuis  pres- 
byterum  ut  monachum  nobis  non  auferas,  tu 
videres  de  judicio  tuo."  And  from  the  tone  of 
his  description  it  would  seem  that  like  Paulinus 
of  Nola,  he  too  had  been  solicited  to  receive 
ordination.  Yet  we  learn  from  Epiphanius 
that  it  struck  him  as  very  unusual  and  im- 
proper that  Jerome  and  another  presbyter,  Vin- 
centius,  lived  in  retirement,  discharging  none 
of  the  duties  of  their  function ;  not  even  cele- 
brating the  holy  communion  ;  a  very  remarkable 
thing  at  that  time.  But  Jerome,  whatever  may 
have  been  his  actual  motive,  was  really  in  agree- 
ment with  the  principle  of  the  canon  of  Chalcedon 
referred  to  above,  which  forbade  men,  ordained  as 
he  had  been,  to  exercise  their  office.     Theodoret 


LOCULUS 

(^Histor.  Eelig.  c.  xlii.  3)  records  that  Flavian, 
another  bishop  of  Antioch,  sent  for  Macedonius, 
a  famous  monk  out  of  the  neighbouring  desert, 
and  having  ordained  him  a  presbyter  against  his 
will,  allowed  him  to  return. 

It  is  evident  that  even  these  exceptions  are 
more  apparent  than  real ;  that  the  rule  of  localis 
was  absolute,  and  was  strictly  observed. 

It  extended  also  to  bishops.  No  bishop  was 
to  be  consecrated,  e.xcept  to  a  particular  diocese, 
and  to  that  he  was  to  confine  himself.  We  find 
the  1st  Council  of  Xicaea  (can.  15)  recognising 
this  fact  in  the  plainest  manner,  and  applying  it 
to  all  the  clergy,  bishops,  priests,  or  deacons. 
The  above  refers  to  clergy  obtaining  these  re- 
movals, so  to  speak,  by  fair  means :  can.  16  of 
the  same  council  deals  with  the  case  of  presby- 
ters and  deacons  breaking  the  rule  of  localis 
altogether  lawlessly.  Justinian  promulgated  a 
law  (Novell,  lib.  iv.  c.  2)  forbidding  bishops  to 
be  absent  from  their  dioceses  more  than  a  year, 
except  by  command  of  the  emperor.  The  3rd 
of  Carthage  (397)  forbids  (can.  38)  the  ti-ansla- 
tion  of  bishops ;  and  this  canon  recites  the  case 
which  formed  its  occasion,  viz.  that  Cresconius, 
bishop  of  Villa  Regia,  had  left  his  see,  and  settled 
himself  over  that  of  Tubunae,  contrary  to  the 
rule.  For  a  bishop  might  not  be  transferred 
from  his  original  see  without  the  approval  of  a 
provincial  synod  (iv.  Carth.  can.  27,  which  no 
doubt  embodies  an  earlier  rule). 

Yet  even  here  we  find  some  exceptions.  Sozo- 
men  (Hist.  Eccles.  vi.  c.  34)  relates  that  Barses 
and  Eulogius,  monks  of  Edessa,  and  Lazarus,  a 
monk  of  Mount  Sigoron,  were  raised  to  be 
bishops,  not  of  any  diocese,  but  purely  and 
simply  as  an  honour,  ov  iT6\eois  rivhs,  aWa. 
Ti/xTJs  eveicei/.  These  appear,  however,  to  be 
the  only  cases  expressly  recorded  of  a  honorary 
episcopate,  until  a  much  later  period.  In  the 
2nd  Council  of  Macon  (a.d.  585)  there  wei-e 
three  bishops  present  who  subscribed  the  acts 
of  the  council  "  non  habentes  sedes."  The 
Council  of  Vermeria  [Verberie,  dioc.  Soissons] 
(a.d.  752)  complains  of  the  number  of  vagrant 
bishops,  and  refuses  to  recognise  the  ordinations 
performed  by  them  (can.  14),  and  three  years 
after  (A.D.  755)  one  at  Verneville  appealed  to 
such  bishops  not  to  ordain  in  the  dioceses  of 
others  (can.  13).  For  the  case  of  the  chorepiscopi, 
or  assistant  bishops,  see  Chorepiscopus.  Their 
want  of  title  and  jurisdiction  in  the  Western 
Church  was,  in  the  reign  of  Charlemagne,  held 
to  be  fatal  to  their  episcopal  character,  "  nam 
episcopi  non  erant,  qui  nee  ad  quandam  epi- 
Ecopalem  sedem  titulati  erant,  nee  canonice  a 
tribus  episcopis  ordinati."  The  whole  class 
were  therefore  to  be  recognised  as  presbyters 
onl}-,  and  their  ordinations  were  to  be  disallowed 
"pro  inanibus  vacuisque  habitae."        [S.  J.  E.] 

LOCULUS.    [Catacombs,  I.  30G.] 

LOCUTORIUM.    [Parlour.] 

LOGIUM.     [Ratioxale.] 

LOGUOEGUE,  martyr,  commemorated  May 
4  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LOIS,  grandmother  of  Timothy,  commemo- 
rated July  27  {Arm.  Gal.).  [C.  H.] 

LOMANUS,  bishop  of  Trim,  commemorated 


LORD 


1041 


with  bishop  Fortchern  Feb.  17  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Feb.  iii.  13).  [C.  H.] 

LONDON,  COUNCIL  OF  {Londinense  Con- 
cilium), A.D.  605  or  thereabouts,  according  to 
Mansi  (x.  495),  following  Spelman  and  Wilkins, 
who  mistook  a  general  assertion  of  St.  Boniface 
for  one.  (Stubbs's  Wilkins,  notes  to  pp.  51-2.) 
[E.  S.  Ff.] 

LONGI  (Ma/cpoi).  A  name  by  which  some 
Egyptian  monks  were  known,  who  were  con- 
cerned in  the  dispute  between  Theophilus  of 
Alexandria  and  St.  John  Chrysostom,  archbishop 
of  Constantinople  (Sozomen,  Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  vi. 
c.  30).  He  explains  that  the  appellative  applied 
only  to  three  brothers,  Ammonius,  Eusebius,  and 
Dioscorus,  who  were  remarkably  tall. 

[S.  J.  E.] 

LONGINUS  (1)  Said  to  have  been  the  soldier 
who  pierced  the  Lord's  side.  His  martyrdom  at 
Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  was  commemorated  March 
15  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Usuard,  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  March,  ii.  384).  In  the  Vet.  Horn.  Mart,  he 
occurs  under  Sept.  1,  and  in  the  Auctaria  of  Bede 
under  March  15  and  Nov.  22.  Under  the  latter 
date  a  person  of  the  same  name,  but  otherwise 
not  designated,  occurs  as  suffering  in  Cappadocia 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Said  to  have  been  the  centurion  who  stood 
by  the  cross,  martyr,  commemorated  Oct.  16 
(Byzant.  Cat. ;  Basil,  Menol. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg. 
iv.  271).  The  Bollandists  make  Longinus  the 
soldier  and  Longinus  the  centurion  both  martyred 
at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  and  both  commemo- 
rated on  March  15  (Acta  SS.  March,  ii.  384).  In 
Bede's  Auctaria,  Oct.  23,  occurs  a  Longinus  who 
suffered  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia. 

(3)  Soldier  and  martyr  at  Marseille,  comme- 
morated July  21  (Bede,  Auct.). 

(4)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  Sept.  28 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LONGUS  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemo- 
rated Oct.  2  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  in  Phrygia,  commemorated  Oct. 
27  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LOQUUMFAS,  female  martyr  at  Barcelona, 
commemorated  Feb.  15  (Hiercm.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 

LORD  (Kvpios,  SeffTTorris,  Domimis).  On  the 
Old  Testament  (LXX)  usage  of  these  several 
words,  see  DiCT.  of  the  Bible,  art.  Lord. 

I.  Dominus,  see  under  that   heading  in  vol.  i. 

II.  Kvpios  is  a  general  title  of  respect,  and, 
when  employed  in  the  vocative,  exactly  like  Sir 
in  English  (St.  John  iv.  11,  sii.  21). 

Aeo-TToTrjj  is  employed  sometimes  in  the  same 
connexion  :  the  use  of  dominus  in  later  times  is 
exactly  similar. 

Aea-irorris,  Kvpios,  and  dominus  are  bestowed 
upon  bishops.  In  a  letter  from  Eusebius  of 
Nicomedia  to  Paulinus,  bishop  of  Tyre,  we  find 
him  styling  his  correspondent  lord  (Kvpws). 
This  was  probably  an  excess  of  adulation.  The 
Prooemium  to  the  acts  of  the  1st  Council  of 
Aries  (a.d.  314)  speaks  of  pope  Sylvester  as 
"Lord"  (Dominus).  Similarly  the  epistle  of  the 
synod  at  Gangra  (324)  speaks  to  the  bishops  of 
Armenia,    as  "  dominis  honorabilibus    consacer- 


1042 


LORD 


•dotibus."  A  letter  of  the  Egyptian  bishops  to 
pope  Marcus  (336)  asking  for  copies  of  the  Nicene 
canons,  is  addressed  (if  we  may  trust  the  text) 
"domino  sancto  et  Apostolici  culminis  vene- 
rando  papae.  And  he,  in  replying,  used  a  similar 
formula,  "  dominis  venerabilibus  fratribus."  So 
the  epistle  of  the  Orientals  to  pope  Julius  I. 
(337). 

In  and  after  the  time  of  Constantine  we  find 
many  examples  of  this  usage.  St.  John  Chry- 
sostom,  writing  to  pope  Innocent  (a.D.  402-417, 
Episc.  122,  ad  Innoc.  Episc.  Rom.),  superscribes 
his  letter  "  TQ  SeairSTTj  fxov  t^  alSecrt/xcoTaTif) 
Kol  6eo(pi\i(TTa,Tca  eTTi(TK6'ir(f>  ....  'lodvvris  ev 
Kvpl(f>  x"'P*"'-"  ^^  ^^'^^  henceforward  it  was 
applied  to  men  of  high  rank,  both  in  church 
and  state,  "pariterque  caeteri  principes  atque 
nobiles  turn  ecclesiae  turn  reipublicae  "  (Spel- 
man,  Glossar.  s.  v.  "  Lord  "). 

But  yet  the  designation  "  Lord"  was  not  uni- 
versal in  addressing  bishops :  many  letters  are 
found  without  it :  and  it  is  remarkable  that  St. 
Jerome,  writing  to  pope  Damasus,  although  he 
was  his  superior  and  patron,  calls  him  merely 
"  beatissimus  papa."  (The  letter  is  curious,  as 
being  written  to  suggest  that  the  '•  Gloria  Patri" 
and  Alleluia  should  be  added  to  the  psalms  when 
sung  ;  which  had  not,  up  to  that  time,  been 
done  at  Rome.)  Yet  in  the  very  next  letter 
we  find  Stephen,  archbishop  of  Aphricae  (?  An- 
iiphra  in  Libya),  addressing  the  same  man  in  a 
synodical  letter,  as  "  lord"  (dominus).  So  also 
this  very  Damasus  in  a  letter  to  the  bishops  of 
Bithynia  calls  them  "  domini  venerabiles." 

The  truth  seems  to  be  that  whenever  any  one, 
cleric  or  layman,  addressing  a  bishop,  wished 
to  be  particularly  respectful,  he  said  "  dominus" 
not  otherwise. 

By  the  early  part  of  the  6th  century  it 
had  become,  in  some  parts  of  the  church,  an 
ofiicial  style  of  those  in  high  position,  whether 
ecclesiastical  or  civil.  The  early  Frank  kings 
both  received  it  themselves  and  bestowed  it 
upon  others.  (Epist.  Clodov.  Beg.  Franc,  ad 
Syn.  Aurel.  I.)     Compare  Sdpersckiption. 

III.  Kvpios,  Dominus,  was  especially  a  title 
of  the  emperors,  both  in  earlier  and  later  times, 
before  and  after  the  Christian  era.  Augustus, 
indeed,  forbad  by  an  edict  the  addressing  of 
himself  as  Dominus  (Suet.  Vit.  August,  c.  53), 
probably  from  a  prudent  political  motive;  and 
Tiberius  (Suet.  Vit.  Neron.  c.  27)  renewed  the 
prohibition.  But  afterwards  the  use  of  the 
title  became  very  common  ;  and  Domitian  caused 
himself  to  be  styled,  not  only  "  Dominus"  but 
"Deus"(Suet.  Vit.Domit.c.lZ).  Tertullian  (^^jo- 
log.  c.  34)  praises  the  moderation  of  Augustus, 
and  explains  in  what  sense  he  himself  employed 
the  word  ;  "  dicam  plane  imperatorem  dominum, 
sed  more  communi ;  sed  quando  non  cogor  ut 
Dominum  Dei  vice  dicam.  Ceterum  liber  sum 
illi ;  Dominus  enim  mens  unus  est,  omnipotens 
Deus  aeternus.  .  .Qui  pater  patriae  est,  quomodo 
dominus  est  ?  Sed  et  gratius  est  nomen  pietatis 
quam  potestatis :  etiam  familiae  magis  patres 
quam  domini  vocantur." 

Arius  and  Euzoius,  writing  to  Constantine 
about  A.D.  326,  call  him  "dominus  noster." 
The  bishops  of  the  Council  of  Rimini  (A.D.  359) 
address  Constantius  as  "domine,  amabilis  Deo 
Imperatcr." 

IV.  Lord  (dominus)  appears  to  be  sometimes 


LORD'S  DAY 

used  during  this  period  in  the  sense  of  "  saint." 
{Epist.  Cahilon.  Cone,  ad  Theod.)  [S.  J.  £.] 

V.  Liturgical  ttse.  The  word  Kvpios  is  applied 
both  to  the  first  Person  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  as 
in  St.  James,  c.  26  (Daniel,  Codex,  iv.  105), 
where  God  the  Creator  is  invoked  as  Kvpie  6 
@i6s ;  to  the  second,  as  in  St.  James,  c.  5, 
where  He  is  addressed  as  6  Kvpios  Kal  @ehs 
rifjiuiv  'l7\(Tovs  XpKTTds  ;  and  to  the  Holy  Trinity 
itself,  as  in  St.  James,  c.  10,  where  Father,  Son, 
and  Holy  Spirit,  to  whom  the  hymn  is  sent  up, 
are  addressed  as  Kvpie  u  Qehs  Vifj-oiv.  Aea-KOTTjs 
is  similarly  used;  in  St.  James,  c.  21,  for 
instance,  we  find  it  Aeairora  6  &ehs  6  iravro- 
Kparccp,  6  Uariip  rod  XpKTTov  crov,  where  God 
the  Father  is  addressed ;  in  St.  James,  c.  3,  the 
Son  is  addressed  as  AeV^rora  Kvpn  'ItjitoD 
XpiiTTe.  In  Latin,  the  word  Dominus  is  used  as 
an  appellation  both  of  the  Father  to  whom  the 
prayer  is  addressed,  and  of  the  Son  through 
whom  it  is  oSered. 

In  most  Western  rites  the  reader,  when  about 
to  recite  a  lection,  says  "  Jube,  domine,  bene- 
dicere."  It  has  been  doubted  whether  this  is 
addressed  to  God  or  to  the  priest.  It  probably, 
however,  as  archdeacon  Freeman  {Divine  Service, 
i.  113)  has  pointed  out,  is  a  request  to  the  priest 
that  he  would  desire  a  blessing,  and  might  be 
rendered,  "  Sir,  desire  God  to  bless  us"  (compare 
Leslie's  Portiforium  Sariib.  p.  5,  and  note,  p. 
lii.).  The  corresponding  Greek  form  is  simply 
iv\6'yrt(Tov  Seffirora,  as  (e.g.)  in  the  Byzantine 
liturgy  (Daniel,  iv.  327,  329,  etc.),  where  the 
Seo-iroTTjx  is  clearly  the  priest.  It  is  noteworthy, 
that  in  the  East  the  priest  responded  to  the 
request  by  blessing  God  {ev\6ynTos  6  @e6s),  in 
the  West  by  blessing  himself  and  the  congrega- 
tion. See  on  this  point  the  Eegula  Benedicti 
Commentata,  note  on  c.  9,  in  Migne,  Patrol,  vol. 
Ivi.  p.  272.  [C] 

LORD'S  DAY.  (rj  KvpiaKij  v/J-epa,  Dominicus 
or  Dominica  dies.)  The  origin  of  the  name  is  un- 
doubtedly to  be  found  in  the  well-known  passage 
(Rev.  i.  10),  iyevofM-qv  eV  TTvevfiaTi  iv  -rfi  Kvpi- 
aK^  7]ij.epa.  Even  if  that  passage  stood  alone,  it 
would  be  difficult  to  accept  either  of  the  rival 
interpretations,  one  of  which  refers  the  name  to 
the  Sabbath,  and  the  other  to  the  "  Day  of  the 
Lord."  But  taking  into  consideration  the  re- 
markable catena  of  patristic  usage  which,  from 
Ignatius  downwards,  establishes  the  regular  and 
technical  use  of  j]  icvpiaKT]  for  the  "  first  day  of 
the  week,"  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  these 
interpretations  may  be  dismissed  as  unworthy 
of  serious  attention.  The  same  usage,  moreover 
(especially  in  connection  with  the  history  of  the 
Paschal  controversy),  seems  effectually  to  dis- 
pose of  a  third  interpretation,  which  understands 
by  the  rv  KvpiaKrj  the  annual  festival  of  the 
Resurrection,  or  Easter  day.  (On  these  points 
see  Dr.  Hessey's  article  "  Lord's  Dag  "  in  Smith's 
Dictionary  of  the  Bible.)  We  accept,  there- 
fore, unhesitatingly  the  traditional  interpretation 
which  sees  in  this  passage  of  St.  John  a 
reference  to  the  weekly  Lord's  day,  as  a  well- 
known  and  established  festival  in  the  apostolic 
church.  The  more  common  scriptural  desig- 
nation of  that  day  is  the  ^  ,1110  or  fj.ia  cra^Pdrwi 
(Matt,  xxviii.  1  ;  Mark  xvi.  2  ;  Luke  xxiv.  1  ; 
John  sxi.  19 ;  Acts  xx.  7  ;  1  Cor.  xvi.  2.)  In 
one  passage,  Mark  xvi.  9  (the  disputed  passage 


LORD'S  DAY 

at  the  close  of  the  Gospel),  we  have  irpwrTj  aa^- 
PdTov  or  ffa^^aTwv.  The  use  of  the  t]  KvpiaKij 
by  St.  John  marks  ti-ansition  to  the  common 
post-apostolic  usage.  In  one  well-known  passage 
in  the  (so-called)  Epistle  of  Barnabas  (c.  xvi.), 
for  a  reason  suggested  by  the  context,  we  find 
the  day,  in  contrast  with  the  Jewish  sabbath, 
called  the  oySo^  ^,"f'p")  ^^  expression  taken  up 
and  amplified  into  the  oySori  7]/J.epa  ^  Kal 
TTpaiTTi  of  subsequent  Fathers.  At  a  later  period, 
v.'hen  the  hebdomadal  division  of  the  time  began 
to  prevail  in  the  Roman  empire,  we  find  Chris- 
tian writers  designating  the  day  by  its  heathen 
name  (the  ^  tov  rjAiov  Aeyo/jLivt)  -y^/j-^pa  of 
Justin  Martyr).  And  from  the  time  of  the  cele- 
brated edict  of  Constantine,  which  speaks  of  the 
"venerabilis  Solis  dies,"  the  two  names  were 
much  interchanged,  Christian  writers  sometimes 
using  (though  less  frequently  than  we  do)  the 
name  "Sunday,"  and  on  the  other  hand  the 
•  Christian  designation  making  its  way  into  the 
statute  book,  as  in  the  edict  of  Gratian,  a.d.  386 
("  Solis  die,  quern  Dominicum  rite  dixere  ma- 
,  jores  ").     [Week.] 

(I.)  Turning  from  the  name  to  the  thing,  it 
seems  impossible  to  doubt  that  from  the  earliest 
existence    of   the    church    the    Lord's    day  was 
observed   as  the  characteristic  Christian  festival, 
hallowed  as  a  commemoration  of  that  Resurrec- 
tion of  the  Lord,  which  was  the  leading  subject 
in  the  earliest  forms  of  Christian  preaching.     To 
this  primary  consecration  of  the  day  was  added  a 
second,  in  the  descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit  on  the 
day  of  Pentecost,  which  in  that  year  fell  on  the 
1    first  day  of    the   week.      The    passage    in    the 
!    Epistle  of  Barnabas  referred  to  (5i^  /coi  'dyo/j.ey 
'    Ti]v  ij/xepau  TiV  07507V  6is  evippo(ruvr]v,   iv  y  Kai 
I     0  'iTjffoCs  dvicrrri  e/c  rSsv  feKpwv  Kal  (pavepoodels 
i     avi^t)  €is  Tohs  oiipai/ovs)  seems  even  to  indicate 
';    the  notion  that  it  was  the  day  of  the  Ascension 
i    also.     We  may  naturally  ask,  How  could  a  day 
\    so  hallowed  fail  of  reverent  festal  observance  ? 
I    We  trace  indications  of   such   observance,   brief 
;    indeed,    but    unmistakeable,   in    Holy  Scripture 
I    itself  (see  Dr.  Hessey's  article  in  his  Bampton 
I   Lectures)  ;  and  these  are  still  further  illustrated 
by  the  testimony  of  early  writers. 

But  the   undoubted  fact  of   this    observance 
by  no  means  involves  the  inference  often   drawn 
from  it,  that  the  keeping  of  the  Lord's  day  must 
be  traced  to  an  apostolic  decree,  transferring  to 
it,   directly   or  by   implication,  the   sanctity  of 
(  the  Sabbath,  which  was   familiar   to  the  early 
I  Christians,  as  being  themselves  Jews,  or  having 
been  converted  under    Jewish    influence.     It  is 
j  almost  needless  to  say  that  of  such  a  decree  we 
i  have  no  evidence  whatever,  either  in  Holy  Scrip- 
j  ture  or  in  Church  History.      Now  in   regard  to 
!  Holy  Scripture,  it  would,  indeed,  be  most  unsafe 
j  to  allege  its  silence   as    conclusive    against  the 
j  existence  of  such  a  decree  ;  although  that  silence 
I  must  to  some  degree  tell  against  it,  especially 
when  we  consider  the    many  references  in  the 
Pastoral  Epistles  to  details  of  church  order  and 
practical  religious  life.     But  we  are  not  left  here 
to  negative  evidence.     There  are  positive  indica- 
tions of  an  absolute   freedom  of   dealing    with 
such  subjects,  quite  incompatible  not  merely  with 
the  existence  of  a   formal  apostolic  decree,  but 
even  with  the  idea  that  the  observance  of  the 
Lord's  day  had  yet  attained  to  the  supreme  and 
unique   sanctity  accorded  to    it  in    later    ages. 
CHUIST.  ANT.— VOL.  II. 


LORD'S  DAY 


1043 


St.  Paul's  treatment  of  the  general  question  of  the 
observation  of  days  in  Rom.  xiv.  5  (hs  fx\v  Kpiv^i 
7;jU.epai'  Trop'  rjixepap,  ts  5e  Kpiyei  -Kauav  i^jxipav 
iKaaTos  eV  tij)  iSicf  vol'  Tr\r]po^opfi(r6a}),  and 
his  unqualified  condemnation  of  the  "  observ- 
ing of  days"  in  Gal.  iv.  10— to  say  nothing 
of  the  tone  of  his  celebrated  reference  to  the 
abolition  of  the  sabbath  in  Col.  ii.  16 — appear 
decisive  on  this  point.  Granting  that  the 
especial  reference  of  the  apostle  was  in  all 
cases  to  the  Jewish  festivals,  it  is  instructive  to 
compare  with  his  sweeping  treatment  of  the  sub- 
ject the  apologetic  comments  on  these  very  pas- 
sages, made  by  patristic  writers,  at  a  time  when 
the  Lord's  day  and  other  Christian  festivals  had 
established  themselves  in  definite  observance.  See, 
for  example,  St.  Jerome's  twofold  attempt  to  an- 
swer ("  simpliciter  "  and  "  acutius  respondere  ") 
the  objection,  "  Dicat  aliquis  ;  Si  dies  observare 
uon  licet  .  .  .  nos  quoque  simile  crimen  incurra- 
mus,  quartam  sabbati  observantes  et  Parasceven 
et  diem  Dominicam "  (^Comm.  in  Gal.  lib.  ii. 
ad  c.  iv.  10).  If  we  pass  from  Holy  Scripture 
to  the  writers  of  the  early  church,  the  fact  of 
utter  silence  on  this  subject  becomes  more  and 
more  significant,  when  we  remember  their 
natural  anxiety  to  appeal  on  all  points  to  apo- 
stolic authority,  their  constant  declaration  or 
assumption  that  all  Jewish  observances  had 
passed  away,  and  their  delight  in  tracing  in  these 
transitory  observances  types  of  the  higher 
Christian  ordinances,  which  were  not  to  pass 
away.  Hence  we  must,  indeed,  fully  agree  with 
those  who  urge  that  the  celebration  of  the  Lord's 
day  is  one  of  these  essential  and  principal  ele- 
ments of  the  religious  life  of  the  church,  which 
can  plead  apostolical  authority.  A  priori  we 
should  hold  it  all  but  impossible  that  the  day 
should  have  been  neglected  among  the  followers 
of  Him  who  "  was  declared  to  be  the  Son  of  God 
with  power  by  the  resurrection  from  the  dead." 
From  the  indications  in  holy  Scripture,  which  have 
been  so  often  commented  upon,  we  cannot  doubt 
that  it  was  so  regularly  hallowed,  as  to  make 
its  observance,  both  to  Christian  and  heathen, 
a  distinctive  mark  of  Christianity.  But  the 
notion  that  the  Lord's  day,  in  that  complete- 
ness of  sacred  distinction  from  all  other  days 
which  is  now  universal  among  all  Christians,  was 
formally  established  by  apostolic  decree  is  pro- 
bably, in  relation  to  historical  truth,  much  what 
the  old  legend  of  the  composition  of  the  Apostles' 
Creed  is  to  the  actual  process  of  its  formation. 
In  both  cases  what  are  chief  treasures  of  our 
later  Christianity  grew  up  by  the  natural  fitness 
of  things  and  were  never  formally  made.  It  is 
obvious  that  the  true  view  of  their  genesis  de- 
tracts nothing  from  their  sacredness,  nothing 
from  their  claim  to  be  of  the  essence  of  the 
Christian  system. 

The  history  of  the  celebrated  Paschal  contro- 
versy is  singularly  instructive  on  this  very 
point.  If  the  Lord's  day  had  been  already 
stamped  by  definite  apostolic  decree  as  the 
one  great  Christian  festival,  deriving  its  sacred- 
ness from  the  resurrection  of  the  Lord,  it 
would  have  been  impossible  for  the  churches  of 
Palestine  and  Asia  to  dream  of  keeping  the 
annual  commemoration  of  the  resurrection  itself 
on  any  day,  except  the  Lord's  day.  But  the 
gradual  acceptance  of  the  Roman  view,  disre- 
garding all  Jewish  associations  in  consideration 
3  Y 


1044 


LOED'S   DAY 


of  the  greater  fitness  of  the  Lord's  day"  is 
exactly  that  which  we  might  expect  to  result 
from  such  a  process  of  gradual  establishment  of 
the  Lord's  day,  as  has  been  described  above. 

(IL)  It  is  likely  that  in  this  case,  as  in  so  many 
others,  the  close  of  the  apostolic  age  was  a  period 
of  rapid  development  of  formal  church  ordinance. 
The  existence  in  A.D.  170  of  a  regular  treatise 
on  the  subject  by  Melito,  bishop  of  Sardis  (see 
Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  26),  connected  ap- 
parently with  the  Paschal  controversy,  seems 
plainly  indicative  of  such  a  development.  The 
well-known  passage  of  Justin  Martyr  in  his 
Apology,  describes  how  "  on  the  day  called 
Sunday  "  there  was  a  religious  assembly  of  those 
who  dwelt  either  in  the  cities  or  in  the  country. 
It  notes  the  chief  points  of  an  established 
service — viz.  the  reading  of  the  Apostles  or  the 
-  rophets,  the  sermon,  the  prayers,  the  partaking 
of  the  bread  and  wine  consecrated  by  thanks- 
giving and  prayers,  and  the  giving  of  alms,  con- 
taining the  germ  of  the  clearly  ancient  liturgies. 
Nor  is  it  possible  to  doubt  that  this  celebration 
had  become  so  marked  as  to  impress  the  mind 
of  the  heathen  with  the  distinctive  character  of 
the  status  dies  of  Pliny's  famous  letter  to  Trajan. 
In  the  passage  from  Dionysius  of  Corinth  (a.d. 
175),  quoted  by  Eusebius  (//.  E.  iv.  22),  the 
keeping  of  the  Lord's  day  is  spoken  of  as  a 
matter  of  course  {ttjv  ffTjixepov  Kvpi.aKT]v  rrjv 
ayiav  Tjfifpav  StriydyoijLfi/),  very  much  as  we 
might  speak  now.  And  in  the  method  of  its 
observance  (the  celebration  of  the  Holy  Com- 
munion being,  of  course,  excepted)  much  was 
probably  borrowed  from  the  practice  of  the 
synagogue  on  the  sabbath  day.  But  it  must 
not  be  supposed  for  a  moment  that  such  obser- 
vance was  identified  in  any  degree  with  sabbatical 
observance,  or  based  on  formal  obligation  of  the 
fourth  commandment.  On  the  contrary,  the 
principle  of  its  observance  is  exactly  that  which 
is  indicated  in  the  celebrated  passage  of  Ignatius 
(ad  Magn.  ix.),  fnjK^Ti  cra^^aTi^oi'Tes  aWa  Kara 
KvpiaK^u^  ^wvres,  Iv  y  Kal  r]  ^co?)  ^,aaii'  auereiKef 
5i'  avTov.  To  "  sabbatize  "  is  the  mark  of  the 
Jew ;  the  Christian  is  to  live  Kara  KvpiaK-nv,  i.e. 
not  only  in  the  observance  of  the  Lord's  day, 
but  according  to  the  spirit  of  that  day,  as  some- 
thing wholly  diverse  from  the  conception  of  the 
sabbath.  The  very  types  of  the  observance  of 
the  Lord's  day,  often  fanciful  enough,  which 
were  traced  in  the  Old  Testament,  mark  an  entire 
separation   in   thought    from   the  idea    of  the 


»  In  the  treatise  of  Bede,  de  Aequinoctio  Vernali,  there 
is  a  curious  account  of  a  council  of  Caesarea,  held  under 
Theophilus,  on  the  Paschal  controversy.  In  the  course  of 
it  (see  Labbe,  Concilia,  i.  714)  the  bishops  are  repre- 
sented as  declaring  the  Benedictions  of  the  Lord's  day. 
(a)  Because  on  it  the  light  was  created.  (&)  Because  on 
it  the  people  passed  to  freedom  through  the  Red  Sea. 
(c)  Because  on  it  the  manna  was  given,  (d)  Because 
Moses  (Ex.  xii.  16;  Lev.  xxiii.  7,  8)  commanded  to  keep 
"  the  first  and  the  last  day  "  (hoc  est  dominicus  et  sab- 
batum).  (e)  Because  in  Ps.  cxviii.  the  words  are  spoken 
of  it :  "  This  is  the  day  which  the  Lord  bath  made." 
(/)  Because  the  Lord  on  it  rose  from  the  dead.  The 
historical  value  of  the  account  Is  of  course  more  than 
questionable.  But  the  light  which  it  throws  on  the 
traditional  ideas  of  the  Lord's  day  is  very  interesting. 

b  The  ^lorji/  fonnd  here  in  the  ordinary  text  is  probably 
to  be  omitted,  as  in  the  Latin.  If  it  be  read  it  must  be 
taken  with  ^in-es. 


LORD'S  DAY 

sabbath.  In  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas  (c.  xvi.) 
for  instance,  the  sabbath  is  a  type  of  the  mil- 
lennium after  the  six  thousand  years  typified  in 
the  six  days  of  creation ;  the  Lord's  day,  as  the 
eighth  day,  is  the  beginning  of  another  world 
(^AA.oy  KocTfiov  apxv").'^  Justin  Martyr,  when 
he  describes  the  special  celebration  of  public 
service  of  the  "  day  called  Sunday  "  derives  its 
sacredness,  first,  from  its  being  the  first  day  on 
which  God,  dispelling  darkness  and  chaos,  made 
the  world,  next,  from  the  resurrection  on  it  of 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  This  is  in  his  Apology, 
addressed  to  the  heathen  (Apol.  i.  67).  Where 
he  argues  with  the  Jews,  he  actually  makes  the 
eighth  day  of  the  circumcision  a  type  of  our 
receiving  the  true  circumcision  of  the  heart 
through  the  Resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ  from 
the  dead  on  the  first  day  of  the  week,  which 
after  the  completion  of  the  cycle  of  the  days  is 
the  eighth  day,  though  it  is  still  the  first  (Dial, 
with  Trijpho,  sect.  19).*  This  conception,  fanci- 
ful as  it  is,  is  taken  up  more  than  once  by  later 
writers.  Thus  St.  Augustine  asks  of  circumcision, 
"  Quare  ergo  octavo  die  ?  Quia  in  hebdomadibus 
idem  primus  qui  octavus  ....  Finitur  Sep- 
timus, Dominus  sepultus  :  reditur  ad  primum, 
Dominus  resuscitatus.  Domini  enim  resuscitatio 
promisit  nobis  aeternum  diem,  et  consecravit 
nobis  Dominicum  diem  "  (Serin,  de  Script,  clxix. 
1170  c).  Hence  our  Lord  Himself,  as  being  the 
rest  of  the  just,  giving  them  a  aa^j^amfffibs  in 
the  millennial  kingdom,  is  occasionally  called 
the  Great  Sabbath,  of  which  the  "  little  sabbath  " 
of  the  Jews  is  but  a  type.  The  idea  is  perhaps 
suggested  by  Col.  ii.  10,  where  the  sabbath  and 
the  other  Jewish  festivals  are  "  the  shadow  of 
things  to  come,  but  the  body  "  (or  substance) 
"  is  of  Christ."  And  His  rest  in  the  tomb  marked 
what  was  technically  known  as  the  Meya  aa^- 
^arov,  the  last  of  the  ancient  sabbaths ;  His 
rising  from  the  dead  on  the  Lord's  day  began 
the  new  Christian  era.  The  notion  afterwards  em- 
bodied in  the  title  of  the  "  Christian  sabbath  " — 
that  the  Lord's  day  is  a  spiritualized  sabbath, 
to  which  the  obligation  of  the  fourth  command- 
ment is  transferred,  perhaps  a  revival  of  a 
patriarchal  sabbath  of  all  mankind,  which  had 
been  for  a  time  overborne  by  the  rigid  legalism 
of  the  Mosaic  sabbath — has  no  locus  standi 
whatever  either  in  Scripture  or  in  primitive 
antiquity. 

But  it  should  be  noticed  that  the  development 
of  the  Lord's  day  in  relation  to  the  sabbath 
would  naturally  differ  considerably  in  Jewish  and 
Gentile  Christianity.  To  the  Jewish  Christians, 
in  the  earliest  stages  of  the  history  of  the  church, 
the  sabbath  and  the  sabbatical  rest  would 
remain  unaltered.  Just  as  they  united  the 
"  being  with  one  accord  in  the  temple  "  with  the 
"breaking  of  the  bread  at  home,"  so  the  cele- 


=  Compare  St.  Aug.  Serm.  de  Tempore,  cclix.  2  (vol.  v. 
p.  154:8  a  Ben.  ed.  1838):  "Octavus  dies  in  fine  saeculi 
novam  vitam  significat:  Septimus  quietem  futuram 
sanctorum  in  hac  terra."  The  sermon  was  preached  on 
the  first  Sunday  after  Easter  (the  octave),  and  begins — 
•'  Hodiernus  dies  magno  Sacramento  perpetuae  felicitatis 
est  nobis." 

d  Even  in  the  eight  saved  in  the  ark  for  a  new  world 
he  finds  a  type  of  the  eighth  day,  on  which  Christ,  the 
head  of  a  new  humanity,  arose  from  the  dead.  (pioA 
with  Trypho,  c.  138.) 


LORD'S  DAY 

bration  of  the  new  Lord's  day  would  present 
itself  to  them  as  soraetliing  co-existing  with  the 
sabbath,  incapable  of  being  confounded  with  it.'= 
The  idea  of  Christian  worship  would  attach  mainly 
to  the  one;  the  obligation  of  rest  would  con- 
tinue attached  to  the  other  ;  although  a  certain 
interchange  of  characteristics  would  grow  up,  as 
worship  necessitated  rest,  and  rest  naturally 
suggested  worship.  Under  these  circumstances 
the  two  days  would  be  regarded  as  festivals,  per- 
haps at  first  almost  co-ordinate ;  afterwards  the 
dignity  of  the  Lord's  day  must  have  continually 
increased,  and  that  of  the  sabbath  as  continually 
decreased.  Even  after  Jewish  Christianity,  as 
such,  had  passed  away,  the  effect  of  this  original 
attitude  of  mind  might  easily  remain.  To  it 
may  probably  be  traced  the  well-known  con- 
tinuance of  the  sabbath  as  a  festival  in  the 
Eastern  church  (with  the  sole  exception  of  the 
great  sabbath  of  Easter  Eve).  Even  the  tra- 
dition that  Marcion  kept  the  sabbath  as  a  fast, 
because  it  was  the  festival  of  the  God  of  the 
Jews,  to  whom  he  refused  all  homage,  perhaps 
illustrates,  by  its  spirit  of  antagonism,  the  con- 
nexion of  the  festal  observation  of  the  sabbath 
with  the  old  Jewish  influence  upon  the  church. 
The  quasi  co-ordination  of  the  Lord's  day  with 
the  sabbath  in  the  'Apostolical  Constitutions' 
brings  it  out  in  its  most  striking  form.  [On  this 
subject  see  Sabbath.]  But  it  concerns  our 
present  purpose  chiefly  to  remark  that  this 
preservation  of  the  ancient  sabbath  in  the  church 
must  have  acted  as  a  constant  witness  against 
any  tendency  to  "  sabbatize  "  the  Lord's  day. 

Among  purely  Gentile  Christians  it  would  be 

far   otherwise.     To  them,  except  for  its  sacred 

historic  associations,  the  sabbath  would  have  no 

existence.     The   attempt   to   "exercise  dominion 

over  them  in  respect  of  the  sabbath  day  "  was 

one  of  the  Judaizing  usurpations  which  St.  Paul 

bade  them  repel.     Hence  to  them  the  Lord's  day 

would    be    the    one   sole    weekly    festival.     The 

sabbath  appeared  simply  as  the  eve  of  the  Lord's 

day ;  even  for  that  reason  it  might  naturally  be 

kept  as  a  fast,  according  to  the  general  though 

not   universal    custom  of  the  Western   church; 

and,  wherever  strong  anti-Judaic  feeling  developed 

itself,  it  would  incline  men   to  adopt  the   same 

practice  out  of  sheer  antagonism.     But  for  this 

very  reason,   paradoxical  as  the  statement  may 

seem,  the  tendency  to  sabbatize  the  Lord's  day 

would  be  far  stronger  than  under  the  other  con- 

(    dition  of  things.    The  study  of  the  Old  Testament, 

I     and  especially  the  recognition  of  the  decalogue  as 

the  code  of  divine  morality,  must  have  suggested 

I    that  the  weekly  celebration  of  a  hallowed'day  of 

1    rest  was  a  moral  duty,  concerning  all  mankind  as 

j    such,  to  be  regarded,  indeed,  as  a  privilege,  but 

I    yet,  if  necessary,  to  be  enforced  on  the  disobedient 

I    as  a  law.     Where  could  such  a  day  be  found  but 

I    in  the  Lord's  day  ?    Kound  that  day  would  gather 

I    naturally  and  insensibly  all  the  ideas  which  once 

attached  to  the  sabbath.     It  would  be  felt  that 

such  a  transference  of  idea  could  only  take  place 

I    mutatis   mutandis.     Such    distinctions   would  be 

!    made   between   the   characteristic   principles    of 

"=  This  is  illustrated  t>y  Eusebius'  notice  of  the  Ebionite 
practice  {Eccl.  mst.in.21):  to  ,j.ii>  <ra/3/3aToi.  Kal  rnv 
a\X.r)v  'lov&aiKriv  i.yu>yrtv  i^ioi'w?  €K€ii/oij  7rap6,/,u'AaTTOi/' 
Tats    6'  a6  KupiaKar?   ^nepai;  ^^ti'   Ti    TTapan\-n<Ti.a  iU  j 


LOED'S  DAY 


104^ 


Jewish  and  Christian  observance  as  we  find  m 
St.  Jerome  on  Gal.  iv.  10,  asserting  the  greater 
elasticity  and  spirituality  of  the  Christian 
system.  But  these  would  not  prevent  a  certain 
tendency  to  sabbatize  the  day,  from  which  the 
very  preservation  of  the  ancient  sabbath  would 
guard  the  churches,  in  which  Jewish  influence 
had  been  strong. 

In  this  process  of  development  the  difference 
in  character  and  tone  between  Eastern  and 
Western  Christianity  is  remarkably  shewn.  The 
Greek  mind,  as  represented  by  the  Alexandrian 
school,  inclined  more  to  theoretical  principle ; 
the  Latin  mind,  as  in  the  school  of  Carthage, 
to  practical  rule.  Clement  of  Alexandria,  tor 
instance,  urges  that  to  the  true  Gnostic  every 
day  is  a  holy  day,  and  when  he  alludes  to  the 
Lord's  day  he  deals  with  its  observance  (just  as 
with  the  fasts  of  the  Wednesday  and  Friday) 
transcendentally  {KvpiaK^v  iKeivrjv  rrjv  rifxipav 
TToitl,  orav  awo^dWr]  (pavKov  vuTjfia  Kal  "yvcecrriKhv 
■KpoffXa^T],  TTjv  ev  avT^  tov  Kupiov  avdcxracriv 
So^d^wv,  Strom,  vii.  12).  At  the  same  time  his 
implicit  opposition  of  the  Lord's  day  to  the 
sabbath,  as  of  the  positive  to  the  negative,  is 
notable,  as  unconsciously  preparing  for  the 
"  spiritual  sabbath  "  of  the  future.  He  speaks 
of  the  seventh  day  as  being  a  rest  only  in  the 
sense  of  an  abstinence  from  evil,  but  it  is  said  to 
introduce  the  first  day,  which  is  our  "  real  rest," 
and  the  true  birthday  of  light  (e(35ojU7j  roivvv 
Tjixfpa  avd-rravais  KrjpvTTeTUL  a.7Toxv  kcikwv, 
iTOi/xd^ovaa  tt/j/  apxiyoyov  T^/xepav  rrjy  t^  ovtl 
avdiravcnv  rifiicv  tt/j'  St;  Kal  Trpd>Tr]v  tQ  ovtl 
(pairhs  yiviffiv,  Strom,  vi.  16).  His  idea  is  to 
contrast  the  whole  of  the  lower  system  of  the 
law  with  the  higher  light  of  the  gospel.  But  the 
passage,  as  it  seems  to  suggest  the  representation 
of  the  one  by  the  sabbath,  and  the  other  by  the 
Lord's  day,  might  lead  naturally  to  the  concep- 
tion of  some  substitution  of  the  one  day  for  the 
other.  Exactly  in  the  same  spirit  Origen,  in 
defending  the  Christians  against  Celsus,  quotes 
the  dictum :  eoprij  ouSeV  ecmy  7)  to,  Seoi'ra 
Trpdrreiv,  and  urges  that  the  true  Christian  is 
always  keeping  Lord's  days ;  and  referring  to 
Gal.  iv.  10,  apologises  (much  as  St.  Jerome 
does)  for  the  setting  apart  of  the  "  Lord's  days 
and  the  Fridays,  Easter  and  the  Pentecost,"  as  a 
necessary  discipline  for  the  less  perfect.  But 
he,  like  Clement,  contrasts  the  Lord's  day  with 
the  sabbath,  as  superior  to  it  in  nature,  when 
in  mystical  commentary  on  Exod.  xvi.  4,  5,  he 
finds  a  foreshadowing  of  its  superiority,  in  the 
gift  on  that  day  of  the  manna  withheld  on  the 
sabbath.  He  makes  the  manna  symbolic  of  the 
bread  of  heaven,  the  Word  of  God,  unceasingly 
showered  down  on  the  Lord's  day,  and  interprets 
"  in  the  evening  ye  shall  know  that  I  am  the 
Lord,"  of  the  rolling  away  of  the  stone  and 
the  earthquake  at  the  close  of  the  great  sab- 
bath on  the  eve  of  the  first  Lord's  day  (see  vol. 
ii.  p.  154,  Bened.  ed.  1733).  And  again,  on 
John  i.  6,  in  a  curious  mystical  interpretation  of 
the  names  of  Zacharias,  Elizabeth,  and  John,  he 
describes  the  end  of  the  old  dispensation  as  the 
(Ta^fiariafiov  Kopctivls,  and  declares  that  from 
it  we  cannot  derive  rr]v  /neTo,  rh  ffd^parov 
at/dTravffiv,  the  gift  of  which  is  connected  witl, 
conformity,  as  to  the  death,  so  to  the  resurrection 
of  Christ  (see  vol.  iv.  p.  86).  Even  in  these 
writers  we  see  a  spiritual  gravitation  towards  a 
3  Y  2 


1046 


LORD'S  DAY 


rii'tual  substitution  of  the  Lord's  day  for  the 
sabbath,  not  prevented  by  the  assertion  of  the 
same  superiority  over  it  which  the  gospel  mani- 
fests over  the  law.  If  we  turn  to  Tertullian,  the 
same  conception  of  substitution  presents  itself  in 
a  more  concrete  form.  He  is  anti-Judaic  enough  ; 
the  sabbaths  and  all  the  ceremonials  of  the  law 
are,  in  his  eyes,  absolutely  gone  ;  they  were  but 
preparatory,  and  cannot  continue  when  their 
function  is  completed.  But  in  pleading  against 
frequenting  idolatrous  festivals  he  makes  the 
keeping  of  the  Lord's  day  and  the  Pentecost 
the  badge  of  Christianity,  contrasting  them  with 
the  heathen  festivals  on  one  side,  and  the  sab- 
baths and  "  feriae  aliquando  a  Deo  dilectae  "  on 
the  other.  In  speaking  of  the  habit  of  stand- 
ing in  prayer  on  the  Lord's  day,  he  urges  that 
on  that  day  we  should  cast  off  all  worldly 
anxieties,  "  difterentes  etiam  negotia  ne  quem 
diabolo  locum  demus  "  (de  Oratione,  c.  23).  The 
rest  enjoined  is,  no  doubt,  simply  a  means,  not 
an  end;  but  it  is  notable  as  the  first  direct 
recognition  of  a  sacred  rest,  as  inseparable  from 
the  idea  of  the  Lord's  day.  In  a  time  like  Ter- 
tullian's,  when  the  church  system  was  fully,  even 
rigidly,  organised,  it  is  not  difficult  to  trace  here 
a  preparation  for  some  Sabbatarianism  hereafter. 

In  fact,  two  lines  of  thought  must  have  co- 
existed in  the  church.  On  the  one  side  there 
was  the  conviction,  not  only  that  the  Jewish 
sabbath  had  passed  away,  but  that  the  spirit  of 
strict  legal  observance,  especially  in  any  negative 
aspect,  was  foreign  to  the  whole  spirit  of  the 
gospel.  On  the  other  side,  there  was  the  ten- 
dency to  more  regular  and  formal  Christian 
observance,  gathering  naturally  round  the 
recurring  weekly  festival  of  the  resurrection; 
and  allied  with  this,  the  perception  of  the  value 
of  an  ordinance  of  weekly  rest,  such  as  that  or- 
dained in  the  fourth  commandment,  to  man  as 
man.  From  this,  by  a  natural  transition,  would 
grow  up  the  disposition  to  set  up  the  Lord's  day, 
first  for  religious  worship  and  then  for  rest,  in 
some  rivalry  to  the  ancient  sabbath,  as  being, 
indeed,  superior  in  dignity  and  spirituality,  but 
yet  a  supreme  and  unique  festival,  to  be  ob- 
served with  equal  strictness.  These  last  lines  of 
thought  might  enter  sometimes  into  alliance, 
sometimes  into  conflict.  Each  would  in  turn 
emerge  into  prominence,  and  the  conception  of 
the  Lord's  day  would  fluctuate  accordingly. 

(III.)  But  with  the  beginning  of  the  conversion 
of  the  empire  a  crisis  came.  The  most  important 
epoch  in  the  history  of  the  Lord's  day  is  marked 
by  the  issue  of  the  celebrated  edict  of  Constan- 
tine:  "Omnes  judices  urbanaeque  plebes  et 
cunctarum  artium  officia  venerabili  die  Sol  is 
quiescant.  Euri  tamen  positi  agrorum  culturae 
liberfe  licenterque  inserviant,  quoniam  fre- 
quenter evenit  ut  non  aptius  alio  die  frumenta 
sulcis  aut  vineae  scrobibus  mandentur,  ne  occa- 
sione  momenti  pereat  commoditas  coelesti  pro- 
visione  concessa"  (see  Cod.  Just,  book  iii.  tit.  12, 
3).  This  edict  was  clearly  intended  to  pay 
honour  to  the  great  Christian  festival,  although, 
in  accordance  with  Constantine's  general  policy, 
it  declined  to  identify  the  emperor  with  the 
religion,  which  he  desired  only  indirectly  to 
support,  and  only  gradually  to  establish.  The 
use  of  the  heathen  name  of  the  "  solis  dies," 
with  the  vague  title  "  venerabilis  "  — a  title 
rendered  the  more  ambiguous  by  the  known  re- 


LORD'S  DAY 

verence  which  Constantine  had  delighted  to  pay 
to  the  Sun-god — was  probably  something  more 
than  conventional.  But  the  effect  of  the  edict, 
at  a  time  when  Christianity  was  rising  as  rapidly 
as  heathenism  was  sinking  into  decay,  must  un- 
doubtedly have  told  mainly  on  the  Christian 
festival.  It  would  invest  the  observation  of  the 
Lord's  day  with  all  the  strength  (and  the  weak- 
ness) which  the  sanction  of  civil  law  to  religious 
observance  must  necessarily  produce.  But  more 
particulaily  by  the  prominence  given  to  the  idea 
of  rest  from  ordinary  work,  which  was  emphasised 
all  the  more  by  the  exemption  granted  to  agri- 
cultural labour  on  the  plea  of  necessity,  it 
introduced  a  new  conception  of  the  day  itself.' 
The  advocates  of  the  Sabbatarian  view  in  later 
times  were  not  wholly  wrong  when  they  com- 
pared Constantine  to  Moses,  on  the  ground  that 
he  instituted  a  kind  of  new  sabbath  in  the  Chris- 
tian church.  For  whatever  tendency  there  was 
already  existing  to  sabbatize  the  Lord's  day 
would  be  enormously  increased  by  this  inter- 
ference of  the  temporal  power.  The  idea  of 
rest  would  become  primary  instead  of  subsidiary  ; 
the  observance  would  have  more  of  the  law,  less 
of  the  spirit. 

The  tendency  towards  Sabbatarianism  was 
evidently  slow,  for  it  had  the  old  and  well- 
established  conception  of  the  day  to  overcome. 
But,  although  slow,  it  appears  to  have  been  sure. 

The  edict  itself  was  only  the  beginning  of  a 
long  series  of  imperial  laws,  constantly  in- 
creasing in  stringency  and  in  unambiguous  con- 
nexion of  the  solis  dies  with  Christianity. 
Eusebius  (de  Vit.  Const,  iv.  18,  19,  20)  declares 
that  Constantine  himself  went  much  farther  in 
this  course,  as  his  adhesion  to  Christianity 
became  inore  decided.  He  speaks  of  two  edicts 
to  the  army,  enjoining  rest  from  arms  on  that 
day  and  celebration  of  religious  worship,  by 
the  Christians  in  the  church  service,  by  the 
pagans  in  the  fields,  offering  to  the  supreme 
Deity  a  prayer  authorised  by  the  emperor.  This 
prayer  he  quotes.  It  is  a  prayer  in  which 
nothing  occurs  distinctively  Christian,  but  which 
is  essentially  monotheistic  and  entirely  uncon- 
nected with  the  pagan  mythology.  In  speaking 
of  the  ordinance  for  the  Christians,  Eusebius 
calls  the  day  the  ScoTTjpios  T]fi(pa  ^v  Kal  (pcoThs 
elvai  Kal  iiAiov  i-Triiuvfiov  crvfx^aLvet  :  in  refer- 
ence to  the  heathen,  simply  7;  rov  ipwrhs  riix4pa. 
He  then  adds,  Sib  toTs  uTrb  ttjj/  "Pafxaiwu  ap- 
XV^  iroAtTsuOjueVots  airaffiv  o'xoAtjj'  6.yeLV  rais 
eircovvjiiois  rov  'Surripoi  rj/aepais  ivovOiTH. 
oixoius  5e  T?;!/  irpb  rod  aafifidrov^  rifxaV  iJ.vf}iJ.ris 


f  In  another  law  of  Constantine,  a.d.  331,  there  is  a 
recognition  of  the  fitness  of  certain  exceptional  legal 
operations  for  this  day :  "  gratum  et  jucundum  est,  eo  die 
quae  sunt  maximfe  votiva  compleri,  atque  ideb  emanci- 
pandi  et  manumittendi  die  festo  cuncto  licentiam  ha- 
beant"  (Cod.  Theod.  II.  tit.  viii.  1).  This  appears  to 
have  been  borrowed  from  older  practice  as  to  heathen 
festivals.  But  it  is  not  improbable  that  in  this  case 
there  was  a  special  reference  to  the  characteristic  idea 
of  the  Lord's  day,  as  the  day  of  the  completion  of  our 
redemption. 

s  This  is  an  emendation  for  ras  toO  crappdrov,  evi- 
dently necessary.  There  is  a  passage  in  Sozomen  (_Hist. 
Eccl.  i.  c.  8)  which  forms  an  excellent  elucidation  of  this, 
especially  of  the  last  clause,  in  the  words  eri'/aa  Be  Ti)v 
\s.v()i.a.Kr\v,  (OS  iv  Ta.vr(j  Tou  XpiCTToO  drao-rai'TOS  eK  vtKpSiv 
Ti]v  5e  erepov,  ws  iv  avrfj  a-Tavpi>i0ivTOi. 


LOEDS  DAY 

eVeKO  fioi  SoKe7v  tS>v  tv  ravTais  tc5  koiv^  'Xwrripi 
Treirpdx6a.t  ixvr]fiovevofj.4vuii>.  This  jsassage  ex- 
tends the  statement  to  the  civil  population,  and 
adds  the  celebration  of  the  Friday  to  that  of  the 
Sunday.  It  is  true  that  these  edicts  of  Constan- 
tine  are  not  found  in  the  codes,  and  that  Euse- 
bius  is  anxious  to  make  the  most  of  the 
Christianity  of  the  subject  of  his  panegyric.  But 
it  is  incredible  that  he  should  have  been  either 
misinformed  or  insincere  in  the  main  substance 
of  hie  statements  ;  and  it  would  have  been  quite 
accordant  with  Constantine's  temporising  policy 
to  issue  such  commands,  as  special  edicts,  not  to 
be  enrolled  among  formal  laws.  However  this 
may  be,  under  Constantine's  successors  there 
were  reiterated  enactments  in  this  direction,  free 
from  the  ambiguity  of  the  original  law. 

Thus  we  have  two  laws  prohibiting  exaction 
of  debt  on  that  day,  one  under  Valentinian  and 
Valens  (a.d.  368),  protecting  Christians  against 
being  forced  into  litigation  on  that  day,  the 
"dies  solis,  qui  dudum  faustus  habetur "  {Cod. 
Tlieod.  VIII.  tit.  viii.  1)  ;  the  other  under 
Gratian,  Valentinian,  and  Theodosius  (a.d.  386), 
extending  this  immunity  to  all,  calling  the  day 
plainly  the  "  dies  solis  quem  Dominicum  rite 
dixere  majores,"  and  branding  any  infringer  of 
the  law  as  "  uon  modo  notabilis,  verum  etiam 
sacrilegus  "  (jOod.  Tlieod.  VIII.  tit.  viii.  2).  The 
progress  marked  by  the  contrast  of  these  two 
laws  is  significant.  The  formei-,  recognising  the 
Christians  as  a  sect,  is  exactly  of  the  same 
nature  as  a  law  of  Honorius  and  Theodosius  in 
409,  protecting  the  Jews  from  being  forced  to 
work  or  litigation  on  the  sabbath  or  other  of 
their  sacred  days  (jCod.  Theod.  II.  tit.  viii.  3). 
The  latter  accepts  Christianity  as  the  religion  of 
the  empii-e,  and  enforces  on  all  by  law  the 
sacredness  of  its  chief  festival. 

Again,  the  celebration  of  the  day  was 
gradually  separated  by  law  from  all  heathen 
and  even  secular  associations.  In  389,  under 
Theodosius,  the  "  solis  dies "  and  the  "  Sancti 
Paschae  dies "  (the  weeks  before  and  after 
Easter)  are  included  with  the  harvest  and  vint- 
age seasons,  the  Kalends  of  January,  and  the  days 
of  the  foundation  of  Rome  and  Constantinople, 
as  forensic  holidays  {Cod.  Thcod.  II.  tit.  viii.  2). 
In  386  it  was  ordered  that  no  one  should  pre- 
sent to  the  people  any  spectacle  on  the  "  dies 
solis,"  "  ne  divinam  venerationem  confecti  sol- 
lemnitate  confundat  "  {Cod.  T/ieod.XV.  tit.  v.  2). 
In  425,  under  Theodosius  the  younger,  we  find 
a  law  enacting  an  entire  abstinence  from  all 
amusements  of  the  theatre  or  the  circus,  on  the 
"Dies  Dominicus,"  Christmas  day,  Epiphany, 
Easter,  and  the  Pentecost,  in  order  that  the 
whole  minds  of  Christians  may  be  devoted  to 
worship  of  God.  It  denounces  any  infringement 
of  the  law  by  "  the  infatuated  impiety  of  the 
Jews  or  the  stolid  error  and  madness  of  heathen- 
ism," and  orders  the  celebration  even  of  the  em- 
peror's birthday  to  be  set  aside  for  the  sake  of 
the  Christian  holy  day  {Cod.  Theod.  XV.  tit.  v.  5). 
The  same  law  is  reiterated  in  even  stronger 
terms  under  Leo  and  Anthemius  (a.d.  469),  in 
reference  to  the  Lord's  day,  which  is  to  be  kept 
absolutely  sacred,  not  only  from  business,  but 
also  from  "  obscene  pleasures "  of  the  theatre, 
the  circus,  and  the  amphitheatre  {Cod.  Just.  lib. 
ui.  tit.  xii.  11).  Nor  should  we  pass  over  a  re- 
markable law  of  Honorius  and  Theodosius  (a.d. 


LORD'S  DAY 


1047 


409),  which  expressly  orders  that  on  the  Lord's 
day  the  judges  shall  have  prisoners  brought 
before  them,  to  inquire  whether  they  have  been 
treated  humanely,  to  see  that  food  is  give'n  to 
the  destitute,  and  that  the  prisoners  be  allowed, 
under  guard,  to  go  to  the  bath.  The  bishops 
were  to  put  the  judges  in  mind  of  this  duty 
{Cod.  Just.  i.  tit.  iv.  9).  It  may  be  noted  that 
at  a  later  period  (a.d.  529)  under  Justinian,  the 
bishops  were  ordered  to  visit  the  prisoners  on 
Wednesdays  or  Fridays  (the  Lord's  day  being 
probably  thought  to  be  too  much  occupied),  to 
inquire  into  the  cases  of  the  prisoners,  and  to 
see  whether  any  neglect  of  duty  on  the  part  of 
the  magistrates  had  taken  place  {Cod.  Just.  tit. 
iv.  22).  But  the  fifth  council  of  Orleans, 
twenty  years  later  (a.d.  549),  orders  the  arch- 
deacon or  provost  (praepositus  ecclesiae)  to  make 
the  visitation  on  the  Lord's  day  itself,  with  a 
view  to  the  relief  of  necessitous  prisoners  (see 
Labbe,  Councils,  vol.  ix.  p.  134).  It  should  be 
observed  that  these  laws  recognise  the  positive 
duty  of  works  of  charity  on  the  Lord's  day, 
precisely  as  He  Himself  had  recognised  it  on  the 
sabbath. 

This  long  series  of  temporal  enactments  (iu 
considering  which  we  have,  for  the  sake  of  ex- 
hibiting them  as  a  whole,  anticipated  chronolo- 
gical order)  must  have  told  very  powerfully  upon 
the  conception  of  the  Lord's  day  in  the  church 
itself,  not  only  tending  to  formalize  its  celebra- 
tion, but  to  invest  it  in  great  degree  with  the 
character  of  a  sabbath.  Still,  however,  there 
was  no  connexion  of  its  observance  with  the 
obligation  of  the  fourth  commandment,  and 
therefore  no  application  to  it  either  of  the  laws 
of  the  Jewish  sabbath,  or  of  our  Lord's  teaching 
on  the  subject,  as  modifying  and  spiritualizing 
these  laws. 

But  when  the  legal  enforcement  of  rest  on 
the  Lord's  day  was  once  established,  the  next 
step  would  not  unnaturally  follow.  In  fact,  the 
conception  of  it,  as  formally  sanctioned  by  a 
divine  law,  would  recommend  itself  to  difterent 
schools  of  thought.  It  would  be  a  refuge  to  any 
who  scrupled  to  accept  in  respect  of  Christian 
festivals  the  authority  of  a  merely  temporal 
power,  not  yet  absolutely  identified  with  Chris- 
tianity. It  would  appear  to  earnest-minded 
men  as  a  short  and  ready  way  of  maintaining  a 
high  spirituality  of  tone,  in  the  face  of  the  con- 
ventional and  insincere  observance  to  which  the 
imperial  interference  would  probably  give  rise. 
It  would  afford  to  the  courtly  satellites  of  the 
emperor  an  opportunity  of  flattering  his  desire 
of  being  "  a  bishop  as  to  things  and  men  with- 
out," by  representing  him  as  being  the  restorer 
of  a  half-forgotten  divine  law.  From  various 
causes  it  would  make  its  way;  and,  if  once 
admitted,  its  simplicity  and  cogency  would  help 
it  to  supersede  other  pleas  for  the  sacredness  of 
the  day. 

(IV.)  This  effect  is  not  at  first  visible  in  the 
great  leaders  of  ecclesiastical  opinion  and  faith. 
In  them  we  find  the  same  general  line  of  thought 
which  has  already  been  described.  It  will  be 
sufficient  to  quote  a  few  leading  examples  from 
the  East  and  West.  St.  Athanasius  delights  to 
trace  signs  of  honour  done  prophetically  to  the 
Lord's  day,  the  resurrection  day  of  the  Lord 
{avaffTda-iixos  iifiepa),  as  in  the  title  of  the  sixth 
Psalm,    "  Upon    the    eighth "  (which,  however, 


1048 


LOED'S  DAY 


seems  to  have  no  reference  to  the  eighth  day  at 
all)  or  in  the  celebrated  passage  of  Ps.  cxviii.  24, 
"This  is  the  day  which  the  Lord  hath  made," 
which  he  connects  with  the  "  stone  made  the 
head  of  the  corner  "  (see  v.  22).  In  the  treatise 
"  de  Sabbato  et  Circumcisione  "  (which  is  ascribed 
to  him,  and  questioned  by  the  Benedictine 
editors  somewhat  hesitatingly),  there  is  a 
curious  passage,  comparing  the  sabbath  and  the 
Lord's  day.  His  idea  is  that  the  first  creation 
had  its  end,  and  therefore  its  sabbatical  rest ; 
the  second  or  new  creation  has  no  end,  and 
"  therefore  God  rested  not  in  it,  but  worketh 
hitherto"  (ews  apri  epyaCerai),  referring,  of 
course,  to  John  iv.  17.  Accordingly  (he  says) 
"we  keep  no  sabbath  day  (o65e  ffa^^ari^oiJiev 
Tj/xepav),  but  we  look  forward  to  the  sabbath  of 
sabbaths "  in  heaven,  which  "  the  new  creation 
does  not  accept  as  its  end,  but  its  manifestation 
and  perpetual  festival."  But  he  adds,  "as 
God  commanded  men  formerly  to  keep  the  sab- 
bath day  as  a  memorial  of  the  end  of  the  older 
dispensation,  so  we  keep  the  Lord's  day  as  a 
memorial  of  the  beginning  of  the  second  new 
creation  "  (^ourws  ttiv  KuptaKrjv  rip.wfji.€v  ixv{]fj.T]v 
oZaav  apx^is  Sevrepas  ava/CTio'eajs).  (See  vol. 
iii.  pp.  42,  43,  44,  Bened.  ed.)  On  the  subject  of 
circumcision,  he  repeats  the  old  symbolism  of 
the  eighth  day,  as  signifying  the  Lord's  day  ; 
and  adds  significantly,  ?;  6y56-n  rh  ira^^arou 
iKvcrev  Koi  OX)  rh  ad^^cnov  ttji'  oyhorjv.  But 
though  in  all  this  there  is  some  suggestion  of 
future  ideas,  there  is  still  no  view  of  the  Lord's 
day  as  a  sabbath.  The  passage  in  the  Homily 
de  Semente  (falsely  ascribed  to  him),  in  which 
we  find  the  words,  "  The  Lord  changed  the  sab- 
bath day  into  the  Lord's  day  "  (,ueTe077Ke  5e  o 
Kvpios  T7]v  Tov  (Tal3Pa.T0v  i)fiipav  els  KvpiaKrif^ 
speaks  obviously  in  this  the  language  of  later 
times  ;  and  is  as  absolutely  at  variance  with  the 
tone  of  his  teaching  on  this  subject  as  with  his 
general  style  and  line  of  thought. 

This  same  idea  is  still  more  fully  and 
strikingly  worked  out  by  Epiphanius.  He 
calls  the  sabbath  of  the  Jews  the  "little 
sabbath,"  and,  referring  to  the  disciples'  sup- 
posed breach  of  the  sabbath  in  the  corn-fields,  he 
says  that  it  signified  the  relaxation  of  the  bond 
of  this  little  sabbath,  because  "Christ,  the 
great  Sabbath  was  come,"  of  whom  Noah  was  a 
type  and  Lamech's  words  (Gen.  v.  29)  a  pro- 
phecy ;  who  is  the  great  sabbath,  first,  because 
He  gives  us  rest  from  our  sins,  and  nest, 
because  the  Father  and  the  Holy  Spirit  have 
rested  in  Him  (avairfiraurat  ev  avT(^),  and  in 
Him  all  saints  found  rest"  (adv.  Haer.  lib.  i. 
torn.  ii.  p.  32).  He  refers,  indeed,  to  the  Lord's 
day,  as  of  apostolic  celebration,  but  in  this  he 
joins  with  it  the  Wednesday  and  Friday  (adv. 
Haer.  lib.  i.  torn.  ii.  pp.  23,  24);  and  mentions 
the  occasional  festal  observation  of  the  sabbath, 
and  Marcion's  deliberate  protest  against  this  by 
keeping  it  as  a  fast.  From  him  alone  we 
should  hardly  gather  even  what  we  know  to 
liave  been  true  of  the  gradual  emergence  of  the 
Lord's  day  into  an  unique  observance,  both  as 
to  worship  and  as  to  rest. 

In  connexion  with  this  pei-iod  it  may  be  well 
to  glance  at  the  remarkable  treatment  of  this 
subject  in  the  "  Apostolical  Constitutions " 
which  [see  Apostolical  Constitdtions]  must 
be  referred  to  about  the  fourth  and  fifth  cen- 


LORD'S  DAY 

turies.  These  exemplify  in  the  clearest  way 
the  statement  above  made,  that  the  preservation 
of  the  observance  of  the  old  sabbath  tended  to 
give  clearness  and  certainty  to  the  true  idea  of 
the  Lord's  day.  In  Book  ii.  c.  59,  2,  we  find 
the  sabbath  and  "  the  day  of  the  resurrection,  the 
Lord's  day  "  joined  in  an  exhortation  to  special 
religious  assemblies,  which,  however,  goes  on  to 
dwell  especially  on  the  Lord's  day,  as  that  to 
which  "  the  reading  of  the  prophets,  and  the 
proclamation  of  the  gospel,  and  the  offering  of 
sacrifice  and  the  gift  of  spiritual  food"  pe- 
culiarly belong.  In  Book  v.  c.  18,  19,  we 
have  a  vivid  description  of  the  fast  of  the 
"  Great  Sabbath,"  "  when  the  bridegroom  was 
taken  away,"  and  of  the  vigil  of  the  Easter 
day,  ending  in  the  "  offering  of  the  sacrifice." 
Otherwise  the  general  command  is  to  keep  both 
the  sabbath  and  the  Lord's  day  as  feasts,  the 
one  in  memory  of  the  work  of  the  Creator,  the 
other  of  the  resurrection  (see  Book  vii.  c.  23, 
2).  In  a  prayer  of  thanksgiving  given  in  Book 
vii.  c.  36,  there  is  a  remarkable  passage  on  the 
sabbath  and  the  Lord's  day,  which  tells  how 
the  "  sabbath  is  the  rest  from  creation,,  the  com- 
pletion of  the  world,  the  seeking  of  God's  laws, 
the  praise  of  thanksgiving  to  God  for  all  that 
He  has  given  us.  But  rising  above  all  these 
ideas,  the  Lord's  day  manifests  to  us  the  Me- 
diator Himself,  the  guardian  and  lawgiver  of 
men,  the  source  of  resurrection,  the  firstborn 
before  all  creation,  God  the  Word,  man  born  of 
the  Virgin  Mary,  .  .  .who  died  and  rose  again; 
and  so  commands  us  to  offer  to  God  the  highest 
of  all  thanksgiving."  In  Book  viii.  33, 1,  we  find 
a  command  given  in  the  names  of  St.  Peter  and 
St.  Paul,  "Let  servants  work  five  days,  on 
the  sabbath  and  the  Lord's  day  let  them  rest, 
with  a  view  to  instruction  in  godliness  in  the 
church."  This  command  introduces  a  series  of 
commands  to  rest  on  holy  days.  It  is  notable, 
as  looking  like  an  apostolic  extension  of  the 
enactment  of  the  fourth  commandment.  But 
when  the  decalogue  is  expounded,  we  find  that 
commandment  explained  thus,  "Thou  shalt 
keep  a  sabbath,  on  account  of  Him  who  ceased 
from  creation  but  not  from  providence,  a  sab- 
bath not  of  idleness  of  hands,  but  of  medita- 
tion on  his  laws"  (ii.  361).  There  is  no  idea  of 
its  transference  for  a  Christian  to  the  obser- 
vance of  the  Lord's  day. 

In  St.  Chrysostom  there  is  perhaps  the  first  in 
dication  of  the  idea  that  the  sabbath  was  so  far 
of  perpetual  obligation,  that  the  one  day  in  seven 
should  always  be  set  apart.  In  his  10th  Homily 
on  Genesis,  c.  1,  we  find  him  declaring  that  "  God 
from  the  beginning  teaches  us  figuratively,  in- 
structing us  to  set  aside  one  day  (or  '  the  first 
day ')  in  the  cycle  of  the  week,  and  to  devote  it 
to  work  in  spiritual  things ;  for  it  was  for  this 
reason  that  God  hallowed  the  seventh  day " 
(^'5r/  evnvdiv  4k  irpooifxiwy  alvty/xaTuiSws  Sida- 
(TKaKiav  rjfjuv  b  @ihs  Trap4xeTai,Trai5evooi'  rrju  fxlav 
rnxipav  iv  raj  kvk\w  rrjs  e65o,aa5os  airaaav 
avariQivaL  koI  a(popi^iiv  Trj  rwv  -KvevnarMajv 
ipyacria,  Sia  yap  tovto  6  SeinrSTris,  /c.t.A.)  (See 
Bened.  ed.  vol.  iv.  p.  80.)  This  treatment,  how- 
ever, of  the  subject  is  but  slightly  indicated,  and 
it  exists  side  by  side  with  teaching  of  a  more 
ancient  type.  Thus  the  sabbath  is  to  him  also 
the  type  of  eternal  rest  in  heaven  (Comm.  on. 
Heb.  iii.  8,  vol.  xii.  p.  63).     In  his  39th  Homilj 


LOED'S  DAY 

on  St.  Matthew,  he  speaks  of  the  formal  sabbath 
as  a  condescension  to  the  hardness  of  the  hearts 
of  the  Jews,  and  urges  that  we  should  always 
keep  festival  by  abstaining  from  evil,  and  "be 
idle  with  a  spiritual  idleness  "  (apyain^v  apyiav 
TTvev/j-aTiK-fiv),  by  keeping  our  hands  from  reck- 
lessness (vol.  vii.  p.  435).  Still  it  is  significant ; 
it  appears  to  indicate  a  transition  towards  the 
later  idea  of  connecting  the  fourth  commandment 
directly  with  the  observance  of  the  Lord's  day. 
The  circumstances  of  his  time,  and  the  evils  with 
which  he  had  to  grapple,  may  have  suggested 
this  short  and  easy  way  of  maintaining  the  sanc- 
tity of  the  great  Christian  festival. 

We  turn  to  the  West,  and  take  as  specimens  of 
church  opinion,  the  three  whom  Milman  has 
called  the  great  organizers  of  Latin  Christianity. 
St.  Ambrose  (on  Ps.  xlii.)  holds,  like  St.  Atha- 
nasius,  that  the  Lord's  day  is  "  the  day  which  the 
Lord  hath  made,"  of  Ps.  cxviii.  ;  of  all  the  days 
on  which  God  works  mighty  works,  it  has  the 
leadership  (praerogativa),  because  illuminated  by 
the  rising  of  the  Sun  of  Righteousness.  In  his 
commentary  on  Ps.  xlviii.  we  observe  a  marked 
instance  of  the  tendency  to  supersede  the  sabbath 
by  the  Lord's  day.  the  Psalm  is  to  be  sung 
"  Secunda  Sabbati."  What  (he  asks)  is  this  but 
"  the  Lord's  day,  which  followed  the  sabbath  ?  " 
He  clearly  means  that  it  followed  -  it  in  old 
times,  not  only  in  order,  but  in  dignity ;  for 
he  goes  on  to  speak  of  the  "  eighth  day,  at 
once  the  eighth  and  the  first,"  as  "  sanctified 
by  the  resurrection,"  and  now  accordingly  having 
"  ex  numeri  ordine  praerogativam,  et  ex  Piesur- 
rectione  Domini  Sanctitatem."  He  actually 
interprets  the  adPBarov  SiVTepd-n-pcorov  as  sig- 
nifying that  "  the  sabbath,  which  was  once  first, 
now  begins  to  be  but  the  second  after  the  first ;" 
and  lastly,  he  uses  the  phrase  "Prima  requies 
cessavit,  secunda  successit,"  connecting  with  this 
the  declaration  of  the  "  sabbath  keeping  for 
the  people  of  God  "  (in  Heb.  iv.  8,  9).  Similarly 
commenting  on  the  passage  "  Vespere  Sabbati, 
quae  lucescit  m  primam  Sabbati,"  he  remarks, 
"Before  the  resurrection  the  Evangelist  spoke 
of  the  sabbath  ;  after  the  resurrection  he  called 
it  the  first  day  of  the  week."  It  is  true  that  he 
speaks  of  the  "  rest  in  Christ "  as  the  true  and 
"  great  sabbath,"  in  the  same  sense  as  Epiphanius 
(de  Obitu  Theod.,  vol.  ii.  1206  B,  Bened.  ed. 
1690).  But,  while  he  would  have  doubtless 
repudiated  the  idea  that  the  Lord's  day  was  the 
"Christian  sabbath,"  his  words  certainly  prepare 
for  it. 

St.  Jerome's  treatment  of  the  subject  is 
markedly  characteristic.  He  {adv.  Jovin.  ii.  25) 
deals  with  the  six  days  of  work  as  representing 
this  life,  the  seventh  the  "  true  and  eternal 
sabbath,"  in  which  we  shall  be  free.  In  the 
passage  already  referred  to  (in  Galat.  lib.  II. 
vol.  vii.  p.  456,  Bened.  ed.)  he  lays  it  down  that, 
strictly  speaking,  all  days  are  equal  to  a  Christian, 
"  nee  per  Parasceven  tantum  crucifigi  Christum 
ct  die  Dominica  resurgere,  sed  semper  sanctam 
resurrectionis  esse  diem  et  semper  eum  carne 
vesci  Dominica,"  and  he  goes  on  to  contrast  the 
strict  limitation  of  the  Jews  to  certain  days  with 
the  freedom  of  the  Christian  to  f^ist,  to  pray,  to 
celebrate  a  Lord's  day  by  receiving  the  Body 
of  the  Lord,  at  all  times.  On  Ezek.  xx.  10,  11, 
he  has  a  curious  passage,  declaring  the  sabbath 
and  circumcision   to  liave  been  given  as  signs, 


LOED'S  DAY 


1049 


"  ut  sciamus  nos  perfecto  ot  aeterno  sabbato 
requiescendum  a  saeculi  ojieribus."  "  Unde  in  sex 
diebus  operantes  septimo  die  requiescimus,  ut 
nihil  aliud  die  ac  nocte  faciamus,  nisi  omne  quod 
vivimus,  deberi  Domino  noverimus,  et  redeunte 
hebdomade  totos  nos  nomini  ejus  consecremus." 
While  he  bears  constant  testimony  to  the  solemn 
observation  of  the  Lord's  day  by  religious  wor- 
ship, it  is  truly  remarked  by  Dr.  Hessey  {Bampton 
Lectures^  Lect.  III.)  that  he  describes  the  Egyptian 
coenobitae,  as  after  church  making  garments  for 
themselves  or  others,  and  tells  the  story  of  his 
visits  to  the  tombs  of  the  apostles  and  martyrs, 
not  as  religious  ceremonies,  but  as  seemly  re- 
creations. Throughout,  both  as  to  theory  and 
practice,  his  view  of  the  Lord's  day  is  highly 
spiritual,  with  no  tendency  whatever  to  legal  or 
sabbatical  observance. 

The  same  remark  applies  to  the  teaching  of 
St.  Augustine,  who  constantly  refers  to  the 
question  of  the  sabbath,  and  not  unfrequently 
to  the  Lord's  day.  He  expresses  himself  with 
singular  clearness  against  any  continuance  of 
sabbatical  obligation.  In  his  De  Gcnesi  ad 
Litteram  (Book  iv.,  0pp.  vol.  iii.  208)  he  ex- 
pressly says  that  in  the  time  of  full  revelation 
of  grace,  that  method  of  observance  of  the 
sabbath,  which  was  symbolized  by  the  rest  of  a 
single  day,  was  taken  away  from  the  observance 
of  the  faithful  (observatio  ilia  sabbati,  quae 
unius  diei  vacatione  figurabatur,  ablata  est  ab 
observatione  fidelium).  Similarly  in  his  Epistle 
to  Januarius  {Ep.  Iv.  vol.  ii.  203)  he  expressly 
distinguishes  the  fourth  (or,  as  he  calls  it,  the 
third  commandment,  connecting  it  mystically 
with  the  third  Person  of  the  Holy  Trinity),  as 
one  to  be  observed  figuratively,  from  all  the 
others,  which  are  to  be  observed  literally.  In 
both  passages  he  urges  on  the  faithful  a  per- 
petual sabbath,  partly  of  rest  from  the  "  old 
works,"  partly  of  working  whatever  good  they 
work  with  a  view  to  the  eternal  sabbath  of 
heaven.  The  Lord's  day  (he  adds)  was  declared 
not  to  the  Jews  but  to  the  Christians  by  the 
resurrection  of  the  Lord,  and  fi-om  that  time 
only  began  to  have  its  festal  character.  There 
was  indeed  a  mystical  signification  of  the  eighth 
day  (octavi  Sacramentum)  under  the  law,  which 
he  traces  fancifully  enough,  but  it  was  reserved 
and  concealed,  and  the  sabbath  alone  given 
fa-  celebration.  Exactly  in  the  same  way  he 
declares  against  the  Manicheans  {contra  Adi- 
mantum,  sect.  2,  16,  and  contra  Faustum,  book 
vi.  vol.  viii.  209,  240,  343),  that  the  literal  or 
carnal  observation  of  the  sabbath  is  abolished, 
while  its  spiritual  significance  remain.s,  in  the 
acceptance  of  the  invitation,  "  Come  unto  me, 
and  I  will  give  you  rest."  His  principle  is 
formally  enunciated  thus,  "Apostolicam  inter- 
pretationem  spiritualiter  teneo  ;  Carnalem  Servi- 
tutis  observationem  libertate  contemno."  In  his 
treatise  de  Spiritu  ct  Littera,  sect.  xiv.  (vol.  x. 
328)  he  takes  it  so  absolutely  for  granted  that 
the  observance  of  the  sabbath  according  to  the 
letter  is  carnal,  that  he  thinks  it  necessary  to 
plead  that  the  principle,  "  the  letter  killeth," 
applies  not  only  to  the  fourth  commandment, 
but  to  the  other  nine.  The  sabbath  day,  he 
says  elsewhere  (on  Ps.  cl.  vol.  iv.  2411),  signifies 
rest,  the  Lord's  day,  resurrection.  The  two  ideas 
are  in  his  view  contrasted,  as  the  old  and  new 
covenants  are  contrasted.      Such  is  his  genuine 


1050 


LORD'S  DAY 


teaching.  There  is,  indeed,  a  passage  in  one  of  the 
Homilies  de  Tempore  {Horn.  251),  attributed  to 
him,  but  unhesitatingly  rejected  by  the  Bene- 
dictine editors,  and  assigned  by  them  to  the 
9th  century,  in  which  he  is  made  to  say  that 
"  the  doctors  of  the  church  decreed  to  transfer 
all  the  glory  of  the  Jewish  sabbath-keeping  to 
the  Lord's  day,  so  that  what  they  celebrated  in 
figure,  we  might  celebrate  in  reality "  (see 
vol.  V.  p,  3101).  But  this  is  in  direct  opposition 
to  St.  Augustine's  general  teaching ;  it  clearly 
breathes  the  spirit  of  a  later  time,  and  shews 
traces  of  a  well-known  passage  of  Alcuin. 

(V.)  In  these  leading  representatives  of  Chris- 
tian thought,  we  find,  therefore,  not  only  a  pre- 
servation of  the  older  and  truer  ideas,  but, 
generally  speaking,  a  care  (possibly  prophetic) 
to  enforce  the  spirituality  of  the  Lord's  day  more 
carefully  than  ever.  It  is  rather  in  the  enact- 
ments of  councils,  embodying  the  common  opinion 
of  the  church  at  large,  that  we  trace  the  changes 
of  conception  which  have  been  described  above. 

The  great  Council  of  Nicaea,  taking  the  Lord's 
day  and  its  observance  for  granted,  merely  di- 
rects that  on  the  Lord's  day  and  within  the 
Pentecost,  all  shall  pray  standing  (Canon  20). 
Subsequent  councils,  however,  of  the  4th,  5th 
and  6th  centuries  legislate  frequently  on  the 
subject. 

The  first  class  of  enactments  is  directed  to  the 
enforcement  of  ritual  and  devotional  observances. 
Thus  absence  from  the  church  on  their  Lord's 
days  is  made  a  ground  for  excommunication ; 
fasting  on  the  Lord's  day  is  denounced  as  savour- 
ing of  Manicheism ;  the  refusal  to  join  the 
prayers  and  receive  the  Holy  Eucharist,  and  the 
practice  of  leaving  the  church  during  preaching, 
are  censured  and  punished ;  all  frequenting  of 
the  games  or  the  circus  on  the  Lord's  day  is  ! 
strictly  forbidden  (see  Hessey's  Bampton  Lee-  ! 
lures,  Lect.  III.).  These  enactments  have  no 
special  significance  as  to  the  conception  of  the 
day.  They  simply  take  for  granted  its  religious 
celebration  after  the  primitive  fashion ;  their 
existence  only  indicates  that  this  celebration 
was  becoming  more  and  more  a  matter  of  legal 
regulation  and  enforcement. 

There  is,  however,  another  class  of  enactments 
intended  to  secure  and  guard  a  quasi-sabbatical 
rest.  To  this  the  well-known  canon  of  Laodicea 
(a.d.  363)  seems  certainly  to  belong.  (See  ' 
Labbe,  Concilia,  vol.  ii.  pp.  564,  565.)  It  de- 
clares that  Christians  "  are  not  to  Judaize  and 
rest  on  the  sabbath  day,  but  to  work  on  that 
day,  and  preferring  the  Lord's  day  in  honour,  on 
it,  if  possible,  to  rest  as  Christians  (rrtv  5e 
KvpLUKJiv  TrpoTiixoivTis,  ilje  SvvaiuTo,  crxof^d^etv 
uis  Xpiariavul).  Obviously  there  is  a  marked 
distinction  intended  between  the  Jewish  and 
Christian  idea  of  rest ;  but  still  the  result  is  to 
transfer  a  sabbatical  rest  to  the  Lord's  day,  and 
so  to  make  it  a  kind  of  s]iiritualized  and  Chris- 
tianized sabbath.  This  step  being  once  taken, 
its  necessary  consequences  follow,  accumulating 
regulations  of  prohibition  or  injunction,  until 
the  original  distinction  is  obscured  or  lost.  The 
councils,  in  fact,  were  placed  between  tendencies 
to  extreme  observance  and  to  extreme  neglect. 
Thus  at  the  third  Council  of  Orleans  (A.D.  538), 
we  see  that  a  certain  public  opinion  had  been 
growing  up  (persuasum  est  populis)  that  on 
the  Lord's  day  no  horse  or  ox  or  carriage  should 


LORD'S  DAY 

be  used,  no  food  prepared,  nothing  done  for  the 
cleanliness  of  the  house  or  person.  This  the 
council  wisely  desires  to  check,  and  protests  that 
such  minute  •  regulations  "  savour  rather  of 
Jewish  than  Christian  observance"  (ad  Judaicam 
magis  quam  ad  Christianam  observantiam  per- 
tinere).  It  is  accordingly  laid  down,  somewhat 
vaguely,  that  the  freedom  hitherto  used  on  the 
Lord's  day  should  be  preserved  (quod  antea 
fieri  licuit,  liceat).  But  in  the  very  same  canon 
abstinence  from  rural  work  in  general  is  not 
only  advised,  in  order  that  men  may  have  leisure 
for  church-going  and  prayer,  but,  in  case  of 
neglect,  enforced  by  ecclesiastical  censure  (see 
Labbe,  vol.  ix.  p.  10).  On  the  other  hand,  the 
second  Council  of  Mjicon  (A.D.  585)  declares 
itself  driven  to  legislation,  because  "  the  people 
rashly  profane  the  Lord's  day,  and  as  on  oi'dinary 
days  (privatis  diebus)  devote  themselves  to  un- 
ceasing work."  Accordingly  the  first  canon 
pleads  eloquently  for  the  observation  of  the 
Lord's  day,  "  which  has  given  us  the  new  birth 
and  freedom  from  all  our  sins  "  (quae  nos  denuo 
peperit  et  a  peccatis  omnibus  liberavit) ;  on  it 
"  being  made  free  from  sin  and  become  servants 
to  righteousness,  let  us  show  the  service  which 
is  perfect  freedom  "  (liberam  servitutem  exhibea- 
mus).  "  The  day  is  the  day  of  perpetual  rest, 
which  is  suggested  to  us  by  the  type  of  the 
seventh  day  in  the  law  and  the  prophets." 
Hence  it  is  urged  that  men  should  abstain  from 
litigation  and  pleading,  and  should  not  even 
allow  themselves  on  plea  of  necessity  to  yoke 
their  oxen.  Their  whole  soul  is  to  be  absorbed 
in  hymns  and  praises ;  their  eyes  and  hands 
raised  all  day  to  God.  Not  that  there  is  value 
in  bodily  rest  (corporali  abstinentia),  but  in  an 
obedience  by  which  earthly  actions  may  be  set 
aside,  and  the  soul  raised  to  heaven.  All  this  is 
spiritual  exhortation ;  but  it  is  significantly 
added  that  disobedience  will  be  punished  pri- 
marily by  God,  secondarily  "  by  the  implacable 
anger  of  the  priest ;  "  pleaders  shall  be  non- 
suited, peasants  or  slaves  severely  scourged, 
clerks  or  monks  suspended  for  six  months  from 
communion  with  their  fellows.  (See  Labbe,  ix. 
947.)  It  will  be  observed  that  in  this  canon 
there  is  a  vague  reference  to  the  seventh  day's 
rest,  laid  down  in  the  fourth  commandment,  as 
foreshadowing  the  Lord's  day.  But  this  is  a 
tentative  step  anticipatory  of  the  future.  Every 
enactment  of  quasi-sabbatical  rest  prepared  for 
a  Sabbatarian  theory  ;  but  it  was  far  from  being 
as  yet  established. 

This  is  clear,  if  we  turn  to  the  writings  of 
Gregory  the  Great,  the  foremost  man  of  his 
day  in  character  as  in  office,  and  the  unconscious 
founder  of  the  future  papal  power.  He  ob- 
viously followed  St.  Augustine  in  his  view  of 
the  Lord's  day  and  its  significance,  and  in  some 
of  his  references  to  Old  Testament  types  of  its 
sacredness  *"  (see  Horn,  in  Ezek.  ii.  4).  In 
a  celebrated  letter  to  the  Romans  (Epist.  xiii. 
1),  written  in  reference  to  some  introduction 
of  strict  re.st  on  the  sabbath,  he  declares  that  it 


h  One  is,  however,  peculiar.  On  Job  1.  5,  he  contends 
that  in  his  sanctifying  his  sons  after  the  seven  days,  he 
prefigured  the  eighth  day  or  Lord's  day.  He  adds :  "  (juia 
ergo  octavo  die  offerre  septem  sacrificia  dicitur,  planus 
septiformis  gratiae  Spiritu  pro  spe  resurrectionis  Domino 
deservisse  perhibetur." 


LORD'S  DAY 

is  Antichrist,  who  "  at  his  coming  shall  cause 
the  sabbath  day,  and  the  Lord's  day  to  be  kept 
from  all  work  " — in  the  one  case,  he  adds,  for  the 
sake  of  Judaizing,  in  the  other,  because  he 
himself  shall  pretend  to  die,  and  to  rise  again. 
In  regard  to  the  sabbath,  which  is  his  chief 
■  subject,  he  lays  down  the  broad  principle  that 
the  laws  of  the  old  covenant  were  but  typical, 
and  in  the  light  of  Christ's  coming  can  be 
kept  only  in  spirit.  "Our  true  sabbath  is  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  Himself."  He  then  protests 
against  a  prohibition  of  the  bath  on  the  Lord's 
day  (evidently  on  Sabbatarian  grounds),  in  a 
tone  which  would  apply  to  many  other  such 
ordinances.  He  is  content  to  lay  it  down  that 
on  the  Lord's  day  we  are  to  cease  from  all 
earthly  work,  and  to  devote  ourselves  alto- 
gether to  prayer  (atque  omni  modo  orationi- 
bus  insistendum),  in  order  that  any  spiritual 
neglect  in  the  si.t  days  may  be  atoned  for  on 
the  day  of  the  resurrection.  It  would  have 
been  impossible  for  him  so  to  have  written,  had 
the  idea  of  the  transference  of  the  obligation  of 
the  fourth  commandment  to  the  Lord's  day 
attained  to  anything  like  general  acceptation. 
There  is  a  curious  passage  in  a  letter  of  Gre- 
gory to  St.  Augustine  of  Canterbury  (considered 
to  be  of  doubtful  authenticity)  which  deals  with 
fasting,  and,  referring  apparently  to  Sundays  in 
Lent,  draws  a  singularly  unpleasant  picture  of 
Sunday  festivities.  "  De  ipsa  vero  die  Domi- 
nica haesitamus  quidnam  dicendum  sit,  cum 
omnes  laici  et  saeculares  ilia  die  plus  solito 
caeteris  diebus  accuratius  cibos  carnium  appe- 
tant,  et  nisi  nova  quadam  aviditate  usque  ad 
mediam  noctem  se  ingurgitent,  non  aliter  se 
hujus  sacri  teraporis  observationem  suscipere 
putant ;  .  .  .  unde  nee  a  tali  consuetudine  averti 
possunt,  et  ideo  cum  venia  suo  ingenio  relin- 
quendi  sunt,  ne  forte  pejores  existant  si  a  tali 
consuetudine  prohibeantur  "  (Haddanand  Stubbs, 
I  Cone.  iii.  54;  Greg.  0pp.  ii.  1302,  in  App.  ad 
]  Epist.  siii.,  from  Gratian,  Dist.  iv.  can.  6).  It  is 
possible  that  this  practice  indicates  a  reaction 
[  against  the  Sabbatarianism  referred  to  in  Gre- 
1  gory's  letter.  Curiously  enough,  it  exactly 
corresponds  to  those  excessive  sabbath  festivities 
with  which  the  Fathers  of  the  5th  century  re- 
proach the  Jews. 

Meanwhile  the  current  of  opinion  and  legis- 
lation still  continues  to  set  in  the  Sabbatarian 
direction.  Legends  of  miraculous  judgment  on 
those  who  work  on  the  Lord's  day  become  rife. 
In  the  Life  of  St.  Germanus  of  Auxerre  (written 
by  Venantius  Fortunatus  in  the  6th  century) 
we  are  told  how  the  hand  of  a  man  at  Essone, 
working  on  the  Lord's  day,  and  of  a  girl  at  Melun, 
spinning  on  the  same  day,  were  suddenly  con- 
tracted (ita  contrahitur  digitus  ut  unguium 
acumen  partem  transiret  in  alteram),  and  how 
both  were  miraculously  healed  by  St.  Germanus 
(cc.  14, 16  ;  Migne,  Patrologie,  Ixxii.  61).  As  time 
goes  on,  such  portents  become  more  numerous 
and  more  striking ;  the  hand  which  chops  wood 
cleaves  to  the  hatchet,  or  is  withered ;  a  cake 
made  on  the  Lord's  day  streams  with  blood; 
a  mill-wheel  set  in  motion  refuses  to  turn  (see 
Heylin,  On  the  Sabbath,  part  ii.  c.  v.  3,  and 
Ilessey's  Bampton  Lectures,  lect.  iii.  n.  261). 

Naturally  the  decrees  of  councils  and  the 
commands  of  secular  authority  follow  in  the 
same  course.     Thus  in   England,  in  the  7  th  and 


LOED'S  DAY 


1051 


8th  centuries,  the  laws  of  Ina,  king  of  the  West 
Saxons  (about  690),  lay  it  down  that  "  If  a 
'  theowman '  work  on  Sunday  by  his  lord's 
command,  let  him  be  free,  and  let  the  lord  pay 
XXX  shillings  as  'wite'  [fine].  But  if  the 
'  theow '  work  without  his  knowledge,  let  him 
suffer  in  his  hide,  or  in  '  hide-gild '  [ransom]. 
But  if  a  freeman  work  on  that  day  without  his 
lord's  command,  let  him  forfeit  his  freedom,  or 
sixty  shillings  ;  and  let  a  priest  be  liable  to 
twice  as  much."  (See  Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
Councils,  \\i.  215.)  A  law  of  about  the  same 
date  makes  the  observation  of  the  eve  of  Sunday, 
as  well  as  the  Sunday  itself.  "  If  an  '  esne '  do 
any  servile  labour,  contrary  to  his  lord's 
command,  from  sunset  on  Sunday  eve  till  sunset 
on  Monday  eve  [i.e.  sunset  on  Saturday  to 
sunset  on  Sunday],  let  him  make  a  '  bote'  of 
Ixxx  shillings  to  his  lord.  If  an  '  esne '  do  so 
of  his  own  accord  on  that  day,  let  him  make  a 
'  bote  '  of  vie?,  to  his  lord,  or  his  hide  "  (Laws  of 
Wihtred,  K.  of  Kent,  a.d.  696,  11.  9  and  10,  in 
Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  235). 

In  the  Council  of  Clovesho  (a.d.  747)  it  is 
ordered  that  all  abbots  and  presbyters  shall 
remain  in  their  monasteries  and  churches  on  the 
Lord's  day,  abstaining  from  all  business  and  from 
all  travelling,  except  on  inevitable  necessity.  But 
the  object  is  stated  to  be  that  the  Lord's  day 
may  be  wholly  dedicated  to  the  worship  of 
God,  and  that  they  may  be  ready  to  teach  and 
to  minister.  Of  the  laity  it  is  only  said  that 
on  the  Lord's  day  and  other  great  festivals 
the  people  shall  be  invited  by  the  priests  to 
assemble  in  church  for  the  hearing  of  the 
word  and  the  celebration  of  the  mass.  (See 
Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  367.)  About  the  same 
time  we  find  a  "  Judicium  dementis  "  (supposed 
to  be  Willebrord,  a.d.  693),  indicating  a  still 
greater  extent  of  Sabbatarian  rigour.  "If  on 
the  Lord's  day  any  one  by  negligence  works  or 
bathes  or  washes  his  head,  let  him  do  penance 
seven  days  ;  if  he  repeats  the  offence,  forty  days  ; 
if  he  does  so  contumaciously  (si  per  dampnatio- 
nem  facit  hoc  die)  and  refuses  to  amend,  let  him 
be  expelled  from  the  Catholic  church  like  a 
Jew."    (See  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  226.) 

(VI.)  Still,  however,  it  will  be  observed  that 
even  now  no  connexion  of  the  Lord's  day  with  the 
fourth  commandment  is  avowed ;  and  the  process  of 
Sabbatarianism  is  therefore  not  complete.  There 
is  some  reason  to  think  that  in  this,  as  in  some 
other  ecclesiastical  matters,  we  are  to  look  to 
the  time  of  Charlemagne  for  the  final  step.  So 
late,  indeed,  as  a.d.  797,  a  celebi-ated  decree  of 
Theodulph  of  Orleans  (Capitula,  n.  24 ;  see  Labbe, 
Co'tncils,  vol.  xiii.  p.  999),  which  was  apparently 
observed  beyond  the  limits  of  his  diocese,  speaking 
of  the  Lord's  day,  preserves  the  old  teaching  as 
to  the  grounds  of  its  consecration,  and  deals  with 
its  observance  freely  and  spiritually :  "  Diei 
vero  Dominici,  quia  in  eo  Deus  lucem  condidit, 
in  eo  manna  in  eremo  pluit,  in  eo  Redemptor 
humani  generis  sponte  pro  salute  nostra  a  mor- 
tuis  resurrexit,  in  eo  Spiritum  Sanctum  super 
discipulos  infudit,  tanta  esse  debet  observantia, 
ut  praeter  orationes,  et  missarum  solemnia,  et 
ea  quae  ad  vescendum  pertinent,  nihil  aliud  fiat. 
Nam  et  si  necessitas  fuerit  navigandi,  sive  itine- 
randi,  licentia  datur,  ita  duntaxat,  ut  horum 
occasione  missa  et  orationes  non  praetermit- 
tantur.     Conveniendum  est  sabbato  die  cum  lu- 


1052 


LOED'S  DAY 


minaribus  cuilibet  Christiano  ad  ecclesiam,  con- 
veniendum  est  ad  vigilias  sive  ad  matutinum 
officium.  Concurrendum  est  etiam  cum  obla- 
tionibus  ad  missarum  solemnia.  Et  dum  ad 
ecclesiam  convenitur  nulla  causa  dici  debet  vel 
audiri,  nulla  jurgia  sunt  habenda :  sed  tantum- 
modo  Deo  vacandum  est,  in  celebratione  videlicet 
sacrorum  officiorum,  et  exhibitione  eleemosy- 
narum,  et  in  Dei  laudibus  cum  amicis,  proximis, 
et  peregrinis  spiritaliter  epulandum." 

But  Alcuin,  Charlemagne's  great  ecclesiastical 
adviser,  speaking  of  the  Jewish  observation  of 
the  sabbath,  says  expressly,  "  cujus  observa- 
tionem  raos  Ohristianus  ad  diem  Dominicum 
competentius  transtulit  "  (^Hornil.  xviii.  post 
Pentec.  quoted  by  Heylin).  It  is  true  that  this 
is  said  to  have  been  done  by  custom  ;  thei'e  is  no 
word  of  scriptural  authority,  or  even  of  any 
institution  of  the  apostles.  But  still  this  pas- 
sage seems  to  enunciate  for  the  first  time  the 
idea  of  "  the  Christian  sabbath." '  And  its 
meaning  is  illustrated  by  the  laws  of  the  time. 
A  law  attributed  to  Clotaire  lays  it  down  that 
no  one  should  work  on  the  Lord's  day,  "  quia 
hoc  lex  prohibet,  et  Sacra  Scriptura  in  omnibus 
contradlcit."  Under  Pepin  (a.d.  791)  a  council 
at  Friuli  had  strictly  enforced  the  observance  of 
the  day,  with  some  special  restrictions  appa- 
rently taken  from  the  observance  of  the  sabbath. 
But  Charlemagne  opens  an  imperial  edict  on  the 
subject  with  the  express  words,  "  statuimus  se- 
cundum quod  et  in  lege  Dominus  praecepit," 
and  proceeds  to  minute  prohibitions  against 
various  kinds  of  work  and  to  injunctions  for 
attendance  at  divine  service.  (See  Heylin,  part 
ii.  c.  V.) 

It  is  notable  that  not  long  after  an  edict 
appears  at  Constantinople  by  the  emperor  Leo 
Philosophus  (a.d.  884)  for  the  observance  of  the 
Lord's  day,  referring  to  the  old  edict  of  Con- 
stantine  as  too  lax  in  its  exemptions,  and  declaring 
absolute  rest  for  labour,  as  "  decreed  by  the 
Holy  Spirit  and  the  apostles  taught  of  Him  " 
(quod  Spiritui  Sancto  ab  ipsoque  institutus 
apostolis  placuit),  arguing  that  "if  the  Jews 
honoured  their  sabbath,  irhich  was  but  a  shadow 
of  ours,  how  much  more  should  we  honour  the 
day  which  the  Lord  hath  honoured,  and  on  it 
delivered  us  from  dishonour  and  death  ! "  {Con- 
stit.  54,  see  Heylin,  part  ii.  c.  v.).  We  note 
here  that  it  is  on  apostolic  authority  that  the 
sanctity  of  the  Lord's  day  is  based,  although  at  the 
same  time  the  Jewish  sabbath  is  looked  upon  as 
the  shadow  of  the  Christian.  The  period  is,  in 
fact,  one  of  transition.  That  the  sabbatical 
authority  of  the  Lord's  day  was  not  held  in 
theory  is  clear,  from  the  fact  that  the 
general  teaching  of  the  schoolmen  follows  the 
express  declaration  of  Aquinas  that  "the  ob- 
servance of  the  Lord's  day  in  the  new  law 
supersedes  the  observance  of  the  sabbath,  not 
by  obligation  of  the  (divine)  law,  but  by  the 
ordinance  of  the  church  and  the  custom  of 
Christian  people  "  (non  ex  vi  legis  sed  ex  cons-ti- 
tutione  ecclesiae  et  consuetudine  populi  Chris- 
tiani),  or  as  it  is  elsewhere  expi-essed,  "  non  de 
jure  divino,  sed  de  jure  humane  canonico."     But 


'  Heylin  iHist.  of  Sabbath,  part  ii.  c.  v.  13)  asserts  that 
the  phrase  itself  is  first  found  in  Petrus  Alfonsus  in  the 
12th  century  :    "  Dies  dominica  . . .  Christianorum  sab- 


LORD'S  DAY 

the  "  custom  of  Christian  people,"  when  once 
directed  in  the  line  of  quasi-sabbatical  obser- 
vance, would  be  apt  to  ground  itself  naturally 
on  the  divine  law,  which  such  observance  seemed 
to  suggest,  and  to  which  reference  is  certainly 
made  in  the  decrees  already  quoted. 

It  lies  beyond  the  limits  of  this  article  to  trace 
the  steady  and  excessive  development  of  festal 
observance  in  the  mediaeval  church,  the  tendency 
to  place  other  holy  days  on  nearly  the  same  level 
as  the  Lord's  day,  and  to  guard  all  alike  by 
quasi-sabbatarian  regulations  of  an  elaborate  and 
burdensome  nature.  Nor  can  we  do  more  than 
allude  to  the  twofold  protest  made  against  this 
at  the  Reformation.  On  the  Continent  generally, 
it  tended  to  reject  all  holy  days,  and  treat  the 
Lord's  day  itself  as  a  matter  of  simple  church 
ordinance,  which  any  church  at  its  will  might 
alter  ;  in  England,  Scotland,  and  Holland,  it 
singled  out  the  Lord's  day,  placing  it  on 
a  scriptural  basis,  as  the  Christian  sabbath, 
ordained  in  the  fourth  commandment,  and  sur- 
rounded it  too  often  with  a  more  than  Judaic 
rigour. 

The  conclusions,  to  which  within  the  historical 
limits  assigned  to  this  article  we  must  come, 
may  be  thus  briefly  recapitulated. 

(a)  The  Lord's  day  must  be  regarded  as  a 
festival,  coeval  with  the  existence  of  Christianity 
itself — growing  up  naturally  from  the  apostles' 
time,  gradually  assuming  the  character  of  the 
one  distinctively  Christian  festival,  and  draw- 
ing to  itself,  as  by  an  irresistible  gravitation, 
the  periodical  rest,  which  is  enjoined  in  the 
fourth  commandment  on  grounds  applicable  to 
man  as  man,  and  which  was  provided  for  under 
the  Mosaic  law  by  the  special  observance  of  the 
sabbath. 

(6)  The  idea  of  the  Lord's  day  is  wholly  dis- 
tinct from  that  of  the  sabbath,  never  for  a 
moment  confused  with  it  in  the  early  church, 
in  which,  indeed,  the  observance  of  the  sabbath 
long  survived,  sometimes  as  a  festival,  some- 
times as  a  fast.  Wherever  rest  is  associated 
with  it,  such  rest  is  invariably  regarded  as 
entirely  secondary,  as  simply  a  means  to  a 
higher  end.  Accordingly  the  original  regula- 
tion of  observances  connected  with  the  Lord's 
day  is  positive  and  not  negative,  and  directed 
by  principle  rather  than  by  formal  rule. 

(c)  The  tendency  to  sabbatize  the  Lord's 
day  is  due  chiefly  to  the  necessities  of  legal 
enforcement — first,  as  exemplified  in  the  series 
of  imperial  laws,  then  in  the  decrees  of  councils, 
generally  backed  by  the  secular  power — dealing 
inevitably  in  prohibition  more  than  in  injunc- 
tion, and  so  tending  to  emphasize  negative 
instead  of  positive  observance.  For  such  enact' 
ments  the  law  of  the  Old  Testament  "  mutatis 
mutandis "  became  naturally  a  model,  and  the 
step  was  an  easy  ons,  from  regarding  it  as  a 
model  to  taking  it  as  an  authority. 

(f/)  The  direct  connexion,  however,  of  such 
obsei'vance  with  the  obligation  of  the  fourth 
commandment  can  claim  no  scriptural  and  no 
high  ecclesiastical  authority.  Either  the  obser- 
vation of  that  commandment  is  expressly  de- 
clared to  be  figurative  (consisting  of  rest  from 
sin,  rest  enjoyed  in  Christ,  and  rest  foreseen  in 
heaven),  or  careful  distinction  is  made  between 
the  moral  obligation  of  religious  observance  in 
general,  and  the  positive  obligation,  now  passed 


LOKD'S  DAY 

away,  to  keep  the  sabbath  in  particular.  The 
notion  of  connecting  it  with  the  keeping  of  the 
Lord's  day  grows  up  in  the  first  instance  through 
the  natural  supersession  of  the  sabbath  by  the 
Lord's  day  in  the  Christian  church,  and  the 
temptation  to  transfer  to  the  latter  the  positive 
divine  sanction  of  the  firmer  ;  and,  once  intro- 
duced, maintains  itself  by  the  very  fact  of  pre- 
senting a  strong  and  intelligible  plea  against 
any  degradation  of  the  high  Christian  festival. 

On  this  subject  the  following  works  may  be 
consulted  with  advantage  :  Heylin's  History  of 
the  Sabbath,  part  ii.,  full  of  learning,  though  de- 
fective in  arrangement  and  criticism  ;  Bingham's 
Antiquities,  book  xx.  c.  ii.,  containing  much  valu- 
able matter,  though  needing  some  correction; 
Dr.  Hessey's  Bampton  Lectures  on  Sunday,  pre- 
senting the  literature  of  the  subject  accu- 
rately and  popularly ;  Probst,  Kirchliche  Dis- 
ciplin  der  Drei  ersten  Jahrhunderte  (pt.  iii.  c.  i. 
art.  1)  discuss  the  principal  [assages  bearing  on 
the  question  found  in  the  writers  of  the  first 
three  centuries ;  Binterim's  Denkwurdigkeiten 
der  Christ-Katholischen  Kirche,  vol.  v.  part  i. 
0.  4.  In  all  there  is  much  common  material, 
derived  from  the  obvious  source  of  informa- 
tion on  this  subject  —  the  writings  of  the 
Fathers,  the  edicts  of  the  Imperial  Codes,  the 
canons  of  councils,  and  the  mediaeval  laws  so 
often  based  upon  them.  The  distinction  is 
chiefly  in  the  inferences  drawn  from  these 
historical  materials.  [A.  B.] 

LOKD'S   DAY   (Liturgical).     The   obser- 
vance of  Sunday  began  after  None   on  Saturday, 
"  ut  dies  Dominica  a  vespere  usque   in  vesperam 
servetur  "  (Cone.  Francojurt.  a.d.  794),  and  the 
reason    is  given  by  Durandus   (Eat.   v.    9,  2): 
"  Quia  vespertina  synaxis  seu  hora  primum  est 
ofEcium  diei  sequentis."     The  Sunday  office  was 
longer  and  more  solemnly  observed  than  that  of 
other  days.     The  number  of  psalms  and  lessons, 
!    and  the  number  of  nocturns  at  the  night  office 
'    was  increased.     The  Gregorian   distribution    of 
:    the    Psalter    gives   eighteen   psalms    and    nine 
lessons   in    three   nocturns,    instead   of    twelve 
I    psalms  and  three  lessons  in  one    nocturn:  and 
I    the  Benedictine  twelve  psalms,   and  three  can- 
i    tides,  with   twelve  lessons    in   three    nocturns 
j    instead  of  twelve  psalms  and  three  lessons,  in 
!    two  nocturns  on  week  days.     Te  Deum  was  said 
[    at  the  end  of  Matins,  except  in  Advent,  and  from 
j    Septuagesima  to  Easter. 

I  The  nocturnal  office  and  that  of  Lauds  were 
!  to  be  said  (Mart,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  iv.  9)  with 
I  modulation  tractim,  which  word  is  explained  as 
1  lenta  ac  morosa  modalatione.  Incense  was  offered 
(oblatum)  at  each  nocturn,  and  the  high  altar 
censed  at  Benedictus  at  Lauds.  The  solemn  bene- 
diction of  the  holy  water  "  salis  et  aquae,"  a  cus- 
tom which  is  considered  to  have  been  introduced 
by  pope  Leo  IV.  a.d.  847-855,  took  place  before 
mass ;  with  which  ceremony  a  procession  was  in 
many  places  joined.  At  the  mass  Gloria  in  ex- 
celsis  was  said  except  during  Advent,  and  from 
Septuagesima  to  Easter  Eve:  and  the  creed  was 
said  at  the  mass  and  at  Prime  in  the  Sunday 
office  throughout  the  year.  The  reserved  Eucha'- 
rist  was  renewed.  .Many  other  distinctions 
between  the  Dominical  office,  and  that  for  week 
days,  might  be  pointed  out.  Those  already 
enumerated  are  among  the  most  conspicuous. 


LOED'S  DAY 


1053 


In  the  Ambrosian  use  the  Dominical  office 
differs  from  the  Ferial  in  several  points,  of  which 
the  following  are  the  most  prominent.  No 
psalms  are  said  at  matins,  but  in  their  place  three 
canticles,  one  in  each  nocturn. 

In  Nocturn  I.  The  Canticle  of  Isaiah,  cap. 
xxvi.  Be  nocte  vigilat. 

In  Nocturn  II.  The  Canticle  of  Hannah,  1 
Reg.  II.  Confirmatum  est. 

In  Nocturn  III.  The  Canticle  of  Jonah,  cap.  1. 
Clamavi;  or,  during  the  winter:  i.e.  from 
the  first' Sunday  in  October  till  Easter,  the 
Canticle  of  Habakkuk,  cap.  ii.  Domine 
audivi. 

Each  of  these  canticles  has  its  proper  antiphon, 
and  is  followed  by  the  usual  form.  V.  Benedic- 
tus es,  Deus.     R.  Amen. 

After  the  third  canticle  three  lessons  are  read, 
each  with  its  response.  These  are  not,  as  on 
week  days,  taken  from  scripture,  but  from  a 
Homily  on  the  Gospel  of  the  day,  and  correspond 
therefore  to  the  lessons  in  the  third  nocturn  of 
the  Roman  Breviary.  These  are  followed,  except 
during  Advent  and  Lent,  by  Te  Deum,  which  is 
not  said  in  the  ferial  office,  and  if  Lauds  are  said 
separately,  the  office  ends  with  a  collect,  and  the 
customary  form.  V.  Bencdicamus  Domino.  K. 
Deo  Gratias. 

At  Lauds  after  Benedictus,  which  begins  the 
office  both  in  the  Dominical  and  the  Ferial  office," 
follow,  each  preceded  by  its  oratio  secreta,  and 
with  its  proper  antiphon,  the  canticle  of  Moses 
(Exod.  XV.)  Cantemus  Domino  and  Benedicite.  In 
the  place  of  these,  on  week  days  other  than 
Saturday,  Ps.  1.  (Ii.),  Miserere  is  said,  and  on 
Saturday,  Ps.  cxvii.  (cxviii.)  Confitemini. 

At  the  other  hours  there  are  certain  differ- 
ences in  the  disposition  and  number  of  the 
collects  and  antiphons,  by  whatever  names  they 
are  called,  but,  as  the  general  character  of  the 
office  is  unaltered,  it  is  not  necessary  to  enter 
minutely  into  them.  Certain  greater  festivals, 
called  Solennitates  Domini,  have  the  office  nearly 
identical  with  that  of  the  Sunday. 

In  the  Mozarabic  rite  the  daily  office  differs 
throughout  so  much  for  the  ordinary  Western 
type  that  it  is  not  easy  to  point  out  clearly  in  a 
few  words  the  variations  between  that  of  Sunday 
and  other  days.  The  most  conspicuous  variation 
is  at  the  beginning  of  matins,  which  on  Sunday 
(after  the  opening)  begin  with  the  hymn  Aeterne 
rerum  conditor,  followed  by  its  oratio,  and  the 
three  Psalm.s;  iii.  Domine  quid,  I.  (Ii.)  Miserere, 
Ivi.  (Ivii.)  Miserere  mei,  each  with  its  antiphon 
and  oratio,  while  on  week  days  the  correspond- 
ing portion  of  the  office  is  an  antiphon  called 
matutinarium,  and  Ps.  1.  (Ii)  Miserere,^  with  its 
antiphon  and  oratio.  Sundays  were  of  different 
degrees.  The  classification  varied  at  different 
times,  and  in  different  churches,  but  the  general 
Western  division  was  into  Greater  Sundays : 
Dominicae  majores  v.  solemnes  v.  privilegiatae  :  and 


a  Except  on  Sundays  in  Advent,  when  the  Song  of 
Moses  (Deut.  xxxii.),  Attende  Coelum,  is  said.  On  Christ- 
mas Day  both  are  said. 

''  This  is  the  direction  given  in  the  Regula  printed  at 
the  head  of  the  Breviary.  In  the  body  of  the  Breviary 
the  PsaUn  appointed  for  a  weolc-day  varies  among  the 
three  Sunday  psalms  ;  and  the  matutinarium  occurs 
later  in  the  office,  in  the  course  of  I.:uids.  The  Moz- 
arabic ritual  directions  are  sometimes  difiScult  to  reconcile. 


1054 


LORDS  DAY 


into  Ordinary  Sundays :  Dominicae  communes, 
V.  per  annum.  Martene,  de  Ant.  Mon.  rit.  iv. 
§  4,  from  the  statutes  of  Lanfranc,  says, 
"  Quinque  dies  Dominici  sunt,  qui  communia 
quaedam  inter  se  habent  separata  a  caeteris  diebus 
Dominicis,  Dominica  vid.  prima  de  Adventu 
Domini,  Dominica  primae  Septuagesimae,  Domi- 
nica prima  Quadragesimae,  Dominica  in  medio 
Quadragesimae,  Dominica  in  Palmis."  He  then 
proceeds  to  specify  certain  ritual  peculiarities 
of  those  days  mainly  relating  to  the  dress  of  the 
clergy,  and  the  performance  of  the  office  in 
choir."  In  this  classification  Easter  day  and 
Pentecost  have  already  been  reckoned  among  the 
"  quinque  praecipuae  festivitates." 

Another  classification  given  by  Durandus 
[vii.  1-4]  defines  Dominicae  principales  v.  so- 
lemnes  to  be  those  "  in  quibus  officia  mutantur," 
of  which  he  reckons  five.  Dominica  prima  de 
Adventu,  Dominica  in  Octavis  Pascha,  Dominica 
in  Octavis  Pentecostes,  Dominica  qua  cantatur 
Laetare  Hierusalem  [sc.  Midlent  Sunday]  et 
Dominica  in  Eamis  Palmarum ;  Easter  and 
Pentecost  being  as  before  otherwise  accounted 
for.  To  these  the  first  Sunday  in  Lent  was 
afterwards  added,  "  quia  fit  officii  in  ea  mutatio." 

The  later  Roman  arrangement,  which  is  still 
in  force,  subdivides  the  greater  Sundays,  Domi- 
nicae majores,  into  two  classes :  (1)  Sundays  of 
the  first  class,  Dominicae  primae  classis,  viz.  the 
first  Sunday  in  Advent,  the  fii'st  Sunday  in  Lent, 
Passion  Sunday,  Palm  Sunday,  Easter  day,  Low 
Sunday,  Whitsunday,  and  Trinity  Sunday :  and 
(2)  Sundays  of  the  second  class,  Dominicae 
secundae  classis,  viz.  the  second,  third,  and  fourth 
Sunday  of  Advent,  Septuagesima  and  the  two 
following  Sundays,  and  the  second,  third  and 
fourth  Sundays  in  Lent  The  other  Sundays  in 
the  year  are  ordinary  Sundays,  Dominicae  per 
annum. 

The  Ambrosian  rule  classifies  Sundays  accord- 
ing to  their  otfice,  as  follows : — Easter  day, 
Pentecost  and  Trinity  Sunday  are  reckoned 
among  the  Solemnitates  Domini,  the  highest  class 
of  festivals.  The  other  Sundays  are  divided  into 
two  classes — (1)  those  which  have  a  proper  office, 
and  (2)  those  which  have  the  ordinary  Sunday 
office. 

Those  which  have  a  proper  office — officium 
proprium — are  the  Sundays  in  Advent,  those  in 
Lent,  and  the  Sunday  after  the  Nativity. 

The  Sundays  between  Easter  and  Pentecost 
have  the  Paschal  office — Paschale  officium — which 
has  certain  ritual  peculiarities,  and  the  Sundays 
from  the  Epiphany  to  the  beginning  of  Lent  have 
a  mixed  office,  officium  partim  proprium,  partim 
commune. 

The  Sundays  from  the  second  after  Pentecost 
to  Advent  have  the  ordinary  office  (officium 
commune'). 

The  classification  of  Sundays  in  the  Greek 
calendar  is  not  so  minute.  Easter  day  stands  in 
a  class  by  itself,  at  the  head  of  all  the  festivals 
of  the  year ;  and  Palm  Sunday  and  Whitsunday 
are  reckoned  among  the  Twelve,^  which  rank  nest 
in  importance. 


'^  Among  other  points  it  is  directed  that  the  refectory 
tables  be  covered  with  clean  clotbs  (festivae  mappae ; 
sjnt  et  quotidianae,  lotae  tamen),  and  clean  towels  pro- 
vided (manutergia  Candida  et  honesta). 

*  Otherwise  called  6e<r7roTiKai  v.  /cvpia/cai  eoprat.  They 


LOED'S  DAY 

Many  Sundays  were  (and  are  still)  often  desig- 
nated by  the  fii'st  word  of  the  introit  of  the 
Roman  mass.  Thus  the  first  five  Sundays  in 
Lent  are  often  known  by  the  names,  Inwcavit,^ 
Reminiscere,  Oculi,  Laetare,  Judica  ;  and  the  four 
Sundays  following  Easter  as  Quasimodo,  Miscri- 
cordia  Domini,  Jubilate,  Cantate.  Some  again  aie 
customarily  known  by  some  peculiarity  in  the 
celebration.  Thus  the  Sunday  next  before 
Easter  ^  is  known  as  Palm  Sunday  and  Dominica 
2)almarum  v.  in  ramis  palmarum,  from  the  Bene- 
diction of  the  palm  branches,  and  the  subseqwent 
procession  which  takes  place  on  that  day  after 
terce  and  before  mass;  and  the  Sunday  after 
Easter  as  Dominica  in  albis,  or  more  fully  in 
albis  depositis,  as  it  is  called  in  the  Ambrosian 
missal ;  s  from  its  being  the  day  after  the  Satur- 
day on  which  those  who  had  been  baptized  on 
Easter  eve  laid  aside  their  white  garments  ;  or 
sometimes  as  Clausum  ^  Faschae,  from  its  being 
the  conclusion  of  the  Paschal  celebration,  and 
the  second  and  following  Sundays  after  Easter 
were  sometimes  called  Dominica  i'  and  ii*  and 
post  albas,  or  post  clausum  Paschae. 

Other  less  familiar  designations  for  particular 
Sundays  which  are  found,  are  Dominica  carnele- 
vale,  de  came  levario  v.  de  carne  levanda,  which 
would  be  Quinquagesima  Sunday  where  Lent 
began  on  the  following  Wednesday,  and  the  first 
Sunday  in  Lent  in  the  Ambrosian  ritual,  which 
begins  Lent  on  that  day :  Dominica  in  Quadra- 
gesima for  the  first  Sunday  in  Lent,  Dominica 
mediana  v.  mediante  die  festo  [Sliss.  Jlozar.]  for 
the  fourth  Sunday  in  Lent,  Dominica  Osanna  for 
Palm  Sunday,  also  Pascha  floridum  from  the 
flowers  which  were  associated  with  Palm 
branches  in  the  office  for  their  benediction. 
Thus  in  the  Mozarabic  missal  the  office  is  to  be  said 
ad  henedicendos flores  vel  ramos,  and  in  the  prayer 
of  the  office  the  clause  occurs,  "  Hos  quoque  ramos 
et  flores  palmarum  .  .  .  hodie  tua  benedictione 
sanctifica."  So  also  in  the  Ordo  Eomanus,  "  Dies 
palmarum,  sive  florum  atque  ramorum  dicitur  " ; 
also  in  the  Sarum  missal  the  office  is  called 
henedictio  florum  ac  frondium,  and  the  phrase 
creatura  florum  vel  frondium,  or  equivalent  ex- 
pressions frequently  recur  in  it.  In  the  York 
missal,  too,  we  find  the  words  "  hos  palmarum 
atque  florum  ramos,  etc.  ..."  Dominica  Poga- 
tionum  v.  D.  ante  Litanias  for  the  Sunday  before 
Ascension.'  Many  other  similar  names  might  be 
adduced,  though  several  would  not  fall  within 
our  limits  of  time. 


were  originally  seven  In  number,  and  a  mystical  reason 
for  that  number  is  given  from  St.  Chrysostom.  It  was 
afterwards  increased  to  twelve.  The  list  at  first  con- 
tained Easter  Day,  which  afterwards  was  placed  by  itself, 
and  has  otherwise  slightly  varied,  the  number  remaining 
at  twelve.  The  next  order  of  festivals  is  called  iSiuae'/caxo, 
i.  e.  not  of  the  twelve ;  but  it  contains  no  Sunday. 

e  Thus  the  rubrics  of  the  Missal  speak  of  Feria  ii»,  etc. 
post  Jnvocavit,  etc. 

f  So  termed  in  the  English  Prayer  Book. 

6  In  the  Ambrosian  rite  the  days  of  Easter  week  are 
called  Feria  iis  iii%  etc.  ...  in  albis,  and  those  in  the 
week  next  following  Feria  n\  iil«,  etc.  . . .  post  albas. 

h  This  expression  must  not  be  confounded  with  Claves 
Paschae. 

»  It  may  be  noticed  that  several  of  these  terms  have 
established  themselves  in  familiar  use  in  England,  though 
they  nowhere  appear  in  the  service  books,  e.  g.  Midlent 
Sunday,  FaJm  Sunday,  negation  Sunday. 


LORD'S  DAY 

The  Dominical  calendars  throughout  the  year 
varied  in  difFei-ent  churches,  and  deserve  a  few- 
words. 

The  Roman  Calendar,  as  in  use  to  the  present 
time,  is  substantially  the  same  as  the  early  Eng- 
lish (and  as  that  now  used  among  ourselves). 
The  chief  difference  is  that  in  it  the  Sundays 
throughout  the  summer  are  reckoned  '■^ post 
Pentecostcn"  instead  of  post  Trinitatem  as  in  the 
Sarum  (and  modern  English)  use;  and  that 
there  ure  fewer  of  them.  Thus  in  the  Roman 
missal  there  are  twenty-four  Sundays  2:>ost  Fente- 
costen,  in  the  English  twenty-five  post  Trini- 
tatem. In  the  York  missal  the  Sundays  were 
reckoned  post  octavas  Pentecostes. 

Allatius  (de  Dominicis  et  hebdomadibus  Grae- 
co>-um  dissertatio)  gives  a  Calendar  "  ad  usum 
Breviarii  Eomani  e  bibliothecae  Vaticanae  Codice 
antiquissimo";  which  (omitting  all  that  does 
not  relate  to  Sundays)  runs  thus  : — 

Dominica  prima  de  Adventu  Domini. 
Dominica  secunda  ante  Natale  Domini. 
Dominica  tertia  ante  Natale  Domini. 
Dominica  prima  post  Natale  Domini. 
Dominica  prima,  etc.  post  Epiphaniam. 

(The  Sundays  after  the  Epiphany  are  reckoned 
up  to  Lent,  but  the  names  for  the  last  three, 
Septuagesima,  etc.  are  recognised.) 

Dominica  in  Quadragesima. 

Dominica  prima  mensis  primi. 

Dominica  iii",  iv»,  v,  vi^^  in  Quadragesima. 

Dominica  .Sancta  in  Pasclia. 

Dominica  Octava  Pascliae. 

Dominica  i",  ii%  iii^i  post  Octavam  Paschae. 

Dominica  post  Ascensa  Domini. 

Dominica  Pcntecosten. 

Dominica  Octava  Pentecosten. 

Dominica  ii»,  etc.  Pentecosten. 

Dominica  post  Natale  Apostolorum  [i.  e.  SS.  Pet.  et 

Paull.  Jun.  29]. 
Dominica  i%  u%  etc.  post  Octavam  Apostolorum. 
Dominica  i%  ii",  etc.  post  S.  Laurentii  [Aug.  10]. 
Dominica  i\  ii»,  etc.  post  S.  Cypriani  [Sept.  26]. 

The  last  of  these  Sundays  is  that  ne.xt  after 
the  festival  of  St.  Andrew,  and  then  follow  the 
three  Sundays  of  Advent. 

The  Mozarabic  Calendar  contains  six  Sundays 
in  Advent.  The  Sundays  after  the  Epiphany  are 
numbered  continuously  till  the  beginning  of 
Lent,  omitting  the  names  Septuagesima,  etc., 
the  Sunday  corresponding  to  Quinquagesima 
being  known  as  Dominica  ante  diem  Cinerum  v. 
antecarncs  tollendas,  after  Pentecost  ai-e  reckoned 
as  the  first,  second,  etc.,  seventh  Sunday  after 
Pentecost.  After  the  seventh  no  Sunday  mass 
and  therefore  no  Sunday  name  is  given  till 
Advent,  e.xcept  one  for  "  In  Dominica  ante  jeju- 
nium  Calendarum  Novembrium." 

The  Ambrosian  Dominical  Calendar,  which 
in  its  main  features  is  of  high  antiquity,  is  as 
follows : — 

Dominica  i»,  ii",  iii*,  iv",  v»,  vi»  in  Adventu. 

(These  six  Sundays  are  exclusive  of  and  in 
addition  to  the  Vigil  of  the  Nativity,  when  it 
falls  on  a  Sunday.) 

Dominica  post  Nativitatem  Domini. 
Dominica  i»,  ii«,  etc.  post  Epiphaniam. 
Dominica  in  Septuagesima,  in  Sexagesima,  in  Quin- 
quagesima. 
Dominica  i»  in  Quadragesima  (the  beginning  of  Lent). 


LOED'S  DAY 


1055 


Dominica  ii'>  in  Quadragesima  (sometimes  called  the 
Sunday  of  the  Samaritan  Woman). 

Dominica  iii"  in  Quadragesima  (or  the  Sunday  of 
Abraham). 

Dominica  iv»  in  Quadragesima  (or  the  Simday  of  the 
Blind  Man). 

Dominica  v*  in  Quadragesima  (or  the  Sunday  of 
Lazarus). 

Dominica  Olivarum. 

Dominica  Rcsurrectionis,  v.  Dies  Sanctus  Paschae. 

Dominica  in  Albis  depositis. 

Dominica  ii^",  iii'',  iv»,  v*  post  Pascha. 

Dominica  post  Ascensionem. 

Dominica  Pentecostes. 

Dominica  i"  post  Pentecosten. 

Dominica  in  qua  celebratur  Festum  Sanctissimae 
Trinitatis. 

Dominica  ii»  post  Pentecosten,  v.  Dom.  infra  Octa- 
vam Corporis  Christi. 

Dominica  iii",  etc.  post  Pentecosten. 
Up  to  the  Decollation  of  St.  Job.  Bapt.  [Aug.  29]. 

Dominica  i\  ii^,  iii^,  iv»,  v>  post  Decollationem. 

Dominica  i",  ii^  Octobris. 

Dominica  iii*.    In  Dedicatione  Ecclesiae  majoris. 

Dominica  i",  ii",  ill"  post  Dedicationem. 
The  Greek  Dominical  Calendar  differs  in  many 
respects.  In  all  Western  calendars  the  ecclesias- 
tical year  begins  with  Advent.  The  Greek 
Church  has  no  such  season,''  and  the  year  begins 
with  the  Sunday  of  the  Pharisee  and  the  Publi- 
can^ which  corresponds  to  the  Sunday  next 
before  Septuagesima.  The  order  of  the  Sundays 
is  as  follows  : — 

Simday  of  the  Pharisee  and  the  PuhUcan  [also  called 
7rpO(7(^<oj^(ri)ixos].'" 

Sunday  of  the  Prodigal  Son,  answering  to  Septua- 
gesima Sunday. 

Sunday  of  Apocreos  [so  called  because  it  is  the  last 
day  on  which  meat  is  eaten]. 

Sunday  of  TyroplMgus  [the  last  day  on  which  cheese 
is  eaten]. 

First  Sunday  of  the  Fast,  or  Orthodoxy  Sunday, 
Stdtra^ts  T^?  TrptoTTj?  KvptaK^s  rdv  ayCujv  vrjareiiiiv, 
TjTot  T^s  6peo5oft'as  (^Typ.  Sabae,  cap.  xvii.).  The 
celebration  under  this  name  is  in  commemoration 
of  the  overthrow  of  the  Iconoclasts." 

Second,  Third,  Fourth,  Fifth  Sundays  of  the  Fast. 

Palm  Sunday  (/cupiaKT)  rCiy  /Saiaii')- 

Pascha  (or  Bright  Sunday,  Xai^vpa  KvpLaK-q). 

Antipascha  (or  the  Sunday  of  St.  Thomas),  some- 
times New  Sunday,  KaiiTj  ij  via.  KvpiaK-q  (Theod. 
Balsamon  in  Expos,  de  S.  Bas.  etc.  ad  Amphil.  de 
Spir.  Sanct.). 

Sunday  of  the  Ointment  Bearers  (juiv  nupo^dpioi'). 

Sunday  of  the  Paralytic. 

Sunday  of  the  Samaritan  Woman,  or  Mid  Pentecost 

[/JL€O'07reVTeK0{TT7J]. 

Simday  of  the  Blind  Man.° 

Sunday  of  ffie  Three  hundred  and  eighteen  [i.e.  the 

Fathers  of  Nicaea].    Sunday  in  the  Octave  of  the 

Ascension. 
Pentecost. 
All  Saints  Sunday  (Trinity  Sunday  or  First  Sunday 

of  Matthew). 


1=  There  is  a  fast  preparatory  to  the  Nativity,  called 
the  Fast  of  the  Nativity,  which  lasts  for  the  forty  days 
before  Christmas. 

1  This  and  similar  names  of  Sundays  are  derived  from 
the  subjects  of  the  Gospels  for  the  day. 

m  For  the  reasons  given  for  this  name,  see  Allatius 
de  Dominicis  et  Hebdomadibus  Graecorum,  s.  viii. 

n  There  is  a  long  and  peculiar  office  for  the  day  in  the 
Triodium,  but  it  is  without  our  limits  of  time. 

o  The  Sundays  after  Antipascha  are  variously  reckoned 
as  the  2nd,  3rd,  etc.,  or  as  the  3rd,  4th,  etc.  Sunday  after 
Pascha 


1056 


LOKD'S  PRAYER 


The  Sundays  from  this  point  are  called  Sundays 
of  Matthev}  or  of  Luke  according  as  the  gospels 
are  taken  from  those  Evangelists.? 

Second  Sunday  after  Pentecost,  or  Second  Sunday  of 

Matthew. 
Third  Sunday  after  Pentecost,  or  Thii-d  Sunday  ol 
Matthew. 
and  so  on,  up  to  the  Exaltation    of  the   Cross 
[Sept.  14],  the  Sunday  before  which  festival  is 
called : — 

The  Sunday  before  the  Exaltation ; 

and  that  following  is 
The  Sunday  after  the  Exaltation. 
After  this  the  Sundays  resume  their  reckou- 
ins;  from  Pentecost,  which  varies  with  the  years 
and  are  called  Sundays  of  Luke,  Avhose  gospel  is 
now  read. 

First  Sunday  of  Luke. 
Second    „  „ 


Sunday  before  the  Nativity. 

Simday  before  the  Lights  [vpo  tCiv  ^mtidv,  sc.  Epi- 
phany]. 
Sunday  after  the  Lights. 

The  numeration  from  Pentecost,  and  of  the 
Sundays  of  Luke  is  then  resumed  and  continued 
till  the  Sunday  of  the  Pharisee  and  the  Pu'dican. 
(Martene,  de  Ant.  Ecd.  Bit.  iv.  (See  also  Allatius, 
de  Bom.  et  Heh.  Graec;  Ducange  in  v.  Dominica; 
Micrologus  ;  and  the  Latin  and  Greek  office  books 
passim.     [Compare  Lectionary.]       [H.  J.  H.] 

LORD'S  PRAYER  (the  Liturgical  use  of 
the).^  I.  In  nearly  all  ancient  liturgies  this 
was  said  between  the  consecration  of  the  ele- 
ments and  the  communion.  The  earliest  direct 
witness  is  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  A.D.  3.50;  who, 
after  explaining  to  his  competentes,  the  Sanctus, 
prayer  of  consecration,  and  the  intercessions,  as 
they  occur  in  the  order  of  the  service,  proceeds, 
"  Then,  after  these  things,  we  say  that  prayer 
which  the  Saviour  delivered  to  His  intimate  dis- 
ciples, out  of  a  pure  conscience  addressing  God 
and  saying,  Our  Father,"  &c.  (Catech.  Myst.  v. 
8).  Optatus  in  Africa  (A.D.  368),  charging  the 
Donatist  bishops,  who  "  gave  remission  of  sins  as 
if  they  had  no  sin  themselves,"  with  a  self-con- 
tradiction, says,  "  For  at  that  very  time,  when 
ye  impose  hands  and  remit  offences,  soon  turning 
to  the  altar,  ye  are  obliged  to  recite  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  and  in  fact  say.  Our  Father,  which  art 
in  heaven,  forgive  us  our  debts  and  sins"  (cle 
Schism.  Don,  ii.  20).  Now  we  know  from  St. 
Cyprian  (de  Lapsis,  p.  128 ;  ed.  1690)  that  in 
Africa  penitents  were  reconciled  after  the  con- 
secration. St.  Augustine,  also  in  Africa  (a.d. 
397),  puts  the  Lord's  Prayer  there :  "  When  the 
hallowing  (of  the  elements)  has  taken  place,  we 
say  the  Loi-d's  Prayer"  (Senn.  227,  ad  Infantes, 
i.e.  the  newly  baptized  ;  see  before,  vol.  i.  p.  836). 
Again,  writing  in  414,  he  says  that  by  Ttpocr- 
evxo-^  in  1  T™-  "■  1>  ^^  understands  those 
Prayers  which  are  said  "  when  that  which  is  on 
the  Lord's  table  is  blessed,  and  hallowed,  and 
broken  for  distribution ;  which  whole  form  of 
prayer  nearly  every  church  concludes  with  the 
Lord's  Prayer"  (ad  Paulin.  Epist.  149,  §  16). 
Again,  to  competentes:  "  When  ye  are  baptized, 
that  prayer  is  to  be  said  by  you  daily.     For  in 


V  The  Sundays  of  Matthew  and  Luke  are  sometimes 
also  called  by  the  headings  of  the  sections  read. 


LORD'S  PRAYER 

the  church  that  Lord's  Prayer  is  said  daily  at 
the  altar  of  God,  and  the  faithful  hear  it"  (.SVrm. 
58,  c.  X.  §  12  ;  see  also  de  Serm.  Dom.  ii.  vi.  §  26  ; 
Senn.  17,  §  5 ;  49,  8).  St.  Jerome  must  have 
thought  the  practice  of  saying  it  somewhere  in 
the  liturgy  universal,  for  he  says  in  a  work 
written  about  415,  "  So  He  taught  His  apostles, 
that  daily  in  the  sacrifice  of  His  body,  believers 
should  make  bold  to  speak  thus.  Our  Father,"  &c. 
(^Dial.  contra  Pelag.  iii.  15.)  Germanus  of 
Paris  is  a  witness  to  the  use  of  France  in  the 
middle  of  the  6th  century  :  "  But  the  Lord's 
Prayer  is  put  in  that  same  place  (i.e.  after  the 
consecration  and  confraction)  for  this  reason,  that 
every  prayer  of  ours  may  be  concluded  with  the 
Lord's  Prayer  (Expos.  Brev.  in  Martene  de  Ant. 
Eccl.  Bit.  i.  iv.  xii.  ii.)  In  the  treatise  de  Sacra- 
mentis,  ascribed  to  St.  Ambrose,  but  probably 
written  in  France,  near  the  end  of  the  8th 
century  (see  Scudamore,  Notitia  Eucharistica, 
pp.  590,  622,  2nd  ed.)  we  read,  "/said  to  you 
that  before  the  words  of  Christ,  that  which  is 
offered  is  called  bread.  When  the  words  of 
Christ  have  been  uttered,  it  is  no  longer  called 
bread,  but  is  named  the  Body.  Wherefore  then 
in  the  Lord's  Prayer  which  follows  after  that, 
does  he  say,  '  our  bread '  (lib.  v.  c.  iv.  §  24)  ?  " 
Leontius  of  Cyprus  relates  of  his  contemporary, 
John  the  Almoner,  pope  of  Alexandria,who  died  in 
616,  that  during  the  celebration  he  sent  for  and 
exchanged  forgiveness  with  a  clerk,  who  was  not 
in  charity,  after  which  "with  great  joy  and 
gladness,  he  stood  at  the  holy  altar,  able  to  say 
to  God  with  a  clear  conscience,  forgive  us,"  &c. 
(  Vita  Joan.  c.l3  ;  Rosweyd,  p.  186).  St.  Augustine 
(as  above)  alleges  the  use  of  the  Lord's  Prayer 
after  the  consecration  in  "  nearly  every  church," 
We  find  it  in  that  place  in  every  ancient  liturgy, 
except  the  Clementine  (Constit.  Apost.  viii.  13), 
in  which  it  does  not  appear  at  all,  and  the 
Abyssinian  (Renaudot,  Liturg.  Orien.  i.  521),  in 
which  it  is  said,  as  in  the  English,  after  the 
communion.  In  the  Nostorian  of  Malabar  it 
occurs  both  before  and  after  the  communion 
(Liturg.  Mai.  Raulin,  324,  327). 

When  the  Greek  compiler  of  the  liturgy 
called  after  St.  Clement  of  Rome  omitted  the 
Lord's  Prayer,  he  was  probably  guided  by  the 
old  Greek  liturgy  of  Rome,  which  we  may 
suppose  to  have  been  before  him.  We  know 
from  St.  Gregory,  writing  in  598,  that,  until  he 
inserted  it,  the  Lord's  Prayer  was,  according  to 
the  plain  meaning  of  his  words,  certainly  not 
said  between  the  consecration  and  reception, 
and  therefore  probably  not  said  at  all  in  the 
Eucharistic  office  of  his  church.  He  had  been 
blamed  for  having  (among  other  innovations) 
"  given  an  order  that  the  Lord's  Prayer  should  be 
said  soon  (mox)  after  the  canon"  (Epist.  viii.  64). 
His  defence  was,  "  We  say  the  Lord's  Prayer 
soon  after  the  prayer  (of  consecration),  because 
the  apostles  were  wont  to  consecrate  the  host 
of  oblation  to  that  very  prayer  only  (ad  ipsam 
solummodo  orationem),  and  it  seemed  to  me  very 
unbecoming  to  say  over  the  oblation  a  prayer 
which  some  scholastic  had  put  together,  and  not 
to  say  the  prayer  (traditionem,  lege  fors.  ora- 
tionem) which  our  Redeemer  composed  over 
His  body  and  blood  "  (ibid.).  The  Lord's  Prayer, 
then,  had  not  been  said  over  the  elements  either 
during  or  after  the  act  of  consecration,  nor  is 
any  place  suggested  at  which  it  was  said.    From 


LORD'S  PEAYER 

one  of  the  canons  of  the  4th  Council  of  Toledo 
(a.d.  633)  we  should  infer  that  there  were  some 
in  Spain  who  did  not,  even  at  that  time,  think 
it  a  necessary  part  of  the  liturgy  :  "Some  priests 
are  found  throughout  the  Spains,  who  do  not 
say  the  Lord's  Prayer  daily,  but  only  on  the 
Lord's  day .  .  .  Whoever  therefore  of  the  priests, 
or  of  the  clerks  subject  to  them,  shall  fail  to  say 
this  prayer  of  the  Lord  daily,  either  in  a  public 
or  private  office,  let  him  be  deprived  of  the 
honour  of  his  order"  (can.  10). 

IL  The  statement  of  Gregory  that  the  apostles 
consecrated  by  saying  the  Lord's  Prayer  only  is 
probably  a  mistake  ;  but  it  is  repeated  by  Ama- 
larius,  A.D.  827,  and  Leo  VIL  A.d.  93G.  The 
first  says  of  the  wine  on  Good  Friday,  "  The 
apostolic  method  of  consecration  is  observed, 
which  said  the  Lord's  Prayer  only  over  the 
Lord's  body  and  blood.  Therefore,  if  it  were 
not  prescribed  by  the  Ordo  Romanus  that  the 
body  of  the  Lord  should  be  reserved  from  the 
5th  day  of  the  week  to  the  6th,  its  reservation 
would  be  unnecessary  ;  because  the  Lord's  Prayer 
alone  would  be  sufficient  for  the  consecration  of 
the  body,  as  it  is  for  the  consecration  of  the 
wine  and  water"  (de  Eccl.  Off.  Var.  Led. 
Hittorp.  col.  1445  ;  see  also  i.  15).  After  inqui- 
ries made  at  Rome  in  831,  Amalarius  omitted 
this  passage,  but  not  the  letter  of  Gregory,  who 
had  been  his  authority  (iv.  26).  Micrologus, 
without  citing  Gregory,  or  mentioning  the 
apostles,  remarks  that  the  Ordo  Romanus  com- 
mands the  priest  to  consecrate  on  Good  Friday 
wine  not  consecrated  before  with  the  Lord's 
prayer  and  immission  of  the  Lord's  body,  that 
the  people  may  be  able  to  communicate  fully" 
{de  Eccl.  Obs.  19).  The  Ordo  itself  ascribes  the 
consecration  to  the  mixture  only  (Amal.  u.  s. 
col.  1445  ;  see  Scudamore,  Notitia  Eiicharistica, 
p. 707,  ed.  2).  Leo  forbad  the  Lord's  Prayer  in  a 
grace  at  meals,  "  because  the  holy  apostles  were 
wont  to  say  this  prayer  only  in  the  consecration 
of  the  body  and  blood  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ" 
(JEpist.  ii.  Labbe,  ix.  697). 

III.    In   the    ancient     liturgies     the    Lord's 

Prayer    is    introduced    by    a  preface.      In    the 

Roman  and  Ambrosian  this  is  not  connected  with 

!    any  preceding  form,  but  in  the  Greek,  Oriental, 

i    and  Ephesine,  it  is  the  conclusion  of  a  separate 

prayer.    The  Roman  jsreface  is  as  follows,  "  Ore- 

'    mus.     Praeceptis   salutaribus  moniti  et   divina 

;    institutione  formati,  audemus  dicere  "  (Sacram. 

:    Gelas.  Murat.  i.  697).     The    Liturgy  of  Milan 

:    uses  the  same  form  generally,  but  on  some  feasts, 

I    as  Easter  and  Christmas  (Le   Brun,  Dissert,  iii. 

I    2 ;  Pamel.   Liturgicon,  i.    304),  the  following  : 

,   *'  Divino  magisterio  edocti  et  salutaribus  monitis 

I    instituti  audemus  dicere,"  which  is  identical  with 

1    a  Gothico-Gallican  form  (Liturg.  Gall.  Mabill. 

j    297).     The  original  Ambrosian  canon,  however, 

I    was  followed  by  a   prayer  for  the  presence  of 

I    Christ,  ending  thus,  "  That  we  may  receive  the 

:    verity  of  the  Lord's  body    and  blood;    through 

j    the   same  Jesus  Christ    our   Lord,   saying.   Our 

I    Father,"    &c.   (Murat.    Liturg.    Horn.    i.    134). 

I    The    Roman  and  Milanese  prefaces    have    been 

given  above  in  Latin,  that  the  reader  may  com- 

1   pare  them  with    the  language  of  St.  Cyprian, 

I   A.D.  252,  in  his  treatise  on  the  Lord's  Prayer 

(;n  init.) :  "  Evangelica  praecepta  .  .  .  nihil  sunt 

alia  quam  Magisteria  divina  .  .  .  Inter  sua  salu- 

tariamonita  et p-aecepfa divina  .  .  .  etiam  orandi 


LORD'S  PRAYER 


105^ 


ipse  formam  dedit."  Of  the  title  "  Our  Father," 
he  says,  "  Quod  nomen  nemo  nostriim  in  oratione 
auderet  attingere,  nisi  ipse  nobis  sic  permisisset 
orare  "  (compare  St.  Jerome,  as  above).  It  is  a 
probable  inference  that  a  .preface,  or  prefaces, 
resembling  those  quoted,  was  used  with  the 
Lord's  Prayer  in  the  Latin  church  of  Africa  in 
the  3rd  century.  In  the  old  Galilean  missals 
there  is  a  variable  prayer,  called  CoUectio  ante 
Orationem  Dominicam,  of  which  the  following 
is  a  brief  example  :  "  We  beseech  Thee,  0  God 
the  Father  Almighty,  in  these  petitions  where- 
with our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  thy  Son,  hath  com- 
manded us  to  pray,  saying.  Our  Father,"  &c. 
{Miss.  Goth.  Lit.  Gall.  190).  Some  of  these 
"  collects"  in  the  Gothico-Gallican  missals  are 
exhortations  (195,  202,  &c.).  One  (238)  is  partly 
addressed  to  God  and  partly  to  the  people.  The 
Gallicanum  Vetus  of  Mabillon  (p.  346),  and 
the  fragment  known  as  the  Reichenau  missal 
{GalUcan  Liturgies,  Neale  and  Forbes,  p.  1), 
have  each  an  example  of  exhortation.  This 
collect  disappears  from  the  missale  Francorum 
(^Lit.  Gall.  326)  and  the  Besan9on  sacramentary 
found  at  Bobio  {Mus.  Ltal.  i.  281),  as  they  had 
both  adopted  the  Roman  canon.  We  do  not 
know  the  preamble  used  by  the  Franks,  as  the 
MS.  fails  near  the  end  of  the  canon.  The  Be- 
san(,'on  canon  is  followed  by  a  Galilean  preamble, 
"  Uivino  magisterio  edocti,  et  divina  institutione 
(formati.  Miss.  Goth,  in  Lit.  Gall.  228)  audemus 
dicere,  Pater,"  &c.  In  the  Mozarabic  missal  the 
formulary  before  the  Lord's  Prayer  (headed 
Ad  Orationem  Dominicam)  is  often  long.  In 
some  instances  (Leslie,  20,  63,  85,  &c.)  it  is  not 
verbally  connected  with  the  latter.  It  may  be 
a  prayer  to  the  Father  (16,  20,  22,  &c.)  or  to  the 
Son  (6,  12,  93,  &c.),  or  an  address  to  the  people 
(10,  26,  32,  &c.).  The  following  example  can 
hardly  be  classed  under  any  of  these  heads : 
"  That  which  is  the  way  hath  He  shewn,  that 
we  might  follow  in  it;  that  which  is  the  life 
hath  He  taught,  that  we  might  speak  of  it ; 
that  which  is  the  truth  hath  He  ordained,  that 
we  might  hold  it.  To  Thee,  Supreme  Father, 
let  us  from  the  earth  with  trembling  of  heart 
cry  aloud.  Our  Father,"  &c.  (40). 

In  the  ancient  liturgy  of  Jerusalem,  known  as 
St.  James,  at  the  close  of  a  long  secret  prayer, 
the  priest  says  aloud,  "  And  deign  that  we,  0 
merciful  Lord,  may  with  boldness,  uncondemned, 
with  a  pure  heart,  a  contrite  soul,  unabashed 
face,  sanctified  lips,  dare  to  call  upon  Thee,  the 
holy  God,  the  Father  in  the  heavens,  and  to  say, 
Our,"  &c.  (TroUope,  99).  This  'ZK<poiivri<ns  ap- 
pears in  abridged  forms  in  the  derived  liturgies 
of  St.  Basil  (Goar,  174),  St.  Chrysostom  (80), 
and  the  Armenian  (Neale's  Introd.  622).  In 
St.  Mark,  the  priest  concludes  his  secret  prayer 
thus,  "That  with  the  holy  disciples  and  apostles, 
we  may  say  unto  Thee  this  prayer.  Our,"  &c. 
(Renaud.  i.  159.)  Then  he  says  aloud  the  form 
above  given  from  St.  James,  and  the  people  say 
the  Lord's  Prayer.  In  the  Syro-Jacobite  litur- 
gies there  is  also  a  secret  prayer,  which  leads 
up  to  the  Lord's  Prayer  thus,—"  That  we  may 
dare  to  invoke  Thee  .  .  .  and  pray,  and  say, 
Our,"  &c.  (Renaud.  ii.  39,  131,  &c.).  In  the 
Egyptian  (Renaud.  i.  20,  35,  50,  75,  116)  and 
Nestorian  (ii.  595)  liturgies,  the  Lord's  Prayer 
is  introduced  in  a  similar  manner  at  the  end  of 
the  prayer  of  Fraction. 


1058 


LOKD'S  SUPPER 


IV.  St.  Augustine's  expression,  "  All  the  faith- 
ful hear  it "  (see  above),  seems  to  imply  that 
in.  Africa  the  people  did  not  repeat  the  Lord's 
Prayer  themselves  in  his  time.  When  Gregory 
introduced  it  at  Eome,  he  did  not  assign  it  to 
the  congregation.  "Among  the  Greeks,  the 
Lord's  Prayer  is  said  hj  all  the  people,  but 
among  us  by  the  priest  alone "  (^Epist.  u.  s.). 
Yet  elsewhere  in  the  Latin  church  they  said  it. 
That  it  was  so  in  France  in  the  6th  century 
is  clear  from  a  story  in  Gregory  of  Tours.  A 
dumb  woman  "  on  a  certain  Lord's  day  stood 
with  the  rest  of  the  people.  But  it  came  to 
pass  that,  when  the  Lord's  Prayer  was  said, 
she  also  opened  her  mouth  and  began  to  sing 
that  holy  prayer  with  the  rest"  {Mirac.  S. 
Mart.  ii.  30).  In  the  Mozarabic  Liturgy  the 
people  responded  "  Amen"  at  the  end  of  the 
first  clause,  and  the  first  three  petitions  :  after 
"  Give  us  this  day  our  daily  bread,"  they  re- 
sponded, "  for  Thou  art  God"  :  after  the  two 
following  petitions,  "  Amen"  :  and  after  "  Lead 
us  not  into  temptation,"  they  concluded  with 
"  But  deliver  us  from  evil  "  (Leslie,  6).  In  all  the 
Eastern  rites,  as  in  their  sources,  St.  James  and 
St.  Mark,  this  prayer  is  said  by  the  people.  In 
the  Egyptian  (Ken.  i.  76,  77)  and  Syro-Jacobite 
(ii.  40,  131)  they  begin  at  "  Hallowed  be,"  &c. 
In  the  Nestorian,  they  say  it  all  (Badger,  Nes- 
torians,  ii.  237  ;  Renaud.  ii.  595). 

V.  St.  Augustine  more  than  once  alludes  to  a 
custom  of  beating  the  breast  when  the  words 
"  forgive  us  our  trespasses "  were  said  in  the 
liturgy :  "  If  we  are  without  sin,  and  we  beat 
our  breasts,  saying.  Forgive,  &c.,  in  this  very 
thing  at  least  we  sin,  even  gravely  ;  as  no  one 
can  doubt ;  seeing  that  we  lie  while  the  very 
sacraments  are  being  celebrated"  {Serm.  351,  3, 
§  6.  Similarly,  Serm.  388,  §  2).  To  what  ex- 
tent this  custom  prevailed  does  not  appear. 

For  the  form  which  followed  the  Lord's  Prayer 
in  every  ancient  liturgy,  see  Embolismtjs. 

[W.  E.  S.] 

LOED'S  SUPPER  {Coena  Domini,  Coena 
Dominica,  Aelirvov  KvptaKov).  I.  The  primary 
notion  was  of  the  Last  Supper  of  our  Lord,  at 
which  the  eucharist  was  instituted.  That,  says 
Hippolytus,  A.D.  220,  was  the  "  first  table  of  the 
mystical  supper  "  (in  Prov.  ix.  1,  Fragm.').  St. 
Chrysostom,  a.d.  398,  commenting  on  1  Cor.  xi. 
20,  says  that  St.  Paul,  by  using  the  words 
"Lord's  Supper,"  takes  his  hearers  back  to  that 
"  evening  in  which  the  Lord  delivered  the  awful 
mysteries "  (^Hom.  27,  in  Ep.  1,  ad  Cor.  §  2). 
With  this  view,  he  argues,  the  apostle  called  rb 
&piffrov  Selirvov,  that  which  in  practice  was 
taken  early  in  the  day  by  the  name  commonly 
given  to  the  meal  which  was  eaten  last  {ibid.). 
Somewhat  similarly  Pseudo-Dionysius  (probably 
about  520)  :  "  The  common  and  peaceable  par- 
ticipation of  one  and  the  same  bread  and  cup  .  .  . 
brings  (us)  to  a  sacred  commemoration  of  the 
most  divine  and  archetypal  {apxi<Tvf/.l36\ov) 
supper "  (^Eccl.  Hierarch.  c.  iii.  Cont.  iii.  §  1). 
Maximus,  the  commentator  on  this  book,  A.D. 
660,  here  explains  that  "  the  mystical  supper  of 
the  Lord  is  said  to  be  apx^o'v/xjioAov,  in  relation 
to  the  divine  mysteries  now  celebrated  "  (^Scho- 
lium  in  loc).  The  "  Lord's  Supper "  was, 
therefore,  in  the  conception  of  the  early  ages  of 
the  church,  in  the  first  instance  and  emphati- 
cally, that  supper  of  whicU  our  Lord  partook 


LORD'S  SUPPER 

Himself  with  His  disciples  the  night  before  His 
death,  and  of  which  the  first  reception  of  the 
holy  eucharist  was  conceived  a  part. 

II.  For  some  length  of  time  the  eucharist  was 
celebrated  in  connexion  with  a  meal  taken  by 
the  faithful  in  common,  in  resemblance  of  the 
Last  Supper  [Agape].  It  is  probable  that  at 
first  the  whole  rite,  agape  and  communion,  was 
called  the  supper,  or  the  Lord's  Supper,  partly 
to  veil  the  sacrament  from  unbelievers,  and 
partly  owing  to  the  language  of  St.  Paul  in 
1  Cor.  xi.  20  being  so  understood.  To  illustrate 
this,  we  may  mention  that  the  word  agape 
itself  in  one  passage  appears  to  cover  both  the 
meal  and  the  sacrament.  "  It  is  not  lawful 
either  to  baptize  or  to  make  an  agape  apart 
from  the  bishop."  This  is  found  in  the  epistle 
of  St.  Ignatius  to  the  church  at  Smyrna  (c.  8), 
one  of  those  mentioned  by  Eusebius,  and  the 
passage  itself  is  cited  by  Antiochus  Monachus, 
A.D.  614  {Horn.  124;  Migne,  No.  89,  col.  1822). 
Now  when  the  compiler  of  the  twelve  epistles  of 
Ignatius  came  to  this  passage,  he  expanded  the 
words  oi/Te  ayd-rry^v  ■Koiiiv  thus  :  "  Nor  to  olTer, 
or  bring  a  sacrifice,  or  celebrate  a  feast  "  (Sox^i')- 
See  Cureton's  Corpus  Ignatianum,  109.  Ter- 
tuUian  in  198  describes  the  agape  under  the 
name  of  a  supper :  "  our  Supper  shews  its 
nature  by  its  name.  It  is  called  that  which 
love  is  among  the  Greeks  "  (^Apol.  39).  At  a 
later  period,  when  the  agape  was  celebrated 
with  the  eucharist  on  one  day  of  the  year  only, 
viz.,  Maundy  Thursday,  in  commemoration 
of  the  institution  of  the  sacrament  on  that  day, 
it  was  still  called  the  Lord's  Supper.  E.g.  the 
council  of  Carthage,  A.D.  397,  decrees  that  the 
"  sacraments  of  the  altar  be  celebrated  only  by 
men  fasting  excepting  on  that  one  day  in  every 
year  on  which  the  Lord's  Supper  is  celebrated  " 
(can.  29).  Three  years  later  St.  Augustine, 
speaking  of  the  custom  of  bathing  at  the  end  of 
Lent,  says  that  "  for  this  purpose  that  day  was 
rather  chosen  in  which  the  Lord's  Supper  is 
yearly  celebrated"  {Epist.  54,  vii.  §  10).  Again, 
"  We  compel  no  one  to  break  their  fast  (prandere) 
before  that  Lord's  Supper,  but  neither  do  we 
dare  to  forbid  any  one"  (ibid.  §  9).  In  691  the 
council  of  Constantinople  (can.  i.  29)  cites  the 
canon  of  Carthage,  as  given  above,  and  abolishes 
the  permission  which  it  left. 

III.  The  eucharist  was  the  chief  part  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  whether  that  name  was  applied 
to  the  occasion  of  its  institution  or  to  the  united 
observance  of  the  first  period  after  Christ. 
Hence  it  was  almost  inevitable  that  when  the 
unessential  part  of  that  observance  was  dropped, 
the  name  should  adhere  to  the  sacrament.  Some 
of  the  Fathers,  indeed,  thought,  as  we  shall  see, 
that  St.  Paul  applied  it  directly  to  the  eucharist 
in  1  Cor.  xi.  20  ;  so  that  the  designation  had  a 
double  origin.  It  is  necessary  to  bring  many 
testimonies  to  the  extent  of  this  usage,  because 
it  has  been  rashly  denied,  in  a  polemical  spirit 
(by  Maldonatus,  Suarez,  and  others),  that  the 
sacrament  was  called  the  "  Lord's  Supper,"  or  a 
"supper,"  however  qualified,  in  the  early 
church.  Our  earliest  witness  is  Tertullian,  who 
paraphrasing  the  words  of  St.  Paul  in  1  Cor. 
X.  21,  says,  "  We  cannot  eat  the  supper  of  God 
and  the  supper  of  devils "  (de  Sj)ect.  13). 
When  Hippolytus,  as  above,  calls  the  institutioa 
"  the  first  table  of  the   mystical   supper,"  he 


LORD'S  SUPPER 

implies  that  any  subsequent  celebration  may  be 
so  called.     Dionysius  of  Alexandria,   A.D.   254, 
says  that  Christ   "  gives  Himself  to  us  in  the 
mystical  supper  "  {Tract,  c.  Sainos.  R.  ad  Qu.  7). 
St.  Basil,  A.D.  370  :  "  We  are  instructed  neither 
to  eat  and  drink  an  ordinary  supper  in  a  church, 
nor  to  dishonour   the  Lord's  Supper    (by   cele- 
brating it)  in  a  house  "  {Regulae  brevius  tract. 
310).     St.  Augustine,  A.D.  396,  expressly  says 
that  St.  Paul  "  calls  that  reception  itself  of  the 
euchai-ist  the   Lord's  Supper"  {Ep.  54,  v.  §  7). 
Again,  "  He   gave    the    supper  to  His  disciples 
consecrated  by  His  own  hands ;  but  we  have  not 
reclined  at  that  feast,  and  yet  we  daily  eat  the 
same  supper  by  faith"  {Senn.  112,  iv.)     In  the 
regions  of  the  East  most  do  not  partake  of  the 
Lord's  Supper  every  day  "  (/n  Serm.  Bom.  ii.  7, 
§  25).     Judas  "  drew  near  to  the  Lord's  Supper 
equally"  (with  the  other  apostles)  {Tract.  50  in 
St.  Joan.   Ev.   §    10).     "He   permitted  him   to 
partake  of  the  holy  supper  with  the  innocent  " 
(Epkt.  93,  iv.  §  15;    Sim.  Fsalm,  c.  Fart.  Don. 
div.  16  ;  c.  Litt.  Petil.  ii.  23,  §  53 ;  106,  §  243  ; 
Enarr.  ii.   in   Ps.  xxi.  (xxii.)  §  27).     St.  Chry- 
sostom,  A.D.  398,  he  says  again,  "  As  oft  as  ye 
eat  it,  ye  do  shew  the  Lord's  death ;  and  this  is 
that  supper  "  (of  which  St.  Paul  speaks)  {Horn. 
xxvii.  in  Ep.  i.  ad  Cor.  §  5).     "  As  to  draw  near 
at  random  is  perilous,  so  not  to  partake  of  those 
holy  mystical    suppers    is    famine    and    death " 
{ibid.  §  8).     "  Believe  that  even  now  this  is  that 
supper  at  which  He  Himself  reclined  "   {Horn. 
50   in    St.  Matt.  xiv.   34-36).      Pelagius,   A.D. 
405  :  "  The  Lord's  Supper  ought  to  be  common 
to    all,   because   He    delivered    the    sacrament 
equally  to  all  His  disciples  who  were  present  " 
{Comment,  in  Ep.  i.  ad  Cor.  (xi.  20)  ;  inter  0pp. 
Hieron.  v.  ii.   997).     Cyril  of  Alexandria,  a.d. 
412  :    "  Let   us   run   together  to  the    mystical 
supper"  {Horn.  x.  torn.  v.  ii.  371,  and  commonly). 
Theodoret,    423:    "He    (St.    Paul)    calls    the 
Master's  mystery  the  Lord's  Supper"  {Comment. 
in  Ep.  L  ad  Cor.  xi.  20).    St.  Nilus,  440  :  "  Keep 
thyself  from  all  corruption,  and  be  every  day 
partaker  of  the  mystical  Supper ;  for  thus  the 
I    body  of  Christ  begins  to  be  ours  "  {Paraenetica 
i    n.    120).     Anastasius    Sinaita,    561  :    "  On    the 
5th  day  (of  Holy  Week)  He  gave   the  mystic 
j    supper  which  absolves  all  sin  "  {in  Hexaemeron 
'    v.).     Gregory    of    Tours,    573 :    "  The   day    on 
\    which  the  Lord  delivered  the  mystic  Supper  to 
i    the  disciples  "  {de  Glor.  Mart.  24).     Hesychius, 
:    601:  "The  thanksgiving,  that  is,  the  oblation 
;    which  holds  the  chief  place  in  the  Lord's  Supper  " 
I    (in   Levit.  p.    146    c).     The    sacrament  is  fre- 
;    quently  called  by  this  author  the  mystical  or 
',    the  divine  "  Supper  "  {ibid.).    Since  the  time  of 
\    Justinian   the  Second,  A.D.  686  (Leo.   Allat.   de 
\    Domin.    Graec.    xxi.),    the    choir    have  sung  on 
I    Maundy  Thursday  in  the  Liturgy  of  St.  Basil, 
]    "  Make  me  this  day,  0  Son  of  God,  a  partaker  of 
'    Thy  mystic  Supper  "  (Goar,  Euchol.  170).    The 
foregoing  testimonies  appear  to  give  an  ample 
,    sanction  to  the  usage  of  the  Church  of  England, 
and  to  the  statement  of  the  Catechism  of  Trent, 
that  "  the  most  ancient  Fathers,  following  the 
I    authority  of  the  apostle,  sometimes  called  the 
sacred  eucharist  also  by  the  name  of  supper  " 
(P.  ii.  de  Euch.  v.). 

IV.  In  the  6th  century  we  first  find  the  name 
♦Coena  Domini'  given  to  Maundy  Thursday, 
but  generally  then  with  some  addition  or  expla- 

CHRIST.  ANT.— VOL.  II. 


LORD'S  TABLE 


1059 


nation.  The  earliest  example  known  to  the 
writer  occurs  in  a  document  of  the  year  519, 
"  Quinta  feria,  hoc  est,  Coena  Domini  "  {Exempl. 
Sugg,  lae  Germani,  inter  Epp.  Hormisdae,  Labbe, 
Cone.  iv.  1488).  Gregory  of  Tours,  A.D.  573, 
uses  the  phrase  "  Day  of  the  Lord's  Supper  '* 
{Hist.  Franc,  ii.  21),  and  calls  its  rites  "Domi- 
uicae  Coenae  Festa "  {ibid.  viii.  43).  The  first 
council  of  Macon,  581,  "Coena  Domini  usipie  ad 
primum  Pascha"  (Can.  14).  Isidore  of  Seville, 
610,  calls  it  Coena  Domini  in  the  heading  of  a 
chapter,  but  explains,  as  if  the  usage  were  not 
familiar,  "  This  '  Supper  of  the  Lord  '  is  the  fifth 
day  of  the  last  week  of  Lent  "  {de  Eccl.  Off.  i.  28). 
The  Besan9on  sacramentary,  written  later  in  the 
7th  century,  gives  an  "  Epistle  of  St.  Paul  to  the 
Corinthians  to  be  read  on  Coena  Domini  "  {Mus. 
Ital.  i.  315).  The  Galilean  Lectionary  also 
gives  "  Lessons  for  Coena  Domini  at  Matins " 
{Liturg.  Gallic.  128).  In  the  first  Ordo  Ro- 
manus,  probably  about  A.D.  730,  the  day  is 
called  both  Feria  quinta  Coenae  Domini,  and 
Coena  Domini  {Mus.  Ital.  ii.  19,  30-33).  A  law 
of  Carloman,  in  742,  says,  "On  Coen.i  Domini 
let  him  (the  presbyter)  always  seek  fresh 
chrism  from  the  bishop  "  (c.  iii.  in  Capit.  Reg. 
Fi-anc.  147.  So  a  law  of  Charlemagne  in  769, 
col.  192).  In  744  a  chapter  of  Pepin  ordered 
•'  every  presbyter  always  on  Coena  Domini  to 
give  to  the  bishop  a  statement  of  the  method  and 
order  of  his  ministry  "  (c.  4  ;  u.  s.  i.  158).  In  the 
capitularies  of  the  French  kings  is  an  order  that 
"  the  presbyter  on  Coena  Domini  take  with  him 
two  ampullae,  one  for  the  chrism,  another  for 
the  oil  to  anoint  catechumens  and  the  sick " 
(L.  i.  c.  156).  See  other  instances  (coll.  824, 
865,  953,  &c.).  It  is  evident  that  this  singular 
designation  of  a  day  had  quite  established  itself 
by  the  end  of  the  8th  century.  See  Maundy 
Thursday.  [W.  E.  S.] 

LORD'S  TABLE.  I.  For  more  than  three 
hundred  years  after  the  institution  of  the  sacra- 
ment the  altar  is  but  once  called  a  table  in  the 
genuine  remains  of  Christian  writers.  The  ex- 
ception occurs  in  an  epistle  of  Dionysius  of  Alex- 
andria (a.d.  254)  to  Xystus  of  Rome.  He  speaks 
of  a  communicant  as  "standing  at  the  Table " 
(Euseb.  Hist.  Eccles.  vii.  9).  The  next  instance 
is  a  full  century  later,  viz.  in  the  commentary  of 
Hilary  the  deacon,  354 :  "  When  he  partakes 
of  the  table  of  devils,  he  outrages  the  Lord's. 
Table,  i.e.  the  altar  "  {Comm.  in  1  Cor.  x.  21).. 
The  explanation  in  the  last  words  implies  that, 
the  phrase  was  not  common  in  that  sense.  Tbe 
same  remark  applies  to  a  passage  in  the  Bispui. 
c.  Arianos  ascribed  to  Athanasius,  but  certakilj 
later.  The  table  in  Prov.  ix.  2  is  there  linder- 
stood  of  "  the  Table  "  prepared  by  Christ,  "  Tha-t 
is,  the  holy  altar"  (c.  17;  App.  0pp.  Athsn.  ii.L 
164).  The  usage  was  never  general  in  the 
West,  and  the  examples  found  in  the  Greek 
writers  of  the  4th  and  5th  centuries,  con- 
sidering how  much  they  have  left,  are  not 
really  numerous.  The  following  are  from  every 
great  division  of  the  church  : — St.  Basil,  A.D. 
370,  says  that  the  orthodox  in  the  district  of 
Gangra  "  overthrew  the  altars "  of  the  heretic- 
Basilides  and  "  set  up  their  own  Tables  "  {Epist, 
226).  Pauliuus  in  Italy,  393  :  "  There  is  every- 
where one  cup  and  one  food  of  the  Lord,  and  one 
Table  and  house   of  God"  {Poema  17).     Pru- 


1060 


LORD'S  TABLE 


dentins  in  Spain,  A.D.  405,  "  calls  the  altar  dedi- 
cated to  God  "  poetically,  ilia  sacrameuti  dona- 
trix  Mensa  {de  Coron.  Hymn.  9).  St.  Augustine 
in  Roman  Africa,  writing  probably  in  416  : 
"  The  sacrament  is  prepared  on  the  Lord's  Table 
(in  Dominica  Mensa),  and  is  taken  from  (de)  the 
Lord's  Table"  {Tract.  '26  in  Joan.  Ev.  §15). 
Cyril  of  Alexandria  not  many  years  later  speaks 
of  the  "holy  Table"  (adv.  Nestor.  4;  vii. 
116).  Socrates,  439,  relates  of  Alexander  the 
bishop  of  Alexandria  that  in  the  distress  caused 
by  the  apparent  triumph  of  Arius,  he  "  entered 
the  altar-place  and  prostrated  himself  on  his  face 
beneath  the  sacred  Table  "  (Hist.  Ecd.  i.  .37). 
At  a  later  period  the  name  of  Mensa  was,  in  the 
Latin  church,  generally  given  to  the  slab  alone, 
while  the  whole  structure  was  called  an  altar. 
In  the  east  on  the  other  hand,  the  latter  name 
became  unfrequent ;  the  phrases  "  holy  Table  " 
(ayia  rpair^^a)  or  "sacred  Table"  (lepo  Tp.) 
being  used  instead.  It  will  be  sufficient  to  refer 
here  to  the  rubrics  of  some  ancient  liturgies. 
That  of  St.  James  has,  "  When  the  priest  sets 
the  cup  on  the  holy  Table"  (Trollope,  111). 
St.  Basil,  *'  The  holy  mysteries  being  removed 
from  the  sacred  Table"  (Goar,  175);  "the 
setting  down  of  the  divine  gifts  upon  the 
holy  Table "  (164).  St.  Chrysostom  similarly 
has  both  "sacred"  (82)  and  "holy  (72,  73,  74, 
&c.)  Table."  The  Armenian,  "  holy  table  "  only 
(Neale's  Introd.  562,  594,  &c.).  The  rubrics 
of  SS.  Basil  and  Chrysostom  do  not  employ  the 
word  "  altar  " ;  but  it  occurs  in  those  of  the 
earlier  St.  James  (p.  36),  St.  Mark  (Renaud. 
Liturg.  Orient,  i.  141)  and  St.  Clement  (Constit. 
Apost.  viii.  12),  the  two  latter  using  no  other. 
We  find  it  also  in  the  Armenian  rubrics  (394, 
432),  in  those  of  the  Coptic  St.  Basil  (Renaud. 
i.  4,  5,  &c.) ;  the  Greek  Alexandrian  of  St. 
Gregory  (ibid.  91),  the  Ethiopian  (500),  the 
Syrian  Ordo  Communis  (with  "  table  of  life  ") 
(ibid.  ii.  42),  and  the  Nestorian  (ibid.  566,  &c.). 
"  Table  "  does  not  occur  in  the  Nestorian  rubrics. 
We  cannot  ascribe  them  to  the  age  of  Nestorius, 
but  the  fact  witnesses  to  the  early  usage  of  the 
churches  which  became  infested  with  his  heresy. 
They  adhered  to  the  tradition  of  Ignatius  and 
the  sub-apostolic  pei'iod,  while  the  Syro-Jacobites, 
who  separated  from  the  church  later,  reflect  the 
language  of  a  later  age. 

II.  We  have  cited  a  poem  of  Paulinus,  in  which 
he  calls  the  altar  "  the  table  of  God."  That 
such  language  was  not  usual  in  Italy  in  his  time 
appears  certain  from  the  fact  that  the  same  author 
in  a  prose  composition  gives  the  name  of  the 
"  Lord's  Table  "  to  a  table,  as  it  is  thought,  in 
the  Gazophylacium  on  which  were  set  the  gifts 
brought  for  the  use  of  the  poor.  "  Let  us  not 
suffer  the  Lord's  Table  to  be  left  void  for  ourselves 
and  empty  for  the  poor  "  (Serm.  34,  §  1)  ;  "  Thou 
wilt  know  how  much  more  profitable  it  is  to  put 
money  out  to  increase  on  the  Lord's  Table  "  (§  2). 
Our  inference  will  hold,  if  Paulinus  by  the  "  Lord's 
Table  "  means  a  chest  in  the  treasury,  or  even  if 
it  be  a  figure  for  the  alms  themselves. 

III.  The  phrase  "  Lord's  Table,"  "  mystical 
Table,"  &c.,  are  frequently  used  by  ancient 
writers  to  denote  not  the  structure  (the  use  of 
which  is,  however,  implied  in  them),  but  the  Holy 
Communion  itself.  This  usage  may  have  arisen 
from  the  language  of  St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  x.  21);  it 
would    certainly  be   fostered  by  it.     For  while 


LUBENTIUS 

some,  as  Hilary  the  deacon  (Comm.  in  loco,  "  Men- 
sae  Domini,  i.e.  altari "),  understood  "  the  Lord's 
Table  "  of  the  altar,  others,  as  Theodoret  (in  foe), 
supposed  the  sacramental  feast  to  be  intended. 
Thus  the  latter  paraphrases,  "  How  is  it  possible 
for  us  to  have  communion  with  the  Lord  through 
His  precious  body  and  blood,  and  with  the  devils 
too,  through  the  food  that  has  been  ofiered  to 
idols?"  This  use  of  those  terms  is,  however, 
common  without  any  reference  to  1  Cor.  x.  21. 
Thus  Gregory  Nazianzen,  A.D.  374 :  "  Rever- 
ence the  mystic  table  to  which  thou  hast  come ; 
the  bread  thou  hast  received,  the  cup  of  which 
thou  hast  partaken"  (Orat.  40,  de  Baptismo, 
i.  660).  St.  Ambrose,  374:  "The  mystical 
table  is  prepared  for  by  fasting  .  .  .  That  table  is 
attained  at  the  cost  of  hunger,  and  that  cup  .  .  . 
is  sought  by  a  thirst  for  the  heavenly  sacra- 
ments "  (de  Elia,  x.  §  33).  St.  Augustine,  396  : 
"Thou  hast  sat  down  at  a  great  table  (Prov. 
xxiii.  1)  .  .  .  What  is  that  great  table,  but  that 
from  which  we  receive  the  body  and  blood  of 
Christ  ?  "  (Serm.  31,  §  2  ;  Sim.  -S".  304,  §  1 ;  329, 
§  1 ;  332,  §  2  ;  Tract.  47,  in  St.  Joan.  Ev.  §  3.) 
On  the  words  "  the  poor  shall  eat  and  be  satis- 
fied "  (Fs.  xxii.  30),  "  for  they  have  been  brought 
to  the  table  of  Christ,  and  received  of  His  body 
and  blood  "  (de  Gratia,  K  T.  27,  §  66).  Again, 
after  speaking  of  a  "life-giving  feast"  which 
Christ  gave  to  His  church,  "satiating  us  with 
His  body,  inebriating  us  with  His  blood,"  he 
says,  "  the  church  exults,  fed  and  quickened  by 
this  table,  against  them  that  trouble  her  "  (Serm. 
367,  §  6).  St.  Chrysostom,  398:  "With  a 
pure  conscience  touch  the  sacred  table,  and  par- 
take of  the  holy  sacrifice  "  (Horn.  vi.  in  Poenit. 
ii.  326).  "On  the  festivals  they  come  anyhow 
to  this  table  "  (Horn.  vi.  de  Philog.  i.  499).  St. 
Hilary,  430 :  "  There  is  a  table  of  the  Lord 
from  which  (ex  qua)  we  take  food,  to  wit,  of  the 
Living  Bread  .  .  .  There  is  also  the  table  of  the 
Lord's  lessons,  at  which  we  are  fed  with  the 
meat  of  spiritual  teaching  "  (IVaci.  in  Ps.  127, 
§  10).  Anastasius  Sinaita,  561  :  "  Many  never 
trouble  themselves  about  the  self-cleansing 
and  repentance  with  which  they  come  to  the 
sacred  table  ;  but  with  what  garments  they  are 
adorned"  (de  Sacra  Synaxi ;  Migne,  120.  89,  col. 
830).  As  the  lay  communicants  did  not  "  sit 
at,"  "  touch,"  or  even  "  come  to  "  the  material 
table  or  altar  (see  Scudamore,  Notitia  Eucha- 
ristica,  361,  702,  ed.  2),  the  foregoing  passages 
cannot  be  understood  of  that.  There  are  many, 
however,  which  must  be  understood  of  it,  though 
from  the  inappropriate  epithets  employed,  they 
appear  at  first  sight  to  speak  of  the  sacrament, 
e.g.,  "  I  am  not  worthy  to  look  towards  this  thy 
sacred  and  spiritual  Table."  This  occurs  in  a 
prayer  or  preparation  said  before  the  priest 
places  himself  at  the  altar  in  the  liturgy  of  St. 
James  (Trollope,  p.  27).  [W.  E.  S.] 

LOT.    [Sortilege.] 

LOUTIERN  is  invoked  in  the  Breton  liturgy 
given  by  Haddan  and  Stubbs  (ii.  82).      [C.  H.] 

LOVE-FEAST.    [Agapae.] 

LUBENTIUS,  presbyter  and  confessor  of 
Treves,  commemorated  Oct.  13  (Usuard.  Awt., 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  vi.  202).  [C.  H.] 


LUBERCUS 

LUBERCUS,  martyr  of  Caesarea  in  Spain 
commemorated  April  15  {Hieron.  Mart.).  Lu- 
bertus  occurs  for  this  day  in  the  Auctaria  of 
Bede.  [C.  H.] 

LUCANIA,  martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated 
Dec.  18  {Hieron.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

LUCANUS  (1),  African  martyr,  commemo- 
rated April  28  (Bede,  Mart.  Auct.j. 

(2'>  Bishop  of  Sabiona,  commemorated  at  Be- 
lunum  July  20  {Acta  SS.  Jul.  v.  70).     [C.  H.] 

LUCAS  (1)  (St.  Luke),  evangelist,  com- 
memorated generally  on  Oct.  18.  At  Jerusalem, 
March  15  was  set  apart  to  him  and  to  St.  James 
the  Apostle ;  at  Aquileia,  Sept.  3  was  observed 
for  the  "  ingressio  reliquiarum  "  of  St.  Andrew, 
St.  Luke,  and  St.  John  ;  in  the  city  "  Piralice," 
St.  Luke's  natalis  was  kept  on  Sept.  21  (^Hieron. 
Mart.).  In  the  Auctaria  of  Bede,  and  in  the 
Ethiopic  Calendar,  October  19  is  assigned  to 
St.  Luke.  The  relics  of  St.  Luke,  with  those 
of  St.  Andrew  and  St,  Timothy,  are  said  to  have 
been  transferred  by  order  of  the  emperor  Con- 
stantius  to  Constantinople,  and  there  deposited 
in  the  church  of  the  Apostles  [Andrew,  p.  82]. 
(Hieron.  cont.  Vigilantium ;  Patrol.  Lat.  xxiii.  345 ; 
Basil.  Menol.  Oct.  18).  St.  Luke's  translation 
was  observed  "in  Oriente  "  on  Oct.  18  {Hieron. 
Mart.),  and  his  natale  on  the  same  day  (Usuard, 
Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.).  His  commemoration  gene- 
rally is  given  under  Oct.  18  in  Basil,  Menol.  and 
Cal.  Byzant.  See  also  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  viii. 
310. 

The  sacramentary  of  Gregory  (p.  136)  has  a 
collect  for  St.  Luke's  natalis,  which  is  assigned 
to  Oct.  18;  it  prays  the  Lord  for  St.  Luke's 
intercession ;  but  the  festival  is  omitted  in  some 
MSS.  Xrazer  (de  Liturgiis,  497)  states  the 
general  belief  that  St.  Mark  and  St.  Luke  are 
not  mentioned  in  the  Roman  canon  in  the  prayer 
Communicantes  because  of  the  uncertainty  as"  to 
the  fact  of  their  martyrdom.  Ciampini  {da 
Sacr.  Aedif.)  does  not  mention  any  churches 
dedicated  to  St.  Luke,  but  he  cites  various 
authors  e.xplaining  why  the  vitulus  of  the  Apo- 
calypse was  assigned  as  the  symbol  of  this  evan- 
gelist {Vet.  Mon.  i.  192).  [Evangelists  in 
Art,  h  633.]  [C.  H.] 

(2)  Deacon  at  Emesa,  martyr  with  bishop  Sil- 
vanus  and  the  reader  Mocius:  commemorated 
Feb.  6  (Basil,  Mcnolog.) ;  Jan.  29  {Byzant.). 

(3)  Called  "  our  father  Lucas,"  of  Sterion  in 
Greece,  commemorated  with  "our  father  Par- 
thenius,"  bishop  of  Lampsacus,  on  Feb.  7  {Cal. 
Byzant.). 

(4)  Bishop,  martyr  of  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia, 
commemorated  March  2  (Bede,  Mart.  Auct.). 

(5)  Bishop  and  martyr  at  Nicomedia,  comme- 
morated March  15  (Bede,  Mart.  Auct.). 

(6)  JIartyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  March 
20  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Deacon  and  martyr  at  Cordula,  commemo- 
rated April  22  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.  ; 
Bede,  Mart.).     The  name  in  Bede  is  Lucus. 

(8)  Martyr  at  Milan,  commemorated  Nov.  27 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

-.A^l^^^^^^^'  commemorated   Dec.  11  (Taksas, 
15),  {Cal.  Aethiop.).  [C.  H.] 


LUCIANUS 


1061 


LUCEIA.     [Lucia.] 

LUCELLA  (1)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia,  com- 
memorated Feb.  16,  Mar.  25  {Hieron.  2Iart.). 

(2)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  May  7 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  at  Eome,  commemorated  May  10 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr,  commemorated  Aug.  10  {Hieron. 
^art.)  [c.  H.] 

LUCELLUS,  martyr   in  Africa,   commemo- 
rated March  19  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 
LUCERNAE.    [Lights.] 

LUCERNARIA,  virgin,  commemorated  July 
30  (  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCERUS,  martyr,  Jan.  18  (Aengus),  ap- 
pears as  Luricus  in  the  Martt.  Hieronn.  Perhaps 
the  name  should  be  Glycerus.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LUCETELLA,  martyr,  commemorated  Mar, 
13  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCIA  (1)  Virgin,  commemorated  Feb.  19 
{Cal.  Aethiop.). 

(2)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Thessalonica,  com- 
memorated June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  June,  i.  48). 

(3)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated 
June  24  {Hieron.  Mart.),  and  on  June  25  {Vet. 
Mart.  Bom.). 

(4)  Virgin,  martyr  in  Campania,  commemo- 
rated July  6  (Basil,  Menol.). 

(5)  Noble  matron  at  Rome,  martyr,  com- 
memorated with  SS.  Geminianus  and  Euphemia 
on  Sept.  16  (Usuard.  Jfa;-i.  ;  Bed.  Mart. ;  Vet. 
Bom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  vi.  286).  In 
Gregory's  Sacramentary  Sept.  16  is  assigned  as 
a  festival  to  Lucia  and  Geminianus,  neither  of 
whom  are  named  in  the  collect,  though  Euphemia, 
who  is  also  separately  commemorated  on  that 
day,  is  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sac.  130).  The 
"  natalis  "  (no  day  being  named)  of  Euphemia, 
Lucia,  and  Geminianus,  occurs  in  the  Antipho- 
narium,  but  their  names  are  not  in  the  collect 
(Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Antiph.  710).  Basil's  Meno- 
logy  assigns  Sept.  17  to  Lucia,  widow,  and 
Geminianus  jointly. 

(6)  [St.  Lucy  of  Anglican  Calendar]  Virgin, 
martyr  at  Syracuse  under  Diocletian,  comme- 
morated on  Dec.  13  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. ; 
Usuard.  Ma)'t. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Cal.  Byzant.). 
She  is  one  of  those  mentioned  in  the  canon 
(Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sac.  4,  290  n.)  occurring  in 
connexion  with  Agatha  and  Agnes.  There  is 
a  special  service  for  her  day  and  vigil  (day  of 
the  month  not  mentioned)  in  the  Liber  Bespon- 
salts  (842).  In  the  Liber  Antiphonarius  (654) 
the  festival  of  "  St.  Lucia,  virgin,"  occurs  be- 
tween the  second  and  third  Sundays  in  Advent, 
but  the  collect  does  not  contain  her  name. 

(7)  Virgin,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Antioch 
Dec.  14  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCIANA  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemo- 
rated Feb.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Constantinople,  commemorated 
May  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  in  Lucania,  commemorated  Oct. 
29  {Hicrm.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCIANUS   (1)   Bishop  and    confessor  at 
3  Z  2 


1062 


LUCIANUS 


Leontium  in  Sicily,  commemorated  Jan.  3  (^Ada 
SS.  Jan.  i.  136). 

LUCIANUS  (2)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemo- 
rated Jan.  5  {Hiero7i.  Mart. ;  Florus  ap.  Bed. 
Mart). 

(3)  Presbyter  of  the  church  of  Antioch, 
martyr  at  Nicomedia,  commemorated  Jan.  7 
(Hieron.  Mart. ;  Florus  ap.  Bed.  Mart. ;  Usuard, 
2{art.  ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.  ;  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  357). 
The  Menology  of  Basil  and  Daniel  {Cod.  Lit.  iv. 
271)  place  him  under  Oct.  15. 

(4)  Martyr  at  Beauvais,  called  both  presbyter 
and  bishop  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Usuard.  Mart.; 
Florus  ap.  Bed.  Mart. ;  Acta  SS.  Jan  i.  459). 

(5)  Martyr  with  Paula  and  others ;  com- 
memorated Jan.  19  {Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  220). 

(6)  Martyr  at  Ravenna,  commemorated  Feb. 
1  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia,  commemorated 
Feb.  22,  and  another  at  the  same  place,  Feb.  24 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  Feb.  24  (Florus  ap.  Bed.  Mart. ; 
Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  460). 

(8)  Martyr  in  Campania,  commemorated  Mar. 

18  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(9)  Martyr  at  Caesarea  in  Spain  ;  commemo- 
rated April  15;  also  a  bishop  and  confessor  of 
the  same  place,  on  the  same  day  {Hieron.  Mai-t.). 

(10)  Martyr  in  Pontus,  commemorated  April 
16  {Hieron.  Mart.).  Bede's  Auctaria  mentions 
him  on  the  same  day,  at  a  place  unknown. 

(11)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  April 
28  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(12)  Martyr  at  Tomi,  commemorated  May  27. 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.) 

(13)  Martyr  in  Sardinia,  commemorated  May 
28  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed. 
Afart.  Auct.), 

(14)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated  June  3 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(15)  Martyr  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia,  com- 
memorated June  7  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart. ;  Acta  SS.  June,  ii.  8). 

(16)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  June 
13  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.;  Acta  SS.  June 
ii.  678). 

(17)  Martyr  with  Peregrinus  at  Dyrrachium ; 
commemorated  July  7  (Basil,  Menol.). 

(18)  Martyr  at  Antioch,  commemorated  July 

19  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(19)  Martyr   in  Africa,   commemorated  July 

20  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(20)  Martyr  at  Ancyra  in  Galatia,  commemo- 
rated Aug.  31  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(21)  Martyr  iu  Cappadocia,  commemorated 
Oct.  14  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(22)  Martyr  at  Florence,  commemorated  Oct. 
25  (Bede,  Mart.  Auct.). 

(23)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia,  commemorated 
Oct.  26  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(24)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  Oct. 
30  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(25)  Martyr  at  Caesarea,  commemorated  Nov. 
18  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Florus  ap.  Bed.  Mart.). 

(26)  Martyr,  commemorated  Nov.  25,  but  no 
place  mentioned  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(27)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  Dec,  1 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 


I^UCIUS 

LUCIANUS  (28)  Martvr  at  Tripoli,  com- 
memorated Dec.  24  (Usuard.'  Mart.).        [C.  H.] 

LUCIDEUS,  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemo- 
rated Jan.  3  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.]. 

LUCIFERUS,  bishop  iu  Sardinia,  commemo- 
rated May  20  {Acta  SS.  May,  v,  197,*  vii. 
819).         ■  [C.  H.] 

LUCILLA  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commumor- 
rated  Mar.  19  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Nicaea,  with  400  others,  com- 
memorated Mar.  25  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(3)  Daughter  of  deacon  Nemesius,  martyr  at 
Rome,  commemorated  Aug.  27  (Florus  api 
Bed.  Mart.),  but  Oct.  31  according  to  Usuard. 

[C.  H.] 
LUCILLIANUS,  aged  martyr  at  Byzantium,, 
commemorated    June  3    {Cat.    Byzant. ;     Basil, 
Menol. ;   Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  260 ;  Acta  SS. 
June,  i.  274).  [C.  H.] 

LUCINA,  Roman  matron,  "  discipuia  apo- 
stolorum,"  martyr  at  Rome ;  commemorated 
June  30  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.  - 
Acta  SS.  June,  v.  533).  [C.  H.] 

LUCINA.  In  the  Biumum  Romanum,  i.  7, 
c.  17,  we  find  :  "  Sed  dispensator  qui  pro  tempore 
fuerit  in  eadem  venerabili  diaconia  {i.e.  quando 
lucina  perficitur  in  eadem  Diaconia  pro  remis- 
sione  peccatorum  nostrorum),  omnes  diaconites 
et  pauperes  Christi,  qui  ibidem  conveniunt 
Kyrie  eleison  exclamare  studeant."  Ducange  sup- 
poses lucina  here  either  to  be  synonymous  with 
LuCERNA,  the  lamplighting,  or  to  be  a  mistake 
for  Litania.  But  in  another  instance  that  he 
quotes,  "  quantum  vix  in  undecim  lucinis  laborar* 
poterant,"  where  he  supposes  it  to  mean  simply 
'  days,'  it  would  be  more  natural  to  take  it  for 
some  special  occasion  of  busy  labour.  Whether 
a  great  baptism  day,  or  a  great  almsgiving  day,, 
or  what  else  might  be  meant  by  it,  and  whether 
the  name  be  taken  from  the  church  of  San 
Lorenzo  in  Lucina,  or  the  church  named  from 
the  office,  must  be  matters  of  pure  conjecture. 
[E.  B.  B.] 

LUCINUS  (1)  Martyr  "  in  Afrodiris,"  com- 
memorated April  30  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name  at  Rome 
were  commemorated  on  May  10  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated  July  10 
{Hiero7i.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCIOLA,  two  martyrs  of  this  name,  one 
in  Africa,  the  other  it  is  not  said  where,  were 
commemorated  March  3  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 

LUCIOSA  (1)  Martyr,  it  is  not  said  where, 
commemorated  Feb.  25  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Thessalonica,  commemorated 
Feb.  27  {Hierm.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr,  it  is  not  said  where,  commemo- 
rated Mar.  2  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated  June  2 
{Hieron.  jMart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCIOSUS,  martyr  at  Constantinople,  com- 
memorated May  18  {Hieron,  Mart. ;  Bede, 
Mart.  Auct.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCIUS  (1)  Confessor  at  Alexandria,  com- 
memorated Jan.  11  {Hieron.  Mart.). 


LUCIUS 

LUCIUS  (2)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name  were 
commemorated  Jan.  19  (^Ilieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  at  Tarragona,  commemorated 
Jan.  21  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Jlartyr  at  ApoUonia,  commemorated  Jan. 
27  (Hieron.  Mart.).  An  African  martyr  of 
this  name  was  commemorated  the  same  day 
{Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  769). 

(5)  Martyr  in  the  city  of  Augusta  (London) 
in  Britain,  commemorated  Feb.  7  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr,  commemorated  Feb.  8,  but  it  is 
not  said  where  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Hadrianople,  commemo- 
ivated  Feb.  11  {Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  519). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Interamna,  commemorated  Feb. 
15  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(9)  Martyr,  commemorated  March  2,  but  it 
is  not  said  where  {Hieron.  Mart.).  A  bishop 
and  martyr  of  this  name  at  Caesarea  in  Cappa- 
tlocia  was  commemorated  on  the  same  day  {Acti 
SS.  Mar.  i.  130). 

(10)  Pope  and  martyr,  commemorated  on 
Mm:  4  (  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ;  Bede,  Mart.  Auct. ;  Acta 
SS.  Mar.  i.  301).  Two  martyrs  of  this  name  at 
Rome,  but  without  any  designations,  are  men- 
tioned in  the  Mart,  of  Jerome  under  this  day. 
Florus  (ap.  Bede  Mart.)  gives  the  bishop  and 
snartyr  of  Rome  under  Aug.  25. 

(11)  Martyr  in  Nicomedia,  commemorated 
March  13  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(12)  Bishop  and  martyr  in  Cappadocia,  com- 
memorated March  15  {Hieron.  Mart.).  The 
Acta  SS.  (Mar.  ii.  391)  say  that  Cappadocia 
should  be  Nicomedia. 

(13)  Martyr  at  Alexandria,  commemorated 
March  21  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(14)  Of  Cyrene,  commemorated  May  6  {Acta 
■SS.  May,  ii.  99)  ;  the  Meuology  of  Basil  makes 
him  martyred  at  Cyprus,  Aug.  21. 

(15)  Martyr  of  Alexandria,  commemorated 
May  13  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(16)  Martyr  ia  Africa,  commemorated  May 
23   (Bed.   3fart.  Auct.).     Hieron.  Mart,    names 

I  him  Lucus. 

(17)  Martyr  in  Sardinia,  commemorated  May 
23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

\  (18)  Martyr  at  Nevedunum  (Nyon),  com- 
I  memorated  June  6  {Hieron.  Mart.).  The  Acta 
I  SS.  (June,  ii.  632)  mention  Lucius  and  Amantius, 
j  martyrs  of  Parma,  under  this  day,  but  leave  the 
j  period  uncertain. 

I  (19)  Martyr  in  the  city  of  Dorosterum,  com- 
'  raemorated  June  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(20)  Senator,  martyr  in  Cyprus,  commemo- 
i-ated  Aug.  20  {Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  28). 

(21)  Bishop  and  martyr  in  Africa,  commemo- 
rated Sept.  10  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(22)  Martyr  with  Chaeremon  and  others  at 
Alexandria,  or  perhaps  elsewhere  in  Egypt,  com- 
-raemorated  Oct.  4  {Acta  SS.  Oct.  iv.  329). 

(23)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  Oct. 
18  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Acta  SS.  Oct.  viii.  344). 

!  (24)  Martyr  with  Tertius  at  Antioch,  buried 
'•at  Alexandria,   commemorated    Oct.    19    {Vet. 

Ham.  jVart.). 

(25)   Martyr  at    Nicomedia,    commemorated 

•Oct.  20  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 


LUDI SAGERDOTALES 


1063 


LUCIUS  (26)  One  of  four  "soldiers  of 
Christ,"  martyred  at  Rome  under  Claudius,  com- 
memorated Oct.  25  (Bed.  Mart.). 

(27)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated  Oct.  27 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(28)  Martyr,  but  it  is  not  said  where,  com- 
memorated Oct.  28  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(29)  Martyr  in  Lucania,  commemorated  Oct. 
29  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(30)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated  Dec.  1 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(31)  Martyr,  commemorated  Dec.  14  (Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  277). 

(32)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  Dec. 
15  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

[C.  H.] 

LL^COSA,  martyr  at  Antioch,  commemorated 

on  ]\Iar.  5  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCRATIVE  TAX  {Descriptio  Lucratico- 
rum,  and  also  unciae  and  denarismus).  A  pay- 
ment made  to  the  Curiales  of  a  city  by  the 
inheritors  of  an  estate  bequeathed  to  any  one 
not  a  member  of  the  Curia.  Property  left  to 
the  church  was  exempted  from  tliis  payment  by 
a  law  of  Justinian.  [Immunities  and  Peivi- 
LEGES  OF  THE  CLERGY,  sect.  ii.  §  8;  I.  826.] 
[S.  J.  E.] 

LUCRE.     [COVETOUSNESS.] 

LUCRETIA,  virgin  and  martyr  at  Emerita 
(Merida),  commemorated  Nov.  23  (Usuard. 
Mart).  [C.  H.] 

LUCRITUS,  martyr  in  Africa,  commemo- 
rated on  Jan.  14  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCROSA,  martyr  at  Augustodunum 
(Autun),  commemorated  on  Sept.  24  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCUS  (1)  Martyr  in  Greece,  commemo- 
rated Jan.  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  Jan.  18 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  with  Musas,  both  deacons  at 
Cordula,  commemorated  April  22  (Bed.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  April  24 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Constantinople,  commemorated 
May  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr  at  Alexandria,  commemorated 
May  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  May 
23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(9)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated  June  12 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(10)  Martyr  at  Alexandria,  commemorated 
Aug.  9  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr  at  Alexandria,  commemorated 
Aug.  16  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(12)  Martyr  in  Mauritania,  commemorated 
Oct,  17  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C  H.] 

LUCUSA,  martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated 
May  10  {Hkron.  Mart.).  [C  H.] 

LUDDULUS,  martyr,  it  is  not  said  where, 
commemorated  Oct.  9  {Hieron.  Mart).    [C.  H.] 

LUDI  SACEKDOTALES.  A  law  of  the 
Emperor  Theodosius  the  younger  {Cod.    Theod. 


1064 


LUGIDUS 


lib.  vii.  tit.  13;  de  Tironibus  Leg.  22) 
releases  certaia  persons  in  the  proconsular 
province  of  Africa  from  payment  of  the  tax 
known  as  aurimi  tironicurn,  a  sum  of  money 
levied  in  lieu  of  the  contingent  of  recruits  to 
the  legions  which  every  province  was  liable  to 
render.  And  these  persons  are  denominated 
sacerdotales.  The  question  arises,  what  class  of 
persons  are  denoted  by  this  term  ?  There  are 
two  theories  ;  the  one  that  the  persons  intended 
were  heathen  priests,  who  were  obliged  by  their 
office  to  exhibit  ludos  to  the  people  at  great 
expense ;  whence  the  reason  for  their  exemp- 
tion (Gothofred,  Comment,  in  Cod.  Theod.  in  loc.) 
The  exhibition  of  ludi  was  no  doubt  a  very 
expensive  charge.  But  there  appears  to  have 
been  no  kind  of  these  games  which  the  priests 
were  bound  to  exhibit  at  their  own  expense 
(see  DiCT.  OF  Gr.  and  Eon.  Antiq.  s.  v.  Ludi), 
whilst  those  few  in  which  they  and  not  the 
aediles  took  the  chief  place,  for  the  most  part 
belong,  as  e.g.  the  Liberalia,  to  the  class  oi  ferine 
stativae,  and  entailed  little  trouble  or  expense 
in  their  celebration.  Apart  therefore  from  the 
difficulty  of  supposing  a  Christian  emperor  to  be 
founding  a  special  exemption  for  the  benefit  of 
the  heathen  priesthood,  which  the  Christian 
clergy  were  not  to  share,  the  reasons  adduced 
appear  not  to  be  conclusive.  TertuUian  {Apol. 
c.  ix.)  mentions  incidentally  the  absolute  prohi- 
bition by  law  of  the  sacrifices  to  Saturn  through- 
out this  very  province  of  Africa,  in  the  reign  of 
Tiberius. 

The  other  theory,  maintained  by  Petit  (  Variar. 
Zed.),  regards  the  Christian  bishops  as  being  the 
persons  thus  exempted.  It  is  hardly  probable 
that  bishops  should  be  classed  with  the  heathen 
priests  under  the  common  title  sacerdotales,  a 
course  which  both  parties  would  have  resented 
as  an  insult.  And  it  is  not  clear  what  in  the 
case  of  bishops  could  have  been  the  "  majoribus 
expensis,"  which  are  alleged  as  the  reason  for 
this  exemption.  Yet  this  is  pei-haps  to  be  pre- 
ferred as  the  solution  of  an  obscure  question. 

[S.  J.  E.] 

LUGIDUS  (LuANUS),  abbat  of  Cluainfert 
in  Ireland,  commemorated  Aug.  4  (^Acta  SS. 
Aug.  i.  .339). 

LUGLIUS  and  LUGLIANUS,  brothers, 
martyred  at  Lillerium  in  Artois  and  Mondide- 
rium  in  Picardy,  sec.  vii.,  commemorated  Oct.  23 
(^Acta  SS.  Oct.'x.  111).  [C.  H.] 

LUGO,  COUNCIL  OF  (^Liwense  Concilium), 
held  at  Lugo,  in  Gallicia,  by  order  of  king 
Theodomir,  A.D.  569,  to  lay  down  the  bounds 
of  the  different  sees  in  his  dominions,  with  a 
view  of  curtailing  any  that  were  too  large, 
which  was  accordingly  done ;  Lugo  thus  itself 
becoming  a  metropolitan  see.  We  find  from 
the  sees  enumerated  that  his  dominions  ex- 
tended into  Portugal.  The  last  named  is 
called  that  of  the  Britons,  and  had  thirteen 
churches  belonging  to  them,  and  one  mon- 
astery, given  to  it.  A  second  council  is  sup- 
posed, by  Mansi  and  others,  to  have  taken  place 
A.D.  572 ;  the  only  real  foundation  for  it  being, 
that  Martin,  bishop  of  Braga,  transmitted  the 
collection  of  canons  approved  at  Braga  that 
year  in  a  letter  to  the  metropolitan  of  Lugo, 
with  this  address:  "  Js'itigesio  episcopo,  vel  uni- 


LUPENTIUS 

verso  concilio  Lucensis  ecclesiae : "  which  need 
not  imply  that  any  council  was  then  sitting,  or 
about  to  sit.  (Mansi,  ix.  815,  et  seq.,  with 
the  later  divisions  appended  there,  and  845.) 

[E.  S.  F.] 
LUGUSTA,  martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated 
May  19  (^Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUKE,  ST.,  THE  EVANGELIST  (in 
Art).  [See  Evangelists,  I.  633.]  Martiguy 
refers  to  Borgia  (De  Cruce  Veliterna,  p.  133)  for 
an  engraving  of  a  brazen  cross,  probably  of  the 
8th  or  9th  century,  which  bears  on  its  extremities 
busts  of  the  four  evangelists  in  person,  instead 
of  the  symbolic  creatures.  Here  St.  Luke,  like 
the  others,  bears  a  closed  book  in  one  hand 
and  points  to  it  with  the  other.  It  has  been 
supposed  that  the  evangelists  are  also  personally 
represented  on  sarcophagi,  as  in  that  of  Probus 
and  Proba  (Bottari,  tav.  xvi.  ;  and  at  pi.  cxxxi. 
in  particular).  In  this  last  example,  three 
figures  hold  the  volume  or  roll,  and  stand  in  all 
probability  for  St.  Matthew,  St.  John,  and  St. 
Mark.  But  the  roll  or  book  is  frequently  placed 
in  the  hands  of  all  or  any  of  the  apostles. 
However,  in  a  sepulchral  urn,  No.  36,  in  the 
Museum  of  Art,  the  apostles  are  represented 
with  books  rolled  up,  and  the  remaining  four 
with  them  unfolded :  the  names  are  written  on 
the  rolls;  St.  Luke's  as  lvcanvs.  The  non- 
apostolic  evangelists  are,  however,  seldom  added 
to  the  number  of  the  twelve. 

M.  Perret  (in  Catacomhes  de  Rome,  vol.  ii. 
pi.  Ixvi.)  publishes  a  greatly  damaged  fresco 
from  an  arcosolium  in  the  cemetery  of  Saint 
"Zoticus,"  wherever  that  may  be.  However, 
the  fresco  represents  four  standing  figures,  each 
of  whom  has  at  his  feet  a  ''  scrinium "  full  of 
rolls.  The  two  letters  MA  are  legible  near  one 
of  them,  which  maj'  be  St.  Matthew  or  St. 
Mark.  St.  Luke  must  be  one  of  the  othei's.  He 
is  also  represented  among  the  four  evangelists 
in  the  mosaics  of  the  baptisteries  of  Ravenna 
(Ciampini,  Vet.  Ifonumenta,  tab.  Ixxii.  A.D.  451). 
Four  figures  holding  books  cannot  well  be  other 
than  the  writers  of  the  Gospels,  though  Ciampini 
expresses  some  doubt  as  to  the  subject  of  the 
painting. 

The  earliest  representation  of  St.  Luke  as  a 
painter  is  in  the  Menologium  of  Basil  II.,  A.D.  980. 
See  D'Agincourt,  Peinture,  pi.  xxxi.,  where  the 
Virgin  is  sitting  to  him  in  a  pleasant  garden  scene 
(perhaps  on  a  house  top),  which  reminds  us  of 
some  of  Fra  Angelico's  works.        [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

LUKE,  ST.    [Lucas  (1).] 

LULLUS,  archbishop  of  Mainz,  commemo- 
rated Oct.  16  (Acta  SS:,  Oct.  vii.  pt.  2,  p. 
1083).  [C.  H.] 

LUMINAKE.     [Catacombs,  I.  311.] 

LUMINOSA,  virgin,  at  Papia  or  Pavia,  in 
Italy,  commemorated  May  9  (Acta  SS.  May,  ii. 
460).  [C.  H.] 

LUMINUM  DIES.     [Epiphany.] 

LUPATUS,  martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated 

Sept.  16  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUPENTIUS,  abbat  of  Catalaunum  (Chalons- 

sur-Marne),  commemorated  Oct.  22    (Acta  SS.. 

Oct.  ix.  609).  [C.  H.].   • 


LUPEECIUS 

LUPERCIUS  or  LUPEECULUS,  martyr 
at  Elusa  (Eause),  commemorated  Jane  28 
{Acta  SS.  June,  v.  351).  [C.  H.] 

LUPERCUS,  one  of  the  eighteen  martyrs  of 
Saragossa,  commemorated  April  16.  (Usuard. 
Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

LUPIANUS,  confessor,  commemorated  July 
1  (Acta  SS.  July,  i.  32).  [C.  H.] 

LUPICINUS  (1)  Bishop  of  Lyon,  commemo- 
rated Feb.  3  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Acta  SS.  Feb.  i. 
360). 

(2)  Martyr,  it  is  not  said  where,  commemora- 
ted March  3  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Abbat,  martyr,  in  the  territory  of  Lyon, 
commemorated  March  21  (Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Acta  SS.  Mar.  iii.  262). 

(4)  Martyr,  at  Rome,  commemorated  April  12 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr  in  Lydia,  commemorated  April  27. 

(6)  Hermit  and  confessor  in  Gaul,  commemo- 
rated June  24  (Greg.  Tur.  Vit.  Pat.  cap.  13, 
Patrol.  Lat.  Ixsi.  1064  ;  Acta  SS.  Jun.  iv.  817). 

(7)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Vienne  (Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.)  [C.  H.j 

LUPRANPODUS,  martyr  in  Cappadocia, 
commemorated  Oct.  14  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 

LUPUS  (1)  Bishop  of  Chalons-sur-Marne 
commemorated  Jan.  27  (Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii. 
776). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Militana  in  Armenia,  com- 
memorated May  2  (Hieron.  Mart.) 

(3)  Bishop  of  Limousin,  commemorated  May 
22  (Acta  SS.  May,  v.  171). 

(4)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated  May  31 
(Eieron.  Mart.) 

(5)  Martyr  at  Thessalonica,  commemorated 
June  1  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Bishop  of  Troyes  and  confessor,  his  depositio 
commemorated  at  Troyes  July  29  (Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. ;  Acta  SS. 
July,  vii.  51). 

(7)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Sens,  commemo- 
rated Sept.  1  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.  ; 
Acta  SS.  Sept.  i.  248). 

(8)  Bishop  and  confessor,  his  depositio  com- 
memorated at  Lyon  Sept.  24  (Hieron.  Mart.). 
Usuard  calls  him  bishop  and  anchoret,  and 
places  him  under  Sept.  25  ;  as  also  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  vii.  81. 

(9)  Martyr  with  Aurelia  at  Cordova,  com- 
memorated Oct.  14  (Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct. ;  Acta  SS.  Oct.  vi.  476). 

(10)  Bishop  of  Angers,  confessor,  commemo- 
rated Oct.  17  (Acta  SS.Oct.  viii.  104). 

(11)  Bishop  of  Soissons,  commemorated  Oct. 
19  (Acta  SS.  Oct.  viii.  448).  [C.  H.] 

LURICUS  V.  LUCERUS. 

LUSOR,  youth  at  Bourges,  confessor,  his 
depositio  commemorated  Nov.  4.  (Hieron.  Mart.  ; 
Bed.  Mart.  Auct.)  [C.  H.] 

LUSTRALIS  COLLATIO  (so  called  because 
it  was  paid  at  the  end  of  every  lusti-um ;  also 


LUXURY 


1065 


Xpvcrdpyvpov,  chrysargyrum,  because  the  pay- 
ment was  made  in  gold  and  silver  coins).  A 
trading  or  licence  tax,  exacted  from  all  who 
carried  on  any  kind  of  trade.  The  inferior 
clergy  were  at  first  exempted  from  it.  (See 
Immunities  and  Privileges  of  the  Clergy, 
sect.  ii.  par.  3.)  [S.  J.  £.] 

LUTICIANUS,  martyr  at  Antioch,  com- 
memorated Dec.  9  (Hieron.  Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

LUTRUDIS  (LuTRUDE,  Lintrude),  virgin 
in  Gaul,  commemorated  Sept.  22  (Acta  SS. 
Sept.  vi.  451).  [C.  H.] 

LUXURIUS,  martyr  in  Sardinia,  commemo- 
rated Aug.  21 ;  presumably  the  same  as  Luxurus, 
martyr  in  Sardinia,  Sept.  26  ;  both  in  Hieron. 
Ma7-t.  He  is  called  Lusorius,  and  assigned  to 
Aug.  21,  in  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  414.  [C.  H.] 

LUXURUS  or  LUXURIUS,  martyr  in  Sar- 
dinia placed  under  Aug.  21  and  Sept.  26. 

[C.  H.] 

LUXURY  (Luxuria).  The  original  signifi- 
cation of  the  word  luxuria  was  that  of  an  over- 
flow or  excess  of  fertility  in  crops  or  fields ; 
thence  it  had  the  meaning  of  wantonness  and  of 
luxury  generally :  in  mediaeval  ecclesiastical 
Latin  it  expresses  sins  of  uncleanness,  "  luxuriae 
concubinaticae,  luxuriosos  vel  adulteros  luxu- 
riam  explere  cum  consanguinea  sua."  (See  Du- 
cange,  s.  v.) 

'Ihe  church  from  the  very  first  assumed  an 
attitude  of  antagonism  to  luxury  in  every  form. 
Simple  and  comely  dress,  plain  food,  an  active, 
not  an  idle  life,  and  a  disregard  of  riches,  were 
the  outward  marks  of  a  Christian  profession ; 
and  the  circumstances  of  the  early  Christians 
were  obviously  such  as  to  restrain  any  tendency 
to  self-indulgence.  So  soon,  however,  as  the 
church  obtained  any  toleration  in  the  empire 
and  wealthy  members  joined  her  ranks,  the  case 
was  altered.  Even  as  early  as  the  2nd  century 
TertuUian  has  frequent  denunciations  against 
intemperate  "  voluptates."  He  will  not  allow 
the  public  shows  to  be  freque;:ted  by  Christians. 
"  The  state  of  faith,"  he  declares  (de  Spectac. 
c.  1),  "  the  argument  of  truth  and  the  rule  of 
discipline  bar  the  servants  of  God  from  the 
pleasures  of  the  public  shows."  The  outrageous 
immodesty  of  the  theatre,  no  less  than  the  con- 
tagion of  idolatry  in  the  whole  apparatus  of  the 
shows,  was  held  to  render  them  inconsistent  with 
the  renouncements  which  were  made  at  bap- 
tism. (For  the  words  of  renunciation,  see  Bap- 
Tisji,  L  160 ;  Renunciation.)  What  the  church 
opposed  was  not  festivity  in  itself,  but  the  vice 
inseparable  from  the  exhibition  of  the  public 
plays.  Cyprian,  for  example,  writing  to  Donatus 
(c.  7),  inveighs  with  severity  against  the  shows ; 
yet  he  dates  his  own  treatise  on  the  feast  of 
the  vintage  (ad  Donat.  c.  1),  which  he  implies 
that  he  was  himself  observing.  An  instance  of 
the  corruption  which  then  prevailed  in  theatri- 
cal representations  appears  from  the  play  which 
was  called  Maiuma,  part  of  which  consisted  in 
the  exhibition  of  naked  women  swimming  in 
water.  This  disgraceful  display  was  the  subject 
of  no  less  than  eight  imperial  laws,  and  was  not 
finally  prohibited  till  the  time  of  Arcadius  (Cod. 
Theod.  XV.  vi.  2). 


1066 


LUXURY 


The  tendency  to  luxury  in  the  adornment  of  ! 
the  person  in  the  2nd  and  3rd  centuries  is  ap- 
parent from  the  exhortations  of  TertuUiau  ((if 
Caltu-  Femin.)  and  Cyprian  (de  Hahitu  Virgin.'),  in 
the  West,  and  of  Clement  in  the  East  (Stromata, 
ii.  10).  They  could  not  tolerate  that  Christian 
women  should  exhibit  the  same  immodesty  in 
their  apparel,  and  should  deck  themselves  with 
the  same  meretricious  arts  as  were  common 
in  the  depraved  society  of  the  heathen  world. 
Cyprian  treats  of  what  is  becoming  in  dress  and 
Itehaviour  in  a  consecrated  virgin,  but  his 
treatise  also  exhibits  the  fashions  which  be- 
guiled women  generally  in  that  age.  He  warns 
them  (de  Habitu  Virgin,  c.  7)  against  exposins; 
their  face  and  figure  in  public  from  want  of 
modest  clothing ;  he  asks  (c.  9)  if  it  is  God's 
wish  that  their  ears  should  be  scarred  and  tra- 
versed with  costly  earrings,  or  that  a  circle  of 
black  should  be  drawn  round  the  eye ;  he  cau- 
tions them  against  tampering  with  what  God 
has  formed,  whether  with  "yellow  dye  or  black 
powder  or  rouge  ;  "  and  as  the  sum  of  the  matter 
he  gives  them  his  fatherly  advice,  "be  what  you 
were  fashioned  by  your  Father's  hand,  remain 
with  your  countenance  simple,  your  shoulders 
let  alone,  your  figure  natural,  wound  not  your 
•ears,  circle  not  arm  or  neck  with  precious  chain, 
fetter  not  ankles  with  golden  bonds,  stain  not 
your  hair,  and  keep  your  eyes  worthy  of  seeing 
God."  All  such  lascivious  arts  he  regards,  in 
common  with  other  Christian  fathers,  as  having 
been  taught  mankind  by  the  apostate  angels 
(Jhid.  c.  9).  Closely  allied  to  immodest  dressing 
is  wantonness  of  manners.  Cyprian  {ibid.  c.  iO) 
rebukes  those  of  his  flock  who  make  no  scruple 
when  they  attend  marriage  parties  of  abandoning 
themselves  to  revelry,  "they  interchange  unchaste 
speeches,  hear  what  is  unbecoming  and  say  what 
is  unlawful,  and  are  exposed  to  view,  and  coun- 
tenance with  their  presence  shameful  language 
and  convivial  excess."  The  wedding-feasts  very 
frequently  formed  an  excuse  for  riot;  and  the 
lascivious  singing  and  promiscuous  dancing  prac- 
tised on  these  occasions  were  brought  under 
canonical  censure.  The  clergy  more  than  once 
were  forbidden  {Cone.  Vend.  c.  11 ;  Cone.  Agath. 
c.  39)  to  sanction  such  gatherings  by  their  pre- 
sence. With  i-espect  to  bathing,  that  luxury 
was  not  altogether  prohibited,  but  the  public 
baths  were  to  be  used  with  a  regard  to  that 
honour  which  the  doctrine  of  the  Incarnation 
teaches  is  due  to  the  human  body.  As  a  proof 
of  the  need  that  the  church  should  regulate  the 
use  of  the  baths,  Cyprian  found  it  necessary  to 
exhort  even  the  virgins  to  abstain  from  bathing 
in  company  with  men  {de  Habitu  Virgin,  c.  11). 
For  a  fuller  account  of  these  various  develop- 
ments of  luxury,  see  Bathing,  Dancing,  Dress, 
Hair. 

Part  of  the  subject  of  over-indulgence  in 
the  pleasures  of  the  table  is  treated  under  the 
heading  of  Drunkennkss.  It  remains  to  notice 
the  efforts  of  the  church  to  check  luxury  iu  food. 
The  sumptuous  meals,  the  pains  and  expense 
lavished  in  obtaining  rare  delicacies,  the  un- 
bridled indulgence  of  the  appetite  which  pre- 
vailed among  the  wealthy  classes  of  the  Roman 
empire  are  matters  of  notoriety.  It  was  a  pri- 
mary duty  of  a  society,  one  of  whose  funda- 
mental moral  precepts  was  the  restraint  of 
fleshly  appetites,  to  make  a  stand  against  such 


LUXURY 

flagrant  abuses.  Tertullian  {Apolog.  c.  39)  con- 
trasts the  simplicity  of  the  Christian  agapao,  in 
which  the  guests  eat  as  much  as  hungry  men 
desire,  with  the  Apaturian  and  Bacchanal  fes- 
tivals, for  which  a  levy  of  cooks  is  ordered ;  and 
asks  his  opponents  which  is  most  likely  to  pro- 
pitiate heaven  in  time  of  calamity  {ibid.  c.  40), 
the  heathen  daily  fed  to  the  full  and  about  forth- 
with to  dine,  or  the  Christian  dried  up  with 
fasting  and  pinched  with  every  sort  of  abstinence. 
The  simplicity  of  the  agapae  did  not  long  sur- 
vive, and  some  allowance  must  be  made  for  Ter- 
tullian's  rhetorical  language,  and  his  own  habits 
of  rigid  self-denial ;  but  after  these  deductions 
sufficient  remains  to  shew  that  Christian  meals 
in  the  2nd  century  were  a  standing  protest 
against  luxury  and  excess  in  matter  of  food. 
Clement  of  Alexandria  inveighs  {Paedagog.  ii.  1) 
against  the  lavishness  and  gluttony  of  heathen 
meals,  and  exhorts  Christian  converts  to  be 
satisfied  with  plain  fare  ;  he  urges  that  meat 
should  be  eaten  without  sauces  and  boiled  rather 
than  roast,  but  recommends  in  preference  such 
food  as  olives,  herbs,  milk,  cheese,  fruit,  and 
honey.  Among  more  specific  directions  of  a  later 
date  the  fourth  council  of  Carthage,  a.d.  398 
(c.  15),  requires  the  African  bishops  to  maintain 
a  frugal  table.  The  plea  that  bishops  should  be 
free  in  entertaining  magistrates  and  others  in 
office  that  they  might  thus  obtain  readier  access 
to  them  to  intercede  for  criminals,  is  rejected  by 
Jerome  {Ep.  ad  Xepotian.  cc.  3,  4).  Judges,  he 
says,  will  shew  greater  respect  to  frugal  clergy 
than  to  luxurious  ones.  He  adds,  in  the  same 
epistle,  that  a  clergyman  who  takes  every  oppor- 
tunity of  going  to  the  entertainments  to  which 
he  is  invited  soon  sinks  in  estimation.  By  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions  (ii.  4)  widows  who  are 
brought  to  want  from  gluttony  or  idleness  are 
not  to  receive  relief  from  the  church.  The 
directions  in  the  Rule  of  Benedict,  which  was 
practical  rather  than  ascetic  in  its  aim,  give  the 
diet  which  was  considered  sufficient  for  all  the 
purposes  of  an  industrious  life  in  Italy  at  the 
beginning  of  the  6th  century.  Each  monk  was 
allowed  1  lb.  of  bread  daily,  but  flesh  only  in 
case  of  illness.  At  dinner  two  dishes  of  cooked 
pulmcntaria  were  to  be  placed  on  the  table,  and 
a  third  dish  of  fruit  and  salad  when  it  could 
be  got  {Eeguln,  cc.  39,  40).  The  composition  of 
these  "  pulmenta"  or  "  pulmentaria "  was  va- 
rious. Grain  and  vegetables  cooked  in  different 
ways  were  their  ordinary  ingredients.  Eggs,  fish, 
cheese,  and  even  fowls,  if  the  flesh  was  minced, 
were  admitted  into  them.  One  definition  states 
that  they  were  made  ex  mediae  qualitatis  ma- 
teria ;  another,  that  they  included  any  ordinary 
food  except  bread  and  meat.  (See  Ducange,  s.  v.) 
As  we  advance  into  the  middle  ages  the  ecclesi- 
astical injunctions  regarding  food  take  the  form 
of  prohibitions  of  gluttony  rather  than  of  luxury. 
Gross  feeding  was  one  of  the  particular  vices  of 
the  barbarian  tribes  which  were  being  gradually 
incorporated  into  the  church.  The  council  of 
Autuu,  A.D.  670  (Labbe,  Coneilia,  vi.  1888),  forbad 
any  priest  who  had  overeaten  himself  to  touch 
the  sacrifice.  In  the  Penitential  of  Gildas,  which 
probably  contains  the  earlier  canonical  rules  of 
the  British  church,  it  is  enacted  that  if  a  monk 
is  sick  from  too  much  food  on  a  day  when  he 
has  received  the  sacrifice,  he  shall  go  without 
his  supper  and  keep  seven  additional  fasts  Cc.  7) , 


LUXURY 

on  any  other  day  he  shall  keep  one  fast  aud  be 
severely  chideJ  (c.  8).  Similar  injunctions  are 
fdund  in  the  early  ecclesiastical  documents  of 
tho  Anglo-Saxon  church.  Theodore  in  his  Pcni- 
tctitid  (I.  i.  8)  imposes  a  penance  of  three  days 
on  any  one  making  himself  ill  by  gluttony,  with 
an  additional  penance  (c.  9)  if  the  ot^ence  is  com- 
mitted after  receiving  the  sacred  elements.  In 
these  rules  he  is  followed  by  Archbishop  Egbert, 
who  moreover  inflicts  ditferent  sentences  on 
ditfeient  orders.  Thus  a  '  clericus  '  overeating 
himself  is  to  fast  forty  days  {Poenitent.  xi.  7),  a 
monk  or  deacon  sixty,  a  priest  seventy,  a  bishop 
eighty  (Bed.  Poenitent.  vi.  3,  4).  Theodore  (I. 
i.  4)  made  an  exemption  in  favour  of  any  one 
who  had  been  fasting  a  long  time,  and  then  at 
Christmas  or  Easter,  or  any  of  the  saints'  days 
eat  moderately,  but  did  not  make  allowance  for 
the  weakness  which  succeeds  a  long  fast,  and 
causes  sickness  on  eating. 

The  eating  of  unclean  food  frequently  comes 
under  notice  in  the  Penitential  Books  of  the  7th 
;md  8th  centuries.  The  existence  of  these  decrees 
points  to  some  remote  influence  of  the  Mosaic 
Law  in  the  mediaeval  church,  and  also  indicates 
the  lingering  of  barbarous  habits  among  the 
converts  to  Christianity  in  the  remote  corners 
of  Europe.  The  Canones  Hihernenses  (Wasser- 
schleben.  Die  Bussordnungcn  der  Abendldndischen 
Eirche,  p.  136)  inflict  (c.  13)  four  years  on 
bread  and  water  on  any  eating  horseflesh ;  a 
severity  which  was  probably  called  for  by  some 
local  practices.  For  the  same  canons  only  impose 
(cc.  14,  15)  forty  days  on  those  who  eat  flesh 
which  dogs  have  torn  or  which  has  died  from 
natural  causes.  By  the  Penitential  of  Theodore 
(I.  vii.  6)  it  is  no  canonical  offence  if  carrion  is 
eaten  from  necessity.  In  the  case  (cc.  8,  9)  of 
food  which  has  been  contaminated  by  a  mouse 
or  weasel  having  been  drowned  in  it,  if  there  is 
a  small  quantity  it  must  be  thrown  away  ;  but 
if  there  is  much,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  sprinkle 
it  with  holy  water.  A  goat  or  deer  found  dead 
in  the  forest  (IL  xi.  1),  unless  there  is  some 
appearance  of  its  having  been  slain  by  the  hand 
of  man,  must  be  thrown  to  the  swine  or  dogs,  on 
no  account  be  eaten.  Birds  or  beasts  strangled 
in  nets  or  slain  by  hawks  (c.  2)  must  also  be 
rejected,  because  the  Capitnla  in  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles  prohibit  the  using  of  things  strangled. 
Fish,  however  (c.  3),  caught  in  a  net  may  be 
■eaten,  because  they  belong  to  another  order.  The 
direction  with  regard  to  horse-flesh  (c.  4)  differs 
from  the  Irish  canon.  Theodore  does  not  forbid 
it,  but  states  it  is  not  customary  to  eat  it.  Hares 
are  allowable  (c.  5),  their  flesh  is  said  to  be  good 
for  dysentery,  more  particularly  the  gall  mixed 
with  pepper.  The  Confessionale  of  Pseudo-Egbert 
adds  that  it  is  a  remedy  for  face-ache.  Bees 
(c.  9)  stinging  a  man  to  death  must  be  killed, 
but  their  honey  may  be  kept.  It  is  not  neces- 
sary to  reject  either  swine  or  fowl  (c.  7)  which 
have  fed  on  carrion  or  human  blood ;  but  any 
which  have  fed  on  human  flesh  must  not  be 
eaten  (c.  8)  till  the  meat  has  been  soaked.  Bede 
(Poenitential.  vii.)  lays  down  the  same  injunc- 
tions in  the  main  about  unclean  food.  In  these 
he  i.=  followed  by  Egbert,  with  some  curious 
varieties  of  penance.  Any  one  (Ec;bert,  Poerii- 
iential.  xiii.  4)  knowingly  eating  or  drinking  what 
Jias  been  polluted  by  a  cat  or  dog  shall  chant 
1.00  psalms,  or  fast  three  days  ;  if  the  ofi'ence  is 


LUXURY 


1067 


committed  unknowingly,  the  penalty  is  halved. 
So  any  secular  (c.  5)  deliberately  drinking  any 
liquor  in  which  a  mouse  or  a  weasel  has  been 
drowned,  shall  do  seven  days'  penance  in  a  mon- 
astery and  chant  300  psalms.  The  penalty  of 
eating  food  half  raw  was  three  days'  penance, 
or  chanting  the  psaltery. 

Luxuria  in  the  middle  ages  was  used  in  eccle- 
astical  language  to  signify  lust,  more  particu- 
larly such  indulgence  of  the  passions  as  was  not 
included  under  Adultery,  Fornication,  or  In- 
cest. The  lascivious  desire  which  stopped  short 
of  overt  act  was  not  generally  brought  under 
canonical  censure  ;  the  rule  of  discipline  being 
that  the  church  judges  actions  only,  and  of 
actions  those  alone  which  create  scandal.  Secret 
thoughts,  intentions,  and  desires  were  left  to  spi- 
ritual remedies.  So  the  council  of  Neocaesarea, 
A.D.314  (c.  4),  merely  states  that  any  man  who 
desires  to  sleep  with  a  woman  and  does  not 
accomplish  it,  has  fallen  from  grace.  No  men- 
tion is  made  of  penance.  Even  the  Penitentials 
which  pursue  offenders  into  the  minutest  details, 
either  assign  no  penalty  to  a  desire,  or  a  very 
slight  one.  The  British  canonical  book  which 
bears  the  name  of  the  Penitential  of  Vinniaus 
(Wasserschleben,  p.  108)  states  that  if  a  man 
has  meditated  uncleauness  but  checked  himself, 
although  the  sin  is  the  same,  the  penitence  mav 
be  light.  And  Theodore  (I.  ii.  21,  22)  only  bid"s 
such  a  man  seek  pardon  from  God ;  but  if  he 
has  proceeded  to  wanton  words,  then  he  must 
be  a  penitent  for  seven  days.  Kissing  a  woman 
per  desiderium  was  punished  with  twenty  days 
(I.  viii.  2).  Rape  was  severely  visited,  both  by 
civil  and  ecclesiastical  law.  One  of  the  laws  of 
Constantine  {Cod.  Tlieod.  IX.  xxiv.  1)  condemned 
to  the  flames  not  only  any  one  who  committed 
a  rape  on  a  virgin,  but  even  carried  her  off  with 
her  own  consent  against  the  will  of  her  parents. 
This  severity  was  a  little  modified  by  Constantius 
(^ihid.  c.  2)  ;  the  crime  was  still  a  capital  one, 
but  only  slaves  guilty  of  it  were  to  be  burned. 
Under  Jovian  the  scope  of  the  law  was  extended 
{Cod.  Theod.  IX.  xxv.  2),  not  only  was  it  a  capi- 
tal offence  to  ravish  a  consecrated  virgin,  but 
even  to  solicit  her  to  marry  against  the  rule  of 
her  profession,  whether  she  was  willing  or  not. 
The  offence  was  also  brought  under  canonical 
discipline.  The  Apostolical  Canons  (c.  66)  expel 
from  the  church  the  man  who  offers  violence  to 
a  virgin  not  espoused  to  him,  and  prohibits  his 
marrying  any  one  but  her  however  poor  she  may 
be.  Basil  assigns  (ad  Amphiloc.  c.  22)  four  years' 
penance  to  one  carrying  off  a  virgin  espoused  to 
another  man;  and  directs  (£*/).  244)  that  not 
only  shall  the  man  himself  suffer,  but  all  his 
accomplices  shall  be  censured,  even  to  his  family 
and  the  inhabitants  of  his  village.  The  proof  of 
the  widespread  existence  of  unnatural  crime 
during  the  decay  of  the  empire  is  too  strong  to 
be  questioned  (Clement  Alex.  Paedagog.  ii.  10 ; 
Cyprian,  cont.  Donat.  c.  8).  And  no  serious 
efforts  were  made  by  the  heathen  emperors  to 
put  an  end  to  it  (see  the  authorities  quoted 
by  Bingham,  Antiq.  XVI.  ix.  11).  In  the  Chris- 
tian imperial  code,  however,  it  was  treated  with 
extreme  severity.  Constantine  ordered  {Cod. 
Theod.  IX.  vii.  3)  that  offenders  should  be  exe- 
cuted ;  and  Theodosius  {ibid.  c.  6)  that  they 
sliould  be  burned.  The  decrees  of  the  church  on 
the  subject  shew  that  even  Christians  were  not 


1068 


LYCAEION 


altogether  clean.  TertuUian  (de  Pudicit.  c.  4) 
states  that  oflenders  were  kept  not  only  from  the 
porch  of  the  church,  but  from  contact  with  any 
part  of  the  building,  for  such  sins  were  not  "de- 
licta  "  but  "  monstra."  The  council  of  Elvira,  A.D. 
305  (c.  71),  denies  them  communion  even  at  death. 
By  a  canon  of  Ancyra,  A.D.  314  (c.  16),  those 
guilty  before  the  age  of  twenty  were  to  do 
penance  as  prostrators  fifteen  years,  and  then 
to  be  permitted  to  join  in  the  prayers  only  for 
another  five  years  before  being  admitted  to  full 
communion ;  if  they  are  older  than  twenty,  ten 
years  are  to  be  added  to  the  penance;  and  if 
they  exceed  fifty  years,  then  they  are  to  be 
granted  communion  only  at  death.  Basil  (cc.  7, 
62,  63)  fixes  their  penance  at  either  twenty  or 
thirty  years.  The  Penitentials  which  represent 
the  ecclesiastical  code  of  races  which  had  not  yet 
cast  oft'  the  vices  of  barbarism,  abound,  as  might 
be  expected,  with  injunctions  against  unnatural 
lusts.  In  the  British  code  the  Penitential  Book 
of  Gildas  (c.  1)  lays  down  in  curious  detail  the 
punishment  of  a  presbyter  or  deacon  who  had  so 
sinned.  His  penance  was  to  extend  over  three 
years,  every  hour  of  which  he  was  to  beg  pardon, 
and  every  week  he  was  to  add  an  extra  act  of 
penance  (superpositionem)  except  on  the  fifty 
days  after  Easter :  on  the  Lord's  day  he  might 
eat  bread  without  stint,  and  some  dish  fattened 
with  butter,  but  on  other  days  he  was  to  take 
only  a  British  formella  of  dried  bread  (paxima- 
tium)  and  vegetables  and  a  few  eggs.  His  allow- 
ance of  drink  was  to  be  a  Roman  hemina  of  milk 
to  recruit  his  strength,  but  if  he  had  work  to  do, 
he  was  to  be  given  a  Roman  sextarius  of  skimmed 
(tenuclae  vel  bolthutae)  milk  :  his  bed  was  to 
be  made  without  much  grass ;  and  if  at  the  end 
of  a  year  and  a  half  he  shewed  deep  repentance  he 
might  receive  the  eucharist  and  sing  the  psalms 
again  with  the  brothers.  By  the  Penitential  of 
Theodore  (I.  vii.  1)  boys  polluting  themselves 
were  to  be  flogged  ;  and  an  offence  against  nature 
combined  with  any  other  crimen  capitale  was  to 
be  expiated  onl}-  b}'  seclusion  in  a  monastery  for 
life.  For  further  particulars  on  a  matter  which 
does  not  admit  of  detail,  but  where  the  details 
are  only  too  numerous,  the  reader  is  referred  to 
these  early  Penitential  Books  (Theodor.  I.  ii.  vii.  ; 
Bed.  iii. ;  Egbert,  iv.  v.)  [G.  M.] 

LYCAEION,  monk,  martyr  with  Martha  and 
Mary,  commemorated  Feb.  8  (Basil,  Menol.). 

[C.  H.] 
LYDIA  (1)  Purple-seller  of  Thyatira,  com- 
memorated Aug.  3  {Acta  SS.  Aug.  i.  199). 

[C.  H.] 
(2)  Wife  of  Philetus,  a  senator,  martyr,  com- 
memorated March  27  (Basil,  Menol.').       [C.  H.] 


LYING.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  mere 
uttering  of  a  falsehood,  apart  from  any  injury  it 
might  inflict,  was  brought  under  ecclesiastical 
censure.  TertuUian,  writing  after  he  had  joined 
the  Montanists,  and  not  likely  therefore  to  err  on 
the  side  of  laxity,  contrasts  {de  Pudicit.  c.  19) 
the  deadly  sins  which  were  visited  with  excom- 
munication with  those  lighter  offences  of  daily 
incursion  of  which  discipline  took  no  cognizance  ; 
and  among  these  latter  he  enumerates  thought- 
lessly speaking  evil,  rash  swearing,  the  breaking 
of  a  promise,  and  the  telling  of  a  lie  from  shame 


LYONS,  COUNCIL  OF 

or  necessity.  This  list  does  not  include  perjury, 
which  was  treated  as  a  grave  canonical  ofl'ence. 
[Oaths.]  Whether  and  under  what  circum- 
stances it  was  held  pardonable  by  any  of  the 
fathers  to  tamper  with  the  truth,  is  a  matter 
difficult  to  decide  absolutely.  Passages  may  be 
adduced  which  support  a  strict  adherence  to 
veracity  at  all  times  and  at  all  hazards  :  on  the 
other  hand  there  are  passages  which  seem  to 
countenance  equivocation  or  economy.  What  is 
beyond  question  is  that  they  did  not  attempt  to 
build  up  a  system  of  accurate  casuistry.  That 
is  the  production  of  a  later  age.  A  collection  of 
quotations  bearing  on  the  subject  will  be  found 
in  Jeremy  Taylor  {Ductor  Dubitantium,  III.  ii.  5). 
One  of  the  tenets  which  Augustine  charges 
(contra  Mendac.)  the  Priscillianists  with  uphold- 
ing is,  that  they  were  at  liberty  to  forswear 
themselves  in  order  to  conceal  their  secret  doc- 
trines. 

On  false  witness  the  imperial  code,  following 
the  early  Roman  law,  aflfixed  a  heavy  penalty. 
The  false  accuser  was  to  undergo  the  same 
punishment  {Cod.  Theod.  IX.  xxxix.  1,  2,  3; 
XVI.  ii.  21)  which  his  accusation,  had  it  been 
substantiated,  would  have  brought  upon  the  ac- 
cused. This  law  of  retaliation  was  to  hold  good 
(ibid.  IX.  i.  9,  14)  whether  the  false  charge 
attacked  another's  reputation  or  property  or  life. 
The  frequent  mention  of  the  same  offence  in  the 
canonical  law  shews  that  the  evil  was  wide- 
spread in  the  church.  The  council  of  Elvira, 
A.D.  305  (c.  74),  sentences  a  false  witness  to  five 
years'  abstention  from  communion ;  the  kindred 
but,  in  the  circumstances  of  the  early  church,  far 
graver  offence  of  "  delatio  "  was  visited  by  a  life- 
long exclusion  (c.  73).  [Informer.]  The  council 
of  Agde,  A.D.  506  (c.  37),  puts  false  witnesses 
in  the  same  category  with  murderers,  and  ex- 
communicates them  in  general  terms  till  they 
repent  (cf.  Cone.  Venet.  c.  1 ;  IV.  Cone.  Carthag. 
c.  55).  The  legislation  with  regard  to  libel  occu- 
pies a  chapter  of  the  Theodosian  Code  (IX.  xxxiv. 
de  famosis  libellis).     [Libel.]  [G.  ]\I.] 

LYONS,  COUNCIL  OF  (Lugdunensia  Con- 
cilia). Of  the  councils  of  Lyons,  several  have 
been  misnamed  and  misnumbered. 

1.  Said  to  have  been  held  A.D.  197,  because 
this  seems  to  have  been  the  year  in  which  St. 
Irenaeus  addressed  a  letter,  in  the  name  of  the 
brethren  in  France,  over  whom  he  ruled,  to 
pope  Victor,  on  the  disputed  question  of  keeping 
Easter,  and  because  Eusebius  speaks  in  general 
terms  of  synods  and  meetings  of  bishops  having 
been  held  in  connection  with  it  (E.  H.  v.  23-4, 
comp.  Mansi,  i.  715  and  726). 

2.  A.D.  475,  when  a  priest  named  Lucidus  is 
said  to  have  retracted  his  errors  on  predestina- 
tion. But  the  only  record  of  this  is  found  in  a 
work  of  Faustus,  bishop  of  Riez,  who  was  him- 
self a  semi-Pelagian. 

3  and  4.  A.D.  501  and  516,  in  which  St.  Avitus, 
of  Vienne,  is  supposed  to  have  taken  part.  But 
the  first  was  a  mere  conference  between  the 
orthodox  and  the  Arians  (Mansi,  viii.  241,  comp. 
Pagi  ad  Baron.  A.D.  501,  n.  4),  and  to  the  second 
he  refers  himself  but  casually  (Ep.  xxviii.  comp. 
Mansi,  ib.  537). 

6.  A.D.  517,  where  Viventiolus,  bishop  of 
Lyons,  with  ten  others,  passed  and  subscribed  to 
six  canons.     In  the  first  of  these,  the  twentieth 


LYRE 

canon  passed  at  Epaone  respecting  incestuous 
marriages,  was  reaffirmed  with  special  application 
to  Stephen,  an  official  of  king  Sigismund,  whose 
possible  displeasure  may  have  dictated  the  second 
and  third.  St.  Avitus  is  also  thought  to  have 
taken  part  in  this  council,  but  he  is  not  named 
among  those  who  subscribed  to  it.  The  title 
given  to  it  of  the  first  council  of  Lyons  is  mis- 
leading; and  several  canons  are  cited  by  Bur- 
chard  and  others  as  of  this  council,  for  which 
there  would  seem  to  be  no  foundation  (Mansi, 
viii.  567-74). 

6.  Held  A.D.  567,  by  command  of  king  Gun- 
tram,  and  called  the  second  council  of  Lyons,  in 
which  two  bishops,  named  Salonius  and  Sagit- 
tarius, were  condemned  ;  eight  bishops  and  six 
representatives  of  absent  bishops  subscribed  to 
its  canons,  six  in  number  ;  the  bishop  of  Vienne 
subscribing  first,  and  of  Lyons  second.  Canon  2 
decrees  that  the  wills  of  the  departed  should  be 
religiously  maintained  and  carried  out,  even 
when  they  ran,  or  seemed  to  run,  counter  to  the 
civil  law.  Canon  4  decrees  that  persons  sus- 
pended from  cominuuion  are  to  be  restored 
only  by  him  who  suspended  them.  Canon  6  is 
of  a  piece  with  the  second  and  third  of  Gerona. 
(JIansi,  ix.  785-90,  comp.  Cone.  Gerund.) 

7.  Held  A.D.  589,  under  king  Guntram,  and 
called  the  third  council  of  Lyons.  Here  the 
bishop  of  Lyons  subscribed  first,  and  of  Vienne 
second,  of  eight  present  bishops,  and  twelve  who 
subscribed  through  their  representatives.  Once 
more  the  number  of  canons  passed  was  six ;  in 
most  cases  for  giving  eflect  to  former  canons. 
By  the  sixth  lepers  are  to  be  sufficiently  fed  and 
clothed  by  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  to  which 
they  belong,  and  not  allowed  to  be  wanderers 
(Mansi,  Ix.  941-4).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

LYEE.  The  lyre  is  borne  by  the  mystic 
Orpheus  (see  Aringhi,  vol.  i.  pp.  547,  563,  both 
pictures  from  vaultings  of  the  Callixtine  cata- 
comb, and  Fresco,  L  696),  and  is  held  to  repre- 
sent the  attractive  power  of  the  Lord.  Aringhi 
quotes  St.  John  xi. :  "  And  I,  if  I  be  lifted  up,  will 
draw  all  men  to  Me,"  and  proceeds  to  reflect  on 
the  lyre  of  Orpheus,  "  qui  dulcisonis  et  concin- 
natis  ad  plectrum  vocibus  feras  pertrahebat." 
Eusebius  makes  ingenious  use  of  the  simile  in 
his  oration  de  Laudihus  Constantini  Imp.,  where 
he  speaks  of  the  Lord's  saving  all,  "  by  the  instru- 
ment of  the  human  body  with  which  He  invested 
Himself;  not  otherwise  than  Orpheus  the  singer, 
who  makes  known  his  skill  in  art  by  his  lyre, 
so  that,  as  it  is  said  in  the  Greek  tales,  he  could 
tame  all  kinds  of  beasts  with  his  singing ;  and 
by  touching  the  strings  of  his  instrument  with 
the  plectrum,  could  soften  the  wrath  of  merciless 
wild  beasts." 

Clemens  Alexandrinus  {Paedag.  iii.  1 1,  p.  246  d) 
includes  the  lyre  among  the  symbols  permitted 
to  be  used  as  signets.  [Gems,  L  712,  716.] 
For  a  curious  illustration  of  the  symbolic  lyre 
of  the  passions  or  bodilv  nature,  see  Calf,  L  258. 
[R.  St.  J.  T.] 


MACAEIUS 


1069 


M 

MACALLEUS,  bishop  in  Cruachadia  in 
Ireland,  5th  century  ;  commemoi-ated  April  25 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii.  366).  [C.  H.] 

MACAEIA  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
Feb.  28  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Commemorated  at  Alexandria  April  6 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  or  MACHARIA,  commemorated  at  An- 
tioch  April  7  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.).  [C.  H.J 

MACARIUS  or  MACHARIUS  (1)  Alex- 
andrinus or  Urbanus,  abbat ;  commemorated 
Jan.  2.  (Hieron.  Mart.;  Usuard.  Mart.;  Vet. 
Bom.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  i.  84.)  Commemorated  by  the  Greeks 
Jan.  19.  (Cal.  Byzant. ;  Acta  SS.  1.  c. ;  Basil. 
Menol.  designating  him  Romanus.) 
•  (2)  Aegyptius,  presbyter  and  abbat  in 
Scithis;  commemorated  Jan.  15  {Vet.  Bom. 
Mart.  ;  Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  1007).  Commemorated  by  the 
Greeks  Jan.  19.  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzmit.  ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  25 ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan. 
i.  84,  1007.) 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated,  not  said  where, 
Jan.  23  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart,  Auct.). 

(4)  Martyr,  commemorated  Jan.  26  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(5)  Commemorated  with  Eufinus,  Feb.  28 
(Usuard.  Mart.). 

(6)  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  confessor,  4th  cen- 
tury, commemorated  Mar.  10  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Mar.  ii.  34). 

(7)  Bishop  of  Bordeaux  4th  or  6th  century, 
commemorated  May  4  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mav,  i. 
492). 

(8)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Lyon,  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(9)  Martyr  with  Megetia  of  Milan  ;  com- 
memorated July  16  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  July,  iv.  129). 

(10)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Antioch, 
July  19  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Laodicea, 
July  28  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(12)  Commemorated  with  Eugenius  Aug.  5 
{Cal.  Arm.);  assigned  to  Dec.  20  in  Basil,  iUfcno?. 
For  references  to  him  in  some  codices  of  the 
Sacramentary,  see  Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sacr.  22,  305, 
Migne. 

(13)  Martyr  with  Julianus  in  Syria;  com- 
memorated Aug.  12  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Vet.  Bom. 
Mart.;  Usuard.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii. 
700). 

(14)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia, 
Aug.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(15)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria  ;  commemorated 
Sept.  1  {Cal.  Acthiop.). 

(16)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Nicaea,  Oct. 
21  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(17)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Puteoli,  Oct,. 
21  {Hieron.  Mart.). 


1070 


MACCABEES 


(18)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa,  Nov.  9 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

(19)  One  of  Libyan  birth;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  Dec.  8  (  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.). 

(20)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria ;  commemo- 
rated Dec.  27  {_Cal.  Aethiop.).  [C.  H.] 

MACCABEES,  seven  brothers  martyred  at 
Antioch  with  their  mother  under  Antiochus ; 
oommemorated  Aug.  1  {Ilieron.  Mart.  ;  Vet. 
Bom.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  ;  Basil,  Menol).  As- 
signed to  July  30  in  Cal.  Armen.  ;  mentioned  in 
some  codices  of  the  Gregorian  sacrameutary 
(Lib.  Sacram.  409,  Migne).  [C.  H.] 

MACCARTHENNUS,  bishop  of  Clochora  in 
Ireland,  confessor  A.D.  506  ;  commemorated  Aug. 
15  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iii.  209).  [C.  H.] 

MACEDONIUS  (1)  Critiiophagus,  Syrian 
anchoret ;  commemorated  Jan.  24  (Cal.  Byzaiit. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  593). 

(2)  Commemorated  in  Asia  Mar.  12  (Hicron. 
Mart.). 

(3)  Presbyter  at  Nicomedia,  martyred  with 
his  wife  Patricia  and  daughter  Modesta;  com- 
memorated March  13  (Ilieron.  Mart. ;  Bed. 
Mart.;  Vet.  Ron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Mar.  ii.  260). 

(4)  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  6th  century ; 
commemorated  April  25  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap. 
iii.  369). 

(6)  Martyred  with  two  youths  in  Greece; 
commemorated  June  28  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June 
V.  358). 

(6)  Martyred  with  Theodulus  and  Tatianus 
in  Phrygia  ;  commemorated  Sept.  12  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Sept.  iv.  20). 

(7)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Caesarea, 
Nov.  1  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  JIartyr  ;  commemorated  in  the  citj-  of 
Austis  Nov.  21  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MACELLINUS,  martyr,  his  deposit  io  at 
r.ome  June  2  (^Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MACHADORUS%  ]\Iartyr  with  others  at 
Antioch;  commemorated  July  19  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  July,  iv.  587).  '  [C.  H.] 

MACH ALDUS,  bishop  in  the  Island  of  Mona, 
5th  centurj' ;  commemorated  Ap.  25.  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Ap.  iii.  366).  [C.  H.] 

MACHAONIA,  martyr  in  Africa;  comme- 
morated Dec.  15  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MACHARIA.    [Macaria.] 

MACHARIUS.    [Macarius.] 

MACHARUS  (1)  Commemorated  April  12 
(^Micron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Commemorated  July  10  at  Alexandria 
and  at  Antioch  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MACHROSA,  martyr  in  Africa  ;  commemo- 
rated Dec.  15  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.l 

»  Macbadorus  is  the  heading  of  Acta  S.?. ;  but  in  the 
text  Macedo,  while  Hieron.  Mart,  (which  is  the  authority 
quoted)  has  Macharius,  in  Migne.  Potthast  also  gives 
Wachadorus. 


MACON,  COUNCILS  OF 

MACHUTUS,  bishop;  his  depositio  comme- 
morated at  Antioch,  Nov.  15  (Hieron.  Mart.). 
[C.  H.] 
MACIDALES,   martyr;    commemorated  at 
Rome,  June  12  (Hieron.  Mart.).     [Magdales.] 
[C.  H.] 
MACNISCIUS,  bishop  of  Coneria,   or  Con- 
nereth,  in  Ireland,  6th  century ;   commemorated 
Sept.  3  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  i.  664).        [C,  H.] 

MACON,^  COUNCILS  OF  (Matisco7iensia 
Concilia).  Three  councils  of  Macon  are  recorded  ; 
the  two  first  being  held  by  command  of  king 
Guntram. 

1.  A.D.  581,  when  21  bishops  subscribed  to  19 
canons :  Prisons  of  Lyons  first,  and  Evantius  of 
Yienne  next.  In  their  preface  they  declare  they 
are  not  going  to  make  new  canons  so  much  as 
sanction  the  old.  Yet  their  6th  canon  is  novel, 
as  well  in  speaking  of  archbishops  at  all,  as  in 
ordering  that  they  shall  not  say  mass  without 
their  palls.  So  is  the  7th,  which  threatens  civil 
judges  with  excommunication  if  they  proceed 
against  any  clerk,  except  on  criminal  chai-ges. 
So  is  the  9th,  which  orders  Mondays,  Wednes- 
days, and  Fridays  from  Nov.  11  to  Dec.  25  to 
be  kept  as  fasts.  Others  relating  to  married 
priests  and  bishops,  and  to  the  Jews  in  general, 
are  remarkable  for  their  severity.  Nine  more 
canons  are  cited  by  Burchard  and  others  as 
having  been  passed  at  this  council.  (Mansi,  ix. 
931-940.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

2.  A.D.  585,  when  43  present  and  20  absent 
bishops,  through  their  deputies,  subscribed  to  20 
canons.  In  their  preface  Priscus,  bishop  of 
Lyons,  is  styled  patriarch.  The  first  canon  is 
a  short  homily  for  the  better  observance  of 
Sunday.  By  the  second,  no  work  may  be  done 
for  six  days  at  Easter.  In  the  sixth,  the  41st 
African  canon  is  quoted  with  approval,  which 
orders  that  the  Eucharist  shall  be  celebrated  ou 
all  days  of  the  year  but  one  fasting ;  and 
further  provision  is  made  for  what  remains  after 
celebration,  by  directing  that  it  shall  be  con- 
sumed by  persons  of  unblemished  character, 
brought  to  church  for  that  purpose,  and  enjoined 
to  come  fasting,  on  Wednesdays  and  Fridays, 
having  been  first  sprinkled  with  wine.  By  the 
seventh,  slaves  that  have  been  set  free  b}'  the 
church  are  not  to  be  molested  before  the  magis- 
trate. By  the  eighth,  none  that  have  taken 
sanctuary  may  be  touched  till  the  priest  has 
been  consulted.  By  the  ninth  and  tenth,  the 
civil  power  may  not  proceed  against  any  bishop, 
except  through  his  metropolitan ;  nor  against 
any  priest,  deacon,  or  sub-deacon,  except  through 
their  bishop.  By  the  sixteenth,  no  relict  of  a 
sub- deacon,  exorcist,  or  acolyth  may  marry 
again.  By  the  nineteenth,  clerks  may  not  fre- 
quent courts  where  capital  causes  are  tried. 
The  twentieth  orders  the  holding  of  councils 
every  .  three  years,  and  charges  the  bishop  of 
Lyons  with  assembling  them,  subject  to  the  as- 
sent of  the  king,  who  is  to  fix  where  they  shall 
meet.  King  Guntram,  in  a  dignified  ordinance, 
published  at  the  close  of  this  council,  intimates 
that  the  civil  authority  will  not  hesitate  to 
step  in,  if  the  canons  are  not  enforced  with  due 
rigour.     (Mansi,  ix.  947-64.) 

3.  A.D.  624,  or  four  or  five  years  earlier,  ac- 
cording to  JIansi,  when  the  rule  of  St.  CoJum- 


MACORUS 

ban,  which  a  monk  named  Agrestinus  had  at- 
tacked, was  vindicated  by  Eustasius,  abbat  of 
Luxeuil,  his  successor.  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MACORUS,  martyr  in  Africa ;  commemo- 
rated Apr.  17  {Hieron.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MACRA  (1)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Rheims,  about 
A. P.  303,  under  the  praeses  Rictiovarus  ;  com- 
memorated Jan.  6  (Usuard.  Mart, ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart. ;  Bed.  3£art.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i. 
324). 

(2)  Virgin,  martyr,  in  Mauritania  Caesari- 
ensis  ;  commemorated  Jan.  9  (Vet.  Rom.  Mart.). 
The  name  occurs  as  Martiana  in  Ado.       [C.  H.] 

MACRIANA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Macritmum 
Concilium),  held  at  Macriana  in  Africa,  A.D.  418, 
according  to  some,  the  only  evidence  for  it  being 
two  canons  in  the  collection  of  Ferrandus  (n.  1 1 
and  23),  each  attributed  to  a  council  of  that 
name  (Mansi,  iv.  439,  and  see  African  Coun- 
cils). [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MACRINA  (1)  Grandmother  of  St.  Basil,  at 
Neocaesarea  in  Pontus ;  commemorated  Jan.  14. 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  952). 

(2)  Sister  of  Basil  the  Great ;  commemorated 
July  19  (Basil,  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  2G4). 

(3)  Commemorated  at  Rome  July  20  (Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MACRINUS,  martyr  with  Valerianus  and 
Gordianus ;  commemorated  at  Nivedunum,  or 
Nyon,  Sept.  17  (Usuard.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.).  [C.  H.] 

MACROBIUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
at  Milan,  May  7  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Alexandria, 
July  13  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Damascus, 
July  20  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.)  ; 
called  Magrobius  in  Hieron.  Mart. 

(4)  Of  Cappadocia,  martyr  with  Gordianus 
and  others,  under  Licinius  ;  commemorated  Sept. 
13  (Basil,  Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  iv.  55). 

[C.  H.] 
MACULUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Pe- 
vusia  in  Etruria,  Ap.  29  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MADELBERTA  virgin,  abbess  of  Mau- 
beuge,  about  A.D.  705 ;  commemorated  Sept.  7 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  iii.  103).  [C.  H.] 

MADELGISILUS,  hermit  at  Centulum  (St. 
Riquier)  in  Picardy,  in  the  7th  century  ;  comme- 
morated May  30  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  vii.  264). 
[C.  H.] 

MADIARIA,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Antioch  March  26  (Hieron.  Ifart.).         [C.  H.] 

MADIEI.LIUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated 
Sept.  19  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MADILAMA,  virgin,  martyr;  commemo- 
rated Sept.  17  (Cal.  Acthiop.).  [C.  H.] 

MADNESS,  TREATMENT  OF.  [Demo- 
niacs, I.  543 ;  P:xorcis.m,  I.  650  ;  Hiemantes, 
1.772.] 

MAENA,  martyr  in  Sicily ;  commemorated 
June  4  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 


MAGI 


1071 


MAFORS  (or  Mavors ;  sometimes  Mafora  ; 
Mafwpiov  or  fj.a(p6piov)  was  a  short  veil  covering 
the  head  and  neck,  and  flovving  down  upon  the 
shoulders. 

I.  It  was  originally  an  article  of  female  dress  : 
a  cloak  or  veil.  St.  Athanasius  mentions  that 
the  niaforium  of  the  Virgin  Mary  was  believed 
in  his  time  to  be  preserved  in  the  palace  of  the 
Blachernal  at  Constantinople — Tb  Se  ayiov 
fxa(p6piov  deoroKOv  Iv  'BKax^pva.is  /ce7.  It  is  de- 
fined in  a  MS.  Greek  Glossary,  quoted  by  Du 
Cange,  as  ireirKov,  yvvaiKftov  ifiaTtov.  Another 
calls  it  distinctly  a  veil,  rb  ttjs  Ke<pa\T\s  trepi- 
^\.-i)lxa,  and  Suidas  (Lexicon)  treats  it  as  syn- 
onymous with  ricinium,  a  band  for  the  head. 

II.  The  term  was  also  applied  to  a  large  coarse 
cape  or  hood,  worn  by  monks  in  the  Eastern 
church:  the  monkish  scapular.  Cassian  (de 
Habitu  Monachor.  i.  c.  7)  describes  it  thus  : 
"Post  haec  angusto  pallio  tam  amictus  humi- 
litatem,  quam  vilitatem  pretii,  compendiumque 
sectantes,  colla  pariter  atque  humeros  tegunt  ; 
quod  mafortes  tam  ipsorum  quam  nostro  nun- 
cupatur  eloquio."  It  was  the  working  dress 
of  monks,  and  a  passage  in  Fortunatus  (  Vita  S- 
Hilarii,  c.  ii.  n.  2)  seems  rather  to  shew  that 
the  habit  of  a  monk  of  peculiar  sanctity  would 
sometimes  be  folded  or  draped  around  his  tomb  ; 
for  he  calls  it  "  peplum  seu  velum  quo  sepulcra 
et  tumbae  sanctorum  obvolvebantur. "  That, 
at  all  events,  is  the  apparent  meaning  of  the- 
passage. 

III.  Some  writers  reckon  mafortes  among  the 
vestments  used  in  the  services  of  the  church, 
i.e.  as  a  cope  or  amice.  "  Mafortem  tramoseri- 
cum  rodomelinum  aquilatum  ;  item  mafortem  e 
teleoporphyro  tramosericum  opus  marinum " 
(Charta  Cornittiana,  quoted  by  Ducange). 

Cassian  states  that  this  habit  was  not 
generally  used  by  monks  in  the  West. 

[S.  J.  E.] 

MAGARUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  at 
Thessalonica  Feb.  27  (Hieron.  Mart.) . 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Sept. 
1 0  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAGDALENE,  MARY.     [Maria  (16).] 

MAGDALES,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Tripoli  June  12.  Thus  the  Bollandists  read  the 
text  of  Hieron.  Mart.,  where  Migne  reads  Tri- 
polis  and  Macidales  in  a  list  of  martyrs  at  Rome 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii.  507  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 
[C.  H.] 

MAGDALVEUS,  bishop  of  Verdun,  con- 
fessor ;  commemorated  Oct.  4  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Oct.  ii.  499).  [C.  H.J 

MAGI,  adoration  of;  commemorated  Dec.  25 
(Basil,  Menol.).     Compare  Magi  in  Art. 

[C.  H.] 

MAGI  (in  Art)  (1)  before  Herod.  Two 
instances  of  this  rare  subject  have  been  discovered 
by  the  industry  of  M.  Kohault  de  Fleury,  and 
are  figured  in  his  beautiful  work  L'Evangile 
(Tours,  1875),  which  is  illustrated  entirely  from 
early  art.  One  is  from  a  rude  fresco  in  the 
catacomb  of  St.  Agnes,  of  which  we  subjoin  a 
woodcut,  without  being  able  to  speak  with  any 
certainty  as  to  its  date,  though  De  Floury  attri- 
butes it  to  the  2nd  century.  The  magi  bear 
their  gifts,  and  the  star  is  very  prominent.     la 


1072 


MAGI 


the  original  Herod's  face  has  a  look  of  anger  and 
suspicion,  but  this  may  possibly  hare  been  in- 
serted or  enhanced  by  some  ingenious  copyist  or 


other  ■workman,  nothing  being  easier  than  sinister 
expression,  especially  in  the  large-headed  and 
large-eyed  drawings  of  the  Roman  decadence. 
The  second  example  is  from  the  mosaics  of  Sta. 
Maria  Maggiore  at  Rome,  and  is  one  of  the  ori- 
ginal mosaics  of  the  5th  century.  Herod  bears 
the  nimbus,  a  rather  singular  instance  of  its 
occurrence  so  early.  Hebrew  elders  are  with  him 
unfolding  their  rolls  of  prophecy,  and  gazing  upon 
him  in  a  manner  which  appears  to  disquiet  him, 
as  though  the  text  of  St.  Matt.  ii.  3  was  in  the 
mind  of  the  artist,  and  could  not  have  been 
more  graphically  expressed  by  Raffi^elle  himself. 
Of  the  three  kings,  or  magi,  two  wear  the  Phry- 
gian bonnet  or  helmet,  the  third,  who  is  of  very 
youthful  appearance,  having  long  curled  hair. 
They  all  wear  long  close-fitting  hose,  apparently 
much  ornamented  down  the  front  of  the  leg, 
with  short  tunics,  altogether  presenting  a  rather 
mediaeval  appearance.  Martigny  refers  to  the 
painting  in  St.  Agnes  (see  woodcut),  and  says 
that  Herod  is  supposed  in  it  to  be  protesting 
with  hand  on  heart  his  good  intentions  towards 


MAGI 

the  Holy  Child.  See  also  Ferret,  vol.  ii.  pi. 
xlviii.  He  mentions  a  sarcophagus  at  Ancoua, 
for  which  he  refers  to  Bartoli,  Sopra  tm'  area 
marmorea,  etc.,  Torino,  1768,  which  contains 
the  same  subject,  with  many  figures.  It  will  be 
found  among  Mr.  Parker's  Photographs,  No. 
2677,  vol.  xviii.  Another  at  Aries  bears  the  first 
scene  of  the  history,  the  magi  in  the  act  of  ob- 
serving the  star,  two  pointing  it  out  ^  to  the 
third.  Figured  in  Rohault  de  Fleury,  L'L'cangile, 
vol.  i.  p.  62. 

(2)  Adoration  of.  A  special  interest  is  at- 
tached to  the  subject  of  the  Wise  Men  in  the 
primitive  ages.  It  seems  to  have  retained  its 
hold  more  strongly  on  the  Christian  imagination 
than  many  others,  and  has  always  been  a  fa- 
vourite of  graphic  artists. 

The  number  of  magi  is  almost  always  three. 
Two  or  four  sometimes  occur,  and  Martigny 
attributes  such  changes  of  treatment  to  artistio 
motives.  But  a  very  different  account  is  given 
by  Mr.  Hemans  (^Historical  and  Monumental 
Home,  p.  661)  of  the  appearance  of  two  instead 
of  three  in  the  celebrated  5th  century  mosaics  j 
of  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore.  "  The  Divine  Child," 
ho  says,  "  is  here  seated  on  an  ample  throne, 
while  another  personage  is  seated  on  a  lower 
chair  beside  Him.  In  the  original  composition 
that  personage  was  an  elderly  male  figure,  no 
doubt  intended  for  one  of  the  magi,  only  two  of 
whom  are  seen  in  the  mosaic  now  before  us, 
whereas  in  another  of  the  groups  (the  three 
before  Herod)  we  see  three  magi.  A  most  un- 
justifiable alteration  of  this  group  was  ordered 
when  the  church  was  restored  by  Benedict  XIV. 
Instead  of  the  male  figure  seated  beside  the 
Child  was  substituted  that  of  Mary  with  a 
nimbus-crowned  head  and  purple  vestments. 
Among  other  innovations  then  made,  one  of  the 
magi  was  omitted,  and  the  mother's  figure,  ori- 
ginally standing  behind  the  throne  of  the  Child, 
was  changed  into  that  of  an  angel,  adding  a 
third  to  the  group  of  celestial  ministers  in  the 
background."  The  mosaic  in  its  present  state  is 
figured  in  Rohault  de  Fleury,  L  Evangile,  i.  p.  6, 
xxi.  See  also  Angels  and  Archangels,  §§  3, 
15,  I.  U. 


Adoration  of  the  Shepherds  and  Magi.    Bas-relief,  Lateran,  on  Staircase.    Rohault  de  Fleury,  ■  Les  Evangiles,  vol,  i.  pi. 


There  can  be  little  doubt  that  this  subject  be- 
longed to  the  earlier  cvcle  of  the  catacomb  fres- 
coes. It  is  found  in  the  cemeteries  of  St.  Nereo 
■with  four  Magi,  in  that  of  SS.  Marcellinus  and 
Peter  ■with  two.  They  appear  for  the  most 
part  to  have  been  more  or  less  rudely  restored 
at  various  times.  Their  actual  appearance  may 
be  understood  from  Parker's  Photograph,  No. 
1613;  St.  Nereo  (a.d.  523?),  and  No.  2116 
(St.  Marcellinus,  A.D.  772).  It  is  figured  by 
Aringhi  (vol.  i.  p.  587),  from  the  walls  of  the 
Calli.-itine    Catacomb:   the   Magi    wearing    the 


Phrygian  cap  and  tunic,  with  modern  boots,  and 
rowelled  spurs  with  spur-leather.s  ;  an  addition 
in  itself  sufficient  to  cast  a  suspicion  of  restoration 
or  reconstruction,  even  as  early  as  Bosio's  time, 
over  all  the  paintings  in  the  catacomb.  At 
p.  615,  on  a  Callixtine  sarcophagus,  they  appear 
leading  their  horses,  or  perhaps  camels.  They 
are  bearing  their  offerings,  and  guided  by  the 
star  to  the  Holy  Infant,  who  is  wrapped  in 
swaddling-clothes,  and  outstretched  on  a  cradle 
under  the  shed  with  the  ox  and  the  ass.  The 
Blessed  Virgin  sits  apart,  and  Joseph  stands  by 


MAGI 

her  side.  Figured  again  from  the  catacomb  of 
S3.  Marcellinus  and  Peter  "  inter  duas  lauros," 
at  vol.  ii.  p.  117:  with  clavi  or  stripes  on  the 


MAGI 


1073 


tunics  and  on  the  robe  of  the  Virgin  mother. 
Again,  with  horses  at  ii.  159,  and  at  355,  395, 
from  unknown  sarcophagi ;  ten  times  in  all. 


The  Magi  and  Virgin.    Tomb  of  Eiarch  Isaac.    Kavenna,  Oth  ceufaiy.    Eohanlt  de  Fleury,  ■  Les  Evangiles,"  toI.  i.  pt  xi. 


Two  highly  interesting  6th-century  examples 
from  Ravenna  are  given  by  De  Fleury  (vol.  i, 
plates  xxi.  and  xxii.).  One  from  the  tomb  of 
the  exarch  Isaac  is  here  reproduced  in  wood- 
cut ;  the  other  is  the  well-known  mosaic  of 
Sant'ApoUinare  nella  Citta.  The  latter  is  perhaps 
the  earliest  type  of  the  Byzantine  Madonna  of 
the  earlier  middle  ages,  found  at  Torcello  and 
Murano,  still  retained  in  the  unchanging  art  of 
the  modern  Greek  church,  and  reproduced  most 
signally,  perhaps,  in  the  celebrated  Borgo  Allegri 
picture  of  Cimabue,  now  in  Sta.  Maria  Novella 
in  Florence.  The  attendant  angels  are  thoroughly 
Byzantine,  and  may  stand  as  examples  for  the 
severer  ecclesiasticism  of  Justinian's  day.  The 
magi  wear  the  traditional  hose,  with  somewhat 
mediaeval  crowns,  cloaks,  and  tunics.  Their  ages 
are  carefully  distinguished,  and  their  appearance 
curiously  Gothic.  Their  names,  SS.  Gaspar, 
Melchior,  and  Balthazar,  are  given  in  the  mosaic, 
perhaps  for  the  first  time.  The  Infant  raises 
His  hand  in  benediction,  and  the  Blessed  Virgin 
also.  The  group  forms  the  end  of  the  celebrated 
Procession  of  Female  Saints. 

An  Adoration  occupies  the  left-hand  side  of  the 
fine  sarcophagus  of  Ancona,  4th  century.  See 
above. 


A  curious  bas-relief  from  the  French  crypt  of 
St.  Maximin  is  given  by  De  Fleury  (v.  i.  pi.  xx.), 
which  he  assigns  with  possible  truth  to  the  3rd 
century,  and  which  we  reproduce. 


Perhaps  the  most  interesting  example  of  this 
subject  which  is  left  us  is  a  carving  made  on  the 
bone  of  a  whale,  now  in  the  British  Museum. 
It  is  among  Prof.  Westwood's  fictile  copies,  and 
is  figured  in  his  Catalogue  of  Fictile  Ivories,  p. 
234  ;  in  Stephens's  Old  Ixunic  Monuments,  vol.  i. 
pp.  470  sqq. ;  and  in  Mr.  Maskell's  Ivories,  An- 
cient and  Mediaeval,  p.  54.     It  was  described  by 


wimle.    Brit,  Maa.,  from  Maskell's 'Ivoriee.' 


Mr.  Franks  in  the  2nd  Series  of  Papers  of  the  I  the  cover  with  a  curious  carving,  which  Dr. 
Society  of  Antiquaries,  vol.  iii.  p.  382.  It  |  Westwood  is  apparently  right  in  con.sidering 
forms  part  of  a  square  coffer,  incised  with  sub-  meant  for  Wayland  Smith,  as  the  hammer  and 
jects  in  broad   outline  relief,   the  magi  sharing  |  pincers  are  unmistakeablc,  though  Mr.  Maskell 


1074 


3IAGIC 


thinks  it  is  a  beheading  of  St.  John.  The  three 
magi  have  round  massive  fells  of  hair,  which 
might  almost  pass  for  a  remembrance  of  the 
Phrygian  caps,  except  that  other  figures  on  the 
chest  have  the  same.  Their  boots  and  braccae 
are  unmistakeable  ;  they  are  offering  their  trea- 
sures in  covers  and  paterae  apparently,  and  are 
attended  by  an  ornamental  duck  or  swan. 
This  bird  is  repeated  to  fill  up  space.  The 
star  is  very  large,  and  of  many  rays  ;  there  is  a 
broad  Runic  border,  and  an  inscription  "  Magi  " 
in  runes  above  the  carving.  The  quasi-symbolic 
figures  of  the  Virgin  Mother  and  Child  are  ex- 
traordinary, the  former  ends  at  the  waist  in 
waving  flourishes,  perhaps  typical  of  drapery, 
but  ornamented  with  dots  like  an  Irish  initial 
letter  ;  the  Child  consists  entirely  of  a  larger 
face  or  medallion  held  as  usual  before  His 
3Iother;  the  writer  feels  little  doubt  of  its 
having  been  copied  or  adapted  from  some  MS.  of 
Durrow  or  lona  •,  and,  as  Mr.  Maskell  observes, 
following  Jlr.  Stephens,  it  is  one  of  the  costliest 
treasures  of  English  art;  and,  as  a  specimen  of 
Northumbrian  art  and  Northumbrian  folk-speech, 
it  is  doubly  precious. 

The  distinctively  Persian  dress  of  the  magi, 
as  represented  on  all  the  monuments,  certainly 
deserves  attention,  as  it  indicates  the  connexion, 
in  the  Christian  imagination,  between  the  reli- 
gion of  Zoroaster  and  the  coming  of  the  Lord, 
which  Zoroaster  was  supposed  to  have  foretold. 
See  Hyde,  de  Ecligione  veterum  Pey-sarum,  c.  31, 
p.  384,  ed.  Oxon.  1700),  and  Mwji  in  DiCT.  OF 
THE  Bible,  ii.  190.  F.  Nork  {Mythen  der  alten 
Perser  ah  Quellen  Christlicher  Glavhenslehren, 
p.  82)  considers  that  many  representations  of  the 
Adoration  of  the  Magi  bear  a  decidedlv  Mithraic 
character.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MAGIC  {Ars  Magica,  from  magus,  Persian 
^5,    mugh).      "  Among    the    Persians,"    says 

Porphyry,  "  they  who  are  wise  respecting  the 
Deity  and  are  His  servants  are  called  Magi  " 
(de  Abst.  Aniin.  iv.  16,  p.  165,  cited  by  Rose 
(in  Parkhurst),  who  also  refers  to  Justin,  i. 
ix.  7,  sii.  13 ;  Curtius,  v.  1 ;  and  others). 
Xenophon  distinctly  ascribes  to  them  the  oflice 
of  priests :  "  Then  were  the  magi  first  ap- 
pointed to  sing  hymns  in  honour  of  the  gods 
at  the  dawn  of  every  day,  and  to  sacrifice 
daily  to  those  gods  to  whom  they,  the  magi, 
should  declare  sacrifice  due  "  {Cijrop.  p.  279 ; 
ed.  Hutch.).  The  name  {^ayoj)  is  not  used 
as  a  reproach  in  the  Septuagint.  See  Dan. 
i.  20;  ii.  2,  10,  27;  iv.  7.  The  prophet 
Daniel  was  the  head  of  the  "  Magi  "  in  Baby- 
lon (Dan.  T.  11).  It  is  also  the  title  given 
to  those  who  were  led  by  the  star  to  Bethlehem 
(Matt.  ii.  1,  7,  16).  Nevertheless  it  had  already 
acquired  a  bad  sense  among  the  Jews.  Thus 
Simon  (Acts  viii.  9)  is  said  ^ayei^eij/  and  to  use 
ixayiia  (11);  while  Elymas,  a  Jew,  is  expressly 
called  a  fxayos  (xiii.  6,  8).  This  was  the  popular 
usage,  and  at  length  it  prevailed  entirely. 
"  Custom  and  common  speech,"  says  St.  Jerome, 
"  have  taken  magi  for  malcfici — who  are  regarded 
in  a  diff'erent  light  in  their  own  nation ;  for  they 
are  the  philosophers  of  the  Chaldeans  "  (Comm. 
in  Dan.  ii.).  It  is  probable,  however,  that 
3Iagism  had  long  greatly  altered  for  the  worse, 
even  in  the  practice  ot  its  best  professors  in  its 


MAGIC 

original  homo ;  for  Origen,  speaking  of  the 
luagi  of  Persia,  says.  "From  them  the  magical 
art  of  their  nation  takes  its  name,  and  has  tra- 
velled into  other  nations  to  the  corruption  and 
destruction  of  those  who  use  it"  (c.  Cels.  vi.  80). 
Philostratus  is  also  speaking  of  these  Persian 
adepts,  when  he  makes  the  strange  statement, 
that  they  invoke  God  when  they  are  working 
unseen;  but  subvert  the  public  belief  in  the 
Deity,  because  they  do  not  wish  to  appear  to 
receive  their  power  from  Him.  (de  Vit.  Sophist. 
in  Protag.  498.) 

The  "  curious  arts  "  (ra  irfplepya)  renounced 
by  the  converts  at  Ephesus  (Acts  xix.  19)  were, 
according  to  the  common  meaning  of  the 
term  employed,  the  several  branches  of  magic. 
What  these  were  in  the  opinion  of  the  early 
Christians  we  learn  from  many  authors.  Ma- 
gicians, it  was  believed,  could  raise  phantoms 
resembling  persons  deceased,  could  extract  oracles 
from  children,  whom  they  entranced ;  nay,  from 
goats  and  tables  (Tertull.  Apol.  23).  In  a  book 
written  a  little  before  the  end  of  the  2nd  century, 
Simon  Magus  is  represented  boasting  : — "  I  can 
make  myself  invisible  to  those  who  desire  to 
seize  me,  and  again  visible  when  I  wish  to  be 
seen.  If  I  desire  to  flee,  I  can  pierce  mountains 
and  pass  through  rocks,  as  if  they  were  mud.  If 
I  were  to  cast  myself  down  from  a  high  mountain, 
I  should  be  borne  uninjured  to  the  ground.  If  1 
were  bound,  I  could  release  myself  and  bind 
those  who  had  chained  me.  If  imprisoned,  I 
could  make  the  bars  open  of  themselves.  I 
could  make  statues  live,  so  that  they  were 
thought  to  be  men  by  those  who  saw  them.  I 
could  cause  new  trees  to  spring  up  suddenly,  and 
produce  boughs  at  once.  If  I  flung  myself  into 
the  fire,  I  should  not  burn.  I  change  my  face, 
so  as  not  to  be  known  ;  nay,  I  can  shew  men 
that  I  possess  two  faces.  I  can  become  an  ewe 
or  a  she-goat.     I  can  give  a  beard  to  little  boys. 

I  can  shew  gold  in  abundance.  I  can  make  and 
unmake  kings"  (Recognit.  Clement,  n.^.  Comp. 
Pseudo-Clem.  Horn.  ii.  32  ;  Gcsta  Petri,  §  33). 
The  supposed  narrator  is  made  to  say  that  ho 
saw  a  rod  with  which  Simon  was  beaten  "  pas?, 
through  his  body  as  through  smoke  "  (Recog.  ii. 

II  ;  Ps.-Cl.  Hmn.  ii.  24),  and  that  a  woman,  his 
confederate,  was  seen,  by  a  vast  multitude  sur- 
rounding a  tower  in  which  she  was,  to  look  out 
of  every  window  on  each  side  at  the  same  moment 
(Recog.  u.s.  §  12)  ;  that  he  caused  another  to  look 
like  himself  (Gesta  Petri,  136),  and  "  spectres  and 
figures  to  be  seen  daily  in  the  market  place, 
statues  to  move  as  he  walked  out,  and  many 
shadows,  which  he  affirmed  to  be  the  souls  nl 
persons  departed,  to  go  before  him  "  (Horn.  iv.  4  : 
Gesta  Petri,  45).  Simon's  fatal  attempt  to  fly  is 
related  or  alluded  to  by  several  early  writers  ;  as 
by  the  author  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (vi. 
9),  Arnobius  (adv.  Gent.  ii.  prope  init.),  Epipha- 
nius  (Hacres.  xxi.  5),  St.  Ambrose  or  Hegesippus 
(de  Excid.  Hieros.  iii.  2),  Sulpicius  Severus 
(Sacr.  Hist.  ii.  41),  Maximus  (Serm.  39),  Pseudo- 
Augustine  (contra  Fidgent.  Don.  23),  etc.  Many 
of  the  Gnostics,  as  Menander(Iren.  ffaer.i.  23,  §  5), 
Basilides  (24,  §  5),  and  Carpocrates  (25,  §  3),  with 
their  disciples,  were  accused  of  "  using  magic 
and  (mystic)  images,  and  incantations,  and  all 
other  curious  arts  (perierga)."  See  also  Euseb. 
Hist.  Eccles.  iv.  7.  St.  Irenaeus  relates  two 
stories  of  Marcus  (about  160),  which  shew  how 


MAGIC 

these  arts  were  still  brought  into  the  service  of 
heresy.  He  caused  wine  mixed  with  water, 
which  he  consecrated  in  the  Eucharist,  to  appear 
purple  and  red  (i.e.  we  presume,  like  venous  and 
arterial  blood) ;  and  again  handing  a  small  cup 
of  wine  and  water  to  a  woman,  he  ordered  her  to 
consecrate  it ;  which  done,  he  filled  from  it  to 
overflowing  a  much  larger  cup  {ibid.  i.  13,  §  2 ; 
Epiphan.  IJaer.  34,  §  2).  Magic,  under  one  name 
or  another,  professed  to  heal  by  various  means. 
It  waj  represented  to  the  sick,  "  If  you  would 
send  for  that  praecantator,  you  would  be  well  at 
once ;  if  you  were  willing  to  hang  such  written 
charms  (characters)  on  you,  you  could  soon 
recover  health.  .  .  Send  to  that  diviner ;  forward 
him  your  girdle  or  stomacher.  Let  it  be  measured, 
and  let  him  look  at  it ;  and  he  will  tell  you  what 
you  are  to  do,  and  whether  you  can  get  over  it.  .  . 
Such  an  one  is  good  at  fumigating  :  every  one  to 
whom  he  has  done  it,  has  become  better  at  once.  .  . 
Come  secretly  to  such  a  place,  and  I  will  raise 
up  a  person,  who  will  tell  you  who  stole  your 
silver  or  your  money  ;  but  if  you  wish  to  know 
it,  take  care  not  to  cross  yourself  when  you  come 
to  the  spot.  .  .  Women  are  wont  to  persuade 
each  other  that  they  ought  to  apply  some  charm 
(fascinum)  to  their  sicK  children"  (Caesarius, 
A.D.  502,  Serm.  79,  §  4).  As  we  proceed,  we  shall 
see  that  astrology,  storm-raising,  sortilegy,  etc. 
all  come  under  the  same  general  head  of  Magic. 
II.  The  belief  that  there  was  something  real 
in  these  arts  was  apparently  universal.  Even 
Celsus  alleged  them  as  a  set-otF  against  the 
miracles  of  Christ  (Orig.  c.  Cels.  i.  68).  St.  Peter 
was  accused  by  the  heathen  of  magic  (August. 
de  Civ.  Dei,  xiL  23).  The  Christian  regarded  it 
as  evidence  of  the  power  and  intervention  of  evil 
spirits  in  league  with  the  wonder-worker.  "  By 
visions  in  dreams,"  says  Justin  Martyr,  A.D.  140, 
"  and  by  magic  tricks  do  they  lay  hold  of  all 
those  who  do  not  strive  at  all  for  their  salvation  " 
(Apol.  i.  14).  It  was  said  that  they  could  be 
made  to  "  obey  mortals  by  certain  arts,  i.e.  by 
magical  incantations"  (liecog.  Clem.  iv.  26). 
The  truth  of  this  is  assumed  both  by  Celsus  and 
Origen,  A.D.  230  (c.  Cels.  vi.  39 ;  viii.  60-64) ; 
and  it  is  a  first  principle  with  Tertullian  {de 
Animd,  56).  Lactantius,  a.d.  303,  says,  "  Astro- 
logy, the  arts  of  the  aruspex  and  augur,  and 
Avhat  are  called  oracles  themselves,  and  necro- 
mancy and  the  magic  art  are  their  inventions  " 
iDiv.  Instit.  ii.  16).  Minutius  Felix,  A.D.  220: 
"  The  Magi  also  not  only  know  the  demons,  but 
whatever  of  the  marvellous  they  pretend  to 
perform,  they  do  it  by  the  aid  of  demons  "  (Octav. 
viii.).  St.  Augustine  affirms  the  same  thing: 
"All  such  arts,  whether  of  a  trifling  or  of  a 
noxious  superstition,  from  a  certain  pernicious 
association  of  men  and  demons  .  .  .  are  to  be 
altogether  renounced  and  eschewed  by  the  Chris- 
tian" (de  Doctr.  Christ,  ii.  23,  §  36 ;  see  de  Civ.  Dei, 
viii.  19).  He  distinguishes  between  "miracles 
of  human  and  magic  arts  jointly  (that  is,  of  arts 
«f  demons  working  thi'ough  men)  "  and  miracles 
"of  the  demons  themselves  wrought  by  them- 
selves "  (de  Civ.  Dei,  xxi.  6,  §  1).  His  theory  was 
that  there  were  certain  things  which  attracted 
and  gave  pleasure  to  evil  spirits  according  to 
their  several  natures,  as  animals  are  pleased  by 
the  food  proper  to  their  kinds.  As  spirits,  they 
took  delight  in  certain  properties  "  in  the  various 
kinds  of  stones,  herbs,  woods,  animals,  in  charms, 

CHRIST.   ANT. — VOL.    II. 


MAGIC 


1075 


and  rites  "  (ibid.).  He  thought  that  they  made 
their  peculiar  tastes  known  to  their  followers  : 
"  For  if  they  did  not  teach  it  themselves,  how 
could  men  learn  what  each  of  them  craved,  what 
he  loathed,  by  what  name  he  was  to  be  invited, 
by  what  compelled  "  (ibid.).  Some  affirmed  that 
human  souls  served  the  magician:  "They  are 
invoked  who  have  died  an  untimely  or  violent 
death,*  on  the  ground  that  it  seems  probable  that 
those  souls  will  be  most  helpful  to  violence  and 
injury,  whom  a  cruel  and  untimely  end  hath  by 
violence  and  injury  torn  from  life  "  (Tertull.  de 
Auiinu,  hi ;  Apol.  23 ;  comp.  St.  Chrysostom, 
de  Lazaro  Cone.  ii.  1).  Simon,  in  the  spurious 
Clementine  books,  is  made  to  confess  that  he 
murdered  a  young  boy,  and  by  terrible  adjurations 
bound  his  soul  to  assist  him  in  his  magic  practices 
(Recog.  ii.  13 ;  Horn.  Clem.  ii.  26  ;  Gest.  Petr. 
xxvii.).  Justin  Martyr  speaks  of  "  necromancies 
and  the  inspection  (of  the  entrails)  of  uncorrupted 
boys  (see  Dionysius  Al.  in  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  vii. 
10 ;  so  Eus.  of  Maxentius,  viii.  14 ;  Vit.  Const. 
i.  36  ;  Aug.  de  Civ.  Dei,  xviii.  53)  and  the  invoca- 
tions of  human  souls  (Apol.  i.  18).  It  was  denied, 
however,  that  a  departed  soul  could  be  brought 
up,  and  alleged  that  the  magician  was  deceived 
by  the  demons  who  really  came  to  his  call  (Recog. 
iii.  49).  St.  Chrysostom :  "  This  is  a  pretence 
and  deceit  of  the  devil :  it  is  not  the  soul  of  the 
dead  man  that  cries  out,  but  the  demon  who 
makes  those  answers,  so  as  to  deceive  the  hearers  " 
(Horn.  28  in  Matt.  viii.  29). 

A  particular  spirit  (Saijuaji/  irapeSpos)  was  in 
many  cases  supposed  to  attach  himself  to  the 
sorcerer.  Thus  Justin  M.  (m.  s.),  "  They  who 
among  magicians  are  called  dream-senders  and 
TopeSpoi."  Irenaeus  says  of  Marcus,  "  It  is 
probable  that  he  has  also  a  familiar  (Soi/iora 
TLva  irdpfSpov),  through  whom  he  appears  to 
prophesy  himself,  and  causes  those  women  to 
prophesy  whom  he  deems  worthy  to  partake  of 
his  grace  "  (Haer.  i.  13,  §  3).  Elsewhere  he  speaks 
of  "  paredri  and  dream-senders  "  (ibid.  23,  §  4  ; 
Sim.  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  7).  Tertullian :  "  We 
know  that  magicians,  to  explore  secret  things, 
call  up  (the  dead)  with  the  help  of  catabolici 
(spirits  that  seize  and  cast  men  down)  and 
paredri  and  pythonic  spirits  "  (de  Animd,  28). 

III.  An  opinion  prevailed  widely  in  the  early 
church,  derived  from  Jewish  sources,  that  magic 
was  first  cultivated  when  the  children  of  Seth 
intermarried  with  those  of  Cain ;''  and  that 
Ham,  who  had  addicted  himself  to  it,  dreading 


"  Blacothanati.  He  uses  the  word  twice  in  the  sama 
chapter.  Cassian  (7ns<ii.  vii.  14;  CoWaf.  ii.  5)  and  others 
(Lamprid.  in  Heliog. ;  Bede  in  Martyrol.  June  27; 
Passio  S.  Andr.  in  Surius,  Nov.  30;  Julius  Firmicus, 
very  often.  See  Gazaeus,  note  d,  on  Cass.  Instit.  u.s.  and 
Rocca  note  e,  on  Sacram.  Greg.  0pp.  Greg.  v.  275,  ed. 
1615)  use  the  less  correct  form  biothanatus.  Another 
occurs  in  the  preface  of  a  "  Sails  et  Aquae  Benedictio  " 
in  the  Vatican  Ins.  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  pub- 
lished by  Angelo  Rocca,  in  which  the  water  is  adjured  to 
drive  away  "  omnem  umbram,  omneni  satanam,  et  omnes 
machinationes  spirituum,  immundorum,  sive  bithonatum 
slve  errantium  ex  Invocatione  magicae  artis "  (Opp 
Greg.  M.S.  239).    [Biothanatos,  I.  2o7;  Faithful,  1. 658.] 

b  For  this  interpretation  of  Gen.  vi.  2,  boo  Euseb. 
Emis.,  A.D.  341  (Fragm.  Exeg.  in  Fentat.  Op.  p.  185), 
St.  Augustine  (de  Civ.  Dei,  xv.  23,  }  2),  St.  Chrysostom 
(Horn.  22  in  Gen.  vi.  1,  $  3),  Theodoret  (in  Gen.  Quaest. 
47),  etc. 

4  A 


1076 


MAGIC 


its  loss  at  the  deluge,  engraved  the  secrets  of  his 
art  "  on  plates  of  various  metals,  such  as  could 
not  be  spoilt  by  the  flood  of  waters,  and  on  very 
hard  stones"  (Cassian.  Collat.  viii.  21).  It  is 
elsewhere  affirmed  that  Ham  practised  and  taught 
magic  {Becog.  Clem.  iv.  27 ;  Horn.  ix.  3-7) ;  but 
not  by  writers  of  credit.  The  story  of  the 
engraved  plates  is  evidently  imitated  from  a 
tradition  in  Josephus  (Antiq.  i.  2,  §  3)  that  the 
children  of  Seth  engraved  an  account  of  their 
more  lawful  discoveries  on  "  two  pillars,  one  of 
brick  and  the  other  of  stone."  Another  opinion 
was  held  by  Justin  Martyr  (_Apol.  ii.  5)  and  Ter- 
tullian  (de  Idol.  9).  These  authors,  supposing 
that  "the  sons  of  God  "  in  Gen.  vi.  2  were  angels, 
make  them  the  instructors  of  man  in  the  art  of 
magic. 

IV.  For  more  than  three  centuries  after  Christ 
there  was  no  tampering  with  magic  on  the  part 
of  Christians.  Though  believing  in  the  reality 
of  the  art,  they  ridiculed  it  as  delusive  and 
worse  than  useless.  Thus  Tertullian  :  "  What 
then  shall  we  say  that  magic  is  ?  That  which 
nearly  all  call  it,  deception.  But  the  nature  of 
the  deception  is  known  to  us  Christians  only  " 
(de  Aniind,  bT).  Minutius  Felix  (Octav.  viii.), 
copied  by  St.  Cyprian  (cfe  Idol.  Van.  p.  14 ;  ed. 
1690) :  "  These  spirits  lie  concealed  under  con- 
secrated statues  and  images.  They  inspire  the 
breasts  of  the  soothsayers  by  breathing  on  them  ; 
they  quicken  the  fibres  of  entrails,  they  govern 
the  flights  of  birds,  they  rule  lots,  they  give  out 
oracles  ;  they  are  always  confounding  false  things 
with  true ;  for  they  are  deceived  and  they  also 
deceive"  (Cypr.).  St.  Cyprian  adds  that  they 
send  diseases  and  obtain  credit  for  a  cure  by 
simply  ceasing  to  afflict  (ibid.;  so  Lactantius, 
Div.  Inslit.  ii.  15).  "  They  fill  all  things  with 
snares,  cheats,  wiles,  errors "  (Lact.  t«.  s.  14). 
"  Skill  in  the  art  of  magic  is  good  for  nothing 
but  to  cheat  the  eyes  "  (id.  u.  s.  iv.  15). 

V.  The  early  Christians  further  believed  that 
the  demons,  who  were  the  real  agents  in  the 
wonders  of  magic,  could  be  controlled  by  the 
strong  faith  of  any  true  Christian  acting  and 
speaking  in  his  Master's  name.  Even  of  astro- 
logy, it  was  said,  "  until  baptism  that  which  is 
decreed  holds :  after  it  astrologers  no  longer 
speak  the  truth "  (Clem.  Alex.  Fragm.  §  78). 
The  failure  of  the  powers  of  evil  began  when 
Christ  came.  Tertullian :  "  We  know  the  con- 
nexion between  magic  and  astrology.  .  .  The 
latter  science  was  permitted  until  the  gospel, 
that  when  Christ  was  born  no  one  should  thence- 
forth cast  a  person's  nativity  from  the  sky.  .  . 
So  also  the  other  kind  of  magic  which  works  by 
miracles.  .  .  .  spun  out  the  patience  of  God 
even  to  the  gospel.  .  .  .  After  the  gospel,  thou 
wilt  nowhere  find  either  wise  men  (sophistas) 
or  Chaldeans,  or  enchanters  or  interpreters 
of  dreams,  or  magicians,  except  such  as  are 
notoriously  punished  "  (de  Idol.  9).  Origen 
held  that  "  magicians  having  intercourse  with 
demons,  and  invoking  them  as  they  have  learnt 
and  for  their  needs,  can  only  succeed  until 
something  more  divine  and  powerful  than  the 
demons  and  the  charm  (eTrtwSrjs)  which  calls 
them,  appears  or  is  uttered "  (c.  Cels.  i.  60). 
He  suggests  that  the  magi  of  St.  Matthew  ii.  1, 
finding  that  the  spirits  who  served  them  had 
"  become  weak  and  strengthless,  that  their  tricks 
were    exposed    and    their    power    brought    to 


MAGIC 

nought,"  and  remembering  the  prophecy  of 
Balaam,  were  led  to  think  that.  He  to  whom 
the  star  guided  them,  "must  be  stronger  than 
all  demons,  even  those  who  were  wont  to 
appear  to  them  and  inspire  them  "  (ibid.).  Hence 
it  was  said  that  magic  had  been  destroyed  by 
the  star  of  Bethlehem.  So  St.  Ignatius  A.D. 
101,  odev  i\ifTO  iraffa  Mo^ei'a  (Epist.  ad  Ephcs. 
19).  Compare  St.  Peter  Chrysologus,  A.D,  433 
(Serm.  156).  St.  Basil,  370  (de  Hum.  Christi 
Gcncv.  i.  591)  ;  St.  Ambrose  (Expos.  Ev.  S.  Luc. 
ii.  48),  etc.  Of  astrology  especially,  Clemens 
Al. :  "  For  this  reason  a  strange  and  new  star 
arose  that  put  an  end  to  the  ancient  astrology  " 
(dffTpoQecriav)  (Fragm.  §  74) ;  Sim.  Greg.  Naz. 
(Carm.  de  Frovid.  Arcan.  v.  1.  64).  All  this  was 
by  some  understood  in  the  command  that  the 
magi  should  depart  into  their  own  country 
another  way  (St.  Matt.  ii.  12).  Thus  Tertullian 
(u.  s.)  :  "  They  were  not  to  walk  in  the  ways  of 
their  former  sect."  St.  Augustine  more  gene- 
rally, but  therefore  inclusively,  "  Via  mutata, 
vita  mutata"  (Serm.  202,  §  4)  ;  Sim.  Chrysol. 
(Serm.  159);  St.  Ambr.  (Exp.  Ev.  S.  Luc.  L 
46);  St.  Leo  (Serm.  32,  §  4);  Greg.  M,  (in 
Evang.  Hom.  x.  sub  fin.). 

VI.  When  after  the  conversion  of  Constantino 
such  practices  were  found  among  professed 
Christians,  the  most  strenuous  efforts  were  made 
to  suppress  them  by  the  teachers  of  the  church, 
and  by  legislators,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical. 
They  were  denounced  as  remnants  of  idolatry, 
and  a  practical  return  to  it.  Thus  Gregory 
Nazianzen,  370:  "For  this  did  the  star  lead, 
and  the  wise  men  fall  down  and  offer  gifts, — that 
idolatry  might  be  destroyed"  (Orat.  i.  tom.  i.  p. 
12,  compare  with  last  paragraph).  "Branches 
of  idolatry,"  says  Gaudentius  of  Brescia,  A.D, 
387,  "  are  witchcrafts  (veneficia),  precantations, 
ligatures,  phylacteries  (vanitates),  auguries,  lots, 
the  observing  of  omens,  parental  obsequies " 
(Tract,  iv.  in  Fasch.  ad  Neoph.).  St.  Augustine : 
"  It  is  a  superstitious  thing  whatever  hath  been 
ordained  of  men  towards  the  making  and  wor- 
shipping of  idols,  whether  it  pertain  to  the 
worship  of  a  creature  or  any  part  of  a  creature  as 
God,  or  to  consultations  and  certain  covenants 
by  means  of  signs  settled  and  agreed  on  with 
demons,  such  as  are  the  essays  of  the  magic 
art  "  (de  Doctr.  Christ,  ii.  20,  §  30). 

The  canons  and  laws  which  we  shall  now  cite 
will  shew  that  the  church  and  the  state  pro- 
hibited every  kind  of  magic  on  the  grounds 
above  mentioned.  They  will  at  the  same  time 
give  an  opportunity  of  explaining  some  details, 
which  would  be  hardly  worthy  of  a  separate 
notice. 

(1.)  Ecclesiastical  legislation. — The  first  con- 
ciliar  decree  against  any  branch  of  magic  was  that 
of  Ancyra  in  Galatia,  A.D.  315,  which  condemns 
to  five  years'  penance  "  those  who  profess  sooth- 
saying (KaTaiJ.avTev6fXfvoi)  and  follow  the 
customs  of  the  Gentiles,  or  bring  certain  men 
into  their  houses  to  discover  remedies  or  perform 
lustrations "  (can.  24).  The  version  of  this 
decree  in  the  old  Roman  Code  expands  the  first 
clause  thus :  "  Qui  auguria,  auspiciaque,  sive 
somnia,  vel  divinationes  quaslibet  secundum  mo- 
rem  Gentilium  observant  "  (in  App.  0pp.  Leonis, 
p.  18).  Here  augurium  and  auspicium  may  be 
understood  generally  of  the  observation  of  omens : 
originally  and  strictly  they  were  modes  of   di- 


MAGIC 

vination  from  the  cry,  flight,  and  manners  of 
feeding  of  birds.  Later  on,  when  the  evil  had 
increased,  the  council  of  Laodicea,  probably  about 
365,  with  more  details,  forbad,  under  pain  of 
excommunication,  "  priests  and  clerks  to  be  magi- 
cians or  enchanters  (eVaoiSous),  or  mathematici 
or  astrologers,  or  to  make  what  are  called  phy- 
lacteries, which  are  bonds  for  their  own  souls  " 
(can.  36).  The  mathematici  were  astrologers 
according  to  the  usage  of  that  age  ;  but  a  dis- 
tinciion  appears  to  be  made  here,  of  which  no 
satisfactory  account  has  been  given.  The  fourth 
council  of  Carthage,  398  :  "  He  who  is  enthralled 
to  auguries  and  incantations  is  to  be  driven  from 
the  assembly  of  the  Church "  (can.  89).  In 
569,  Martin,  bishop  of  Braga,  a  Greek  by  birth, 
sent  to  a  council  held  at  Lugo,  a  collection  of 
canons  drawn  chiefly  from  Greek  sources.  In 
this,  beside  the  canons  of  Ancyra  and  Laodicea 
we  find  one  (72  ;  Labbe,  v.  913),  forbidding  men 
to  "  observe  or  worship  the  elements,  or  the 
course  of  the  moon  or  stars,  or  the  vain  deceit 
of  omens  (signorum),  for  building  a  house  or 
planting  crops  or  trees,  or  contracting  mar- 
riages" (the  reading  of  Gratian,  P.  ii.  c.  26, 
qu.  V.  3).  In  the  same  series  (c.  74)  rites  and 
incantations  are  forbidden  at  the  gathering  of 
medicinal  herbs.  Only  the  Creed  or  the  Lord's 
I'rayer  might  be  said,  or  simply,  "  Let  God  the 
creator  of  all  things  and  their  Lord  be  honoured." 
Women  ai'e  told  to  use  no  chai-ms  in  working 
wool ;  but  only  to  "  invoke  God  as  their  helper, 
who  has  given  them  skill  in  weaving "  (75). 
This  may  be  illustrated  from  St.  Eligius,  640: 
'•  Let  no  woman  presume  to  hang  amber  beads 
(sucinos)  on  her  neck,  or  when  weaving  or  dye- 
ing, or  at  any  work  whatever,  name  Minerva  or 
other  ill-omened  persons,  but  desire  that  the 
grace  of  Christ  may  be  present  at  every  work, 
and  to  trust  with  their  whole  heart  in  the  virtue 
of  His  name "  (de  Beet.  Christ.  Conv.  §  5). 
The  Council  of  Auxerre,  578,  forbids,  among 
other  practices  of  the  kind,  resort  to  caragii 
(can.  4).  This  word  occurs  again  in  can.  14, 
Cone.  Narbon.  A.D.  589.  It  is  used  by  Eligius 
(i6.  §  5  his) ;  by  Bede,  701  {de  Jiemed.  Feccat. 
11),  and  earlier  than  these,  by  Caesarius  of 
Aries,  502  (if  those  sermons  are  his)  who  spells 
the  word  caragus  {Serm.  65,  §  4 ;  78,  §§  1,  3,  5). 
It  is  also  found  in  an  Anjou  Penitential,  printed 
by  Morinus  (de  Discipl.  Poenit.  App.  586), 
where  for  "  cararios  coriocos "  read  with 
Ducange  "  caragios  curiosos."  Pirminius,  a.d. 
750,  spells  it  Karagius  {Scaraps.  in  Mabill.  A7ia- 
lecta,  72).  The  word  is  derived  from  "  cha- 
racter" in  the  sense  of  a  talisman  or  amulet 
on  which  mystic  characters  were  written  or 
engraved.  The  fourth  council  of  Toledo,  633, 
deposed  and  condemned  to  perpetual  penance  in 
a  monastery  any  of  the  clergy  from  a  bishop 
downwards,  who  should  be  found  to  have 
consulted  magi,  aruspices,  arioli,  augurs, 
sortilegi,  or  those  who  professed  the  art  of 
magic  or  practised  such  things  (can.  29). 
The  council  in  TruUo,  a.d.  691,  subjects  to 
six  years  of  penance  all  who  "  give  them- 
selves over  to  soothsayers  or  to  those  who 
are  called  centurions  {eKarSfTapxai),  or  any 
such,  with  a  view  to  learn  from  them  what  they 
wish  to  have  revealed  to  them"  (can.  61). 
"  Centurion  "  in  the  sense  of  a  "  leading  man  " 
was   a   title    conventionally  given,    like    "wise 


MAGIC 


1077 


man  "  or  "  wizard,"  to  the  professors  of  such 
arts.  See  Hecatontarchae.  The  same  punish- 
ment was  awarded  to  those  who  "  led  about  she- 
bears  or  other  like  animals  to  the  delusion  and 
injury  of  the  more  simple,  and  who  talked  of 
foi-tune  and  fate  and  genealogy,  and  used  a  heap 
of  words  of  that  kind, ....  and  to  those  who 
are  called  cloud-chasers  (v€(poSiocKTai),  to  en- 
chanters, makers  of  phylacteries,  and  sooth- 
sayers ; "  whose  practices  the  council  declares  to 
be  "  pernicious  and  heathen  "  {'EWrjviKa).  Ac- 
cording to  Balsamon  and  Zonaras,  it  was  the 
custom  to  give  hairs  plucked  from,  and  dyes 
(ySa/i^uara)  that  had  been  hung  about,  bears  and 
other  animals  as  charms  against  disease  and  the 
evil  eye.  See  Amulets,  Ligatures,  Phylac- 
teries. These  dyes  are  probably  the  same  as 
the  succi  (herbas  et  succos^),  which  Caesarius 
{Serm.  66,  §  5)  forbids  Christians  to  "  hang  about 
themselves  or  their  friends,"  though  we  are  not 
told  that  these  were  supposed  to  derive  virtue 
from  an  animal.  Balsamon  explains  that  the 
cloud  chasers  were  those  who  drew  omens  from 
the  forms  and  grouping  of  the  clouds,  especially 
at  sunset.  He  adds  that  the  canon  condemns  in 
intention  those  who  wore  a  child's  caul  or 
employed  secret  things,  as  e.g.  the  gospels, 
for  ligaturae  or  practised  the  sortes  Davidicae 
(see  Sortilegy),  or  divined  with  barley.  The 
last  method  he  ascribes  to  women  who  used  to 
"  spend  their  time  in  the  churches,  and  by  the 
noly  icons,  and  declared  that  they  learned  the 
future  from  them."  In  Clemens  Al.  {Protrept.  ii. 
11),  we  read  of  "flour-prophets  and  barley- 
prophets."  Ecclesiastical  prohibition  occurs  in 
a  brief  canon  (12)  of  the  synod  of  Rome,  a.d. 
721.  In  789  the  canon  of  Laodicea  was  inserted 
by  name  in  Charlemagne's  capitulary  of  that 
year  (c.  18)  ;  but  in  an  abstract  which  heads  it 
the  word  fxdyoi  is  represented  by  "  coclearii." 
So  Capit.  Beg.  Franc,  i.  21;  v.  69.  "  Cocle- 
arius  "  is  a  corruption  of  "  Cauculator,"  which 
is  from  kuvkos,  a  cup  used  by  diviners  (see 
Gen.  xliv.  5),  or  by  makers  of  philtres.  [Calcu- 
LATORES,  p.  255.]  And  another  chapter  (63)  of 
the  same  capitulary :  "  We  command  that  none 
become  either  cauculatores  (see  again  Capit. 
i.  inc.  an.  c.  40  ;  Baluz.  i.  518  ;  Cap.  B.  Fr.  i.  62  ; 
vi.  374),  and  enchanters,  or  storm-raisers  (tem- 
pestarii),  or  obligatores  (see  Ligatures),  and 
that  where  there  are  such,  they  be  reformed  or 
condemned."  Storm-raisers  are  also  condemned 
by  a  law  of  805  (Capit.  ii.  25)  de  Incantatoribus 
ct  Tempestariis.  The  word  is  written  "  tempes- 
tuarius"in  a  decree  of  Herard,  A.D.  856  (cap. 
2).  Agobard,  archbishop  of  Lyons,  who  had 
been  an  adviser  of  Charlemagne,  wrote  a  treatise 
of  some  length  against  this  offence.  See  Tem- 
pestarius.  In  813  the  Council  of  Tours,  under 
that  prince,  directed  priests  to  warn  the  people 
that  "  magic  arts  and  incantations  are  altoge- 
ther unavailing  to  the  cure  of  any  human 
diseases,  and  to  the  healing  of  sick,  lame,  or 
dying  animals  ;  and  that  ligatures  of  bones  or 
herbs  a])plied  to  any  mortal  thing  are 
(can.  42). 


"-'  "  Sucinos "  would  seem  a  probable  amendment. 
See  Eligius  in  text  above.  Pirminius  joins  herbs  with 
amber  :  "  Karachares  (Characteras),  herbas,  succino  (sue- 
cinos)  nolite  vobis  vel  vestris  appendere  "  {Scaraps.  u.  s. 
69). 

4  A  2 


1078 


MAGIC 


(2.)  Imperial  legislation.— The  first  edict  of 
Constantine  that  has  any  bearing  on  our  suljjeet 
appeared  at  the  end  ofOctober  312,  nine  mouths 
before  the  defeat  of  Maxentius.  It  was  directed 
against  the  aruspices,  and  as  it  only  mentions 
the  exercise  of  their  art  in  houses  its  probable 
object  was  to  check  inquiry  by  divination 
into  the  destinies  of  the  empire  and  its  rulers. 
The  aruspex  was  to  be  burnt  alive,  and  his  em- 
ployers banished  (C'jd.  ix.  18,1.3;  de  Arusp.). 
His  next  (de  Magia).  in  321,  went  further,  but 
was  far  from  being  thorough.  It  declared 
generally  the  most  severe  punishment  to  be 
due  to  those  who  were  "found,  armed  with 
magic  arts,  to  have  made  attempts  against  the 
health  of  men,  or  to  have  turnerl  chaste  minds 
aside  to  lust,"  but  it  adds  that  "remedies 
sought  for  the  bodies  of  men  or  helps  innocently 
used  in  country  places,"  against  unseasonable 
weather  were  not  to  be  treated  as  offences  (A.  4). 
Constantine  and  Julian  in  357  :  "  Let  no  one 
consult  an  aruspex  or  a  mathematicus  .... 
No  one  a  hariolus.  Let  the  wicked  profession  of 
the  augurs  and  diviners  be  silenced.  Let  not 
the  Chaldeans  and  the  magi,  and  the  rest,  whom 
the  people  call  malefici  for  the  greatness  of  their 
crimes,  make  even  a  partial  attempt.  Let 
curiosity  of  divination  for  ever  cease  with  all  " 
(i6.  5).  The  penalty  was  death  by  the  sword. 
Another  law  not  a  year  later  threatened  death 
by  fire  to  those  who,  "  using  magic  arts,  dared 
to  disturb  the  elements,  undermine  the  life  of 
the  innocent,  and  calling  up  the  dead  by  wicked 
practices  to  kill  their  enemies  "  {ib.  6).  In  July 
358,  the  same  princes  published  an  edict  con- 
demning every  kind  of  divination,  avowedly  on 
the  ground  that  it  was  employed  in  a  spirit 
hostile  to  themselves  {ib.  7).  The  penalty  was 
death  with  torture,  and  no  rank  was  to  plead 
exemption.  The  crime  had  been  common  under 
heathen  emperors,  and  it  is  probable  that  most 
of  the  offenders  under  Constantius  were  heathen. 
Long  before  Tertullian  had  spoken  of  those  who 
publicly  honoured  Caesar,  but  privately  "  con- 
sulted astrologers  and  aruspices,  and  augurs,  and 
magi  respecting  his  life"  {Apol.  35,  where  in 
notes  to  the  ti-anslation  in  the  Library  of  the 
Fathers  Dr.  Pusey  refers  to  Tacitus,  Ann.  xii. 
52 ;  xvi.  30,  and  Spartianus  apud  Gothofred, 
Prol.  ad  Lib.  ad  Nat.  p.  11).  Firmicus  Lla- 
ternus,  in  his  treatise  on  astrology  written 
between  335  and  360,  cautions  his  disciples 
thus :  "  Take  care  never  to  answer  one  who 
questions  you  respecting  the  state  of  the 
republic  or  the  life  of  the  Roman  emperor; 
for  it  is  neither  right  nor  lawful  that  we 
should  by  a  wicked  cui-iosity  say  anything 
of  the  state  of  the  republic.  .  .  .  But  no  mathe- 
maticus has  been  able  to  define  -anything  true 
respecting  the  fate  of  the  emperor  "  {Matheseos, 
ii.  33).  The  necessity  of  this  caution  appears 
from  several  stories  in  Ammianus  {Hist.  xix. 
12),  and  others.  In  the  reign  of  Valens,  for 
example,  A.D.  373,  Theodoras  was  supposed  to 
be  indicated  as  his  successor  by  a  tripod  of 
laurel  wood  duly  prepared,  which  by  some  means 
spelt  out  his  name  to  the  fourth  letter  (0€o5). 
The  death  of  Theodorus  and  his  partisans  did 
not  appease  the  emperor,  who  caused  many  inno- 
cent persons  to  be  murdered  because  their  names 
began  with  the  same  letters,  or  on  grounds 
equally  frivolous  (Sozom.  Hist.  vi.  35).     Julian 


MAGIC 

himself  professed  to  believe  in  such  arts.  He 
acknowledged  that  the  oracles  had  failed  ;  but 
alleged  that  Zeus,  "  lest  men  should  be  altoge- 
ther deprived  of  intercourse  with  the  gods,  gave 
them  a  means  of  observation  through  the  sacred 
arts,  from  which  they  might  derive  sufl^cient 
help  in  their  need  "  (in  Cyrill.  Al.  c.  Jul.  vi.  p. 
198  ;  ed.  Spanh.).  In  364  Valentinian  condemned 
"  magicos  apparatus "  in  connexion  with  hea- 
then rites  performed  by  night  {Codex  Theodos. 
ix.  xvi.  7),  and  in  370  (probably)  made  the  art  of 
the  matheiiiiticus,  exercised  by  night  or  day, 
punishable  by  death  {ib.  8);  but  in  371  he  de- 
clared that  the  aruspex  was  not  guilty  of  witch- 
craft. "  We  do  not  blame  the  art  of  the  aruspex, 
but  forbid  it  to  be  exercised  injuriously  "  {ib.  9). 
He  regarded  it  as  a  necessary  part  of  the  hea- 
then worship  then  tolerated ;  but  its  secret  ex- 
ercise was  still  prohibited  under  the  law  of 
Constantine.  In  389  Valentinian,  Theodosius, 
and  Arcadius  decreed  that  every  malefims  should 
be  denounced  as  an  "  enemy  of  the  public 
safety ;"  but  chariot-drivers  in  the  public  races 
were  forbidden  to  inform  under  pain  of  death 
{ih.  11).  They  were  excepted,  because  many  of 
them  lay  under  suspicion  of  using  magic  to  give 
speed  to  their  own  or  to  injure  their  rival's 
horses.  See  on  this  among  Christian  writers, 
Arnob.  ado.  Gent.  i.  cir.  med. ;  Jerome,  Vita 
Hilar ionis,  c.  15  ;  St.  Chrysost.  Hmn.  xii.  in  Ep. 
1.  ad  Cor.  (iv.  11,  12);  Greg.  Naz.  ad  Seleuc. 
Iamb.  iii.  ;  Cassiodorus,  Variar.  iii.  51.  It 
should  be  mentioned  in  conclusion  that  the  ex- 
ception of  Constantine  in  favour  of  charms 
against  bad  weather  was  repealed  by  Leo  VI. 
who  became  emperor  in  886  {Constit.  65,  de  In- 
cantatorum  Poena). 

Under  some  of  the  following  words  :  Amulet, 
Astrologers,  Divination,  Genetiiliaci, 
Hecatontarchae,  Ligaturae,  Maleficus, 
Mathematicus,  Necromancy,  Philtres, 
Phylactery,    Planetarius,    Python,    Som- 

NIARIUS,      SORTILEGY,       SUPERSTITIONS,       TeM- 

PESTARius,  Tripod,  Vanitas,  may  be  found 
some  further  information  on  several  practices 
which  come  under  the  general  head  of  magic. 

On  this  subject  the  reader  may  refer  to  Bern. 
Basin,  de  Artibus  Magicis,  Par.  1483,  Francof. 
1 588  ;  to  Symphor.  Champerius,  Dial,  in  Magi- 
carum  Artium  Destructionem,  Lugd.  1506 ;  to 
Casp.  Peucer,  de  Divinationum  Generibus,  de 
Oraculis,  de  Theomanteia,  de  Magica,  de  Incan- 
tationibus,  de  Divinationibus  Extiincum,  de 
Auguriis  et  Aruspicina,  de  Sortibus,  de  Divina- 
tione  ex  Somniis,  Francof.  1593  ;  J.  J.  Boissard, 
dc  Divinatione  et  Magicis  Praestigiis,  Oppenh. 
about  1605,  reprinted  1611,  1613;  Martin 
Delrio,  Disquisitiotium  Magicaruni  Libri  Sex, 
Mogunt.  1617  ;  J.  C.  Bulenger,  de  Tota  Ratione 
Divinationis  ado.  Genethliacos,  de  Oraculis  et 
Vatibus,  de  Sortibus,  de  Auguriis  et  Aruspiciis, 
de  Licita  et  Vctita  Magia,  and  adversus  Magos  ; 
in  Opusc.  tom.  i.  Lugd.  1621;  J.  Wierus,  de 
Praestigiis  Daemonum  et  Incantationibus  ac  Vene- 
ficiis  Libri  Sex,  Liber  Apologcticus  et  de  Pseudo- 
Monarchia  Daemonum,  and  de  Lamiis,  Amstel. 
1660 ;  Ant.  Van  Dale,  de  Origine  ac  Progressu 
Idololatriae  et  Superstitionum  (p.  ii.  especially), 
Amstel.  1696;  and  L.  F.  Alfred  Maury,  La 
Magie  et  I'Astrologie  dans  I'Antiquite  et  au  Moyen- 
Age,  Paris,  1860.  [W.  E.  S.] 


MAGIGNUS 

MAGIGXUS,  martyr,  with  Nabor  and  Faus-  | 
tinus,  according   to  the  Bollandists'  reading  of 
Hieron.  Mart.,   where    Migne   reads    Jligignus ; 
commemorated  Sept.   26  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept. 
vii.  263).  [C.  H.] 

MAGINUS,  called  by  others  MAXIMUS, 
martyr  in  Tarragona  under  Maximinus  ;  com- 
memorated Aug.  25  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  v. 
118).  [C.  H.] 

MAGISTER.  (1)  Magister  discipUnae  or 
infantum.  A  custom  grew  up  in  Spain  towards 
the  end  of  the  fifth  century,  that  parents  should 
dedicate  their  children,  while  yet  very  young,  to 
the  service  of  the  church,  and  in  this  case  they 
were  educated  and  brought  up  in  the  house  of 
the  bishop,  by  some  "  discreet  and  grave  "  pres- 
byter, who  was  deputed  by  the  bishop  for  that 
duty.  He  was  called  praepositus  or  magister  dis- 
cipUnae. The  second  council  of  Toledo  (a.d. 
633),  held  under  Amalric,  one  of  the  Gothic 
kings,  says  in  its  first  capitulum,  of  such  young 
persons,  "  in  domo  ecclesiae  sub  episcopali  prae- 
sentijt  a  praeposito  sibi  debeant  erudiri."  Simi- 
larly, the  fourth  council  in  the  same  place  (a.d. 
693),  cap.  23  [al.  24],  "  si  qui  in  clero  puberes  aut 
adolescentes  existunt,  omnes  in  uno  conclavi 
atrii  commorentur,  ut  in  disciplinis  ccclesiasticis 
agant,  deputati  probatissimo  seniore,  quem  et 
magistruin  discipUnae  et  testem  vitae  habeant." 

Also  in  monasteries,  he  who  had  charge  of 
the  children  who  were  commonly  educated  in 
them  was  so  called ;  as  in  Ordericus  Vitalis,  lib. 
iii.  p.  462,  "  ad  infantum  magisterium  pro- 
movit."    [Schools.]  [S.  J.  E.] 

(2)  Magister  infirmarius,  the  chief  of  the 
brethren  in  a  monastery  deputed  to  visit  and 
attend  to  the  sick.     [Infirmary,  I.  837.] 

(3)  Magister  major,  a  title  sometimes  given 
to  the  chief  of  the  magistri  infantum.  See  (1) 
above. 

(4)  Magister  novitiorum,  the  officer  in  a 
monastery  to  whom  the  charge  of  the  novices 
was  especially  committed. 

Cassian  (de  Instit.  Coenob.  iv.  7)  tells  us  that 
a  candidate  for  admission  to  a  monastery  is  not  at 
once  to  be  admitted  into  the  general  body  of  the 
brethren,  but  given  for  a  time  into  the  charge  of 
an  elder  monk,  who  has  his  station  for  that  pur- 
pose not  far  from  the  entrance  of  the  monastery. 
During  this  period  the  novice  had  no  separate 
cell,  and  was  not  allowed  to  quit  the  master's 
cell  without  his  permission  (m.  s.  iv.  10).  Simi- 
larly the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  (c.  58)  provides 
that  the  novice  shall  be  taken  to  the  cell  of  the 
novices,  where  he  is  to  meditate,  eat,  and  sleep  ; 
and  that  a  senior  monk  shall  be  assigned  to  him, 
who  shall  give  all  possible  pains  to  raise  his  spi- 
ritual state.  It  seems  from  this  that  St.  Bene- 
dict designed  to  give  a  separate  magister  to  each 
novice ;  but  the  practice  of  later  times  was  to 
have  one  room  and  one  master  for  all  the  novices. 
Compare  (1)  above. 

Cassian  tells  us  (CoUat.  20,  c.  1)  that  he  him- 
self acted  as  "magister"  to  Pinufius,  who 
(though  he  had  fled  from  another  monastery) 
was  treated  as  a  novice.  Euphrosyne,  in  man's 
dress,  was  committed  to  the  charge  of  a  senior 
by  the  abbat  of  a  monastery  to  which  she  had 
fled  (Life  in  Rosweyd's  Vitae  Patruni,  c.  8, 
p.  otJ5) ;  and  a  man  like  Joannes  Damascenus, 
already  of  distinguished  piety,  was  placed  by  the 


MAGNUS 


lOTD 


head  of  the  monastery  of  St.  Sabas  under  the 
charge  of  a  senior.  (Life  in  Surius,  c.  18,  v. 
p.  159,  ed.  Turin,  1876.)  See  Alteserrae  Asce- 
ticon,  lib.  ii.  c.  10.  [C] 

MAGISTRATES.   [Jurisdiction;  Law.] 

MAGISTRATUS.  Pelliccia  (i.  27,  quoted 
by  Augusti,  Handbuch,  i.  170)  states  that  "  ma- 
gistratus  nomine  primo  episcopus,  secundo  pres- 
byter in  usum  veniunt  ;  "  that  is,  that  the  two 
higher  orders,  bishop  and  presbyter,  are  admitted 
to  the  title  of  magistri,  while  the  inferior  orders 
which  subserved  them  were  ministri.  [Minister.] 
This  distinction  seems  to  correspond  with  that 
elsewhere  made  between  iepovfj.fvoi  and  virriptTaL 
(Cave,  Frim.  Christianity,  pt.  i.  ch.  8.)         [C] 

MAGITA,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria Sept,  8  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAGLORIUS  [St.  Magloire],  bishop  of  Dol, 
circ.  A.D.  575  ;  commemorated  Oct.  24  (Mabill. 
Acta  SS.  0.  S.  B.  saec.  i.  p.  209).  [C.  H.] 

MAGNA,  martyr  in  Africa  ;  commemorated 
Dec.  3  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

[C.  H.] 

MAGNERICUS,  archbishop  of  Treves  in  the 
6th  century,  confessor  ;  commemorated  July  25 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  vi.  168).  [C.  H.] 

MAGNIFICAT.   [Canticle.] 

MAGNILIS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Capua  Aquaria  Sept.  1  {Hieron.  Mart.).   [C.  H.] 

MAGNILUS  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa;  com- 
memorated July  30  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Aug.  23 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  in  Mauritania;  commemorated 
Oct.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr  in  Macedonia ;  commemorated  Oct. 
31  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAGNOBODUS,  commemorated  Oct.  16 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  vii.  2,  940).  [C.  H.] 

MAGNUS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Jan. 
1  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  21). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Rome  in  the  Forum  Sempronii ; 
commemorated  on  Feb.  4  (Usuard.  Mart.; 
Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  on  the 
Via  Flaminia  Feb.  14  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr  at  Interamna ;  commemorated 
Feb.  15  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Thessalonica ;  commemorated 
April  2  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr  with  eight  others  at  Cyzicus ; 
commemorated  April  29  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(7)  Martyr  in  Africa  ;  commemorated  May  26 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  on  the 
Via  Tiburtina  July  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(9)  Martyr  at  Corinth  ;  commemorated  July 
20  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(10)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  on  the 
Via  Portuensis  July  29  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  One  of  four  subdeacons  beheaded  at  Rome 
with  Xystus;  commemorated  Aug.  6  (Usuard, 
Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.). 


1080 


MAGNUS 


(12)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
Aug.  9  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(13)  Otherwise  ANDREAS,  martyr  with 
2597  companions ;  commemorated  Aug.  19 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. ;  Hieron.  Mart.). 
A  bishop  and  martyr  of  this  name  in  Italy,  and 
likewise  a  bishop  of  Avignon,  confessor,  were 
commemorated  on  this  day  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Aug.  iii.  701,  755). 

(14)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Capua  Aug. 
27  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(15)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  "ad 
Sanctam  Felicitatem,"  Sept.  4  (^Hieron.  Mart. ; 
Bed.  Mart.  Auct.).  Another  of  this  name  was 
commemorated  on  the  same  day,  apparently  at 
Ancyra  in  Galatia  (^Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard. 
Mart.). 

(16)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Capua  Sept. 
5  (^Hieron.  Marti). 

(17)  Abbat  of  Fuessa  ;  commemorated  Sept.  6 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  ii.  735). 

(18)  Martyr  in  Sicily ;  commemorated  Sept. 
10  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(19)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  Sept. 
16  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(20)  Bishop  of  Opitergium  (Oderzo),  after- 
wards of  Heraclea,  confessor ;  commemorated 
Oct.  6  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  iii.  416). 

(21)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Caesarea  in 
Cappadocia,  Oct.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(22)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Nov.  1 ;  and  on 
the  same  dav  another  at  Terracina  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(23)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Nov.  8  at  Nico- 
media  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(24)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Bononia  in 
Gaul  (Boulogne),  Nov.  27  {Hier.  Mart.).    [C.  H.] 

MAGORIANUS,  of  Trent,  confessor  in  the 
5th  century ;  commemorated  March  15  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  March,  ii.  403).  [C.  H.] 

MAGRINUS,  martyr  at  Nevedunum  (Nyon) ; 
commemorated  Sept.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 

MAGROBIUS,  martyr.  [Macrobius,  July 
20.]  [C.  H.] 

MAIANUS  or  MEVENNUS,  abbat  in 
Brittany,  in  the  6th  century ,  commemorated 
June  21  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  iv.  101).     [C.  H.] 

MAJESTAS.  An  ancient  rubric  given  by 
Martene  {do  Bit.  Ant.  I.  v.  2,  Ordo  36)  runs 
as  follows  :  "  Hie  libri  majestatem  deosculetur." 
Here  the  majestas  which  the  priest  is  to  kiss  is 
the  representation  of  the  Holy  Trinity  prefixed 
to  the  altar-book  or  tablet.  [C] 

MAJOLUS.    [Majulus.] 

MAJOR  (1)  Soldier,  martyr  at  Gaza  under 
Diocletian ;  commemorated  Feb.  15  (Basil. 
MenoL;  BoU.  Acta  SS  Feb.  ii.  901). 

(2)  Confessor ;  commemorated  at  Rome  in  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus  May  10  {Hieron. 
Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MAJORICA,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Afrodiris  Ap.  30  {Hieron.  Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

MAJORICUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Milan  May  6  {Hkron.  Mart).  [C.  H.J 


MALEDICTION 

MAJOSA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Thes- 
salonica  June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAJULINUS  (1)  Martyr  at  Tarragona, 
commemorated  Jan.  21  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  at  Militana  in  Armenia  ;  comme- 
morated Ap.  19  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Nov.  16  {Hieron. 
{Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAJULUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Jan.  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Jan. 
19  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Feb.  19 
{Hieron.  Mart). 

(4)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  in  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus  May  10  {Hieron. 
Mart). 

(5)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  May 
11  {Hieron.  Mart ;  Boll,  ^cto  SS.  May,  ii.*625). 

(6)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  July 
11  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.]" 

MAJURUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Thessalonica  June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.).       [C.  H.] 

MALACHI  the  Prophet ;  commemorated  by 
the  Greeks  Jan.  3  {Cal.  Byzant. ;  Cal.  Aethiop. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturcj.  iv.  250  ;  Basil.  Menol.) ;  by 
the  Latins  on  Jan.  14  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i. 
931).  [C.  H.] 

MALARDUS  or  MALEHARDUS,  bishop 
of  Carnot  circ.  A.D.  660;  commemorated  Jan.  19 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  235).  [C.  H.] 

MALCHUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  at 
Caesarea  in  Palestine  March  28  {Vet.  Rom. 
Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  in  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus  May  10  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Commemorated  at  Thessalonica  June  1 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Commemorated  at  Ephesus  with  Maxi- 
mianus  and  Martianus  and  four  others  July  27 
(Usuard.  Mart.). 

(5)  Monk  and  confessor  at  Maronia,  near  An- 
tioch,  4th  century ;  commemorated  Oct.  21 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  ix.  59).  [C.  H.] 

MALEDICTION  {Maledictio).  Maledictions 
[compare  Anathema]  were  used  on  various 
occasions,  as  (for  instance)  in  Excommunication 
[I.  641],  and  in  the  Degradation  of  clerks 
[L  542].  An  early  example  of  the  latter  is  the 
curse  of  Silverius  on  his  rival  Vigilius  (Binius, 
Concilia,  iv.  143):  "  Habeto  ergo  cum  his  qui 
tibi  consentiunt  paenae  damnationis  sententiam, 
sublatumque  tibi  nomen  et  munus  ministerii 
sacerdotalis  agnosce,  S.  Spiritus  judicio  et 
apostolica  a  nobis  auctoritate  damnatus." 
Another  is  that  mentioned  by  Gregory  of  Tours 
{Hist.  Franc,  v.  19),  where,  in  the  case  of 
Praetextatus,  bishop  of  Rouen,  king  Chilperic 
demanded  that  either  his  tunic  [Alb]  should  be 
rent,  or  the  108th  [109th  A.V.]  psalm,  which 
contains  the  curses  on  Iscariot  (qui  maledictiones 
Scarioticas  continet),  should  be  said  over  his 
head,  or  at  any  rate  judgment  of  perpetual  ex- 
communication recorded  against  him  [Maran- 
atha]. 


MALEFICUS 

A  specimen  of  a  curse  denounced  against 
those  who  took  possession  of  the  lands  of  a 
monastery  is  given  by  Martene  {de  Eit.  Antiq. 
ill.  iii.  Ordo  3) :  "  Ma.j  their  portion  and  their 
inheritance  be  the  torments  of  everlasting  fire, 
with  Korah,  Dathan,  and  Abirani,  who  went 
down  quick  into  hell,  with  Judas  and  Pilate, 
with  Annas  and  Caiaphas,  with  Simon  Magus 
and  Nero ;  with  whom  may  they  be  tormented 
in  everlasting  torment  without  end,  so  as  to  have 
no  fellowship  with  Christ  or  His  saints  in  the 
rest  of  heaven,  but  have  fellowship  with  the 
devil  and  his  companions,  being  appointed  to  the 
torments  of  hell,  and  perish  everlastingly.  So 
be  it !  So  be  it !"  [C] 

MALEFICUS,  the  name  popularly  given  to 
one  supposed  able  to  bewitch  a  person  or  his  pro- 
perty. "  Quos  vere  Maleficos  vulgus  appellat," 
says  Lactantius  (^Div.  Instit.  ii.  16),  and  simi- 
larly Constantius  {Leges,  4,  6  de  Malef.  in  Codex 
Theodos.  ix.  16),  and  St.  Augustine  (dc  Civ.  Dei, 
s,  9).  The  crime  was  itself  called  Maleficium, 
as  if  pre-eminently  a  deed  of  wickedness.  A  law 
of  Constantius,  A.D.  357,  after  reference  to 
aruspices  and  others,  proceeds  to  condemn  "  the 
Chaldeans  and  Magi,  and  the  rest  whom  the 
common  people  call  Malefici,  from  the  greatness 
of  their  misdoing"  (1.  4,  u.  s.).  They  were 
believed  to  obtain  their  power  to  injure  others 
from  evil  spii'its,  either  demons  properly  so 
called,  or  the  souls  of  the  dead.  Thus  Lactan- 
tius (m.  s.),  speaking  of  the  demons,  says  that 
the  Malefici,  "  when  they  exercise  their  execrable 
arts,  call  them  up  by  their  true  names  "  (not  by 
those  of  the  ancient  heroes,  etc.,  which  they 
assumed  to  deceive).  These  spirits  were  invoked 
with  bloody  sacrifices  and  other  pagan  rites. 
St.  Jerome,  distinguishing  between  Malefici  and 
other  professors  of  occult  arts,  says  that  the 
former  "  use  blood  and  victims,  and  often  touch 
the  bodies  of  the  dead  "  (Comm.  in  Dan.  ii.).  They 
corresponded  to  the  ySrirat  of  the  Greeks,  who 
were  so  called  from  the  peculiar  howl  in  which 
they  intoned  their  incantations:  "  Illicitis  artibus 
deditos  .  .  .  quos  et  Maleficos  vulgus  appellat 
...  ad  goetiam  pertinere  dicunt "  (August. 
u.  ?.).  roijTSi'a,  as  Zonaras  explains,  "  is  the 
doing  aught  to  the  injury  of  others  by  means  of 
incantations  and  invocation  of  demons  "  (Comm. 
in  St.  Bas.  Epist.  ad  Amph.il.  ad  can.  65:  sim. 
Balsamon,  ihid.).     See  Magic.  [W.  E.  S.] 

MALINUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria with  170  others,  Ap.  28  (Hieron.  Mart. ; 
Bed.  Mart.  Auct.).  [C.  H.] 

MALLUSTUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at 
Cologne  with  330  others,  Oct.  10  (Hieron. 
Mart.).  Called  also  Malusius  (Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.).  [C.  H.] 

MAMA,  virgin  ;  commemorated  June  2 
{Cal.  Arm.).  [C.  H.] 

MAMAS  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  the 
Greek  church,  July  12  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July, 
iii.  303). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  with  Basiliscus  in 
the  Greek  church,  July  30  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July, 
vii.  149). 

(3)  MAMES,  or  MAMMES,  martyr  at 
Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  under  Aurelian ;  com- 


MAMMITA 


1081 


memorated  Aug.  11^ (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Rem.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iii.  423).  Florus  assigns 
Aug.  7  to  him.  The  Greek  church  commemo- 
rated him  on  Sept.  2  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal. 
Byzant.).  Another  Marames  is  mentioned  under 
Aug.  17,  commemorated  at  Alexandria,  by 
Hieron.  Mart.)  George  Codinus  states  that  there 
was  at  Constantinople  a  temple  of  St.  Mamas, 
built  by  the  sister  of  empress  Mauricius,where  she 
interred  the  bodies  of  Mauricius  and  his  children 
{dc  Antiq.  Const.  61).  Which  St.  Mamas  (if 
thei'e  were  two)  he  does  not  say. 

(4)  Commemorated  in  Greek  church  Sept.  23 
(Cal.  Armen.). 

MAMELCHTA  or  MAMELTA,  martyr  in 
Persia,  probably  in  the  5th  century;  comme- 
morated Oct.  17  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  viii.  53); 
assigned  to  Oct.  5  in  Basil.  Menol.  [C.  H.] 

MAMERTINUS,    martyr    with    Marianus, 
monks  at  Auxerre,  in  the  5th  century ;  comme- 
morated April  20  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii.  759). 
[C.  H.] 

MAMERTUS,  bishop  of  Vienne  and  con- 
fessor after  A.D.  475;  commemorated  May  11 
(Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Florus  ap. 
Bed.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  ii.  629). 

[C.  H.] 

MAMERUS,  martyr;  commemorated  April 
12  (Hiero7i.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAMERUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  March  14  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [  C.  H.] 

MAMILIANUS  (1)  or  MAXIMILIANUS, 

martyr  at  Rome ;  commemorated  March  12 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  ii.  104). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Panormus,  probably  in  5th  cen- 
tury ;  commemorated  Sept.  15  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  V.  45).  [C.  H.] 

MAMMARIA,  martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Mauritania  Dec.  2  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAMMARIUS,  presbyter,  martyr,  A.D.  254 ; 
commemorated  June  10  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June, 
ii.  268).  [C.  H.] 

MAMMARUS  (1)  Martyr  in  Phrygia  ;  com- 
memorated Nov.  6  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  in  Africa ;  commemorated  Dec.  1 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAMMAS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  at 
Tarragona  Jan.  21  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Female  martyr ;  commemorated  July  17 
(Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  iv.  220). 
[C.  H.] 

MAMMERUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
in  Istria  June  5  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Nov.  24 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAMMES  (1),  Martyr  at  Caesarea  ;  comme- 
morated July  16  (Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  Aug.  17.  [Ma- 
mas.] [C.  H.] 

MAMMITA  and  her  companions,  martyrs  at 
Alexandria;  commemorated  Aug.  17  (Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 


1082 


MAMON 


MAMON,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria Aug.  9  {Hkron.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MANAEN,  or  MANAHEN,  Herod's  foster- 
brother;  commemorated  at  Antioch  May  24 
(Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.  ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  May,  v.  273).  [C.  H.] 

MANASCHIERT,  COUNCIL  OF  (3Iana- 
schiertense  Consilium),  held  at  Manaschert  in  Ar- 
menia A.D.  687,  according  to  Mansi,  by  command 
of  Omar  the  Saracen  leader,  under  the  Armenian 
patriarch  John.  Its  decrees  on  doctrine  seem 
framed  in  opposition  to  the  si.\th  council,  where 
Monothelism  was  condemned  ;  while  several  of 
its  decrees  on  discipline  seem  condemned  pro- 
fessedly by  the  32nd  and  56th  of  the  TruUan 
canons  (Mansi,  xi.  1099.  Comp.  Constaxtinoplk, 
Councils  of  (34),  p.  444).  [K.  S.  Ff.] 

MANDRA.  A  favourite  appellation  for  mo- 
nastic establishments  in  the  East  was  rrumdra, 
/jLtLi/Spa,  a  fold,  used  both  alone,  eV  fiovaffrripiois 
inrdpxoi'Tes  drovv  jLiavSpai^  (Epii)han.  Haeres. 
80),  or  with  distinctive  epithets  ayia,  dda,  Upi, 
■KvevixaTiKT)  ixdvhpa.  The  sacred  precinct,  or 
cloistered  atrium  in  front  of  the  church  of 
St.  Simeon  Stylites,  surrounding  the  pillar  on 
which  he  stood,  was  popularly  known  as  Mandra, 
taking  the  name  of  the  enclosed  plot  in  the  midst 
of  which  the  column  was  erected  (Evagr.  H.  E. 
i.  13,  14).    [Archimandrite.]  [E.  V.] 

MANDUTIUS;  commemorated  Aug.  16 
{Cal  Byzant.).  [C.  H.] 

MANDYAS  {nav^vas,  fiai/Svi],  ixavdiov). 
This  name  is  now  given  in  the  Greek  church  to 
the  outer  garment  worn  by  monks,  which  is 
also  used  on  some  occasions  by  bishops,  who  are, 
as  a  rule,  drawn  from  the  monastic  orders.  In 
shape  it  is,  on  the  whole,  similar  to  a  cope,  being 
a  long  cloak,  reaching  almost  to  the  feet,  and 
fastened  at  the  throat. 

It  seems  originally  to  have  been  borrowed 
from  the  Persians,  and  is  defined  by  Hesychius 
as  elSos  inariov  Ufpa-wv,  iroKefxtKbv  ifxaTwv.  In 
the  West  we  find  it  frequently  spoken  of  as  a 
dress  worn  by  emperors  and  kings.  The  earliest 
instance  of  the  use  of  the  word  in  its  ecclesias- 
tical sense  is  apparently  in  Germanus,  patriarch 
of  Constantinople  {Hist.  Eccles.  et  Mystica 
Theorin;  Patrol.  Gr.  xcviii.  396).  For  later 
instances  reference  may  be  made  to  Ducange, 
Glossarium  Graecum,  s.v.,  and  Goar's  Eucholocjion, 
pp.  113,  495.  [R.  S.] 

MANECHILDIS,  or  MENEHOUD,  virgin 
in  Gaul;  commemorated  Oct.  14  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Oct.  vi.  526).  [C.  H.] 

MANETHO,  virgin  at  Scythopolis,  martyr ; 
commemorated  Nov.  13  (Basil.  MenoL). 

[C.  H.] 

MANGER  {Praesepe).  In  the  crypt  be- 
neath the  altar  of  the  Sixtine  chapel  which 
forms  part  of  the  Liberian  basilica  (S.  Maria 
Maggiore)  at  Rome  is  preserved  the  sacred 
culla,  which  forms  the  object  of  a  solemn  cere- 
mony and  procession  on  Christmas  Eve.  The 
culla  is  supposed  to  consist  of  five  boards  of  the 
manger  in  which  the  infant  Saviour  was  laid  at 
the  Nativity  [Magi  ;  Nativity].  This  manger 
was    visited  by  Jerome  and  his  disciple  Taula 


MANIPLE 

(Hieron.  Epist.  108,  ad  Eustochium,  §  10).  The 
boards  were  brought  to  Rome  from  Bethlehem', 
together  with  some  fragments  of  rock  from  the 
cave  which  is  the  tr;iditional  scene  of  the 
Nativity,  when  the  remains  of  St.  Jerome  were 
translated  in  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century 
by  pope  Theodore  I.  [Not  a.d.  352,  as  is  main- 
tained by  Benedict  XIV.,  dc  Canmiz.  Sanct.  1. 
iv.  pt.  2.]  They  are  now  enclosed  in  an  urn  of 
silver  and  crystal,  with  a  gilt  figure  of  tha 
Holy  Child  on  the  top.  (Wetzer  and  Welte, 
Kirchenlcxicon,  xii.  698,  s.  v.  Krippe  ;  Murray, 
Handbook  of  Rome,  p.  128,  9th  ed.)  The  modern 
practice  of  setting  up  in  churches  representa- 
tions of  the  manger  or  cradle  is  said  to  have 
originated  with  St.  Francis  of  Assisi.  [C] 

MANILIS,  martyr;  commemorated  May  11 
(^Hieron.  Mart.).  [c.  H.I 

MANILIUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  ia 
Africa  April  28  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS 
April,  iii.  571).  [c.  H.] 

MANILUS  (1)  Martvr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  March  7  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  March  8 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Cappadocia 
March  15  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr;  commemorated  April  12  {Hie- 
ron. Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Perusia  April 
29  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  May  11 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MANIPLE  {Pallium  Zitiostimum  [?],  Map- 
pula,  Manipulus  [to  be  referred,  like  the  othei- 
uses  of  the  word,  to  the  primary  notion  of  hand- 
ful; see  Ducange,  s.  u.],  Manipula,  Sudarium^ 
Phanon,  Fanon  [cf.  German  Fahne  and  Latin 
pannus,  which  are  doubtlessly  allied :  see  Grimm 
Deutsches  Worterhuch,  s.  v.  ;  the  English  pennon 
also  is  apjiarently  derived  from  pannus],  Mantilc, 
Manutergium :  fyxelpiov). 

This  vestment  in  its  primary  form  appears  to 
have  been  merely  a  handkerchief  or  napkin  held 
in  the  hand,  but  in  later  times  it  became  an 
ornamental  vestment  pendent  from  the  left  wrist. 
It  perhaps  furnishes  us  with  another  illustration 
of  what  we  have  already  spoken  of  in  the  case 
of  the  dalmatic  (see  the  article),  of  the  gradual 
extension  of  what  was  in  its  origin  a  peculiar 
use  of  the  local  Roman  church  throughout  the; 
whole  of  the  West ;  an  extension  at  first  jealously 
resisted  by  the  Roman  clergy.  The  Eastern 
church  has  nothing  answering  to  the  maniple, 
but  apparently  the  iyxflpioi'  spoken  of  by  Ger- 
manus, to  which  we  shall  refer  below,  was  in  its 
time  a  real,  though  accidental,  parallel. 

Possibly  the  earliest  trace  of  the  original  use 
of  the  maniple  is  to  be  found  in  the  order  of 
Silvester  I.  (ob.  A.D.  335)  that  deacons  should 
wear  dalmatics  in  church,  and  that  their  left 
hand  should  be  covered  with  a  cloth  of  linea 
warp  {pallium  linostimum  :  see  Walafrid  Strabo, 
de  Pehus  Eccles.  c.  24 ;  Patrol,  cxiv.  952  ;  Ana- 
stasius  Bibliothecarius,  de  Vitis  Rom.  Pont., 
Patrol,  cxxvii.  1513).  Marriott,  who  is  disposed 
to  connect  this  with  the  later  maniple,  suggests 
{Vcstiarium  Christianum,   p.   108  n.)  that" the 


MANIPLE 

order  may  have  had  reference  primarily  to  the 

handling  of  the   eucharistic  vessels.     The  same 

"  order  as  to   the  use  of  this  cloth  was  made  by 

Zosimus  (ob.  A.B.  418)  (Anastasius,  op.  cit.  59  ; 

i;        Patrol,  cxxviii.  174). 

'  Others  have  argued  that  this  pallium  linosti- 

\        mum  is   rather  to  be  associated   with  the  stole 
)        (see  esp.  Macer,  Hierolesicon,  s.  v.  Linostima). 
I  In  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great,  we   meet 

with  the  mappula  as  a  jealously  guarded  vest- 
ment or  ornament  of  the  Roman  clergy,  which 
had  been  in  use  among  them  for  some  time.  The 
clergy  of  the  church  of  Ravenna  having  ventured 
to  make  use  of  this  vestment,  the  Roman  clergy 
loudly  maintained  that  it  was  a  peculiar  right 
of  their  own,  and  protested  against  the  clergy  of 
Ravenna  wearing  the  7>iappxi/.a  either  there  or  at 
Rome.  Gregory,  writing  to  John,  bishop  of  Ra- 
venna, settled  the  matter  by  giving  permission 
to  the  chief  deacons  of  Ravenna  (primis  diaconibus 
vestris)  to  wear  the  mappula  when  in  attendance 
on  the  bishop ;  permission,  however,  being  abso- 
lutely refused  (vehementissime  prohibemus)  for 
other  times  and  to  other  persons  {Epist.  lib.  iii. 
56 ;  vol.  iii.  668).  Bishop  John,  in  his  answer, 
remarks  that  in  the  time  of  Gregory's  prede- 
cessors, whenever  a  bishop  of  Ravenna  had  been 
consecrated  at  Rome,  the  attendant  priests  and 
deacons  had  openly  used  mappulae  without  any 
fault  being  found,  and  that  this  had  been  the 
case  when  he  was  himself  consecrated  bishop. 

The  above  instance  has  generally  been  supposed 
to  belong  to  the  early  history  of  the  maniple,  as 
by  Bona  {de  Rebus  Liturgicis,  i.  24.  5),  Binterim 
(penkwiiixUgkeiten,  vol.  iv.  part  1,  pp.  203  sqq.). 
At  a  later  period,  however,  the  latter  writer  (pp. 
cit.  vol.  vii.  part  3,  pp.  359  sqq.),  followed  by 
Hefele  (Beitriige  zu  Kirchengeschichte,  Archdo- 
logie,  und  Liturgik,  ii.  180),  argued  that  it  is 
here  rather  to  be  understood  of  a  kind  of  moveable 
canopy  (see  Durandus,  Eat.  Div.  Off.  iv.  6.  11, 
and  Ducange,  s.v.)  •  and  it  may  fairly  be  admitted 
that  the  terms  in  which  both  the  contest  and  the 
concession  are  described  are  on  the  whole  more 
;  applicable  to  this  latter  view.  It  is  interesting 
/  to  add  here,  in  face  of  this  conflict  of  theories, 
that,  so  far  as  appears,  there  is  no  trace  of  a 
maniple  in  the  famous  mosaic  in  the  church  of 
St.  Vitalis  at  Ravenna,  which  is  assigned  to  the 
end  of  the  6th  century.  (Figured  above,  s.v. 
Dalmatic,  from  Gaily  Knight's  Ecclesiastical 
Architecture  of  Italy,  plate  x.) 

It  is  not  till  the  8th  or  9th  century  that  we 
meet  with  distinct  allusions  to  the  maniple  as  a 
sacred  vestment.  Mabillon  notices  a  donation 
bequeathed  to  a  monastery  in  the  year  A.D.  781, 
in  which,  with  numerous  other  church  orna- 
ments, "quinque  manipuli"  (the  earliest  instance 
we  have  been  able  to  find  of  the  7iame  maniple) 
are  mentioned  (Annalcs  Ordinis  S.  Bcncdicti,  lib. 
25,  c.  53).  Martene  again  refers  {de  Antiquis 
Eccksiae  Hitibus,  iii.  187;  ed.  Venice,  1783)  to 
an  ancient  missal  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Denis 
and  assigned  by  him  to  about  the  time  of  Charle- 
magne, in  which  was  given  a  prayer  at  the 
putting  on  of  the  maniple  :  "  praecinge  me, 
Domine,  virtute,  et  pone  immaculatam  vitam 
meam."  * 


MANIPLE 


1083 


'  A  curious  error  has  been  here  made  by  Hefele,  who 
(op.  cit.  p.  181)  has  inadvertently  cited  as  given  by  M^ir- 
tene  from  a  "  copy  of  the  Ambrosian  Liturgy  made  by 


We  may  next  cite  Rabanus  Maurus  (de  Cler. 
List.  i.  18  ;  Patrol,  cvii.  18),  who,  writing  early 
in  the  9th  century,  speaks  of  the  maniple  as  the 
'•  mappula  sive  mantile  . . .  quod  vulgo  phanonem, 
vocant,"  which  is  held  in  the  hand  at  the  cele- 
bration of  mass  by  the  "  sacerdotes  et  ministri 
altaris."  About  the  same  time  we  find  Ama- 
larius  (de  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  24;  Patrol,  cv.  1099) 
commenting  on  the  maniple  under  the  name 
sndarium,  and  entering  at  length  into  the  sym- 
bolism of  it.  We  also  find  a  reference  to  it  in 
the  treatise  de  Divinis  Officiis,  once  referred  to 
Alcuin  (c.  39;  Patrol,  ci.  1243).  This  work  is 
now,  however,  assigned  to  the  10th  or  llth 
century.  In  the  homily  da  Cura  Pastorali, 
ascribed  to  Leo  IV.  (ob.  A.D.  855),  the  injunctiou 
is  given  that  the  maniple  (fanon)  is  to  be  among 
the  vestments  invariably  to  be  made  use  of  when 
mass  is  sung  (Patrol,  cxv.  675),  the  others  spe- 
cified being  amice,  alb,  stole,  and  planeta  ;  and 
we  find  the  same  command  repeated  in  the 
following  century  by  Ratherius,  bishop  of  Verona 
(Patrol,  cxxsvi.  559). 

To  add  one  more  illustration,  the  order  is  made 
in  the  year  A.D.  889  by  bishop  Riculfus  of  Sois- 
sons,  that  each  church  should  possess  at  least 
'•duo  cinctoria  et  totidem  mappulas  mtidas " 
(Statuta,  0.  7  ;  Patrol,  cxxxi.  17). 

In  Rabanus  Maurus  and  the  other  liturgio- 
logists  cited  above,  the  maniple  is  spoken  of  as 
carried  in  the  hand,  the  left  being  sometimes 
specially  mentioned  ;  but,  in  course  of  time,  it 
was  worn  pendent  from  the  wrist  (see  e.  g.  Hugo 
de  St.  Victore,  Serm.  14;  Patrol,  clxxvii.  928; 
Honorius  Augustodunensis,  Gemma  Animae,  i. 
208  ;  Patrol,  clxxii.  606). 

It  ought  to  be  added  here  that  the  maniple 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  unicersally  em- 
ployed as  a  sacred  vestment  in  the  9th  century, 
for  e.g.  in  the  illustrations  in  the  Pontifical  of 
Landulfus,  which  is  assigned  to  that  period,  none 
of  the  priests  wear  maniples  (see  Marriott,  plates 
34-36).  Conversely  also,  it  may  be  remarked, 
we  find,  and  that  at  quite  a  later  period,  traces 
of  the  maniple  being  worn  by  lay  monks.  Thus 
e.  g.  Lanfranc  of  Canterbury,  speaking  with 
reference  to  the  ordering  of  subdeacons,  says, 
"  in  coenobiis  monachorum  etiam  laici  albis 
induuntur  et  antiqua  patrum  institutione  solent 
ferre  manipulum  "  (Epist.  13  ;  Patrol,  cl.  520). 
A  council  of  Poitiers  (a.d.  1100)  forbids  monks, 
unless  they  are  subdeacons,  to  assume  the 
maniple  (Concil.  Pictav.  can.  5;  Labbe,  vii.  725). 

With  the  growth  of  the  church's  wealth  and 
power  in  the  9th  century,  the  general  character 
of  vestments  was  considerably  modified  into  % 
more  costly  and  elaborate  form.  As  a  curious 
example  of  this  in  the  case  of  the  maniple,  we 
may  cite  the  will  of  Riculfus,  bishop  of  Helena^ 
(ob.  A.D.  915),  who  in  a  long  list  of  valuable 
articles  mentions  "  manipulos  sex  cum  auro, 
unum  sex  (/(?(/.  ex) iis  cum  tintinnabulis"''(Prt<roL 
cxxxii.  468).  Into  the  later  notices,  however, 
of  the  maniple  it  is  not  our  province  to  enter. 

The  Eastern  church,  as  we  have  said,  does  not 


command  of  Charlemagne,"  a  form  which  is  really  from 
a  copy  of  that  liturgy  printed  in  1560  by  the  command  of 
St.  Charles  [Boiromeo],  archbishop  of  Milan.  (Martene, 
op.  cit.  p.  173.) 

>>  Doubllfss  this  is  in  imit,ition  of  the  little  bells  oil 
the  robe  of  the  .Jewjah  hif;h  priest. 


1084 


MANIERA 


use  the  maniple,  but  probably  the  iyxeipiov, 
mentioned  by  Germanus,  is  practically  a  parallel. 
It  is  spolcen  of  by  him  as  worn  by  deacons 
attached  to  the  girdle,  and  as  symbolising  the 
towel  on  which  our  Lord  dried  His  hands  after 
washing  His  disciples'  feet  {Ifist.  Ecclcs.  ct 
Mystica  Theoria;  Patrol.  Gr.  xcviii.  394).  The 
epimanikion,  however  (^iirifx^viKiov,  fiav'iKtov, 
vironaviKiov),  while  presenting  an  apparent  simi- 
larity to  the  maniple,  is  utterly  different  from  it 
in  fact.  The  woi-d  (a  barbarous  compound  of 
Latin  and  Greek)  denotes  a  cuff,  as  being  worn 
upon  the  sleeves  of  both  arms,  and  is  now  one  of 
the  actual  ornaments  of  bishops  (to  whom  it  was 
long  restricted)  and  priests  (and  latterly  also  of 
deacons,  Neale,  I.  c.)  in  the  Greek  church  (Goar, 
Euchologion,  p.  Ill ;  Neale,  Eastern  Church, 
Introd.  p.  307). 

Finally,  we  may  give  a  passing  remark  as  to 
one  or  two  other  ecclesiastical  uses  of  some  of 
the  Latin  names  of  the  maniple.  Thus /anon  is 
also  used  for  the  name  of  the  cloth  in  which  is 
wrapped  up  the  bread  for  use  in  the  Eucharist : — 
so  in  an  Ordo  Romanus  "  fanonibus  puris  obla- 
tiones  tenent"  (Amalarius,  Ecloga  de  Officio 
Missae,  c.  19  ;  in  Menard's  Greg.  Sacr.  554) — 
and  also  for  the  cloth  which  enwraps  the  chalice 
{ibid.  c.  20).  It  is  used  again  for  a  kind  of  veil 
worn  on  the  head  of  the  pope  beneath  the  mitre 
(^Ordo  Romanus,  siv.  43 ;  op.  cit.  270  ;  cf.  also 
281,  357,  537  [even  in  death,  ib.  527]  ;  it  is  also 
styled  simply  mappa).  The  word  mappula  is 
used  in  the  Regula  Monachorum  of  Isidore  (c.  12, 
Patrol.  Ixxxiii.  882)  for  a  garment  worn  over 
the  shoulders  by  a  monk  who  has  not  a  pallium. 
In  the  Regula  Fructuosi  (c.  4 ;  Patrol.  Ixxxvii. 
1101),  mappula  is  used  apparently  in  the  sense 
of  a  towel  or  napkin,  as  a  part  of  the  equipment 
of  a  monk's  cell.  See  also  Reg.  S.  Benedicti, 
c.  55.  [R.  S.] 

MANIRRA,  martyr ;  commemorated  Feb.  28 
{Ilieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MANIUS,  bishop  of  Verona,  perhaps  in  5th 
century ;  commemorated  Sept.  3  (Boll.  Acta 
S8.  Sept.  i.  661).  [C.  H.] 

MANNA  (in  Art).  Two  examples  from 
Bosio's  plates  (see  Bottari,  tav.  clxiv.  and  tab. 
Ivii.)  are  supposed  by  Aringhi  to  represent 
Moses  pointing  to  four  or  seven  baskets  of  the 
manna  of  the  wilderness.  Bottari  expresses 
some  doubt  in  both  cases,  thinking  that,  at  all 
events  in  the  example  which  contains  seven 
baskets,  the  figure  must  be  intended  for  Our 
Lord.  This  may  be  the  case,  but  the  contents 
of  the  baskets  may  still  be  intended  for  manna, 
in  reference  to  St.  John  vi.  41.  Millin  (^Voyages 
dans  le  Midi  de  France,  etc.  xxxviii.  8,  lix.  3), 
gives  two  sarcophagi,  in  which  a  personage  who 
may  pass  for  Moses  stands  pointing  to  three 
jars  or  "  omers,"  probably  meant  for  manna, 
the  more  so  as  two  figures  bearing  a  bunch  of 
grapes  are  near  them  (Num.  xiii.  24).  Compare 
Loaves,  II.  1038. 

There  is  besides  a  newly  discovered  fresco,  of 
which  Martigny  gives  a  woodcut,  which  clearly 
represents  the  gathering  of  the  manna  ;  but,  if 
it  be  correctly  copied,  the  drapery  of  the  figures 
has  a  somewhat  mediaeval-Italian  appearance. 
It  represents  the  falling  manna,  with  four 
figures   spreading  their  garments  to  catch  it. 


MANSE 

(See  woodcut.)  It  was  discovered  in  1863 
in  the  catacomb  of  St.  Cyriaca.  It  occupies 
the  whole  side  of  a  crypt,  aud  the  manna  is  re- 
presented like  snow  or  hail.  Our  Lord's  men- 
tion of  the  manna,  and  open  appeal  to  it  as 
the  symbol  of  His  body  best  suited,  before  His 
death,  to  the  understanding  of  His  Jewish 
hearers,  may  very  probably  invest  these  pic- 
tures of  the  bread  of  the  wilderness  with  eucha- 
ristic  meaning.     They  may  be  supposed    to  be 


Maona.    (From  Martigny.) 

pictorial  repetitions  of  the  text  "  I  am  that 
Bread  of  Life."  And  this  is  yet  more  probable, 
where,  as  in  Bottari  Ivii.,  Moses  is  represented  in 
the  act  of  striking  the  rock,  as  an  accompanying 
sculpture. 

As  was  observed  before,  it  may  be  our  Lord 
rather  than  Moses,  who  is  represented  with  the 
seven  baskets,  though  it  was  the  miracle  of  the 
Five  Loaves  which  preceded  His  discourse  at 
Capernaum,  and  twelve  baskets  would  therefore 
be  more  correct.  Nevertheless,  His  words  con- 
nect the  manna  of  the  Mosaic  dispensation  both 
with  His  miracle,  and  with  the  institution  of  the 
Holy  Communion,  and  the  pictures  seem  clearly 
meant  for  the  same  purpose.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MANNEA,  wife  of  the  tribune  Marcellinus, 
and  martyred  with  him  ;  commemorated  Aug.  27 
(Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MANNICA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Csesa- 
rea.  in  Cappadocia,  Nov.  13  (Hierm.  Mart.). 

.[C.H.] 

MANSE.  (^Mansis,  mansa,  mansum,  mansus  ; 
also,  especially  in  Italy,  masa,  masagium  (whence 
messuage),  masata,  massa,  massus,  &c.  Fr.  mas, 
Norm,  mois,  Burgund.  meix.  The  most  common 
form  is  mansus.)  Strictly,  the  mansus  seems  to 
have  been  a  piece  of  arable  land  of  twelve  acres 
(jugera,  bunnaria),  which  suggests  mensus  as  the 
original  form  ;  but  it  was  not  restricted  to  pieces 
of  that  precise  extent.  When  it  is  not  so  used, 
the  quantity  is  mentioned  (see  Ducange  in  v.). 
Mansus  dominicatus  or  indominicatus  was  the 
homestead  attached  to  the  residence  of  the  lord 
and  occupied  by  him  (Kar.  Calv.  Exact.  Nor- 
mannis  Constit.  a.d.  877,  Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  ii.  257, 
258.  Sim.  Formulae  Marculfi  (Lindenbr.),  c.  79, 
ibid.  534,  etc.).  Charlemagne,  813  (Capit.  ii.), 
speaks  of  the  "  mansum  regale "  in  his  forests, 
i.e.  the  clearing,  or  field,  on  which  the  coloni 


MANSIONAEII 

dwelt  (cap.  19).  By  a  like  usage,  a  piece  of  land 
by  which  a  church  was  wholly  or  partially  en- 
dowed (=  the  "  glebe  ")  was  called  the  "  mansus 
ecclesiae."  A  law  of  Louis  the  Godly,  816  ("  De 
Mansis  uniuscujusque  Ecclesiae  "),  decrees  that  to 
every  church  be  allotted  one  whole  mansus  free 
of  service,  and  that  the  priests  settled  in  them 
should  "do  no  service  on  account  of  the  afore- 
written  mansus,  except  that  due  to  the  church  " 
(Cap't.  Aquisgr.  10  ;  also  in  Capit.  Reg.  Franc. 
i.  85,  V.  214).  Charlemagne  seems  to  have 
desired  a  larger  provision,  for  in  legislating  for 
the  Saxons,  he  says,  "  All  of  the  lesser  chapters 
have  agreed  that  the  country  people  who  go  to  a 
church  give  to  every  church  a  court  (curtem) 
and  two  mansi  of  land"  (cap.  15).  The  Lom- 
bardic  laws  (iii.  i.  46),  824  (Ludov.  P.),  provide 
that  "if  a  church  happen  to  be  built  in  any 
place  which  was  wanted,  and  yet  had  no  endow- 
ment," "one  mansus  consisting  of  twelve  bun- 
naria  of  arable  land  be  given  there,  and 
two  serfs  by  the  freemen  who  are  to  hear  office 
in  the  said  church,  that  there  may  be  priests 
there,  and  that  divine  worship  may  be  held  ;  but 
that  if  the  people  will  not  do  this  it  be  pulled 
down"  (v.  Espen,  ii.  iv.  iv.  23).  Hincmar  of 
Rheinis  in  852  asked  of  each  parish  priest  in  his 
diocese  "whether  he  had  a  mansus  of  twelve 
bunnaria,  beside  a  cemetery  and  a  court  (cortem) 
in  which  the  church  and  his  house  stood,  or  if 
he  had  four  serfs"  (Labbe,  Cone.  viii.  573). 

Mansi  were  given  to  churches  to  provide  them 
with  lights  (Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  ii.  5),  and  an  ancient 
gloss  on  the  canon  law  says,  "Mansus  appellatur 
unde  percipitur  frumentum  et  vinum  ad  Eucha- 
ristiam  consecrandam  "  (from  Chron.  Wortnat. 
apud  Ludewig.  ii.  Reliq.  MSS. — Ducange). 

By  a  law  in  the  Fourth  Book  of  the  Capitularies 
of  the  French  Kings  (iv.  28),  compiled  in  827, 
courts  of  justice  are  to  be  held  "  neque  in  ecclesia 
neque  in  atrio  ejus."  When  this  was  republished 
by  Charles  the  Bald  in  853  (tit.  x,  c.  7),  and 
again  in  868  (tit.  xxxviii.  c.  7),  he  altered  it  thus, 
^'Ne  malla  vel  placita  in  exitibus  et  atriis  ecclesi- 
arum  et  presbyterorum  mansionibus  .  ,  .  lenere 
presumant."  In  870  (tit.  xlv.  12)  he  worded  the 
prohibition  thus,  "  Mallus  neque  in  ecclesia  neque 
in  porticibus  aut  atrio  ecclesiae  neque  in  man- 
sione  presbyteri  juxta  ecclesiam  habeatur."  We 
infer  progress  in  the  settlement  of  the  clergy, 
and  that  near  their  churches,  through  the  pro- 
vision of  a  Curtis  [see  Mansa]  on  which  a  house 
might  be  built ;  but  it  does  not  appear  that 
"  mansio  "  was  used  in  a  conventional  and  special 
sense  to  denote  the  residence  (or  "  manse  ")  of 
the  priest.  It  meant  a  dwelling-house  of  any 
kind,  and  is  the  original  form  of  the  common 
word  maison.  [}V.  E.  S.] 

MANSIONARII.  [Compare  Prosmana- 
Rius.]  Officers  discharging  certain  duties  in 
connexion  with  the  fabric  and  services  of  the 
church.  Ducange  (Gloss.)  makes  the  word 
synonymous  with  "  aedituus "  and  "  matri- 
cularius,"  and  explains  it  as  deriving  its  mean- 
ing from  the  fact  that  a  residence  ("  mansio ") 
near  the  church  was  attached  to  the  office. 
iJionysius  Exiguus,  in  his  Coilex  Canonum,  gives 
"  Mansionarius "  as  a  rendering  of  the  word 
trpoofnavapioi,  who  are  reckoned  by  the  Council 
of  Chalcedon  (c.  2)  among  the  clerical  officers 
who  are  strictly  forbidden  to  obtain  their  situ- 


MANSOLACUM,  COUNCIL  OF     1085 

ations  by  bribery.  (See  Bruns,  Cmones,  i.  26.) 
Bingham,  however  (Eccl.  Ant.  iii.  13,  §  1), 
quotes  Justellus,  Beveridge,  and  other  authorities 
to  prove  that  the  npofffj.ai'dptoi  were  in  reality 
the  stewards  or  administrators  of  the  property 
of  the  church.  That  the  "  mansionarii "  were 
clergy  is  evident  from  the  words  of  Anastasius 
the  librarian,  who  in  his  lives  of  John  4th 
and  Benedict  2nd  expressly  reckons  them  among 
the  clergy  to  whom  legacies  were  left :  "  Hie 
dimisit  omni  clero  ....  diaconibus  et  mansion- 
ariis  solidos  mille."  Gregory  the  Great  (Dia- 
log. III.  25)  applies  the  title  "  custos  eccle- 
siae "  and  "  mansionarius  "  indiscriminately  to 
one  Abundius.  Their  special  functions  appear 
to  have  been  connected  with  the  lighting  and 
general  care  of  the  lamps  of  the  church  to  which 
they  belonged.  Gregory  the  Great  (Dialog,  i.  5) 
speaks  of  a  certain  Constautius  who  was  "  man- 
sionarius," and  had  charge  of  the  lamps,  and  in 
(Dialog,  iii.  24)  the  same  duties  are  allotted  to 
one  Theodosius,  who  is  called  "  custos "  in  the 
text  and  "  mansionarius  "  in  the  heading.  See 
also  John  the  Deacon  ( Vita  Greg.  III.  58).  In 
the  Ordo  Romanus,  i.  §  4)  the  mansionarius  of  a 
titular  church  in  Rome  is  to  go  forth,  with  a 
presbyter,  bearing  a  thurible  to  meet  the  pope 
when  he  came  to  celebrate  a  pontifical  mass. 
Again  (§  32)  he  carries  the  taper  solemnly 
kindled  on  Maundy  Thursday.  Mabillon  (Comm. 
Praevius,  p.  xxvii)  notes  that  during  the  first 
nine  centuries  in  the  "  patriarchal "  churches 
there  were  employed  "  mansionarii  seu  custodes 
ecclesiarum  ad  eas  ornandas  emundandas  aliaque 
pi-aestanda  quae  necessaria  erant."  Except  the 
above-mentioned  passage  in  the  Council  of 
Chalcedon,  there  is  no  trace  of  the  existence  of 
the  office  in  the  Eastern  church. 

2.  Hincmar,  of  Rheims  (Epist.  ad  Proceres 
Regni,  c.  21,  opp.  ed.  Paris.  II.  p.  209)  numbers 
among  the  officials  of  the  royal  household  a 
"  mansionarius,"  whose  duty  it  was  to  take  care 
that  those  who  were  obliged  to  provide  lodgings 
for  the  king  when  on  a  journey  should  be  pro- 
perly warned  of  his  approach.  [P.  0.] 

IxscRiPTiOxs.  —  An  inscription  given  by 
Marini    (Papiri    Diplom.    301)    is    as    follows : 

LOCUS  FAUSTINI  QUEM  COJIPAEAVIT  a  JULIO  MAN- 

siONARiO.  In  this  case  the  mansionarius  from 
whom  Faustinus  acquired  his  place  of  sepulture 
must  have  had  the  same  control  over  the  spot 
which  the  Fossop.  commonly  had.  The  mansio 
was,  in  fact,  the  cemetery,  though  it  docs  not 
appear  independently  that  mansio  is  used  in  the 
sense  of  Koijj.T]rripiov.  Compare  Manse  (Mar- 
tigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chr^t.  s.  v.).  [C] 

MANSLAUGHTER.     [Homicide.] 

MANSOLACUM,  COUNCIL  OF  (Bfansola- 
cense  Concilium),  said  to  have  been  held  at 
Malay-le-roi,  near  Sens,  a.d.  659.  "  On  y  fit 
quelques  rfeglemens  sur  la  discipline,"  say  the 
authors  of  L'Art  de  verifier  les  Dates  (i.  156),  in 
describing  it,  and  refer  to  Mabillon,  Act.  Sanct. 
Ord.  Ben.  saec.  iii.  pt.  ii.  614;  in  other  words, 
to  a  charter  of  privilege  granted  by  tlie  then 
archbishop  of  Sens  and  his  suffragans  to  the 
monastery  of  St.  Peter  at  Sens,  and  intended  for 
the  benefit  of  that  convent  alone.  It  is  also 
dated  by  Mabillon  two  years  earlier.  (Mansi, 
xi.  121.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 


1086 


MANSUETUS 


MANSUETUS  (1)  Bishop  of  Milan  ;  comme- 
morated Feb.  19  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  135). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Feb.  28  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(3)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Toul ;  commemo- 
rated Sept.  3  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  i.  615). 

(4)  Bishop;  commemorated  in  Africa  Nov. 
28  (  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr  with  ten  others ;  commemorated 
at  Alexandria  Dec.  30  (Usuard.  Mart.;  Bed. 
Mart.  Auct.).  [C.  H.] 

MANTIUS,  martyr  in  Lusitania  5th  century  ; 
commemorated  May  21  (Boll.  Ada  SS.  May, 
V.  31).  [C.  H.] 

MANUAEUS,  bishop  of  Bayeux,  circ.  a.d. 
480 ;  commemorated  May  28  (Florus,  ap.  Bed. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  S3.  May,  vi.  767).      [C.  H.] 

MANUAL  LABOUR.  It  appears  to  have 
been  contemplated  by  the  earlier  councils  that  the 
clergy  should,  in  part  at  least,  maintain  them- 
selves by  the  work  of  their  hands.  The  Apu- 
stoUcal  Constitutions  (II.  63)  exhort  the  younger 
clergy  to  provide  for  their  own  necessities  by  the 
work  of  their  own  hands,  while  not  neglecting  the 
work  of  the  ministry.  Some  of  us,  it  is  added, 
are  fishermen,  some  tentmakers,  some  husband- 
men, for  no  worshipper  of  God  should  be  idle. 
The  fourth  council  of  Carthage  (Statut.  Eccles. 
Antii/ua,  cc.  51,  52)  enjoins  that  all  clergy,  how- 
ever learned,  should  provide  themselves  with  food 
and  clothing  by  some  handicraft  (artificiolo)  or 
agricultural  labour,  yet  so  as  not  to  neglect  their 
proper  duties  ;  and  (c.  53)  that  all  clergy  who 
were  sufficiently  strong  in  body  should  be  in- 
structed both  in  some  handicraft  and  in  letters. 
These  canons  are  evidently  referred  to  by  the 
second  Council  of  Tours,  a.d.  567  (c.  10),  where 
it  is  laid  down,  with  somewhat  curious  reasoning, 
that  there  could  be  no  justification  for  any  of 
the  clergy  who  employed  a  woman  not  belonging 
to  the  house  (extraneam  mulierem)  for  the 
alleged  purpose  of  making  his  clothes,  since 
there  was  a  general  order  that  they  should 
procure  both  food  and  clothing  by  their  own 
industry,  and  as  the  work  of  their  own  hands. 
Thomassin  {Vet.  ct  Nov.  Eccl.  Disoip.  iii.  3  ;  c.  8, 
§§  2-5)  thinks  that  these  canons  were  permissive 
rather  than  obligatory,  and  only  applied  to  the 
inferior  clergy,  noting  the  fact  that  St.  Paul  is 
the  only  one  of  the  apostles  who  is  said  to  have 
worked  with  his  own  hands.  Thus  the  first 
council  of  Orleans,  a.d.  511  (c.  5),  provides  that 
certain  lands  and  revenues  which  Clovis  had 
given  to  the  church  should  be  employed  in  re- 
pairing churches,  in  the  redemption  of  captives, 
and  in  paying  the  stipends  (alimoniis)  of  the 
priests  and  poor,  while  the  clergy  (clerici)  or,  as 
another  reading  is,  the  clergy  of  lower  degree 
(junioris  officii)  (see  Bruns,  Caiwncs,  ii.  162) 
should  be  compelled  to  help  in  the  labour  of  the 
church  (ad  adjutorium  ecclesiastici  operis  con- 
stringantur),  probably  on  the  lands  so  given. 

Among  ecclesiastical  writers  manual  labour  is 
evidently  considered  honourable  and  meritorious 
for  the  clergy,  and  in  some  cases  habitually 
resorted  to,  but  never  enjoined  as  a  positive 
obligation.  Epiphanius  (Ilaeres.  80 ;  nn.  5,  6) 
says  that  many  clergy,  while  they  might  live  by 
the  altar,  prefer  from  excess  of  zeal  (abundantii 


MAPHRIAN 

quadam  virtutis)  to  support  themselves  by  the 
work  of  their  own  hands  ;  and  (Haeres.  70,  n.  2) 
speaks  of  a  certain  sect  named  Audiani,  in  whose 
fellowship  bishops,  presbyters,  and  all  clergy 
lived  by  their  own  toil.  The  very  mention  of 
such  a  fact  seemingly  proved  that  this  was  out 
of  the  common  course.  Chrysostom  {Horn.  45, 
on  Acts)  speaks  of  four  difl'erent  grades  of  excel- 
lence set  before  the  clergy,  the  second  of  which 
consists  in  labouring  for  their  own  food,  the 
third  is  also  labouring  to  assist  the  poor. 
Augustine  {de  Op.  Monach.  c.  29)  asserts  that 
the  professional  labours  of  the  bishops  and  clergy 
are  sufficiently  onerous  to  exempt  them  from  the 
obligation  of  toiling  with  their  hands.  Many 
instances,  however,  are  to  be  found  in  which  the 
most  zealous  attention  to  spiritual  duties  was 
combined  with  hard  and  habitual  work  at  a 
trade  or  on  a  farm.  Socrates  (//.  E.  i.  12)  says- 
that  Spiridon,  bishop  of  Cyprus,  was  originally  a 
shepherd,  and  through  his  great  humility  con- 
tinued to  feed  his  flock  even  after  being  made  a 
bishop.  Sozomen  (//.  E.  vii.  28)  speaks  of  one 
Zeno,  bishop  of  Maiuma,  who  provided  for  his 
own  wants,  and  for  the  poor  of  his  flock,  by 
weaving  linen.  Gennadius  of  Marseilles  (de 
Scriptor.  Eccl.  c.  69)  says  that  Hilary  of  Aries 
toiled  with  his  own  hands,  not  only  for  his  own, 
support,  but  that  he  might  be  able  to  help  the 
poor.  From  Gregory  the  Great  {Dialog,  iii.  !)■ 
we  learn  that  Paulinus  of  Nola  was  an  excellent 
gardener,  and  (Dialog,  iii.  12)  that  one  Severus, 
a  priest  of  great  sanctity,  was  occupied  on  a  cer- 
tain occasion  in  pruning  his  vines.  Gregory  oC 
Tours,  in  his  Life  of  Nicetius  (c.  8),  says  that 
when  a  bishop  he  continued  to  live  among  his 
servants,  and  work  on  his  farm.  It  would  be 
easy  to  multiply  examples  of  this  kind,  they  all 
point  the  same  way  ;  the  very  fact  of  their  being 
recorded  seems  to  shew  that  they  must  be  con- 
sidered as  instances  of  exceptional  excellence, 
which  was  held  in  honour  and  esteem,  but  not 
illustrative  of  the  general  practice,  or  of  con- 
duct which  was  i-eckoned  obligatory  upon  either 
bishops  or  clergy.  Hincmar  of  Rheims  indeed, 
A.D.  845,  appears  to  have  endeavoured  to  make 
some  measure  of  manual  labour  compulsory  in  his 
diocese,  since  {Capit.  ad  Presbyteros,  c.  9,  opp.  i. 
p.  712)  he  orders  all  his  clergy  to  go  out  f;xsting 
to  work  on  their  farms  ;  but  the  general  sense  of 
the  church  in  this  matter  appears  to  be  repre- 
sented by  the  words  of  Epiphanius,  already 
quoted,  that  those  who  serve  the  altar  have  a 
right  to  live  by  the  altar.  [P.  0.] 

MANUEL  (1)  Martyr  under  the  Bulgarians 
at  Debeltus,  a.d.  812 ;  commemorated  Jan.  22 
{Cal.  Byzant.;  Basil.  Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS,; 
Jan.  ii.  441). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Theodosius ;  commemorated 
March  27  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(3)  A  Persian  martyr  with  two  brothers  at 
Constantinople,  A.D.  362  ;  commemorated  June 
17  (Cal.  Byzant.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  iii.  290; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  261 ;  Basil.  Menol.). 

[C.  H.} 
MANUMISSION.    [Slavery.] 

MANUS  MORTUA.     [MopaMAiN.] 

MAPHRIAN  ("Fruit-bearing").  In  the 
Gth  century  Jacobus  Zanzalus,  bishop  of  Edes.sn, 


MAPrA 

the  leading  spirit  among  the  Jacobites,  finding 
that  the  whole  of  Asia  was  more  than  the 
jpatriarch  of  Antioch  could  possibly  superintend, 
ordained  Achudemes  as  chief  bishop  of  the 
East  beyond  Tigris,  with  the  title  of  Maphrian. 
This  dignitary  now  resides  in  the  convent  of 
Mar  Mattai  [St.  Matthew],  near  Mosul.  (Neale, 
Eastern  Church,  Introd.  152 ;  Germann,  Kirclie 
der  Thcmaschristen,  524.)  [C] 


MARCELLINUS 


1087 


MAPPA.        Under    the    Roman 


mappa, 


or   handkerchief,    carried    in 


empire    a 
the   hand 


seems  to  have  been  regarded  as  distinctive  of 
high  rank.  The  dropping  of  his  mapjya  by  the 
person  who  presided  was,  as  is  well  known,  the 
sit^nal  for  the  commencement  of  the  games  of 
the  amphitheatre  (Tertullian,  de  SpectacuUs, 
16).  It  was  among  the  insignia  of  the  emperors 
of  the  East,  especially  from  the  time  that  they 
tecarae  perpetual  consuls.  An  object  resembling 
a  mappa  is  sometimes  found  on  Christian  tombs, 
in  company  with  the  clacus  which  denotes  rank 
(Bottari,  i.  73).  In  those  diptychs  in  which,  on 
their  passing  into  the  service  of  the  church,  the 
consul  was  transformed  by  certain  modifications 
into  a  saint  or  dignitary  of  the  church,  the 
mappa  of  the  imperial  official  sometimes  ap- 
pears. It  is,  however,  in  some  cases  doubtful 
whether  the  supposed  mappa  is  not  rather  a 
volumen,  or  roll  of  a  book  (Martigny,  Diet,  des 
Antiq.  Chre't.  s.  v.).  [C] 

MAPPALICUS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated 
Feb.  21  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  after  a.d.  250 ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Apr.  17  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ; 
Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Apr.  ii.  480). 

(3)  Martvr;  commemorated  at  Rome  Apr.  18 
{Eieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAR  (Syriac,  'f-^).  A  title  of  dignity 
among  the  Syrian  Christians,  signifying  Lord, 
and  applied  to  various  ecclesiastical  persons. 
Compare  Lord.  [C-] 

MARA,  abbat  in  Syria ;  commemorated  Jan. 
25  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  627).  [C.  H.] 

MARANA,  hermitess  with  Cyra  or  Cirrha  at 
Beroea,  Berrhoea,  or  Aleppo,  in  Syria ;  comme- 
morated by  the  Greeks  Feb.  28  (Basil.  Mmol.) ; 
by  the  Latins  Aug.  3  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  i.  226). 
[C.  H.] 

MARANATHA  (NHX  )nD ,  "The  Lord 
Cometh ;"  see  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  ii.  233), 
is  an  e.xpression  used  (1  Cor.  xvi.  22)  seemingly 
to  give  greater  force  to  a  solemn  denunciation 
by  a  reference  to  the  expected  coming  of  the 
Lord.  In  ecclesiastical  usage  it  is  sometimes 
found  as  part  of  the  formula  which  designates 
the  most  extreme  and  solemn  form  of  excommu- 
nication, that  "  until  the  coming  of  the  Lord." 
In  a  Spanish  canon  (iv.  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  75, 
A.D.  633)  the  expression  is  plainly  interpreted : 
"  qui  contra  hanc  nostram  definitionem  prae- 
sumpserit,  anathema  maranatha,  hoc  est,  perditio 
in  adventu  Domini  sit,  et  cum  Juda  Iscariote 
partem  habeant  et  ipsi  et  socii."  Compare 
xvi.  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  10  (a.d.  693),  and  the  Charta 
S.  Amandi  Tungr.  Episc.  quoted  by  Ducange, 
s.  V.     Similar  forms  of  anathema  are  not  uncom- 


monly found  in  the  statutes  of  Foundations 
against  those  who  violate  them.  []yiALKDiC- 
TION.]  In  all  these  cases  the  effect  of  the  use 
of  the  word  Maranatha  seems  to  be,  to  exclude 
the  offender  from  the  communion  of  the  church 
during  his  whole  life,  and  to  reserve  him  for  the 
judgment  of  the  Lord  at  His  coming  (Benedict 
XIY.  do  Synodo  Dioec.  x.  1,  §  7).  Suarez,  how- 
ever (  de  Censuris,  Disp.  viii.  c.  2),  holds  that 
such  a  sentence  is  in  all  cases  conditional  on  the 
continued  impenitence  of  the  sinner.  [Excom- 
munication, I.  639.] 

(Ducange,  s.  v.  Maranatha  ;  Bingham,  Anti- 
quities, XVI.  ii.  16  ;  Wetzer  and  Welte,  Kirchen- 
lexicon,  xii.  761.)  [C] 

MARANDUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Antioch  Oct.  28  {Hieron.'  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARANO,  COUNCIL  OF  (Maranense  Con- 
cilium), a  council,  or  rather  a  meeting  of  ten  schis- 
matic bishops  at  Marano  in  Istria,  a.d.  590,  when 
Severus,  bishop  of  Aquileia,  recanted  his  con- 
demnation of  the  three  chapters.  (Mansi,  ix. 
1019.    Comp.  IsTRiAN  Council.)       [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MARCA,  martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Apr.  25  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARCELLA  (1)  Roman  v.-idow,  ob  a.d. 
410  ;  commemorated  Jan.  31  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  ii.  1106). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Feb.  17  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  May  7 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  at  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus,  May  10  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  June  28  at  Alex- 
andria (Usuard,  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 
MARCELLIANUS  (1)  Bishop,  his  depositio 
and  translatio  commemorated  at  Auxerre  May 
13  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Commemorated  at  Thessalonica  June  1 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  with  his  brother  Marcus ;  com- 
memorated at  Rome  on  the  Via  Ardeatina  June  18 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  ; 
Usuard.  Mart.) ;  their  uatalis  observed  on  June 
18  in  the  Sacramentary  of  Gregory,  their  names 
being  mentioned  in  the  collect  for  the  day  (Greg. 
Mag.  Lib.  Sacr.  105). 

(4)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  July  18  at  Rome 
on  the  Via  Tiburtina  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Secundianus  and 
Verianus,  in  the  reign  of  Decius ;  commemorated 
Aug.  9  (Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARCELLINA  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemorated 
at  Nicomedia  Feb.  24  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Thessalonica 
June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C  H.] 

MARCELLINUS  (1)  Youthful  martyr,  with 
his  brothers  Argeus  and  Marcellus,  at  Tomi, 
commemorated   Jan.    2   (Usuard.    Mart.;     Vet. 


1088 


MAECELLINUS 


Rom.  Mart. ;   Bed.  Mart.  Auct.),  but  oe  Jan.   3 
in  Hieron.  Mart. 

(2)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia  ;  commemorated  Feb. 
22  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Mar.  30  (Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr;  commemorated  Ap.  2  {Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(5)  Bishop  and  confessor ;  his  depositio  com- 
memorated at  Rome  Ap.  20  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Pope  and  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome 
Ap.  26  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;   Vet.  Rom.  Mart.). 

(jt)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Milan  May  6 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name  commemorated 
at  Milan  May  7  (Hieron.  Mart.) ;  one  at  Nico- 
media on  the  same  day  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct^. 

(9)  Presbyter,  with  Peter  the  Exorcist ;  com- 
memorated at  Rome  on  June  2  {Hieron.  Mart. ; 
Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.). 
His  natalis  with  that  of  Peter  is  commemo- 
rated on  this  day  in  Gregory's  Sacramentary, 
their  names  being  mentioned  in  the  collect 
(Greg.  Mag.  Lih.  Sacr.  104).  A  basilica  was 
said  to  have  been  erected  in  their  honour  by 
Constantino  on  the  Via  Laircana,  and  his  mother, 
Helena,  was  said  to  have  been  buried  there 
(Ciampini,  de  Sac.  Aedif.  122, 123). 

(10)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  June 
27  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Cologne 
Aug.  9  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Florus  ap.  Bed.  Mart.). 

(12)  Tribune,  martyr  with  Mannea  or  Mannis 
his  wife;  commemorated  at  Tomi  Aug.  27 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart.). 

(13)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Capua  Oct. 
7  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(14)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Oct.  20 
{Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(15)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Nov. 
26  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARCELLINUS,  presbyter  and  confessor 
at  Deventer  circ.  a.d.  800 ;  commemorated  July 
14  {Acta  SS.  Jul.  iii.  702).  [C.  H.] 

MARCELLOSA,  martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  May  20  (Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.)  [C.  H.] 

MAECELLUS  (1)  Youthful  martyr ;  com- 
memorated with  his  brothers  Argeus  and  Mar- 
celliuus  Jan.  2,  at  Tomi  (Usuard.  Mart.);  but 
Hieron.  Mart,  calls  him  Narcissus,  and  assigns 
Jan.  3  to  the  three  brothers. 

(2)  Bishop  of  Rome  and  confessor ;  his  de- 
positio at  Rome  in  the  cemetery  of  Priscilla,  on 
the  Via  Salaria,  commemorated  Jan.  16  (Hieron. 
Mart.);  the  same  day  given  to  his  natalis  by 
Usuard  and  Bede.  The  sacramentary  of  Gregory 
celebrates  his  natalis  on  this  day,  and  mentions 
his  name  in  the  special  collect  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib. 
Sacr.  18).  His  natalis  is  also  observed  in  the 
Antiphonary  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sac.  662).  The 
Vet.  Piom.  Mart,  assigns  Jan.  17  to  him,  on 
which  day  also  Hieron.  Mart,  gives  his  depositio 
commemorated  at  Langres. 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
Feb.  16  {Hieron.  Mart.). 


MAECIANA 

(4)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Feb.  18 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Feb.  19 
{Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(6)  Martyr,  commemorated  in  Africa  Ap.  2 
(Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(7)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Ap.  10 
(Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(8)  Bishop  of  Embrun,  confessor ;  commemo- 
rated Ap.  20  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(9)  Bishop  of  Rome  ;  depositio  commemorated 
Ap.  20  (Florus,  ap.  Bed.  Mart.).  Usuard  and 
Vet.  Rom.  Mart,  name  him  Marcellinus. 

(10)  Martyr ;  depositio  commemorated  at 
Ephesus  May  25  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  June 
19  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(12)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Juno 
27  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(13)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Lyon  June 
28.  On  the  same  day  this  or  another  Marcellus 
was  commemorated  at  Alexandria  (Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(14)  Martyr,  with  Anastasius,  "  apud  castrum 
Argentomacum ;"  commemorated  June  29 
(Usuard.  Mart.). 

(15)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Milan  July 
17  (Hieron.  Mart.  ;   Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(16)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Chalons-sur- 
Saone,  Sept.  4  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.  ; 
Florus,  ap.  Bed.  Mart.).  Hieron.  Mart,  mentions 
another  of  the  same  name  under  this  day  comme- 
morated at  Ancyra. 

(17)  Bishop,  martyr;  commemorated  Oct.  4 
(Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(18)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Capua  Oct.  6 
(Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct. ;  Usuard. 
Mart.). 

(19)  Martyr,  with  Apuleus,  at  Rome,  tinder 
Aurelian  ;  commemorated  Oct.  7  (Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ;  Hieron.  Mart.). 

(20)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Oct.  9 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(21)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Acernum  iti 
Sicily,  Oct.  11  (Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(22)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Chalcedonia, 
Oct.  13  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Awt). 

(23)  Centurion,  martyr  at  Tingitana ;  comme- 
morated Oct.  30  (Usuard.  Mart.;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(24)  Martyr;  commemorated  Nov.  16  {Hieron. 
Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(25)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia;  commemorated 
Nov.  26  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(26)  Archimandrite  of  the  monastery  of  the 
Acoeraetae ;  commemorated  Dec.  29  (Basil.  Me- 
nol.  ;  Simeon  Metaph.  Vit.  Sanct.  Dec.  29 ;  Cal. 
Byzant.). 

(27)  Deacon,  martyr ;  suffered  Dec.  7 ;  his 
burial  commemorated  at  Spoletum  Dec.  30  (  Vet. 
Rom.  Mart.)  In  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.  his  passio  is  on 
Dec.  30.  [C.  H.] 

MAECIA.    [Martia.] 

MAECIALIS.    [MARTIALIS.J 

MAECIANA.     [Martiana.] 


MAKCIANE 

MAECIANE,  queen ;  commemorated  Jan.  26 
{Cd.  Byzant).  [C.  H.] 

MARCIANUS.     [Martianus.] 

MARCILUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at 
Rome,  on  Via  Nomentana,  May  28  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  _  [C.  H.] 

MAECISUS,  martyr  in  Africa;  commemo- 
rated Oct.  4  {Hieron.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MARCOBUS,  martyr  in  Africa ;  commemo- 
rated Feb.  18  {Hieron.  Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

MAECOPUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Nicomedia  Feb.  16  {Hierm.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MARCULFUS,  abbat  of  Nantes,  circ.  a.d. 
558 ;  commemorated  May  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
May,  i.  70).  [C.  H.] 

MARCUS  (1),  the  Evangelist,  was  very 
generally  commemorated,  and  his  name  occurs 
in  the  Greek,  Latin,  and  Coptic  fasti,  but  not 
always  on  the  same  day.  Sept.  23  is  assigned 
to  his  natalis  at  Alexandria  in  Hieron.  Mart., 
but  one  MS.  omits  natalis  {Acta  SS.  infra). 
The  Cal.  Byzant.  commemorates  Mark,  "the 
apostle,"  on  Jan.  11,  and  the  BoUandists  identify 
him  with  the  evangelist,  who  is  called  in  the 
same  calendar,  under  Ap.  25,  "evangelist  and 
apostle,"  and  in  Basil.  Menol.,  under  the  same 
day,  "  apostle  and  evangelist."  April  25  is  the 
day  more  usually  assigned  to  him  (Usuard. 
Mart;  Bed.  3fart  ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  258;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Apr.  iii. 
344).  The  Sacramentary  of  Gregory  observes 
his  natalis  on  April  25,  mentioning  him  in  the 
collect  for  the  day  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sacr.  84). 
His  natalis  is  also  observed  in  the  Antiphonary 
(ibid.  711).  The  reason  of  his  not  being  men- 
tioned in  the  canon  at  the  prayer  Communicantes 
is  believed  to  be,  as  in  the  case  of  St.  Luke,  that 
the  fact  of  his  martyrdom  is  uncertain  (Krazer, 
de  Apost.  Eccles.  Liturg.  497).  There  was  a 
church  at  Constantinople  dedicated  to  him, 
erected  by  Theodosius  the  Great,  near  the  dis- 
trict or  ward  named  Taurus,  at  which  his  festival 
was  observed  CGeorg.  Codinus,  de  Antiq.  Con- 
stant 61  ;  BolL  Acta  SS.  ut  sup.).  There  was 
a  church  at  Rome  dedicated  to  St.  Mark  by  pope 
Marcus,  a.d.  337,  restored  and  adorned  by  Ha- 
drian I.  and  Gregory  IV.  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Man. 
t.  ii.  119),  and  there  was  a  chapel  in  the  Basilica 
Vaticana  dedicated  to  him  by  Marcus  Barbus, 
patriarch  of  Aquileia  (Ciampini,  de  Sac.  Aedif. 
68). 

(2)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Bononia  Jan.  4 
(^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Jan.  5 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Jan.  6 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr;  commemorated  Jan.  8  (Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Feb.  16 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  ST.,  "  our  holy  father ;"  commemorated 
March  4  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(8)  Egyptian  monk,  circ.  a.d.  400 ;  commemo- 
rated March  5  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  i.  367). 

(9)  Martyr   with   others;  commemorated   at 


MARCUS 


1089 


Nicaea  March  13  (Usuard.  Mart.;  Hieron.  Mart.). 
This  day  is  given  in  Menol.  Basil,  to  the  bishop 
of  the  Arethusians  ;  see  March  29  injra. 

(10)  Martyr  with  others ;  commemorated  at 
Surrentum  March  19  (Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Usuard. 
Ma7-t. ;  Ado,  Mart.).  The  name  is  Martia  in  Vet. 
Bom.  Mart. 

(11)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Timotheus  in  the 
2nd  century  ;  commemorated  Mar.  24  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Mar.  iii.  477). 

(12)  The  Athenian,  hermit  in  Libya ;  comme- 
morated Mar.  29  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  iii.  779). 

(13)  Bishop  of  the  Arethusians,  martyr  in  the 
reign  of  Julian ;  commemorated  March  29  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Mar.  iii.  774 ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
256).  The  Menology  of  Basil  assigns  March  30 
to  him. 

(14)  Two  of  this  name  were  commemorated  on 
April  12  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(15)  Bishop  of  Atinum  in  Campania,  martyr 
with  two  presbyters  A.D.  82 ;  commemorated 
April  28  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Apr.  iii.  548). 

(16)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Thessalonica 
June  1  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(17)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Byzantium 
June  7  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(18)  Martyr  with  Julius,  at  Dorostorum  in 
Moesia ;  commemorated  June  8  (Hieron.  Mart.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii.  56). 

(19)  Bishop  of  Luceria  in  Apulia,  circ,  A.D. 
328 ;  commemorated  June  14  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jun.  ii.  800). 

(20)  Martyr  with  MarcelHnus  at  Rome  on  the 
Via  Ardeatina,  circ.  A.D.  287  ;  commemorated 
June  18  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jun.  iii.  568).  Their  natalis  is  observed 
on  this  day  in  the  Sacramentary  of  Gregory,  and 
their  names  mentioned  in  the  collect  (Greg.  Mag. 
Lib.  Sacr.  105). 

(21)  Martyr  with  Mocianus ;  commemorated 
July  3  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  i. 
641). 

(22)  Confessor ;  commemorated  July  4  (Boll. 
Acta  SS  July,  ii.  22). 

(23)  Martyr  with  two  companions ;  comme- 
morated in  Parthia  Sept.  9  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Sept.  iii.  367). 

(24)  Martyr  with  Alphaeus,  Alexander,  and 
others  under  Diocletian;  commemorated  Sept. 
28  (Basil.  Menol;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  vii.  600). 

(26)  Martyr  with  his  brother  Marcianus  and 
many  others,  in  Egypt ;  commemorated  Oct.  4 
(Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Maii. ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct. ;  Vet  Bom.  Mart  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  ii. 
391). 

(26)  Bishop ;  depositio  commemorated  at  Rome 
Oct.  6  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart  Auct.). 

(27)  Bishop  of  Rome  and  confessor ;  his  depo- 
sitio at  Rome  on  Via  Appia  commemorated  Oct. 
7  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.) ;  his  natalis 
on  this  day  (Bed.  Mart.)  ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart,  men- 
tions him  without  distinguishing  the  festival. 
His  natalis  on  this  day  commemorated  in  the 
Sacramentary  of  Gregory,  mentioning  his  name 
in  the  collect  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sac.  135).  See 
also  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  iii.  886. 

(28)  First  gentile  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  martyr 
circ.  A.D.  1 50  ;  commemorated  at  Adrianople  Oct. 


1090 


MARCUS 


22  (Usuard.  Jllart. ;  Vet.  Horn.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Oct.  ix.  477). 

(29)  One  of  four  "  soldiers  of  Christ "  mar- 
tyred at  Home  under  the  emperor  Claudius  and 
buried  in  the  Via  Salaria ;  commemorated  Oct. 
25  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.). 

(30)  Martyr  with  Soterichus  and  Valcntiua  ; 
commemorated  Oct.  26  (Basil.  McnoL). 

(31)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
Oct.  30  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(32)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Nov. 
16  (Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.  Aii^t.).  Another 
of  the  same  name  on  same  day  at  Antioch  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(33)  Martyr;    commemorated   in  Spain  Nov. 

20  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(34)  Martyr  with  Stephanus,  both  belonging 
to  Antioch  in  Pisidia,  under  Diocletian,  buried 
in  Pisidia  ;  commemorated  Nov.  22  (Basil. 
Menol.). 

(35)  ST.,  bishop,  martyr  ;  commemorated 
Nov.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(36)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec.  5 
Hieron.  Mart.). 

(37)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Dec.  10  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(38)  Martvr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec. 
15  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARCUSIUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
in  Africa  Jan.  19  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Tarragona  Jan. 

21  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 
MARDARIUS,    martyr,   with    four   others 

under  Diocletian  ;  commemorated  Dec.  13  (Basil. 
3{enol. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Litunj.  iv.  277).     [C.  H.] 

MARDIANUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Nicomedia  Oct.  26  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARDONIUS,  martyr  with  others;  com- 
memorated at  Neocaesarea  in  Mauritania  Jan.  24 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  590)  ; 
written  Mardunus  in  Hieron.  Mart.  [C.  H.] 

MAREAS,  with  Bicor,  bishops,  martyrs  in 
Persia  ;  commemorated  Apr.  22  (Usuard.  Mart.). 
[C.  H.] 

MARES,  com.  Jan.  25  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C.  H.] 
MARGARITA  or  MARINA,  virgin,  mar- 
tyr at  Antioch  in  Pisidia ;  commemorated  July 
20  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  v. 
24) ;  commemorated  at  Marina,  /j-eyaXo/xaprvp  in 
the  Eastern  church,  July  17  {Cal.  Bezant. ;  Dan. 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  263  ;  Basil.  Menol.)'.        [C.  H.] 

MARGARITA  {^apyapir-qs,  the  Pearl)  is 
a  term  for  the  particle  of  the  bread  which  is 
"broken  oft"  and  placed  in  the  rup  as  a  symbol  of 
the  union  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ 
[Fraction,  I.  687].  According  to  Daniel,  how- 
ever {Codex  Liturg.  iv.  208,  416),  it  is  equally 
applied  to  all  the  particles  which  are  placed  in 
the  cup  for  the  purpose  of  administration  to  the 
faithful,  according  to  the  Eastern  rite,  by  means 
of  a  Spoon.  [C] 

MARIA  [See  Mary  the  Virgin,  Festivals 
of]  (1)  Mary  sister  of  Lazarus,  martyr ;  com- 
memorated Jan.  19  at  Jerusalem  {Hieron. 
Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.) ;  Feb.  8  (Basil. 
Menol. ;    Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.   157) ;    June  6 


MARIA 

at  Constantinople  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  i.  621). 
[Martha  (8).] 

(2)  who  called  herself  Marinus,  and  passed 
herself  for  a  man  ;  commemorated  Feb.  12  (Basil. 
Menol.)  and  other  days.     [Marina  (11).] 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Feb. 
24  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
March  12  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicaea  Mar.  13 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr:  commemorated  in  Africa  Mar.  14 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
March  17  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr  with  Aprilis  and  Servulus  ;  com- 
mem.orated  at  Nicomedia  Mar.  18  {Hieron.  Mart.; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  ii.  619). 

(9)  Aegyptiaca  ;  commemorated  in  Pales- 
tine April  2  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Ap.  i.  67).  She  is  commemorated  on  April  1  as 
"Our  mother  Mary  of  Egypt"  in  Cal.  Byzant., 
Cal.  Acthiop.,  Daniel's  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  256. 
Bede's  Auctaria  gives  her  natalis  on  April  9,  and 
her  depositio  April  8. 

(10)  The  wife  of  Cleopas ;  commemorated 
April  9  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  i.  811). 

(11)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome,  in  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus,  May  10  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(12)  ad  Martyres  ;  her  natalis  on  May  1 3 
(Usuard.  Mart.).  Her  natalis  on  this  day  is 
kept  in  the  Sacramentary  of  Gregory,  but  her 
name  is  not  in  the  collect  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sacr. 
88).  Her  dedication  on  this  day  (Bed.  Mart.), 
appointed  by  pope  Boniface  (  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.). 

(13)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Thessalonica 
June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(14)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name  commemo- 
rated at  Rome  June  2  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(15)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Aquileia  June 
17  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(16)  The  Magdalen  ;  commemorated  July  22 
{Yet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Basil.  Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
July,  V.  187).  "The  Ointment  Bearer  and  equal 
of  the  Apostles  "  {Cal.  Byzant.).  Her  house  at 
Jerusalem  said  to  have  been  turned  into  a  temple, 
A.D.  34  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  i.  155). 

(17)  Matron  of  Jerusalem,  the  mother  of  John 
surnamed  Mark  ;  commemorated  June  29  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  June,  v.  475). 

(18)  or  MIRIAM,  prophetess,  sister  of  Moses; 
commemorated  July  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  i. 
11). 

(19)  Virgin,  surnamed  Consolatrix,  in  the  8th 
century ;  commemorated  Aug.  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Aug.  i.  81). 

(20)  Patricia,  martyr  with  Julianus  and 
others  under  Leo  Iconomachus ;  commemorated 
Aug.  9  (Basil.  Menol). 

(21)  Martvr  ;  commemorated  at  Ravenna  Nov. 
12  {Hieron.  Mart). 

(22)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Nov. 
16  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(23)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec.  5 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(24)  Martvr  ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Dec. 
9  {Hieron.  Mart.). 


MARIA 

(25)  Martyr  ;  cordmemorated  Dec.  11  (Hiei-on. 
Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MARIAMNA,  supposed  sister  of  Philip  the 
apostle  ;  commemorated  Feb.  17  (Basil.  Menol. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  4).  [C.  H.] 

MARIANA  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Antioch  Oct.  28  {Hkron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Nov.  16  {Hieron. 
Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MARIANUS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Beaurais  Jau.  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Mar.  9 
(^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Mar. 
10  (ffieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Commemorated  with  Mamertinus,  both 
monks  of  Auxerre,  April  20  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap. 
u.  758). 

(5)  Reader,  martyr  with  Jacobus,  deacon ; 
commemorated  April  30  at  Lambesitana  (Usuard. 
Mart ;   Vet  Bom.  Mart ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct). 

(6)  Martyr  with  Fortunatus  and  others,  Afri- 
cans; commemorated  May  3  {Hieron.  Mart.; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  i.  383). 

(7)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Afi-ica  May  6 
{ffieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  May  7 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(9)  Martyr  at  Rome  on  the  Via  Nomentana ; 
commemorated  May  28  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(10)  Martyr  with  Januarius;  commemorated 
in  Africa  July  11  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
July  iii.  188). 

(11)  Confessor ;  depositio  commemorated  in 
Berry  Aug.  19  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Usuard.  Mart.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iii.  734).  His  natalis  Sept. 
19  {Hieron.  Mart.).  Bede's  Auctaria  give  the 
depositio  on  Sept.  19  and  natalis  on  Aug.  19. 

(12)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Oct.  27 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(13)  Deacon,  martyr  with  Diodorus,  presby- 
ter; commemorated  at  Rome  Dec.  1  (Usuard. 
Mart.). 

(14)  [Mamertinus.]  [C.  H.] 

MARICUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome 
Feb.  2  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARINA  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Jan.  27  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Feb. 
22  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  April  6  {Hieron. 
Mart ;  Bed.  Mart  Auct ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  i. 
538). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  May  6 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
June  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Virgin,  martyr;  commemorated  July  17 
and  20.    [Margarita.] 

(8)  Martyr  with  Theonius  ;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  June  18  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart 
Auct ;  Usuard.  Mart ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  June  iii. 
573). 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.   II. 


MARIUS 


1091 


(9)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  July  1 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(10)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  July  10 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Passed  as  a  monk  under  the  name  of 
Marinus,  perhaps  in  the  8th  century;  comme- 
morated July  17  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  iv.  278). 
She  is  also  called  Maria,  with  other  commemo- 
ration days.     [Maria  (2).] 

(12)  Commemorated  with  Febronia  Sept.  24 
{Cal.  Ann.).  [C.  H.] 

MARINIANUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Rome  Dec.  1  (  Vet  Rom.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MARINUS  (1)  Presbyter,  martyr  with  Ste- 
phanus,  deacon ;  commemorated  at  Brixia  Jan.  16 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  2). 

(2)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Tarragona  Jan. 

21  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Feb.  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  The  name  assumed  by  a  female.  [Marina 
(11),  Maria  (2).] 

(5)  Soldier,  martyr  with  Asterius,  senator ; 
commemorated  at  Caesarea  in  Palestine  March  3 
{Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  i.  224). 

(6)  Martvr;  commemorated  Mar.  17  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  ii.  755). 

(7)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
March  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Ap. 
27  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(9)  Presbyter,  martyr;  commemorated  "in 
Afrodiris  "  April  30  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(10)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Constantin- 
ople May  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
June  17  {Hieron.  Jfart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(12)  Martyr  with  Januarius,  Nabor,  and  Felix  ; 
commemorated  in  Africa  July  10  (Usuai'd.  Mart.; 
Vet.  Rom.  Mart.). 

(13)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Dorostorum 
July  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(14)  Presbyter,  confessor,  perhaps  in  7th  cen- 
tury ;  commemorated  at  Auxerre  July  20  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  July,  vii.  869). 

(15)  Senex,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Ana- 
zarbus  or  AnaZarba  in  Cilicia  Aug.  8  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii.  346). 

(16)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Aug. 

22  {Hieron.  Alart.). 

(17)  Deacon,  confessor,  patron  of  San  Marino  ; 
commemorated  Sept.  4  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  ii. 
215). 

(18)  Hermit  and  martyr  at  Maurienne,  cir. 
A.D.  731 ;  commemorated  Nov.  24  (Mabillon, 
ActaSS.  O.S.B.  saec.  iii.  par.  1,  p.  482,  ed,  Venet. 
1734). 

(19)  Senator,  martyr  under  the  emperor  Ma- 
crinus ;  commemorated  Dec.  16  (Basil.  Menol.). 

[C.  H.] 
MARITIMXJS,    martyr;    commemorated   at 
Syracuse  Dec.  13  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARIUS  (1)  Martyr,  with  his  wife  Martha, 
and  their  sons  Audifax  and  Abacuc,  noble  Persians, 
who  suffered  at   Rome,  A.D.  270    in  the    reign 
4  B 


1092 


MAEIUS 


of  Claudius ;  commemorated  Jan.  20  {Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ;  Bed. 
Mart.) ;  Jan.  19  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  214). 

(2)  Abbat  of  Bodanum  (Beuvons)  in  the  6th 
centtuy ;  commemorated  Jan.  27  (Usuard.  Mart.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  772). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  March  4 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
March  12  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Apr. 
26  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Milan  May  25 
{Hieron.  Mart.), 

(7)  Solitary,  of  Mauriacum  in  Aurergne ; 
commemorated  June  8  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii. 
114). 

(8)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
July  14  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(9)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
Nov.  8  {Hieron.  Mart.);  Nov.  7  (Bed.  Mart. 
Auct. ;  Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAKE.  [Marcus.] 

MAEK,  ST.  See  Evangelists,  Symbols  of  ; 
also  St.  Luke. 

St.  Mark  is  represented  in  human  form  with 
the  other  three  evangelists  in  Borgia,  de  Crme 
Velitense,  p.  133.  Also  Bottari,  tav.  csxxi.,  on 
a  sepulchral  urn,  No.  36  in  the  museum  at 
Aries ;  see  also  Perret,  Catacombes,  vol.  ii.  pi. 
Ixvi. ;  and  Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  i.  tab.  Ixxii.  for 
the  baptistery  mosaic  at  Ravenna,  in  both  which 
pictures  the  four  evangelists  are  represented. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MAENAXUS,  Scottish  bishop ;  commemo- 
rated March  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS. ;  Mar.  i.  63). 

[C.  H.] 

MAEO  (1)  Anchoret  near  Cyrus  in  Syria ; 
commemorated  Feb.  14  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii. 
766). 

(2)  Martyr  in  Italy  in  the  reign  of  Nerva ; 
commemorated  April  15  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet. 
Horn.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii.  373).  [C.  H.] 

MAEOLUS  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  March  27  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.) ;  in  Hieron. 
Mart.  Jiarobus. 

(2)  Bishop  of  Milan  in  5th  century;  comme- 
morated April  23  rBoll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii.  173). 
[C.  H.] 

MAEPUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Feb.  16  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAEEIAGE.  The  subject  will  be  dealt 
with  in  the  ]iresent  article  under  the  three 
headings  of  I.  Marriage  Laws  ;  II.  Marriage 
Ceremonies;  III.  Divorce. 

I.  Marriage  Laws.  The  affirmative  law  of 
marriage,  which  has  come  down  from  the  creation, 
and  is  written  in  the  hearts  of  all  mankind,  is 
simply  that  an  unmarried  adult  man  may  marry 
an  unmarried  adult  woman,  provided  that  both 
parties  are  in  their  sound  mind,  both  of  them 
are  willing  to  enter  into  the  contract,  and  both 
of  them  capable  of  carrying  out  the  primary  end 
for  which  marriage  is  instituted.  This  affirma- 
tive law,   however,  is  at  once  and  everywhere 


MAEEIAGE 

limited  by  a  crowd  of  pi'ohibitive  regulations,, 
differing  in  different  countries  and  at  different 
times,  but  having  as  their  general  object — 1,  the 
prevention  of  incest ;  2,  the  prevention  of  evils 
which  might  accrue  (a)  to  the  state,  (6)  to  reli- 
gion, (c)  to  the  individuals  concerned. 

The  tirst  Jewish  converts  to  Christianity, 
bound  before  their  conversion  by  the  prohi- 
bitions of  the  Mosaic  law,  continued  to  be 
equally  bound  by  them  when  they  had  become 
Christians,  except  so  far  as  any  of  the  Mosaic 
regulations  had  been  abrogated  or  modified  by 
the  authority  of  Christ  and  His  apostles,  or  had 
become  necessarily  obsolete  owing  to  a  change  of 
circumstances.  The  modifications  made  by  our 
Lord  in  the  Hebrew  law  of  marriage  and  divorce, 
as  it  existed  in  his  time,  were  two.  He  restored 
the  rule  of  monogamy,  and  he  disallowed  of 
divorce,  except  upon  the  single  ground  of  the 
wife's  adultery.  Apostolic  authority  added  the 
regulation  that  Christians  should  marry  none 
but  Christians.  The  Mosaic  rules  that  became 
obsolete  were  of  slight  importance,  being  of  par- 
ticular rather  than  of  general  application ;  such 
as  the  laws  commanding  levirate  marriages,  pro- 
hibiting the  marriages  of  heiresses  out  of  their 
tribe,  and  making  regulations  as  to  the  marriage 
of  the  high  priest.  While  these  special  laws  fell 
into  abeyance,  the  general  prohibitions  continued 
to  be  still  binding  upon  the  Jewish  convert,  to- 
gether with  the  prohibition  of  polygamy,  divorce 
(for  any  reason  except  one),  and  heathen  mar- 
riage. 

When  the  Gentile  convert  embraced  Chris- 
tianity he,  in  like  manner,  was  already  bound 
by  the  prohibitions  which  the  Roman  law  had 
introduced  with  respect  to  marriage.  After  his 
conversion  he  was  still  bound  by  them,  as  being 
the  law  of  the  land,  and  not  contrary  to  his 
Christian  conscience.  In  addition,  he  was  bound 
by  the  Mosaic  prohibitions  (with  the  same  modi- 
fications and  additions  as  the  Jewish  convert), 
the  Jewish  convert  being  analogously  bound  by 
the  prohibitions  of  the  Roman  law,  as  being  the 
law  of  the  civilised  world. 

The  first  object  of  both  laws,  as  in  almost 
every  other  nation,  was,  as  we  have  said,  to  pre- 
vent incest,  which  shocks  the  common  instincts 
of  humanit)' ;  and  for  this  purpose  marriage  was 
prohibited  between  persons  related  or  connected 
with  each  other  within  certain  degrees.  These 
prohibitions,  and  the  enlargements  or  curtail- 
ments of  them  which  were  made  in  the  early 
church,  will  be  discussed  under  the  heading  of 
Prohibited  Degrees.  Here  we  shall  only  treat 
of  those  other  impediments  which  were  introduced 
for  the  good  of  the  state,  or  of  the  church,  or  of 
the  contracting  parties. 

In  the  13th  century  the  schoolmen  codified 
the  impediments  to  marriage  which  then  existed 
in  the  church  ;  and  their  code  has  been  accepted 
and  acted  upon  by  the  greater  part  of  Western 
Christendom  down  to  the  present  day.  It  is  con- 
tained in  the  five  following  lines,  which  are  given 
in  the  TJieologia  Moralis  of  Saint  Alfonso  de' 
Liguori  (lib.  vi.  §  1008),  as  embodying  the  rules 
which  regulate  present  practice  : — 

i.  Error,  ii.  Conditio,  iii.  Votum,  iv.  Cogna- 
tio,  V.  Crimen, 
vi.  Cultus    Disparitas,    vii.    Vis,    viii.    Ordo, 
ix.  Ligamen,  x.  Honeetas. 


MAERIAGE 

xi.  Aetas,   xii.    Affini.s,   xiii.   Si    clandestinus, 

xiv.  et  Impos. 
XV.  Kaptave  sit  mulier  nee  parti  reddita  tutae. 
Haec  socianda  vetant  connubia,  facta  re- 

tractant. 

From  the  IStli  century  onwards  these  impedi- 
ments have  more  or  less  been  regarded  as  nulli- 
fying marriage.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  first, 
the  seventh,  the  fourteenth,  and  the  fifteenth 
are  contrary  to  what  we  have  termed  the  pri- 
mary law  of  marriage,  which  postulates  on  both 
sides  a  knowledge  of  what  is  being  transacted, 
willingness,  and  capacity.  The  second,  which 
forbids  marriage  between  persons  differing  in 
condition,  was  introduced  by  the  state,  and  for 
state  purposes.  The  third,  the  sixth,  and  the 
eighth  originate  in  the  supposed  good  of  the 
church.  The  fourth  and  the  twelfth  have  for 
their  object  the  prevention  of  incest.  The  re- 
mainder are  intended  as  safeguards  to  one  of  the 
parties  concerned.  We  will  pass  each  of  these 
impediments  shortly  in  review,  inasmuch  as  they 
existed  though  they  were  not  formalised  in  early 
times. 

i.  Error.  This  impediment  required  no  canons 
for  its  establishment.  If  the  mistake  affected  the 
substantials  of  the  marriage,  such  as  a  mistake 
with  respect  to  the  person,  it  ipso  facto  invali- 
dated a  marriage,  as  there  could  be  no  marriage 
where  sufficient  knowledge  was  wanting.  If  it 
Had  to  do  only  with  the  quality  or  circumstances 
ind  accidents  of  the  marriage,  it  did  not  in- 
validate it  during  the  period  with  which  we  are 
dealing,  except  in  the  cases  which  have  to  be 
mentioned  under  the  next  heading. 

ii.  Conditio.  Under  this  head  three  questions 
arise :  the  marriage  of  slaves  with  slaves ;  the 
marriage  of  free  men  with  slaves ;  the  marriage 
of  persons  of  a  higher  rank  with  those  that  were 
of  a  rank  lower  than  themselves.  With  regard 
to  the  marriage  of  slaves  with  slaves  the  first 
converts  found  the  two  laws  to  which  they  paid 
respect  in  conflict  with  one  another.  According 
to  the  Roman  law,  there  could  be  no  such  thing 
as  the  marriage  of  a  slave :  he  was  a  thing,  not 
a  person,  and  the  utmost  he  could  attain  to  was 
contvhernium,  not  connubium,  whereas  the  Hebrew 
law  recognised  in  the  slave  a  capacity  of  con- 
tracting marriage.*  We  can  trace  a  struggle 
between  the  Roman  and  the  Hebrew  principle  in 
the  early  church,  but  the  genius  of  Christianity 
was  such  as  necessarily  to  cause  the  more  humane 
principle  to  triumph.  The  judgment  of  the 
church  appears  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions, 
which  command  a  master  to  give  his  consent  to 
the  marriage  of  slaves  (lib.  viii.  c.  32).  Slaves 
therefore  might  marry,  but  a  condition  of  their 
doing  so  was  the  express  consent  of  their  master. 
This  is  repeated  in  St.  Basil's  Second  Canonical 
Epistle  to  Amphilochius  {Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  296, 
Paris,  1730),  which  pronounces  that  "the  con- 
tracts made  by  those  who  belong  to  others  are 
of  no  force"  (can.  xL),  except  when  made  by 
the  consent  of  their  master.     This  became  the 


MARRIAGE 


1093 


"  Contubernium  was  a  concubinage,  or  permanent  mar- 
riage-relation, between  one  man  and  one  woman,  and 
reccgnised  by  the  law  as  marriage.  Even  that  was  for- 
bidden to  their  slaves  by  many  masters  (see  Plutarch, 
Cato  Maj.  c.  21) ;  and  when  not  forbidden  it  was  com- 
monly impossible,  as  the  male  slaves  in  Rome  were  about 
five  times  as  many  as  the  female  slaves. 


law  of  the  early  church.  The  fourth  council  of 
Orleans,  a.D.  541,  ruled  that  slaves  who  put 
themselves  under  the  protection  of  the  church 
with  a  view  to  getting  married,  were  "to  be 
restored  to  their  parents  or  masters,  as  the  case 
might  be,  and  made  to  promise  that  they  would 
separate,  liberty  being  granted  to  the  parents 
and  masters  to  unite  them  afterwards  in  mar- 
riage if  they  thought  proper  "  (can.  xxiv..  Hard. 
Concil.  tom.  ii.  p.  1440).  The  second  council  of 
Chalons,  a.d.  813,  pronounced  that  the  marriages 
of  slaves  belonging  to  different  masters  were  not 
to  be  nullified,  if  once  the  masters  had  consented 
(can.  XXX.,  ibid.  tom.  iv.  p.  103G). 

The  legality  of  marriages  between  freemen 
and  slaves  was  not  so  easily  allowed,  inspiring 
as  they  did  a  repugnance  which  was  never  wholly 
overcome.  At  the  beginning  of  the  thii-d  cen- 
tury bishop  Callistus,  having  himself  been  a 
slave,  attempted  to  obtain  the  sanction  of  the 
church  at  Rome  for  the  marriage  of  free-born 
women  with  slaves.  But  he  did  not  succeed; 
and  we  find  Hippolytus  treating  his  attempt  as 
matter  for  a  passionate  accusation  against  him 
(see  Dollinger,  Hippolytus  and  Callistus,  p.  147, 
Eng.  tr.  Edinb.  1876).  The  Apostolical  Consti- 
tutions, which  recognise  the  propriety  of  the 
marriage  of  slaves  with  slaves,  do  not  permit 
the  marriage  of  a  freeman  with  a  slave.  "  If  a 
believer  has  a  slave  concubine,  let  him  give  her 
up,  and  lawfully  marry  a  wife.  If  he  has  a 
freewoman  for  a  concubine,  let  him  take  her  for 
his  legitimate  wife  "  {Apostol.  Cmist.  lib.  -viii.  c. 
32).  This  principle  is  again  laid  down  in  still 
harsher  form  by  pope  Leo  I.  a.d.  443  (Epist.  ad 
Busticum  Narhonens.  Resp.  vi..  Op.  p.  408,  Paris, 
1675).  Some  Welsh  canons  of  the  7th  century 
recognise  marriage  between  a  man  and  his 
female  slave,  and  in  case  it  has  taken  place 
forbid  him  afterwards  to  sell  her  ;  if  he  attempts 
to  sell  her,  he  is  to  be  condemned,  and  the  slave- 
wife  put  under  the  protection  of  the  priest 
{Canones  Wallici,  can.  Ix.  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs' 
Councils  of  Great  Britain,  vol.  i.  p.  137).i>  The 
17th  of  the  Capitula  of  Theodore  of  Canterbury, 
as  given  by  Harduin  (Concil.  tom.  iii.  p.  1773), 
declares  that  "a  man  of  free  birth  ought  to 
marry  a  woman  of  free  birth."  The  form  of 
the  expression  "  ought  to  "  (debet)  implies  that 
at  the  date  of  that  canon  the  feeling  against 
slave  marriages  had  grown  less  strong  than  it 
had  been,  but  we  cannot  be  sure  what  that  date 
is,  as  the  canon  is  not  Theodore's  (see  Haddan 
and  Stubbs'  Councils  of  Great  Britain,  vol.  iii. 
p.  210).'^  Among  the  genuine  canons  of  Theo- 
dore, A.D.  686,  are  found  two,  one  of  which  re- 
cognises the  validity  of  marriage  between  a 
freeman  and  a  slave,  and  forbids  the  husband  to 
dismiss  his  wife  if  the  consent  of  both  parties 
had  been  originally  given  to  the  marriage  (Pe- 
nitential, lib.  ii.  cap.  xiii.  §  5),  while  the  other 
still  sees  such  a  gulf  fixed  between  the  freed 
and  the  slave  that  it  allows  husbands  or  wives 


*■  The  place  and  dale  of  these  canons  is  somewhat  un- 
certain, and  the  canon  given  above  is  found  in  only  one 
of  the  two  MSS.  from  which  they  are  printed. 

«  The  only  trustworthy  copies  of  Theodore's  Peniten- 
tial are  those  of  Wasserschleben,  in  his  Lie  Bussord- 
■nungen  tier  Jbcndlcindischen  Kirche  (Halle,  1851),  and 
of  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  in  their  learned  and  accurate 
edition  of  the  Councils  and  Ecclesiastical  Documents 
relating  to  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  (0.\f.  1871). 
4  B  2 


10U4 


MAEEIAGE 


MARRIAGE 


who  have  gained  their  freedom  to  dismiss  their 
consorts,  if  the  latter  cannot  be  redeemed  from 
slavery,  and  to  marry  freeborn  persons  instead 
(^ibid.  §  4,  Haddan  and  Stubbs'  Councils  of  Great 
Britain,  vol.  iii.  p.  202).  A  third  canon  rules 
that  if  a  man  has  reduced  himself  to  slavery  by 
crime,  his  wife  may  at  the  end  of  a  year  marry 
another  man  if  she  has  herself  been  hitherto 
only  once  married  (ibid.  cap.  xii.  §  8,  p.  299). 
The  feeling  against  marriage  with  slaves  (natu- 
rally stronger  in  respect  to  the  marriage  of 
freeborn  women  with  male  slaves  than  of  free- 
men with  female  slaves)  found  its  most  bare- 
faced and  reckless  expression  in  some  of  the 
Barbarian  Codes.  By  the  laws  of  the  Visi- 
goths (lib.  iii.  tit.  ii.  c.  2,  in  Canciani,  Leges 
Barharorum,  vol.  iv.  p.  91)  judges  were  com- 
manded immediately  to  separate  a  freewoman 
from  her  slave  or  freedman  whom  she  had  mar- 
ried, as  guilty  of  an  atrocious  and  shocking  crime, 
for  which  she  and  her  paramour  were  to  be 
burnt;  and  it  was  further  enacted  that  if  she 
married  the  slave  of  another  she  and  her  hus- 
band were  to  receive  a  hundred  stripes,  which 
were  to  be  thrice  repeated  (c.  3).  The  Roman 
law  was  not  so  severe  as  this.  It  is  true  that 
a  senatus  consultum  of  the  year  52  had  enacted 
that  if  a  freewoman  formed  a  permanent  mar- 
riage relation  or  contubernium  (she  could  not 
contract  a  legal  marriage)  with  a  slave,  without 
permission  from  the  latter's  master,  she  should 
herself  become  the  property  of  the  master  (Tacit. 
Annal.  xii.  53) ;  and  a  freedman  who  aspired  to 
marry  his  patruna  was  liable  to  be  sent  to  the 
mines  or  the  public  works  (Paul.  Sent.  ii.  t.  29) ; 
and  by  a  law  of  Constantine  a  decurio  who 
married  another  man's  slave  was  ordered  to  be 
banished,  while  the  woman  was  to  be  sent  to 
the  mines  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xii.  tit.  i.  leg.  6).  But 
even  these  penalties  do  not  equal  those  of  the 
Barbarian  Code  in  severity,  and  they  were  more 
or  less  such  as  might  be  evaded.  Nor  does  there 
seem  to  have  been  any  desire  to  enforce  them 
harshly.  So  early  as  the  time  of  Hadrian  the 
childi-en  of  a  freewoman  and  a  slave  were  allowed 
to  be  regarded  and  treated  as  free  (Gaius,  i.  84). 
When  the  6th  century  is  reached,  we  find  Jus- 
tinian appointing,  in  case  a  master  gave  his  slave 
in  marriage  to  a  freeman  as  being  a  freewoman,  not 
that  the  marriage  should  be  regarded  as  null  and 
void  (which  would  undoubtedly  have  been  the 
earlier  ruling),  but  that  the  slave  should  thereby 
be  constituted  free,  and  the  marriage  should  hold 
good  (Auth.  Collat.  iv.  tit.  i.,  Novell,  xi.,  Corp. 
Juris  Civilis,  torn.  ii.  pt.  2,  p.  125).  By  the 
Carolingian  era  the  repugnance  entertained  to 
these  marriages  had  greatly  abated.  The  coun- 
cils of  Vermerie  (can.  xiii.)  and  of  Compi&gne 
(can.  v.),  A.D.  753  and  757,  admit  and  enforce 
the  legality  of  marriages  deliberately  entered  into 
between  the  free  and  the  slave,  whether  the 
man  or  the  woman  were  the  slave.  But  if  a 
man  married  a  slave  under  the  apprehension  that 
she  was  free,  the  error  was  considered  to  affect 
the  substance  of  the  contract,  and  the  marriage 
was  thereby  invalidated,  by  the  legislation  both 
of  Justinian  (Novell,  xxii.  c.  10,  Corp.  Juris, 
tom.  ii.  pars  2,  p.  125)  and  of  the  Carolingians 
(Concil.  Vermeriense,  can.  vi. ;  Concil.  Cornpen- 
diense,  can.  v..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  iv.  pp.  1992, 
2005).  [Consent  to  Marriage  ;  Contract  of 
Marriage.] 


The  third  set  of  cases  to  which  this  Iiujiedi- 
ment  applied  was  that  of  marriages  between 
)iersons  of  dissimilar  rank  and  position.  The 
Julian  and  Papian  law  had  forbidden  the  mar- 
riage of  senators,  their  sons  and  daughters,  and 
the  descendants  of  their  sons,  with  fi'eedwomen, 
or  with  women  of  low  degree,  and  these  mar- 
riages were  declai'ed  null  and  void  under  Marcus 
Aurelius  and  Commodus.  The  slave-born  bishop 
of  Rome,  Callistus,  would  seem,  from  a  charge 
made  against  him  by  Hippolytus,  to  have  at- 
tempted to  run  counter  to  this  legislation  by 
giving  an  ecclesiastical  sanction  to  them.  By 
very  slow  degrees,  it  is  probable,  that  jiublic 
opinion  within  the  Christian  body  veered  round, 
until  it  became  favourable  to  them  ;  but  the  pro- 
hibition continued  to  be  maintained  on  grounds 
of  state  policy  by  the  Christian  emperors,  as  well 
as  by  their  predecessors.  Constantine  declares 
that  any  attempt  to  treat  the  issue  of  such  mar- 
riages as  legitimate  subjects  the  father,  if  he  be 
a  senator  or  high  official,  to  the  penalties  of 
infamy  and  outlawry  (^Cod.  Justin,  lib.  v.  tit. 
XXV.  leg.  1).  Valentinian  and  Marcian,  A.D.  454, 
following  in  the  steps  of  Constantine,  define  the 
forbidden  marriages  to  be  those  with  a  slave  or 
the  daughter  of  a  slave,  with  a  freedwoman  or 
the  daughter  of  a  freedwoman,  with  an  actress  or 
the  daughter  of  an  actress,  with  a  tavern-keeper 
or  the  daughter  of  a  tavern-keeper,  or  with  the 
daughter  of  a  procurer,  or  of  a  gladiator,  or  of 
a  huckster  (Cod.  Justin,  lib.  v.  tit.  v.  leg.  7,  Corp. 
Juris,  tom.  ii.  p.  425).  If  a  senator  or  the  son  of 
a  senator  married  within  these  prohibited  classes, 
his  children,  being  regarded  spurii,  followed  the 
position  of  their  mother,  and  in  the  eye  of  the 
law  he  was  not  married  at  all.  Nay,  more,  by 
the  Papian  law,  if  a  man  with  a  freedwoman  for 
his  wife  was  ci'eated  a  senator,  his  marriage 
was  thereby  dissolved.  Justinian  softened  the 
harshness  of  this  legislation,  which  became 
more  and  more  insupportable  as  the  dignity 
of  the  senate  was  more  and  more  lowei'ed  (Cod. 
Justin,  lib.  v.  tit.  iv.  legg.  23  seq.) ;  and  by  de- 
grees the  impediment  came  to  be  regarded  as 
less  and  less  imperative,  though  a  perverted 
application  of  it  continues  to  have  a  baneful 
operation  throughout  the  greater  part  of  Europe 
to  the  present  day.  See  the  Theologia  Moralis  of 
St.  Alfonso  de'  Liguori,  iv.  644. 

iii.  Votum.  We  may  distinguish  six  classes 
of  religious  women,  bound,  in  different  degrees 
of  strictness,  by  a  vow  or  understanding  which 
caused  an  impediment  to  marriage, — the  widows, 
the  Trp€(r;8uTi5es,  the  virgins,  the  devotae,  the 
nuns,  the  deaconesses.  The  special  duties  of 
each  of  these  classes  will  be  found  designated  in 
the  several  articles  devoted  to  them.  It  is 
enough  here  to  say  that  the  irpfa^vriSes  pro- 
bably formed  the  elder  division  of  the  widows 
(see  Hefele's  note  on  the  eleventh  canon  of  the 
Council  of  Laodicea,  Hist,  of  Councils,  vol.  ii. 
p.  306,  Eng.  tr.  1876);  that  the  virgins  did 
not  differ  essentially  from  the  widows  except 
in  respect  to  the  life  that  they  had  led  befci-e 
entering  the  order ;  that  the  ileaconesses  were 
generally,  but  not  necessarily,  selected  from  the 
widows  or  the  virgins;  that  the  devota  was  a 
woman  living  in  her  father's  household,  or  with 
some  respectable  woman  (Council  of  Hippo,  A.D. 
393,  can.  xxxi.),  but  given  up  more  or  less  for- 
mally  to   the   service   of  God ;  while  the  nun 


MARRIAGE 

made  one  of  a  religious  community  living  to- 
(Tcther  under  rule.  There  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  members  of  each  of  these  classes  were 
from  the  beginning  bound  to  celibacy  by  the 
public  opinion  of  the  church,  which  they  would 
themselves  have  shared.  Morally  there  is  little 
distinction  between  such  an  obligation  recognised 
by  the  conscience  and  a  formal  vow.  Nor  is  it  pos- 
sible to  fix  the  time  when  the  former  slid  into  the 
latter.  At  first  the  obligation  was  based  upon  the 
idea  that  the  unmarried  were  more  free  than 
the  married  to  devote  themselves  to  spiritual 
works,  and  also  upon  a  widely  spread  sentiment 
that  a  celibate  life  was  one  of  superior  sanctity 
(see  Justin.  Apol.  i.  29,  p.  61,  Paris,  1742; 
Athenag.  Legat.  c.  xxxiii.  p.  311,  Paris,  1742). 
Before  long  another  idea  was  attached  to  the 
celibate  state ;  that  the  virgins  were  the  spouses 
of  the  church  and  therefore  of  Christ.  This 
notion  does  not  appear  in  the  13th  canon  of 
the  Council  of  Elvira,  A.D.  304  (de  Virginihus 
Deo  Sanctis),  nor  in  canon  xxvii.  of  the  same 
council,  nor  in  the  19th  canon  of  the  Council 
of  Ancyra,  A.D.  314,  dealing  with  the  same  sub- 
ject ;  but  it  is  found  when  we  reach  the  first 
Council  of  Valencia,  A.D.  374,  which  condemns 
those  who,  after  they  have  been  devoted  to  God, 
turn  to  earthly  marriages  (can.  iii.,  Hard.  Concil. 
tom.  i.  p.  196),  and  in  Optatus,  who  wrote  about 
the  year  370  (de  Schism.  Don.  lib.  vi.  p.  95,  ed. 
Dupiu).  It  is  also  found,  as  might  be  expected, 
in  TertuUian  {de  Virg.  Vel.  cap.  xv.).  In  the 
5th  century  it  was  generally  accepted  (see  St. 
Augustine,  Tract,  ix.  in  John  ii.,  Op.  tom.  iii.  p. 
1459,  ed.  Migne ;  St.  Jerome,  adv.  Jovin.  lib.  i., 
Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  156 ;  St.  Chrysostom,  ad  Theod. 
Laps.,  Op.  tom.  i.  p.  38,  Paris,  1718),  and  it  was 
symbolised  by  the  acceptance  of  a  veil,  velatio 
being  used,  as  we  shall  see  presently,  as  a  syn- 
onym of  matrimony.  Pope  Innocent,  in  his 
letter  to  Victricius,  distinguishes  clearly  between 
the  virgins  who  had  taken  the  veil,  and  those 
virgins  who,  without  taking  the  veil,  had  pro- 
mised to  embrace  the  celibate  life.  The  former 
are  in  an  analogous  position  to  that  of  married 
women,  and  if  they  marry  are  to  be  treated  as 
adulteresses  and  not  admitted  to  penance.  The 
latter  are  in  the  position  of  betrothed  women, 
and  are  to  do  penance  "  for  some  time,"  for 
breaking  their  promise  to  the  heavenly  spouse 
(caps,  xii.,  xiii.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  i.  p.  1002). 
From  the  earliest  times  it  is  probable  that  any 
member  of  these  classes  that  married  was  con- 
sidered to  have  been  guilty  of  a  sin  and  of  a 
scandal  (1  Tim.  v.  12),  but  the  marriage  was 
held  as  valid,  as  may  be  seen  by  St.  Cyprian's 
statement  that  virgins  who  could  not,  or  would 
not,  persevere  had  but  to  marry  (St.  Cypr. 
Epist.  IV.  ad  Pompon.,  Op.  p.  3,  ed.  Fell,  Oxon. 
1682).  As  soon,  however,  as  the  idea  of  the 
spiritual  marriage  with  Christ  had  taken  posses- 
sion of  the  mind  of  the  church,  the  earthly  mar- 
riage was  regarded  as  no  marriage  at  all.  The 
council  of  Ancyra,  A.D.  314,  requires  that  any 
devotae  who  marry  should  be  subjected  to  pen- 
ance for  a  year  (can.  xix.);  the  council  of 
Valence,  A.D.  374,  that  they  should  be  suspended 
from  communion,  and  not  be  re-admitted  to  it, 
nisi  plane  satisfcccrint  Deo  (can.  ii.).  St.  Basil, 
A.D.  375,  says  that  the  old  penalty  of  one  year's 
suspension  was  too  light,  and  that  now  virgins 
ought  not   to  be  admitted  to  communion  while 


MARRIAGE 


1095 


continuing  in  marriage  (Epist.  Canon.  II.  can. 
xvii.).  The  first  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  400, 
rules  that  such  persons  are  not  to  be  admitted 
to  penance  unless  they  have  separated  from 
their  husbands  (can.  xvi.)  ;  and  that  if  they  are 
the  daughters  of  a  bishop,  priest,  or  deacon, 
their  parents  may  no  longer  associate  with  them 
(can.  xix.).  A  Roman  council  under  Innocent  I., 
A.D.  402,  imposes  a  penance  of  many  years 
(can.  j.).  A  synod,  called  after  St.  Patrick, 
A.D.  450  (can.  xvii.),  and  the  council  of  Chal- 
cedon,  a.d.  451  (can.  xvi.),  excommunicate  them, 
though  the  latter  council  allows  mercy  to  be 
shewn  to  them  by  the  bishop.  Pope  Gelasius, 
A.D.  492,  orders  that  any  who  marry  a  conse- 
crated virgin  shall  be  excommunicated  for  life 
(Epist.  V.  cap.  XX.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  ii.  p.  903). 
Pope  Symmachus,  a.d,  498,  forbids  the  marriage, 
and  orders  that  the  parties  to  it  be  suspended 
(ad  Caesar.  Resp.  iv.  5,  ibid.  p.  958).  The  pen- 
alty of  life-long  suspension  or  excommunication 
is  re-enacted  by  the  council  of  Macon,  A.D.  581 
(can.  xii.),  by  the  so-called  fourth  council  of 
Carthage  in  the  6th  century  (can.  civ.),  by  the 
fifth  council  of  Paris  at  the  beginning  of  the 
7th  century  (can.  xiii..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  iii. 
p.  553),  and  by  other  late  councils.  Deaconesses 
who  marry  are  excommunicated  by  the  second 
council  of  Orleans,  A.D.  533  (can.  xvii.),  and 
Justinian  enacted  that  their  marriage  should 
cause  the  forfeiture  both  of  life  and  goods 
(Novell,  vi.  6,  Corp.  Juris,  tom.  ii.  par.  2,  p.  37). 
The  same  Novella,  however,  forbids  the  ordina- 
tion of  a  deaconess  under  fifty  years  of  age  ;  and 
of  course  at  such  an  advanced  age  her  tempta- 
tion to  many  was  much  diminished.  In  the 
4th  century  we  find  the  age  for  virgins  taking 
the  veil  fixed  at  twenty-five  by  the  council  of 
Milevis  (can.  xxvi..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  i.  p.  1222). 
The  council  of  Agde,  A.D.  506,  forbids  nuns  to  be 
veiled  before  they  were  forty  (can.  xix.) ;  and  a 
novella  of  Leo  and  Majorian  protects  the  rights 
of  those  who  had  been  induced  to  take  vows  of 
virginity  before  that  age  (Novell,  viii.,  ad  calc. 
Cod.  Theod.  tom.  vi.  p.  36).     [Devota.] 

The  case  was  the  same  with  men  as  with 
women.  There  were  men  who  occupied  an 
analogous  position  to  that  of  the  devotae,  and 
the  same  rules  were  applied  to  them  as  to  the 
devotae.  Whoever  has  declared  that  he  will 
not  take  a  wife  from  a  resolution  of  remaining 
in  chastity  should  continue  a  celibate,  says 
Clement  of  Alexandria  (Strom,  lib.  iii.  c.  12). 
He  who  has  made  a  promise  of  virginity  and 
breaks  it  must  undergo  a  year's  penance,  says 
the  council  of  Ancyra,  a.d.  314  (can.  xix.); 
must  be  treated  as  guilty  of  fornication,  that  is, 
undergo  four  years'  penance,  says  St.  Basil,  A.D. 
375  (Epist.  Canon.  II.,  can.  xix.) ;  must  undergo 
public  penance,  says  St.  Leo,  A.D.  443  (Epist. 
ad  Bustic.  Resp.  14,  Op.  p.  410)  ;  must  be  ex- 
communicated, but  may  be  restored  by  the 
bishop's  humanity,  says  the  council  of  Chalcedon, 
A.D.  451  (can.  xvi.),  (Hard.  Concil.  tom.  ii.  p. 
607);  must  be  separated  from  his  wife  by  the 
judge,  who  must  be  excommunicated  if  he  will 
not  do  it,  says  the  secoml  council  of  Tours,  A.D. 
567  (can.  xv..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  iii.  p.  360); 
must  undergo  the  penalty  due  for  fornication, 
says  the  council  in  Trullo,  A.D.  692  (can.  xliv., 
ibid.  p.  680).  After  the  covenant  that  they  have 
made   with    God,    the    marriage    of    monks    is 


1096 


MAERIAGE 


nothing  else  than  fornication,  says  John  Damas- 
cene (ift  Sacr,  Par.,  Op.  torn.  ii.  p.  701,  ed. 
Lequien).  An  increasing  rigour  of  sentiment  is 
exhibited  in  the  West,  until  we  reach  the  second 
Lateran  council  under  Innocent  II.,  a.d.  1139, 
when,  according  to  Basil  Pontius'  statement  (f?c 
Matr.  vii.  17),  which  Van  Espen  declares  to  be 
non  sine  fundamento,  the  monk's  and  nun's  mar- 
riage was,  for  the  first  time,  pronounced  abso- 
lutely null.  The  words  of  the  council  are : — 
"  To  enlarge  the  law  of  continence  and  God- 
pleasing  cleanness  of  life  in  ecclesiastical  persons 
and  sacred  orders,  we  appoint  that  bishops, 
priests,  deacons,  subdeacons,  regular  canons,  and 
monks  and  professed  religious,  who  have  broken 
their  holy  purpose  and  government  in  order  to 
couple  wives  to  themselves,  be  separated.  For 
such  coupling  as  this,  which  is  known  to  be  con- 
tracted against  ecclesiastical  rule,  we  do  not 
count  to  be  marriage.  And  when  they  have 
been  separated  from  one  another,  they  are  to  do 
proper  penance  for  such  great  excesses.  And 
we  decree  that  the  same  rule  is  to  be  observed 
about  nuns  (sanctimoniales  foeminae)  if  they 
have  attempted  to  marry,  which  God  forbid  that 
any  should  do  "  (cans.  vii.  viii..  Hard.  Concil.  tom. 
vii.  p.  1209).  [Contract  of  Marriage.] 
iv.  Cognatio.  [Prohibited  Degrees.] 
V.  Crimen.  The  two  offences  indicated  by 
this  heading  are  the  murder  of  a  husband  or 
wife,  committed  with  a  view  to  a  second  mar- 
riage, and  adultery  accompanied  with  a  promise 
of  future  marriage.  This  impediment  no  doubt 
existed  at  all  times,  but  it  is  not  specifically 
named  in  early  times,  perhaps  because,  accord- 
ing to  the  early  discipline,  murder  aad  adultery 
disqualified  a  penitent  from  marriage  altogether 
during  the  whole  time  of  his  or  her  penance,  and, 
therefore,  a  fortiori,  disqualified  from  a  mar- 
riage to  which  the  way  had  been  smoothed  by 
such  crimes.  The  council  of  Friuli,  a.d.  791, 
decreed  that  no  woman  put  away  for  adultery 
was  to  be  again  married  to  any  one  whatever, 
even  after  her  husband's  death  (can.  x..  Hard. 
Concil.  tom.  iv.  p.  860).  The  council  of  Vermerie, 
A.D.  753,  declares  that  "if  a  man's  wife  has 
entered  into  a  conspiracy  against  his  life,  and 
he  has  killed  one  of  the  conspirators  ia  self- 
defence,  he  may  put  her  away."  Later  copies  of 
the  acts  of  the  council  add  that  "  after  the  death 
of  his  wife  he  may  marry  again,  and  that  the 
wife  is  to  be  subjected  to  penance,  and  never 
allowed  to  remarry "  (can.  v..  Hard.  Concil. 
tom.  iii.  p.  1990).  The  first  council  of  Tribur, 
A.D.  895,  lays  down  the  general  rule  prohibiting 
marriage  between  a  man  and  a  married  woman 
with  whom  he  has  committed  adultery,  on  ac- 
count of  a  scandal  that  had  lately  occurred,  a 
man  having  persuaded  a  woman  to  sin  on  the 
promise,  confirmed  by  oath,  that  he  would  marry 
her  if  her  husband  died,  a  thing  described  as  res 
execrahilis  et  catholicis  omnibus  detestanda  (can. 
xl..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  vi.  p.  452). 

vi.  Cultus  disparitas.  The  marriage  of  He- 
brews with  any  but  Hebrews  was  forbidden  by 
patriarchal  rule  and  by  Levitical  law  (Gen.  xxiv. 
3  ;  Ex.  xxxiv.  16  ;  Deut.  vii.  3 ;  1  Kings  xi.  2  ; 
Ez.  ix.  2),  the  object  of  the  prohibition  being  to 
preserve  both  the  race  and  the  religion  uncon- 
taminated.  In  Christianity  there  is  no  favoured 
race  to  be  preserved,  but  the  religious  ground  of 
the  regulation  remains  untouched.     Accordingly 


MARRIAGE 

I  St.  Paul  adapted  the  existing  Jewish  law  to 
changed  circumstances  by  ruling  that  marriage 
should  only  be  "  in  the  Lord  "  (1  Cor.  vii.  39), 
that  is,  that  Christians  should  marry  none  but 
Christians.  St.  Paul's  command  is  regarded  ps 
imperative  by  the  early  Fathers,  as  Tertullian 
{cont.  Marc.  lib.  v.,  Op.  p.  469);  Cyprian 
('Testimon.  lib.  iii.  c.  62,  Op.  p.  323,  Paris,  1726); 
St.  Jerome  {Epist.  xci.  ad  Ageruchiam,  de  Mond- 
gamia,  Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  742,  Paris,  1706);  St. 
Ambrose  (de  Abrahamo,  lib.  i.  c.  ix.,  Op.  tom. 
i.  p.  309,  Paris,  1686);  St.  Augustine,  Epist. 
cclv.,  al.  234,  ad  Busticum,  Op,  tom.  ii.  p.  882, 
Paris,  1679):  by  councils,  as  that  of  Elvira, 
A.D.  313  (Cone.  Elih.  cans.  xv.  xvi..  Hard.  Concil. 
tom.  i.  p.  252) ;  the  first  council  of  Aries,  a.d. 
314  (Cone.  Arelat.  i.  can.  xi.,  ibid.  p.  265);  that 
of  Laodicea,  A.D.  372  (Cone.  Laod.  can.  x.,  ibid. 
p.  783)  ;  that  of  Agde,  a.d.  506  (Cone.  Agath 
can.  Ixvii.,  ibid.  torn.  ii.  p.  1005) ;  the  second  of 
Orleans,  A.D.  533  (Cone.  Aurel.  ii.  can.  xix.,  ibid. 
p.  1176) ;  the  fourth  of  Toledo,  a.d.  633  (Cone. 
Tolet.  iv.  can.  Ixiii.,  ibid.  tom.  iii.  p.  59) :  and 
by  Imperial  legislation,  which  forbids  intermar- 
riage with  Jews  as  a  capital  crime  (Cod.  Theod. 
lib.  iii.  tit.  7,  leg.  2  ;  lib.  xvi.  tit.  8,  leg.  6).  St. 
Ambrose  and  the  councils  of  Elvira,  Agde,  Laodi- 
cea, and  in  TruUo  (can.  Ixxii.),  enlarge  the  pro- 
hibition so  as  to  make  it  apply  to  heretics  as 
well  as  to  the  unbaptized.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Council  of  Hippo,  A.D.  393  (can.  xii.)  and  the 
Council  of  Chalcedon,  a.d.  451  (can.  xiv.)  seem, 
by  specifying,  to  confine  the  prohibition  of  such 
marriages  to  the  sons  and  daughters  of  bishops, 
priests,  and  inferior  clergy.  The  general  law 
was,  as  might  be  expected,  very  frequently  set 
at  nought.  St.  Jerome  bursts  out  with  a  fiery 
invective  against  the  women  of  his  day,  of  whom 
he  says  with  a  rhetorical  exaggeration  that  "  the 
greater  part  (pleraeque),  despising  the  apostle's 
command,  marry  heathens  "  (adc.  Jovin.  1.,  Op. 
tom.  iv.  p.  152).  St.  Augustine,  in  his  work  de 
Fide  ct  Operibus  (cap.  xix.,  Op.  tom.  vi.  p.  220, 
ed.  Migne),  says  likewise  that  in  his  time  mar- 
riage with  unbelievers  had  ceased  to  be  regarded 
as  a  sin;  and  he  himself  holds  that  it  ought 
not  to  preclude  from  admission  to  baptism.  St. 
Augustine's  mother  Monica,  Clothilda  wife  of 
Clovis,  Bertha  wife  of  Ethelbert,  and  Ethelburga 
wife  of  Edwin,  are  conspicuous  instances  of  the 
rule  being  transgressed  to  the  advantage  of 
Christianity. 

vii.  Vis.  This  impediment,  like  error,  ipso 
facto  invalidates  marriage,  the  essence  of  which 
consists  of  its  being  a  free  contract  made  and 
declared.  Physical  violence,  or  moral  violence, 
carried  to  such  an  extent  as  to  interfere  with 
the  freedom  of  action,  exercised  on  either  party 
to  the  contract,  destroys  that  liberty  of  the  will 
which  is  a  condition  of  the  contract  being  valid. 
Where  there  was  violence  there  could  be  no  free 
consent ;  where  no  free  consent,  no  contract ; 
where  no  contract,  no  marriage.  A  well-known 
instance  in  point  is  the  marriage  of  Jane  of  Navarro 
with  the  duke  of  Cleves,  which,  after  the  eleven 
yeai-s  old  maiden  had  been  carried  to  church  by 
her  uncle,  the  Constable  of  Montmorency,  and 
compelled  to  go  through  the  wedding,  was  broken 
oif  on  the  ground  that  the  bride  had  not  con- 
sented. 

It  was,  however,  a  question  whether  it  war 
the  consent  of  the  woman,  or  of  the  woman's 


MAREIAGE 

xelations,  that  was  necessary.  Among  the  He- 
brews the  father  was  regarded  as  liaving  the 
right  of  giving  his  daughter  in  marriage  (Gen. 
xxiv.  51).  The  early  Roman  law  looked  upon 
wife  and  children  as  goods,  belonging  to  the 
husband  and  father.  Consequently  there  was 
room  for  violence  to  be  employed  towards  one  of 
the  contracting  parties  with  a  view  to  force  her 
■consent,  which  the  law  would  not  have  recog- 
nised as  violence.  The  claim  of  the  woman  to 
an  independent  voice  was  to  a  great  extent 
ignored.  "  The  girl,"  says  St.  Ambrose  of  Re- 
becca, whom  he  holds  up  herein  as  au  example, 
"  is  not  consulted  about  her  espousals,  for  she 
awaits  the  judgment  of  her  parents  ;  inasmuch 
as  a  girl's  modesty  will  not  allow  her  to  choose  a 
husband  "  (de  Abrah.  lib.  i.  cap.  ult.,  Op.  tom.  i. 
p.  312,  Paris,  1686),  and  he  quotes  with  appro- 
bation Euripides'  lines : — 

Nu/x<^evjixaT(Of  y-^v  TOiV  6jixa)i/  TTaTqp  ejLtb? 
Meptfii/ai/  e'l'et,  k'  oiiK  eftbj/  KptVen/  TaSe. 

The  second  canonical  letter  from  Basil  to  Am- 
philochius  (Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  296)  calls  marriages 
entered  into  without  a  father's  sanction  by  the 
harsh  name  of  fornication  (can.  xlii.),  and  rules 
that  even  after  reconciliation  with  the  parents, 
three  years'  penance  is  to  be  done  by  the  daughter 
(can.  xxxviii.).  The  fourth  council  of  Orleans, 
A.D.  541,  says  that  they  should  be  regarded  in 
the  light  of  captivity  or  bondage  rather  than 
marriage  (can.  xxii.,  Hard.  CoiiciL  tom.  ii.  p. 
1439).  An  Irish  council  in  the  time  of  St.  Patrick, 
about  the  year  450,  lays  it  down  that  the  will 
of  the  girl  is  to  be  inquii-ed  of  the  father,  and 
that  the  girl  is  to  do  what  her  father  chooses, 
inasmuch  as  man  is  the  head  of  the  woman  (can. 
xxvii.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  i.  p.  1796).  See  also 
St.  Augustine  {Epist.  cclv.  al.  233,  Op.  tom.  ii. 
p.  1069,  ed.  Migne).  The  imperial  laws  were 
also  very  strict,  as  those  of  the  heathen  emperors 
had  been.  Constantius  and  Constans  made  clan- 
destine marriages  of  this  nature  a  capital  offence 
(Cod  Theod.  lib.  ix.  tit.  xxiv.  legg.  1,  2).  Even 
widows  under  the  age  of  25  were  forbidden  by  a 
law  of  Valentinian  and  Gratian  to  marry  with- 
out their  parents'  consent  (ibid.  lib.  iii.  tit.  vii. 
leg.  1)  ;  and  St.  Ambrose  desires  young  widows 
to  leave  the  choice  of  their  second  husbands  to 
their  parents  (de  Abraham,  lib.  i.  cap.  ult..  Op. 
tom.  i.  p.  312).  The  third  council  of  Toledo, 
A.D.  589,  enacts  that  widows  are  to  be  allowed 
free  choice  of  their  husbands,  and  that  girls 
are  not  to  be  compelled  to  accept  husbands 
against  the  will  of  their  parents  or  themselves 
(can.  X.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  iii.  p.  481).  The 
Penitential  of  Theodore  of  Canterbury,  A.D.  688, 
ordains  that  a  father  may  give  his  daughter  in 
marriage  as  he  will  until  she  is  sixteen  or  seven- 
teen, after  which  she  must  not  be  married  with- 
out her  own  consent  (lib.  ii.  cap.  xii.  §36). 

Nevertheless  the  independent  right  of  each  of 
the  contracting  parties  to  give  or  withhold  his 
or  her  consent  was  not  altogether  ignored.  A 
law  of  Diocletian  and  Maximin  declares  that 
none  are  to  be  compelled  to  marry  (^Cod.  Justin. 
lib.  V.  tit.  iv.  leg.  14,  Coiy.  Juris,  tom.  ii.  p. 
418),  and  this  liberty  was  testified  to  in  the 
forms  and  ceremonies  used  in  the  celebration  of 
marriages. 

As  a  protection  against  violence,  it  was  also 
enacted  that  no  guardian  might  marry  an  orphan 


MARRIAGE 


1097 


to  whom  he  was  guardian  during  her  minority 
(Cod.  Theod.  lib.  ix.  tit.  viii.  leg.  1),  and  that  no 
governor  of  a  province  might  marry  any  woman 
subject  to  his  control  during  the  time  of  his 
administration  (ibid.  lib.  iii.  tit.  vi.  leg.  1). 

viii.  Ordo.  St.  Paul  desired  Timothy  and  Titus 
to  select  for  the  ministry  persons  who  were  "  mea 
of  one  wife  "  (1  Tim.  iii.  2-12 ;  Tit.  i.  6).  The 
meaning  of  the  apostle's  words  is  ambiguous. 
By  some  they  are  regarded  as  enjoining  that 
the  persons  selected  for  the  ministry  should  be 
but  once  married;  by  others,  that  they  should 
not  have  put  away  their  wives,  and  have  taken 
others  in  the  lifetime  of  their  first  wives  ;  by 
others,  that  they  should  not  be  men  who  were 
unfaithful  to  their  wife  (whether  a  first,  or  a 
second,  or  a  third  wife)  by  keeping  a  concubine, 
according  to  a  common  Roman  practice,  or  other 
laxity  of  life  ;  by  others,  that  they  should  not  be 
polygamists,  in  accordance  with  Hebrew  customs. 
The  last  of  these  four  interpretations  is  supported 
by  the  authority  of  St.  Chrysostom  (Horn,  in 
1  Tim.  iii.  2,  Op.  tom.  xi.  p.  599,  Paris,  1734>; 
the  third,  which  does  not  exclude  the  fourth,  is 
the  exposition  of  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  ( Catenae 
Graec.  Pair,  in  N.  T.  tom.  viii.  p.  23,  ed.  Cramer) 
and  of  Theodoret  (Com.  in  1  Tim.  iii.  2,  Op.  tom. 
i.  p.  474,  Paris,  1642).  The  authorities  and  argu- 
ments for  the  second  interpretation  may  be  seen  at 
length  in  Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  v.  Atyafiia.  The 
thought  underlying  St.  Chrysostom's  interpreta- 
tion is  that,  whereas  polygamy  was  allowed  by 
the  Jews,  and  was  still  practised,  as  shewn  by  the 
example  of  Herod,  and  proved  by  the  testimony 
of  Justin  (Dial,  cum  Tryph.,  Op.  tom.  ii.  442, 
460,  ed.  Otto),  it  might  have  been  the  purpose 
of  the  apostle  to  allow  a  converted  Jew,  who 
was  a  polygamist,  to  live  as  a  layman  without 
repudiating  his  existing  wives,  but  not  to  allow 
a  man  in  such  a  position  to  be  a  presbyter,  "  for 
the  Jews,"  says  St.  Chrysostom,  "  might  proceed 
to  second  nuptials  and  have  two  wives  together  " 
(in  1  Tim.  iii.  2).'^  The  exposition  of  Theodore 
and  Theodoret  is  in  harmony  with  the  words  of 
St.  Paul,  which  literally  translated  mean  '•  a 
man  of  one  woman,"  and  need  bear  no  further 
signification  than  one  who  was  faithful  to  the 
marriage  tie,  and  "  kept  himself  only  to  his  wife 
so  long  as  they  both  did  live"  (Marriage  Ser- 
vice). It  is  also  in  better  harmony  with  St. 
Paul's  argument  ("  one  that  ruleth  well  his 
own  house,  having  his  children  in  subjection 
with  all  gravity;  for  if  a  man  know  not  how  to 
rule  his  own  house,  how  shall  he  take  care  of 
the  church  of  God  ?  "),  than  that  which  sees  in 


d  DoUinger's  argument  to  the  contrary  (Hippolytus  and 
Callistus,  c.  iii.),  grounded  on  the  fact  that  a  simultaneous 
second  marriage  was  contrary  to'  the  law  of  the  Roman 
empu-e,  is  of  little  weight ;  for  the  contemptuous  tole- 
rance of  the  Koman  magistrate  would  not  have  conde- 
scended to  interfere  with  a  Jew's  acting  in  accordance 
with  his  own  law  (Cf.  Acts  sviii.  15,  xxv.  19):  he  would 
have  contented  himself  with  ignoring  the  marriage,  and 
regarding  the  issue  of  it  as  spurious  in  case  any  question 
about  it  arose.  The  second  marriage  would  in  his  eyes 
have  been  a  contubernium  such  as  many  of  his  own  fellow- 
countrymen  had  entered  into.  Besides,  many  Jews  would 
have  been  converted  to  Christianity  who  had  married  while 
living  in  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Herods,  and  it  is  impos- 
sible to  believe  that  the  Roman  magistrates  would  have 
troubled  themselves  with  the  internal  oeconomy  of  their 


1098 


MAERIAGE 


the  text  only  a  prohibitioE  of  a  second  marriage. 
Theodoret  says  that  he  deliberately  adopts  the 
view  of  those  who  held  "  that  the  holy  apostle 
declares  the  man  who  lives  contentedly  with 
one  wife  is  worthy  of  ordination,  and  that  he 
is  not  forbidding  second  marriages,  which  he 
has  often  recommended  "  (m  1  Tim.  iii.  2).  The 
general  understanding,  however,  of  the  words, 
which  was  accepted  in  the  early  church,  was 
that  St.  Paul  intended  to  exclude  Digamists 
from  the  ministry ;  and  his  instruction  to 
Timothy,  thus  understood,  became  converted 
into  a  rule  of  church  discipline.  See  the  Apo- 
stolical Canons  (can.  xvii.)  ;  the  Apostolical  Con- 
stitutions (vi.  17);  Origen  (^Hom.  xvii.  in  Luc., 
Op.  torn.  iii.  p.  953,  Paris,  1740,  who  says  plainly, 
"  Neither  bishop,  priest,  deacon,  nor  widow  must 
be  twice  married");  St.  Ambrose  (de  Off.  i.  50, 
§257,  Op.  torn.  ii.p.  66,  Paris,  1690);  St.  Augus- 
tine (de  Bono  Conjug.  c.  xviii.,  Op.  torn.  vi. 
p.  387,  ed.  Migne)  ;  St.  Epiphanius  {Haer.  lix.  4, 
Op.  torn.  i.  p.  496,  Pans,  1622);  and  the  coun- 
cils of  Anglers,  a.d.  455  (can.  xi..  Hard.  Concil. 
torn.  ii.  p.  480) ;  Agde,  A.d.  506  (can.  i.  ihid.  p. 
997);  Aries,  iv.  a.d.  524  (can.  iii.  ibid.  p.  1070). 
St.  Paul's  injunction,  thus  interpreted,  has  been 
continuously  the  rule  of  the  Oriental  church 
both  positively  and  negatively,  except  so  far  as 
it  has  been  violated  on  the  positive  side  by  the 
Council  in  TruUo,  A.D.  692,  forbidding  the  mar- 
riage of  bishops,  which  St.  Paul  appears  not  only 
to  have  permitted,  but  to  have  recommended,  if 
not  enjoined,  in  order  that  the  bishop's  power  of 
ruling  might  have  been  tested  in  a  smaller 
sphere  before  he  was  promoted  to  a  large  one 
(Concil.  in  Trullo,  can.  xlviii.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom. 
iv.  p.  1679). 

For  some  time  before  the  Christian  era  a 
change  of  sentiment  as  to  the  relative  excellence 
of  the  married  and  single  life  had  been  growing 
up  among  a  section  of  Jews.  The  national 
feeling  was  strongly  in  favour  of  marriage,  and 
a  man  who  was  unmarried  or  without  children 
was  looked  upon  as  disgraced  (see  the  legend  of 
Joachim  and  Anna  in  the  Protevangelion).  But 
the  spirit  of  asceticism,  cherished  by  the  Essenes, 
led  to  an  admiration  of  celibacy,  of  which  no 
traces  are  to  be  found  in  the  Old  Testament ;  so 
that,  instead  of  a  shame,  it  became  an  honour  to 
be  unmarried  and  childless.  In  the  early  church 
this  spirit,  at  first  exhibiting  itself  only  to  be 
condemned  in  the  Encratites  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl. 
iv.  29  ;  St.  Aug.  dc  Haeres.  xxv.),  the  Apostolici 
(St.  Aug.  do  Haeres.  xl.),  the  Manichees  (ibid. 
xlvi.),  the  Hieracians  (ibid,  xlvii.).  the  Eusta- 
thians  (Socrates,  Hist.  Eccl.  1143;  Council  of 
Gangra,  cans.  i.  ix.  x.  xiv.),  struggled  with  a 
healthier  feeling,  till  at  length  it  stifled  the 
latter. 

Another  cause  was  working  in  the  same  di- 
rection. The  days  of  chivalry  were  not  yet; 
and  we  cannot  but  notice,  even  in  the  greatest  of 
the  Christian  fathers,  a  lamentably  low  estimate 
of  woman,  and  consequently  of  the  marriage  re- 
lationship. Even  St.  Augustine  can  see  no  justi- 
fication for  marriage,  except  in  a  grave  desire 
deliberately  adopted  of  having  children  (Serin,  ix. 
li..  Op.  tom.  V.  pp.  88,  345,  ed.  Migne);  and,  in 
accordance  with  this  view,  all  married  inter- 
course, except  for  this  single  purpose,  is  harshly 
condemned.  If  marriage  is  sought  after  for  the 
sake  of  children,  it  is  justifiable  ;  if  entered  into 


MAERIAGE 

as  a  remedium  to  avoid  worse  evils,  it  is  pardon- 
able ;  the  idea  of  "  the  mutual  society,  help,  and 
comfort,  that  the  one  ought  to  have  of  the  other, 
both  in  prosperity  and  adversity,"  hardly  ex- 
isted, and  could  hardly  yet  exist.  In  the  decline 
of  the  Roman  empii'e,  woman  was  not  a  help- 
meet for  man,  and  kw  traces  are  to  be  found  "of 
those  graceful  conceptions  which  Western  ima- 
gination has  grouped  round  wedded  love  and 
home  affections.  The  result  was  that  the  gross, 
coarse,  material,  carnal  side  of  marriage  being 
alone  apprehended,  those  who  sought  to  lead  a 
spiritual  life,  that  is,  above  all,  the  clergy,  in- 
stead of  "adorning  and  beautifying  that  holy 
estate,"  and  lifting  it  up  with  themselves  into  a 
higher  sphere  and  a  purer  atmosphere,  regarded 
it  rather  as  a  necessary  evil  to  be  shunned  by 
those  who  aimed  at  a  holier  life  than  that  of  the 
majority. 

Four  questions  arose : — 1.  Whether  a  clergy- 
man might  marry  after  ordination  ;  2.  Whether 
after  ordination  he  must  cease  to  cohabit  with 
his  wife  whom  he  had  married  before  ordination  ; 
3.  Whether  a  man  already  married  might  be 
ordained ;  4.  Whether  a  twice  married  man 
might  be  ordained. 

On  the  first  question  the  East  and  West 
agreed  in  returning  a  negative  answer,  so  far  as 
bishops  and  presbyters  were  concerned.  In  the 
first  half  of  the  3rd  century  pope  Callistus  is 
charged  by  Hippolytus  with  introducing  the  in- 
novation of  allowing  clergymen  to  marry  after 
they  were  in  orders.  Dollinger  supposes  him  to 
have  sanctioned  no  more  than  the  marriage  of 
acolyths,  hypodiaconi  (the  title  still  borne  by  sub- 
deacons),  and,  perhaps,  deacons.  But  this  is 
unlikely,  or  Hippolytus  would  not  have  made  it 
so  serious  a  charge  against  him.  Callistus  pro- 
bably allowed  his  presbyters  and  deacons  to 
marry,  and  the  practice  continued  after  his  death 
among  his  special  followers  and  disciples — his 
"  school,"  as  Hippolytus  calls  them  (ov  Sia/nffei  rh 
SiSaaKakeiov  (pv\6.TT0v  to  e07j  Koi  Tr)v  TrapdSoaiv), 
but  it  did  not  prevail  against  the  opposite 
custom.  The  Council  of  Ancyra,  a.d.  314, 
allows  deacons  only  to  marry,  and  that  if  at 
the  time  of  their  ordination  they  had  given 
notice  of  their  intention  to  do  so  (can.  x.). 
The  Apostolical  Canons  restrict  the  liberty  of 
marriage  after  ordination  to  readers  and  singers 
(can.  XXV.).  Presbyters  are  ordered  by  the 
council  of  Neocaesarea,  a.d.  314,  to  remain  un- 
married if  they  are  unmarried  at  the  time  of 
their  ordination  (can.  i.).  Bishops,  priests,  and 
deacons  are  ordered  to  remain  unmarried  by 
a  Roman  council  under  Innocent  I.,  A.D.  402 
(can.  iii.).  The  only  authoritative  sanction  for 
marriage  after  ordination  is  found  in  a  decree 
of  a  Nestorian  synod  held  under  Barsumas, 
archbishop  of  Nisibis,  towards  the  end  of  the 
5th  century. 

On  the  second  question,  whether  clergy  mar- 
ried at  the  time  of  their  ordination  were  to  cease 
cohabitation,  there  gradually  developed  itself 
one  of  the  disciplinary  differences  which  after- 
wards declared  themselves  between  the  East  and 
West.  The  Eastern  church  has  never  forbidden 
marriage  before  ordination  to  its  presbyters,  and 
has  never  laid  upon  them  the  burden  of  absti- 
nence from  their  wives ;  and  there  is  no  doubt 
that  the  Eastern  discipline  in  this  respect  was 
th.j  discipline  of  the  whole  of  the  early  church. 


MAKEIAGE 

Thomassin,  Natalis  Alexander,  the  Bollandist 
Stilting,  and  Zaccaria  assert  that  married  asce- 
ticism prevailed  from  the  beginning  by  aposto- 
lical precept,  but  they  have  no  ground  for  their 
assertion.  Tillemont  acknowledges  that  for  the 
first  four  or  live  hundred  years  it  was  not  re- 
quired, and  De  Marca  argues  that  it  grew  up 
insensibly  as  a  voluntary  practice,  and  was  first 
made  binding  by  pope  Siricius  at  the  end  of  the 
4th  century. 

The  first  authority  on  the  question  is  Cle- 
ment of  Alexandria,  who,  in  contrasting  the 
practice  of  the  church  with  that  of  the 
heretics  of  his  day,  speaks  plainly  of  priest, 
deacon,  and  layman  as  "  ave-inAriinciis  yd/jicii 
Xp^fJ-evos "  (Stromat.  lib.  iii.  12,  Op.  p.  352, 
ed.  Potter,  Oxf.  1715),  by  which  words  he  desig- 
nates cohabitation,^  and  towards  the  end  of  the 
same  book  he  writes:  Tt  -n-pus  ravras  eiirfTv 
fXov<Ti  Tus  voixodeaias  ot  rr]v  CTropav  koI  Trjp 
yeveffiy  fj.vcraTTofxefot ;  iirel  koI  rhv  'EiricTKOTrov 
Tov  oIkov  KaXws  irpoicrra.tJLSVov  pofiodereT  Trjs 
'EKK\r}aias  acpr^yelcrOar  oIkov  Se  KvpLanhv  fj-ias 
yvvaiKhs  (TvvicTT7)(n  crv^vyia.  His  argument 
would  be  futile  if  he  did  not  look  upon  the 
bishop,  not  only  as  married,  but  specifically  as 
begetting  children  (Strom,  iii.  c.  xviii..  Op.  p. 
562).  The  opposite  view  was  taken  by  Origen, 
as  might  be  expected  from  the  deed  for  which  he 
is  noted  (^Hom.  xxiii.  in  Nura.,  Op.  tom.  ii.  p. 
358) ;  by  Epiphanius,  though  he  allows  that  a 
different  practice  prevailed  (Ilaeres.  lix.  4,  Op. 
tom.  i.  p.  496)  ;  by  St.  Jerome  {adv.  Jovin.  lib. 
i..  Op.  torn.  iv.  p.  175).  The  Apostolical  Canons 
forbid  bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons  to  separate 
from  their  wives  on  the  pretext  of  piety  on  pain 
of  deposition  (can.  vi.)  ;  but  about  a  quarter  of  a 
century  later  was  passed  by  the  Spanish  council  of 
Elvira  (A. D.  305)a  canon  which  is  regarded  as  the 
earliest  injunction  on  the  clergy  to  cease  coha- 
bitation (can.  xxxiii.).f  An  attempt  was  made 
to  force  this  discipline  on  the  whole  church  at 
the  council  of  Nicaea,  A.D.  325,  but  it  was  frus- 
trated by  the  firmness  of  Paphnutius.  The  spirit 
that  dictated  the  attempt  was  not,  however,  ex- 
tinguished. It  became  a  fashion  with  some  to 
hold  aloof  from  the  ministrations  of  a  married 
presbyter  in  the  holy  communion,  to  such  an 
extent  that  the  council  of  Gangra,  held  about 
A.D.  350,  had  to  anathematize  those  that  did  so 
(can.  iv.).  Pope  Siricius's  letter  to  Himerius 
(Hard.  Concil.  tom.  i.  p.  849),  if  genuine  (it  is  so 
counted),  gave  expression  and  sanction  to  this 
unwholesome  feeling,  A.D.  385. s     A  council  held 


MAERIAGE 


1099 


'  The  Latin  translation  of  the  passage  is  as  follows : 
"  Jam  vero  unius  quoque  uxoris  virum  utique  admittit, 
seu  sit  Presbyter,  seu  Diaconus,  seu  Laicus,  utens  matri- 
monio  citra  reprehensionem.  Servabitur  autem  per 
filiorum  prooreationem."  Binterim  is  driven  into  saying 
that  "utens"  applies  only  to  "laicus,"  maintaining  that 
otherwise  the  reading  would  be"utentes"  and  "serva- 
buntur"  {Denkwiiidigkeiten,  vl.  289). 

'  According  to  its  grammatical  construction  this  canon 
deposes  from  the  ministry  all  clergy  who  refuse  to  live 
in  wcdlooli  with  their  wives.  It  is  generally  supposed 
that  the  wording  is  confused,  and  that  it  intends  to  pro- 
hibit what  it  seems  to  order.  If  it  were  construed  gram- 
matically it  would  be  similar  in  its  character  to  the  fourth 
c;inon  of  the  council  of  Gangra,  mentioned  a  few  lines 
lower  down  in  the  text. 

8  The  canons  of  a  supposed  council  held  at  Rome  by 
Siricius,  a.d.386,  the  ninth  of  which  "advises  (suademus) 


j  at  Carthage  under  Genethlius,  in  387  or  390, 
binds  bishops,  priests,  and  Levites  to  abstain 
from  their  wives  (can.  ii.),  and  the  canon  that 
it  passed  to  this  effect  was  taken  into  the  Codex 
Canonum  Ecclesiae  Africanae  (Hefele,  viii.  §§  lOG, 
121).  Socrates,  who  wrote  a.d.  439,  names 
Heliodorus,  bishop  of  Trica,  as  the  person  who 
had  introduced  into  Thessaly  the  novelty  of  de- 
posing clergy  who  lived  with  their  wives,  and  he 
speaks  of  that  custom  prevailing  in  his  day  in 
Thessalonica,  and  in  Macedonia  and  Hellas  ;  but 
he  declares  it  contrary  to  the  otherwise  universal 
custom  of  the  Eastern  church,  where  bishops 
and  priests  were  left  at  liberty  to  act  as  they 
pleased  in  this  respect,  "  for  many  of  them  have 
had  children  by  their  lawful  wives  during  the 
time  that  they  are  bishops  "  (Hist.  Eccles.  v.  22, 
Op.  p.  242,  Oxon.  1844).  The  argument  drawn 
horn,  the  incontrovertible  fact  that  popes  were 
the  sons  of  clergymen,  and  that  well-known 
bishops  and  priests  were  married,  and  that  sons 
and  daughters  of  bishops  and  presbyters  are  fre- 
quently referred  to  in  the  canons  of  councils,  is 
generally  eluded  by  assuming  that,  though  mar- 
ried, the  clergy  did  not  cohabit  with  their  wives 
after  ordination  ;  but  the  historian's  statement 
cannot  be  thus  put  aside,  confirmed  as  it  is  by 
overwhelming  evidence.  Gregory  Nazianzen, 
his  sister  and  brother,  were  probably  born 
while  their  father  was  now  a  bishop  : 
it  is  certain  that  they  were  born  after  their 
father  was  a  priest  (Carm.  de  Vita  sua,  1.  502); 
Cyprian  charges  Novatus,  a  priest,  with  cruelty 
to  his  wife,  which  caused  her  miscarriage  (Epist. 
xlix.) ;  and  Synesius,  as  we  know,  only  accepted 
his  bishopric  on  the  understanding  that  he  was  to 
be  in  no  way  separated  from  his  wife.  Never- 
theless, as  time  proceeded,  the  liberty  not 
only  of  cohabiting  with,  but  of  having,  wives 
was  extinguished,  so  far  as  bishops  were  con- 
cerned, in  the  East  and  West  alike.  Not  so  with 
regard  to  presbyters.  In  their  case  the  discipline 
of  the  two  halves  of  Christendom  became  more 
and  more  divergent.  The  East  never  yielded  the 
right  of  their  clergy  being  fathers  of  families  if 
married  before  ordination.  The  council  in  Trullo 
speaks  on  this  point  with  decision  and  warmth : 
— "  As  we  know  that  the  Roman  church  has 
ruled  that  candidates  for  the  diaconate  or  the 
presbyterate  are  to  make  profession  that  they 
will  no  longer  cohabit  with  their  wives,  we  ob- 
serving the  ancient  canon  of  apostolical  perfection 
and  order,  declare  the  marriages  of  all  in  holy 
orders  are  to  be  henceforth  accounted  valid,  and 
we  refuse  to  forbid  cohabitation,  and  will  not 
deprive  them  of  conjugal  intercourse  at  proper 
times.  Therefore,  if  a  man  is  found  fit  to  be 
ordained  subdeacon,  deacon,  or  presbyter,  he  is 
not  to  be  refused  on  the  ground  of  cohabiting 
with  his  wife.  Nor  at  the  time  of  ordination  is 
anyone  to  be  required  to  profess  that  he  will 
abstain  from  intercourse  with  his  lawful  wife  ; 
lest  we  thus  do  dishonour  to  marriage,  which 
was  instituted  by  God  and  blessed  by  His  pre- 
sence, the  gospel  declaring  aloud,  '  What  God 
hath  joined  together,  let  not  man  put  asunder,' 
and  the  apostle  teaching, '  Marriage  is  honourable 


PriesLs  and  Levites  not  to  live  with  their  wives,"  and 
the  fourth  and  fifth  forbid  the  marriage  of  a  clergyman 
with  a  widow,  are  spurious.  They  are  given  by  Hefele 
(viii.  }  105). 


1100 


MAEEIAGE 


in  all,  and  the  bed  undefiled,'  and  'Art  thou 
bound  to  a  wile,  seek  not  to  be  loosed.'  ...  If, 
then,  anyone  in  despite  of  the  apostolical  canons, 
be  induced  to  forbid  priests,  deacons,  and  sub- 
deacons  to  cohabit  and  hold  intercourse  with 
their  lawful  wives,  let  him  be  deposed.  And, 
likewise,  if  any  priest  or  deacon  dismisses  his 
wife  on  the  pretext  of  piety,  let  him  be  excom- 
municated, and  if  he  be  obstinate,  let  him  be 
deposed "  (can.  siii..  Hard.  Concil.  torn.  iv.  p. 
1666).  Meantime  the  Wpst  was  growing  stiller 
and  stifFer,  Spain  still  leading  the  way.  The 
first  and  the  ninth  councils  of  Toledo  (canons  i. 
X.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  i.  p.  990,  torn.  iii.  p.  975) 
forbid  cohabitation  with  increasing  rigour,  A.D. 
400  and  655.  The  French  councils  of  Aries  II., 
A.D.  452  (can.  xliv.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  iv.  p.  774), 
and  of  Macon,  A.D.  584  (can.  xi.),  denounce  the 
punishment  of  deposition  ;  and  Innocent  I.  iu 
his  letters  to  Victricius  and  to  Exuperius  (Hard. 
Concil.  tom.  i.  pp.  1001, 1003),  and  Leo  I.  (i;>?si. 
ad  Rusticum,  Resp.  iii..  Op.  p.  407)  speak  for 
Rome  in  the  same  sense.  Such  a  discipline  so 
severely  enforced  could  only  end  in  the  prohibi- 
tion of  marriage  altogether. 

The  third  question,  whether  the  married  state 
and  the  clerical  state  were  altogether  incom- 
patible, could  not  arise  while  St.  Paul's  teaching 
was  still  ringing  in  the  ears  of  Christians,  for  St. 
Paul  had  commanded  the  selection  of  married  men 
for  priests  and  deacons  (1  Tim.  iii.  2, 12  ;  Tit.  i.  6), 
the  reason  of  which  command  was  explained  by 
Clement  of  Alexandria  to  be  that  "  they  have 
learnt  from  their  own  households  how  to  govern 
the  church"  (Strom,  iii.  12);  but  it  necessarily 
arose,  and  was  necessarily  answered  in  the  affir- 
mative, as  soon  as  the  cohabitation  of  the  clergy 
with  their  wives  had  been  authoritatively  for- 
bidden. When  pviblic  opinion  came  to  require 
that  a  married  man  should  abstain  from  living 
with  his  wife,  it  was  only  a  question  of  time 
how  soon  it  would  require  him  to  have  no  wife 
at  all ;  and  to  many  the  latter  course  would 
appear  less  revolting  than  the  former.  A  one- 
sided development  of  the  scriptural  precepts 
contained  in  Matt.  xix.  12,  and  in  1  Cor.  vii.  1-7, 
necessarily  led  to  the  high  estimate  of  celibacy 
for  its  own  sake  that  is  found  in  some  early 
writers  (see  Ignatius,  Epist.  ad  Pohjcarp.  c.  v. ; 
Athenagoras,  Legat.  c.  xxxiii. ;  Justin.  Apol.  x. 
XV.),  and  more  naturally  found  its  issue  in  the 
imposition  of  celibacy  than  of  married  asceticism. 
The  arguments  used  from  the  time  of  Siricius 
onwards  against  cohabitation  were  of  equal  force 
against  marriage.  If  it  were  true  that  holiness 
and  abstinence  from  marriage  intercourse  were 
synonymous,  and  if  it  were  true  that  the  clergy 
were  bound  to  be  in  a  peculiar  manner  dedicated 
to  holiness,  the  conclusion  necessarily  drawn  was 
that  the  clergy  should  be  unmarried.  Siricius 
was  the  spiritual  father  of  Damiani  and  Hilde- 
brand.  It  is  true  that  there  was  a  long  struggle, 
sometimes  based  by  the  opponents  of  celibacy  on 
low  and  carnal  motives  ;  sometimes  fought  on  the 
higher  principle  which  brought  into  prominence 
those  other  scriptural  injunctions  which  ought 
to  limit  the  application  commonly  made  of  those 
precepts  on  which  the  idea  of  celibacy  had 
groimded  itself;  sometimes,  too,  appealing  to  the 
practice  of  the  earlier  church,  still  perpetuated 
in  the  East,  But  the  battle  could  not  be  a  suc- 
cessful one  unless  the  principles  laid  down  by 


MARRIAGE 

Siricius  were  repudiated,  and  the  honour  of 
married  life  and  married  intercourse  vindicated. 
In  961  we  find  that  "a  great  disturbance  took 
place"  in  South  Wales  (as  elsewhere)  "because 
the  priests  were  enjoined  not  to  marry  without 
the  leave  of  the  pope ;  so  that  it  was  considered 
best  to  allow  matrimony  to  the  priests " 
{Brut,  y  Tywysog.  p.  28,  Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
Councils  of  Great  Britain,  i,  286).  But  in 
1059  the  West  was  ripe  for  the  decree  of  the 
Roman  council  under  Nicholas  II.,  "  Whatever 
priest,  deacon,  or  subdeacon  shall,  after  the  con- 
stitution of  our  predecessor  of  blessed  memory, 
the  most  holy  pope  Leo  on  clerical  chastity, 
openly  marry  a  concubine  (wife),  or  not  leave 
one  that  he  has  married,  in  the  name  of  Almighty 
God  and  by  the  authority  of  the  blessed  apostles 
Peter  and  Paul,  we  enjoin  and  utterly  forbid  to 
sing  mass  or  read  the  gospel  or  epistle,"  &c. 
(can.  iii..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  vi.  p.  1052).  In 
the  first  Lateran  Council  under  Callistus  II.,  A.D. 
1123,  the  word  "wife"  is  introduced,  together 
with  that  of  "  concubine."  "  We  utterly  forbid 
priests,  deacons,  and  subdeacons  to  live  with  con- 
cubines and  wives  ;  and  any  other  woman  to  be 
in  the  same  house  with  them,  except  those  whom 
the  Council  of  Nice  allowed  on  the  ground  of 
relationship,  namely,  mother,  sister,  aunt,  and 
so  on,  about  whom  no  suspicion  can  faiily  arise  " 
(can.  iii..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  vii.  p.  1111).  The 
Lateran  Council  appeals  to  the  authority  of  the 
Council  of  Nice  as  though  forbidding  that  which 
it  deliberately  refused  to  forbid. 

The  fourth  question,  whether  a  twice-married 
man  might  be  ordained,  was  answered  in  the 
negative,  being  contrary  to  an  ecclesiastical  rule 
whicn,  as  we  have  stated  above,  was  founded 
on  a  probably  mistaken  apprehension  of  the 
meaning  of  St.  Paul's  injunction  to  Timothy  and 
Titus  (1  Tim.  iii.  2,  12 ;  Tit.  i.  6).  Accordingly, 
although  about  the  year  220  pope  Callistus 
admitted  twice  or  thrice  married  men  to  the 
Episcopate,  the  Presbyterate,  and  the  Diaconate, 
such  ordinations  were  forbidden  by  the  Apostolical 
Canons  (can.  xvii.)  and  Constitutions  (ii.  2,  vi. 
17),  by  St.  Basil's  canons  (can.  xii.),  and  by  all 
the  synods  that  dealt  with  the  subject,  except 
those  held  among  the  Nestorians.  Here  too, 
however,  a  difference  of  the  discipline  of  the 
East  and  the  West  exhibited  itself.  The  East, 
which,  whenever  it  could  be,  was  more  human 
and  less  rigorist  than  the  West,  refused  to  count 
marriages  which  had  taken  place  before  baptism 
as  disqualifications.  Provided  that  a  man  had 
been  but  once  married  since  his  baptism  he  was 
eligible  in  the  East  to  the  priesthood,  notwith- 
standing any  marriage  that  he  might  have  con- 
tracted as  a  heathen  or  as  a  catechumen  (see 
Council  in  Trullo,  can.  iii.).  Not  so  in  the  West. 
St.  Ambrose  and  St.  Augustine,  popes  Siricius  and 
Innocent,  the  councils  of  Valence  and  Agde, 
agree  in  pronouncing  that  no  such  distinction 
can  be  recognised.  Two  marriages,  whether 
before  or  after  baptism,  exclude  from  the 
ministry.  The  only  voices  raised  in  the  West 
against  this  ruling  are  those  of  St.  Jerome,  who, 
in  defending  the  regularity  of  bishop  Carterius's 
consecration,  declares  that  the  world  was  full  of 
such  ordinations  {Epist.  Ixix.,  Op.  tom.  i.  p.  654, 
Paris,  1846),  and  of  Gennadius  of  Marseilles  {de 
Eccles.  Dogm.  c.  Ixxii.  p.  38,  ed.  Elmenhorst). 
The   rule,  whether   in  its  Eastern   or  Western 


MAREIAGE 

I    form,   being    positive    rather    than    moral,    was 
!    constantly  broljen.      (In  proof  of  this,  see  Ter- 
tullian,  de  Exhortatione  Castitatis,  c.  vii.,  Op.  p. 
[    522,  Paris,  1675  ;  and  Hippolytus,  Philosoph.  ix. 
(     12,  for  early  times  :  a  series  of  councils  testifies 
i    to  the  same  fact  at  a  later  period.)     Sometimes 
a  local  custom  to  the  contrary  would  arise,  which 
maintained    itself  in    opposition   to  the  general 
j     rule.   In  the  5th  century  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia 
I    refused  to  be  bound  by  a  rule  which,  while  it 
I     professed  to  pay   deference  to  St.  Paul's  words, 
!     frustrated  the   purpose  of  the   Apostle.     Theo- 
I     doret,  following  his  lead,  declared  that  he  cared 
j'     nothing  for  a  practice,  however  general,  which 
I     was  based    upon   a   false    interpretation   of  St. 
[     Paul's  command ;  and  when  the  count  Irenaeus 
I     had   been  made    bishop   of  Tyre,  though  twice 
j     married,   and   thereupon    an    order    came    from 
the  emperor  to  depose  him  as  a  digamist  as  well 
as  a  Nestorian,  Theodoret  wrote  a  letter  justify- 
ing his    consecration    on    the    grounds  that   his 
consecrators    had    but    followed  the  example    of 
those    who    had   gone    before    them,    citing  the 
instance  of  Alexander   of  Antioch    and  Acacius 
of  Beroea,  who   had  ordained  Diogenes,  though 
twice   married,  and  that  of  Praulius  of   Jeru- 
salem, who  had  ordained    Domninus,  bishop    of 
Caesarea,  under  like  circumstances.    He  asserted, 
too,  that  the   consecration  of  the  twice  married 
Irenaeus  had  taken  place  with  the  full  approval 
of  Proclus  of  Constantinople,  the  chief  ecclesiastics 
of  Pontus,  and    the    bishops    of  Palestine    (see 
Epist.  ex..   Op.   tom.  iii.    p.    979,    Paris,   1642). 
But   this    uprising    of    common    sense     against 
harsh  rule  did  not  maintain  itself.    The  instances 
given  by  Theodoret  are  exceptions,  which  only 
prove  the  general  (though  not  universal)  rule, 
just  as  the  reiterated  canons  of  councils  prove 
its  frequent  transgression. 

The  rule  against  marrying  a  widow  or  a  divorced 
woman  was  as  stringent  as  that  against  a  second 
marriage.  Special  rules  of  conduct  were  applicable 
to  the  clergyman's  wife  as  well  as  to  the  clergy- 
man. The  wife  of  one  who  was  to  be  ordained  must 
not  have  been  married  to  a  previous  husband 
(see  the  Apostolical  Canons  and  Constitutions  in 
the  places  above  cited,  the  fourth  council  of  Car- 
thage, can.  Ixix.,  &c.),  nor  might  she  marry 
again  after  her  husband's  death.  (See  the  first 
council  of  Toledo,  held  a.d.  400,  can.  xviii. ;  the 
second  council  of  Macon,  a.d.  585,  can.  xvi. ; 
and  the  council  of  Vermerie,  a.d.  752,  can.  iii.) 
In  the  latter  respect  the  widows  of  kings  were  in 
Spain  placed  in  the  same  condition  as  the  widows 
of  clergymen.  The  thirteenth  council  of  Toledo, 
A.D.  683,  forbids  their  remarriage  as  a  facinus 
execrabile  (can.  v..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  iii.  p. 
1741),  and  the  third  council  of  Saragossa  orders 
them  to  retire  to  a  convent  (can.  v.,  Concil. 
Gaesaraugustanum  III.,  Hard.  ihid.  p.  1784). 
[Celibacy;  Digamy.] 

ix.  Liga7)icn.  The  prohibition  of  polygamy  by 
our  Lord  and  the  Roman  law  and  practice  of 
monogamy  (Cod.  Justin,  lib.  v.  tit.  v.  lig.  2) 
were  sufficient  to  prevent  any  question  being 
raised  of  the  lawfulness  of  simultaneous  mar- 
riages. An  existing  marriage  was  an  insuperable 
impediment  to  contracting  a  second  marriage. 
Here  and  there  exceptions  to  the  rule  are 
found,  not  in  the  earliest  times,  resting  upon 
the  ground  of  conjugal  impotency  (for  which 
see  below),  and  of  enforced  or  voluntary  deser- 


MARRIAGE 


1101 


tion.  By  the  civil  law  a  soldier's  wife  was 
permitted  to  marry  again  after  her  husband 
had  been  absent  four  years  (^Cod.  Justin,  lib. 
V.  tit.  xvii.  leg.  7).  But  the  Council  in 
Trullo,  followisng  St.  Basil,  determines  that 
the  wife  must  wait  till  she  was  certified 
of  her  husband's  death,  however  long  a  time 
might  elapse  (can.  xciii.).  On  the  other 
hand,  the  council  of  Vermerie,  a.d.  752, 
enacts  that  if  a  wife  will  not  accompany  her  hus- 
band who  has  been  compelled  to  follow  his  lord 
into  another  land,  the  husband  may  marry  again 
if  he  sees  no  hope  of  returning  home,  submitting 
at  the  same  time  to  do  penance  (can.  ix..  Hard. 
Concil.  tom.  iii.  p.  1991).  Theodore  of  Canter- 
bury, A.D.  688,  pronounces  that  if  a  wife  has 
been  carried  away  by  the  enemy  so  that  her  hus- 
band cannot  redeem  her,  he  may  marry  another 
woman  after  one  year ;  if  there  is  a  chance  of 
redeeming  her,  he  is  to  wait  five  years,  and  the 
wife  in  the  analogous  position  is  to  do  likewise, 
before  remarrying.  He  adds,  that  if  the  first 
wife  returns  from  captivity  her  husband  is  to 
take  her  back  and  dismiss  his  second  wife  ;  and 
the  wife  likewise  (Penitential,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xii.  §§ 
20-22) ;  but  a  subsequent  clause  reverses  this 
ruling,  and  orders  that  the  wife  on  her  return  is 
not  to  be  taken  back  by  her  husband,  but  that 
she  may  marry  another  man,  if  she  has  been 
only  once  married  (ibid.  §  24).  Theodore's 
Capitula,  as  given  by  Harduin  (Concil.  tom. 
iii.  p.  1778)  fixes  seven  years  for  man-iage  after 
desertion,  and  one  year  in  case  a  wife  has  been 
carried  captive ;  but  these  Capitula  are  not 
genuine  in  the  form  in  which  they  have  come 
down  to  us.  In  Egbert's  Excerpts,  as  they  are 
called,  it  is  decided  that  the  man  whose  wife  is 
carried  away  may  marry  again  after  seven  years, 
and  similarly  with  respect  to  the  wife :  in  the 
case  of  the  wife's  voluntary  desertion,  the  man 
may  marry  again  after  five  or  seven  years,  with 
the  bishop's  consent,  but  must  do  penance  for 
three  years  (can.  cxxii.  cxxiii..  Hard.  Concil. 
tom.  iii.  p.  1972);  but  these  Excerpts  are  not 
Egbert's ;  they  probably  belong  to  the  ninth 
century,  perhaps  to  the  tenth.  Such  concessions 
as  these  are,  for  the  most  part,  not  only  of  a 
late  date  but  local  and  exceptional,  to  meet  par- 
ticular cases  as  they  arose.  Theodore  of  Can- 
terbury himself  notes  one  such  concession  as  un- 
canonical,  though  allowed  by  the  Greeks, 
namely,  that  two  married  persons  might  agree 
to  separate  and  one  of  them  go  into  a  monastery, 
the  other  marry  again,  unless  already  twice 
married  (Penitential,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xii.  §  8) ;  but 
he  allows  them,  in  such  a  case,  to  separate,  or 
in  case  of  incapacity  from  sickness  (ihid.  §  12). 
The  rule  of  Christian  life  was  plain.    [Bigamy.] 

X.  Honestas.  Betrothal  to  a  woman  is  sup- 
posed to  cause  an  impediment  to  marrying  her 
nearest  relatives,  so  that  if  a  man  be  betrothed 
to  one  sister  and  marries  another,  his  mar- 
riage is  null  and  void,  and  he  is  still  bound 
to  cari'y  out  his  betrothal-promise  to  the  first 
sister.  Antiquity  knows  nothing  of  this,  a 
spurious  decree  of  pope  Julius  is  quoted  as  the 
first  authority  for  it.  (See  Van  Espen,  Jus  Eccle- 
siasticum,  pars  ii.  §  i.,  tit.  xiii.  25,  p.  589.) 

xi.  Aetas.  The  age  before  which  a  marriage 
contract  was  null  and  void  was,  in  the  case  of 
the  woman,  twelve,  of  the  man  fourteen  years. 
(See  Selden,  Uxor  Ehraica,  lib.  ii.   c.  3  ;  Digest. 


1102 


MARRIAGE 


lib.  xxiii.  tit.  ii.  leg.  4  ;  Instit.  lib.  i.  tit.  x.\ii. ; 
Martene,  de  Antiquis  Ecclcs.  Ritibus,  cap.  ix. 
art.  i.  ii.) 

xii.  Affinis.  [Prohibited  Degrees.] 
xiii.  Clandestinus.  The  publicity  of  the  mar- 
riage contract  was  always  regarded  as  aE  essen- 
tial part  of  it.  Different  means  were  taken  in 
different  countries  for  ensuring  publicity,  bat 
that  it  should  exist  was  recognised  by  every 
civilised  stnte  as  the  foundation  of  its  social 
system.  Among  the  Jews  and  Romans  a  certain 
number  of  witnesses  was  required  ;*■  TertuUian 
declares  thdt  the  church  demands  publicity  (de 
Fudicitia,  cap.  iv.,  Op.  p.  557) ;  and  the  pre- 
sence of  witnesses  is  pronounced  by  a  law  of 
Theodosius  Jun.,  quoted  below,  to  be  one  of  the 
few  things  which  could  not  be  dispensed  with 
m  a  marriage  ceremony.  The  testimony  of  the 
church  officer  before  whom  the  contract  was 
made  natifrally  came  to  be  accepted  as  the  best 
testimony  that  could  be  had,  but  it  was  not 
until  the  council  of  Trent  that  all  marriages 
were  declared  null,  on  the  ground  of  their  being 
clandestine,  unless  they  were  celebrated  in  the 
presence  of  the  incumbent  of  the  parish  in 
which  one  of  the  contracting  parties  lived.  The 
council  of  Verneuil  orders  that  all  marriages 
shall  be  made  in  public,  whatever  i-ank  the 
parties  might  be  (Cone.  Vernens.  can.  xv., 
Hard.  Concil.  torn.  iii.  p.  1997).  The  council  of 
Friuli,  A.D.  791,  gives  the  same  order  with  a 
view  to  the  prevention  of  marriages  of  consan- 
guinity or  affinity  {Cone.  Forojuliense,  can.  viii., 
ib.  tom.  iv.  p.  859). 

xiv.  Impos.  Impotency  is  an  impediment 
which  makes  a  marriage  not  void,  but  voidable 
after  a  period  of  three  years.  In  Christian 
legislation  it  was  fii-st  recognised  by  Justinian, 
A.D.  528,  as  an  adequate  cause  for  a  divorce  {Cod. 
Justin,  lib.  V.  tit.  xvii.  leg.  10  ;  Auth.  Collat.  iv. 
tit.  1,  Novell,  xxii.  6,  Corp.  Juris,  tom.  ii.  pp. 
458,  124).  See  also  Photius,  Nomoeanon,  tit. 
xiii.  §  4.  Theodoi-e's  Penitential  declares  it  a 
sufficient  cause  for  a  woman  to  take  another 
husband  (lib.  ii.  cap.  xii.  §  32),  or  if  arising 
from  sickness,  for  a  separation  {ibid.  §  12).  In 
the  eighth  century  Gregory  II.,  replying  to  a 
question  of  Boniface  of  Germany,  goes  so  far  as  to 
lay  it  down  that  in  case  of  impotency  on  the 
part  of  the  woman,  arising  from  an  attack  of 
illness,  "  it  would  be  well  that  her  husband 
should  remain  as  he  is,  and  give  himself  up  to 
self-restraint ;  but  whereas  none  but  great  souls 
can  attain  to  this,  let  a  man  who  cannot  contain 
marry  rather,  but  he  is  not  to  withdraw  ali- 
mony from  her  who  is  only  prevented  by  in- 
firmity, not  excluded  by  loathsome  guilt  "  (cap. 
ii..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  iii.  p.  1858).  At  the  end 
of  the  same  century,  Egbert,  of  York,  rules, 
though  with  great  reluctance,  in  a  similar  case, 
that  the  one  of  the  two  that  is  in  good  health 
may    marry  again  with  the   permission  of  the 


^  Athanaeus  says  that  one  object  of  the  nuptial  ban- 
quet was  to  serve  as  a  witness :  "  Sic  enim  moribus  et 
legibus  scitum  est.ut  in  nuptiis  epulum  fiat,  turn  ut  nup- 
tiales  Decs  veneremur,  turn  ut  pro  testimonio  id  sit." 
(Beipnosoph.  lib.  v.  c.  i.,  Op.  p.  185,  Lugd.  1657.) 
Another  way  in  which  publicity  was  effected  was  the 
insertion  of  the  marriages  in  the  Acta,  which  appeared 
daily,  lilie  modern  newspapers,  but  there  were  no  public 
marriage  registers. 


MARRIAGE 

one  that  is  sick,  provided  that  the  latter 
promises  perpetual  continence  and  is  never 
allowed  to  marry  during  the  other's  life,  under 
any  change  of  circumstances  {Dialogue  of  Egbert, 
Resp.  xiii.,  Haddan  and  tstubbs,  Councils  of 
Great  Britain,  vol.  iii.  p.  409).  The  laws  of 
Howel  Dda,  A.D.  928,  allow  a  woman  to  separate 
from  her  husband,  without  losing  her  dower, 
on  the  grounds  of  impotency,  leprosy  or  bad 
breath  {Cyfreithiau  Hywel  Dda,  bk.  ii.  c.  xxix. 
§  26,  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils  of  Great 
Britain,  vol.  i.  p.  247).  St.  Thomas  Aquinas 
and  later  moral  theologians  go  further  still; 
they  allow  that  an  excessive  disgust  for  a 
wife  justifies  a  man  in  regarding  himself  im- 
potent in  respect  to  her  (see  Liguori,  Thcol.  Mor. 
vi.  6.  3,  2).  These  are  concessions,  which,  how- 
ever they  may  have  been  acted  on  in  more  than 
one  conspicuous  instance,  cannot  be  reconciled 
with  the  rules  of  ordinary  mor.ality.  In  the 
6th  century  the  second  council  of  Orleans  ruled 
in  a  contrary  sense  (can.  xi.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom. 
ii.  p.  1175).  Impotency  existing  at  the  time  of 
marriage  being  incompatible  with  the  primary 
end  of  the  contract,  makes  the  contract  void  or 
voidable  without  the  intervention  of  any  statute 
or  canon  law. 

XV.  Raptus.  This  impediment  is  sometimes 
classed  under  that  of  vis.  It  means  not  ex- 
actly the  same  as  our  word  ravishment,  but  the 
violent  removal  of  a  woman  to  a  place  where 
her  actions  are  no  longer  free,  for  the  sake  of 
inducing  or  compelling  her  to  marry.  The  act 
of  Bothwell  in  carrying  away  Mary  Stuart, 
would  have  been  precisely  a  case  of  raptus  had 
there  been  no  collusion  between  them.  By  some 
raptus  is  distinguished  into  the  two  classes 
of  raptus  sediwtionis  and  raptus  violentiae. 
Whether  ravishment  in  the  strict  sense  of  the 
word  is  an  impediment  to  a  future  marriage  is 
a  question  which  has  been  answered  in  contrary 
ways.  Those  who  regarded  it  as  a  shameful 
act  that  a  man  should  gain  his  object  by  com- 
mitting a  great  crime,  decided  that  it  was  an 
insuperable  impediment  for  ever.  Those  who 
considered  that  the  injury  done  to  the  woman 
could  only  be  atoned  for  and  nullified  by  mar- 
riage, took  the  opposite  view,  and  required  the 
ravisher  to  marry  her.  The  Roman  law  made 
it  a  perpetual  impediment.  Laws  of  Constan- 
tine  and  Constantius  inflict  capital  punishment 
on  ravishers  {Cod.  Theod,  lib.  ix.  tit.  xxiv. 
legg.  1,  2);  and  Justinian,  after  having  pro- 
nounced the  penalty  of  death  for  the  crime, 
continues,  "  Nor  is  the  ravished  woman  to  be 
allowed  to  ask  for  and  obtain  her  ravisher 
as  her  husband  :  her  parents  are  to  marry  her 
to  whom  they  will,  except  the  ravisher,  in  lawful 
wedlock,  but  our  serenity  will  never  in  any  way 
consent  to  the  act  of  those  who  try  to  wed  in 
our  state  like  enemies.  For  every  one  who 
wishes  for  a  wife,  whether  free  or  freed,  is  to 
ask  her  of  her  parents  or  other  guardians  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  tenor  of  our  laws,  that  by 
their  consent  a  legitimate  marriage  may  take 
place  "  {Cod.  Justin,  lib.  is.  tit.  xiii.  leg.  1,  Corp. 
Juris,  tom.  ii.  p.  832).  The  law  of  the  Visigoths 
went  so  far  as  to  punish  ravisher  and  victim 
with  death  if  they  should  presume  to  marry 
(lib.  iii.  tit.  iii.  legg.  1,  2,  Canciani,  vol.  iv.  p.  93). 
On  the  other  hand  the  Ostrogothic  law  required 
the  man  to  marry  and  to  endow  the   woman. 


MARKIAGE 

Similarly  the  Apostolical  Canons,  after  having 
pronounced  excommunication  on  the  ravisher  of 
an  unbetrothed  virgin,  ruled  that  he  may  not 
take  another  wife,  but  must  keep  her,  though  poor 
(can.  Ixviii.).  The  laws  of  king  Ethelbert,  A.D. 
597,  order  that  the  ravisher  is  to  pay  a  shilling 
to  the  owner  of  the  girl  and  then  buy  her  of 
him;  but  if  she  were  betrothed  he  is  to  be 
fined  twenty  shillings  (Dooms,  Ixxxii.,  Ixxxiii., 
Haddan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  iii.  p.  49).  St.  Basil  says 
that  the  marriage  is  to  depend  upon  the  will  of 
the  woman's  friends  (Epiat.  Canon.  II.  can.  xxii). 
The  ravisher,  according  to  the  same  authority, 
is  to  do  penance  for  three  years  [ib.  can.  xxx). 
The  council  of  Chalcedon,  A.D.  451,  and  the 
council  in  TruUo  decree  that  a  ravisher  is  to 
be  deposed  if  a  clergyman,  anathematised  if  a 
layman  (cans,  sxvii.  xcii.,  Hard.  Concil.  torn.  ii. 
p.  611 ;  tom.  iii.  p.  1694).  The  first  council  of 
Orleans,  A.D.  511,  orders  that  a  ravisher  who  flies 
with  the  woman  to  a  church  is  to  be  made  a  slave 
with  power  of  redemption  (can.  ii.,  ib.  p.  1009). 
The  third  council  excommunicates  the  ravishers 
of  consecrated  virgins  (can.  xvi.,  ih.  pp.  14-2G). 
The  Roman  council  under  Gregory  II.  anathema- 
tises all  ravishers  (can.  x.  xi.  ib.  tom.  iii.  p.  1866). 
The  Capitula  of  Herard  of  Tours  forbid  the  mar- 
riage of  the  parties  concerned  (cap.  ex.,  ih.  tom.  v. 
p.  457).  The  Council  of  Meaux,  A.D.  845,  ad- 
vises it  (can.  Ixv.,  ib.  tom.  iv.  p.  1494). 

Second  Marriage. — Is  previous  marriage  an 
impediment  to  a  second,  third,  or  fourth  mar- 
riage ?  This  is  a  question  which  was  raised  in 
the  early  church,  and  discussed  with  some 
warmth,  and,  like  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy,  was 
answered  somewhat  differently  at  different  times 
and  in  different  places.  Certainly  there  is 
nothing  in  Holy  Scripture  to  forbid  successive 
marriages  (at  least  so  far  as  the  laity  are  con- 
cerned ;  the  question  of  the  second  marriage  of 
the  clergy  has  been  considered  above).  St. 
Paul  distinctly  states  that  after  the  death  of  one 
party  to  the  contract  the  other  may  marry 
again,  provided  that  the  second  husband  or  wife 
be  a  Christian  (Rom.  vii.  2  ;  1  Cor.  vii.  39) ;  and 
he  desires  that  under  such  circumstances  young 
widows  should  remarry  (1  Cor.  vii. ;  1  Tim.  v.  14). 
The  teaching  of  the  early  church  was 
framed  on  that  of  St.  Paul ;  but  some  miscon- 
ception of  the  views  of  early  writers  has  arisen, 
owing  to  their  designating  both  marriage  after 
divorce  and  marriage  after  death  by  the  same 
name  of  second  marriage.  Thus  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  in  the  third  book  of  the  Stromateis, 
which  is  devoted  to  the  subject  of  marriage, 
speaks  with  reprobation  of  second  marriage : 
but  a  careful  examination  of  the  context  leads 
to  the  conclusion  that  he  is  speaking  of  a  second 
marriage  while  the  first  husband  or  wife  is  still 
alive  (c.  xii.);  for  in  the  same  chapter  of  the 
same  book,  he  plainly  declares  second  marriage 
permissible,  adding,  however,  that  he  who  mar 
ries  a  second  time  falls  short  of  the  highest 
evangelical  perfection.  Whether  the  third 
(^anon  of  the  council  of  Neo-Caesarea  which  con- 
demns "  those  that  have  fallen  into  several  mar- 
riages," refers  to  successive  or  to  simultaneous 
marriages,  has  been  questioned,  but  it  is  likely 
that  it  is  aimed  at  some  form  of  polygamy  or 
marriage  after  divorce,  not  at  marriage  after 
death  (see  Brouwer,  de  Jure  Connubiorum,  lib. 
ii.  c.  six.  §  7,  Op.  p.  569,  Delphis,  1714). 


MARRIAGE 


1103 


Hermae  Pastor  deals  with  the  question  alto- 
gether in  St.  Paul's  spirit,  and  almost  adopts 
his  words  "  Qui  nubit,  non  peccat  sed  si  per  se 
manserit,  magnum  sibi  conquirit  honorem  apud 
Dominum"  (lib.  ii.  Mand.  4,  apud  Cotelerii 
Patres  Apostulicos,  tom.  i.  p.  90 ;  Amsterdam, 
1724,  where  see  note).  The  Apostolical  Consti- 
tutions ^(c.  ii.)  permit  second  marriage,  re- 
prove third  marriage,  and  forbid  fourth  mar- 
riage. "  For  you  ought  to  know  this,  that  once 
marrying  according  to  the  law  is  righteous,  as 
being  according  to  the  will  of  God ;  but  second 
marriages  after  the  promise  [of  widowhood]  are 
wicked,  not  on  account  of  the  marriage  itself, 
but  because  of  the  falsehood.  Third  marriages 
are  indications  of  incontinency.  But  such  mar- 
riages as  are  beyond  the  third  are  manifest 
fornication  and  unquestionable  uncleanness.  For 
God  gave  one  woman  to  one  man  in  the  crea- 
tion ;  for  they  two  shall  be  one  flesh.  But  to 
the  younger  women  let  a  second  marriage  be 
allowed  after  the  death  of  their  first  husband, 
lest  they  fall  into  the  condemnation  of  the  devil 
and  many  snares  and  foolish  lusts,  which  are 
hurtful  to  souls,  and  which  bring  upon  them 
punishment  rather  than  peace  "  (lib.  iii.  c.  2). 
Origen  goes  so  far  as  to  say  that  second,  third, 
and  fourth  marriages  exclude  from  the  kingdom 
cf  heaven,  but  he  proceeds  to  explain  that  by 
the  kingdom  of  heaven  he  means  that  church 
"  which  hath  neither  spot  nor  wrinkle  nor  any 
such  thing,"  that  is,  the  invisible  body  of  per- 
fect Christians.  He  allows  that  the  twice  mai-- 
ried  are  in  a  state  of  salvation,  but  says  that 
they  will  not  receive  a  crown  at  their  Master's 
hands  (Horn.  xvii.  in  Lice.,  Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  953); 
and  elsewhere  he  says  that  a  woman  who  mar- 
ries twice  will  not  forfeit  salvation,  but  will 
enjoy  less  beatitude  {/lorn.  xix.  in  Jerem.,  ib. 
p.  267).  Tertullian,  vehement  monogamist  as 
he  was,  yet  allows  that  second  marriage  is  only 
an  obstacle  to  saintliness,  not  in  itself  unlawful 
(ad  Uxor.  lib.  i.  cap.  7).  Fulgentius,  in  his 
work  on  the  Faith,  declares  second  and  third 
marriage  permissible  (de  Fide,  c.  xlii.,  Op.  p. 
484,  Ants.  1574).  Hilary  of  Poitiers  follows 
St.  Paul  in  teaching  that  second  marriage  is 
lawful  (Tract,  in  Psalm.  Ixvii. ;  Op.  p.  194: 
Paris,  1693).  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  pronounces 
second  marriage  a  thing  to  be  pardoned  (Catech. 
iv.  16,  Op.  p.  60,  Oxon.  1703).  The  Oration 
(falsely)  attributed  to  Amphilochius  holds  it 
permissible  in  case  there  are  no  children  by  the 
first  marriage  (Orat.  in  Occursum  Domini,  Op. 
p.  32,  Paris,  1644).  Pope  Gelasius  declares  it  per- 
missible in  laymen,  though  not  allowable  in  the 
clergy  (Epist.  v.  cap.  xxii..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  ii. 
p.  903).  Epiphanius  (Haercs.  lix.,  Op.  tom.  i.  p. 
497),  Theodoret  (Com.  in  1  Cor.  xvii.  39),  St. 
Ambrose  (de  Viduis,  c.  xi..  Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  203, 
St.  Augustine  (de  Bono  Vid.  c.  vi.,  Op.  tom.  vi. 
p.  435),  St.  Jerome  (Epist.  xxvii.  ad  Marcellam, 
Op.  tom.  ii.  pars  2,  p.  64),  pronounce  in  like  man- 
ner in  favour  of  the  legality  and  against  the 
propriety  of  a  second  marriage.  This  was  the 
general  sentiment  of  the  early  church.  The 
severer  view  was  banished  from  within  the  bor- 
ders of  the  church  and  became  a  distinctive 
mark  of  Montanists  and  Novatians.  See  Ter- 
tullian, de  Exhortatione  Castitatis,  c.  vii.,  and 
de  Monogami'i,  passim.  The  council  of  Nicaea 
I  (can.  viii.)  deliberately  condemned  the  Noyatiaa 


1101 


MAEEIAGE 


view  by  requiring  that   none    should  refuse   to 
hold  communion  with  Digamists. 

Second  marriages  were  discountenanced  by 
the  imposition  of  a  penance,  but  how  soon  this 
practice  arose  is  questioned.  Some  think  that 
they  find  it  enjoined  in  the  canons  of  the  council 
of  Laodicea,  A.D.  360,  the  first  of  which  rules 
that  "in  accordance  with  the  ecclesiastical 
canon,  those  who  have  been  married  a  second 
time  in  a  free  and  lawful  way,  and  have  not 
taken  their  wives  in  a  clandestine  manner,  are  to 
be  allowed  communion  (ex  tenia  dari  com- 
munionem)  after  a  little  time  has  passed,  and 
they  have  hiid  a  period  for  prayer  and  fasting 
(orationibus  et  jejuniis  vacaverint)."  The  last  ex- 
pression has  been  not  unfrequently  understood, 
and  it  is  understood  by  Hefele  (Hist,  of  Councils, 
bk.  vi.),  to  refer  to  an  ecclesiastical  penance  that 
the  married  couple  had  to  undergo  for  their 
offence  in  marrying  a  second  time ;  but  it 
may  only  mean  that  a  space  was  to  intervene 
after  marriage,  which  was  to  be  devoted  by 
them  to  prayer  and  fasting  before  they 
offered  themselves  at  the  Lord's  table.  The 
"  ecclesiastical  canon  "  referred  to  in  the  Laodicean 
canon  is  not  one  that  restrains  second  mar- 
riages, but,  no  doubt,  the  eighth  canon  of 
the  council  of  Nicaea,  which  is  in  favour  of 
them ;  and  the  practice  of  setting  apart  a 
time  for  prayer  and  fasting  before  commu- 
nicating after  marriage,  whether  regarded  as 
a  penitential  discipline  or  not,  was  looked  upon 
as  a  proper  act  of  reverence,  whether  the  marriage 
was  the  first  or  the  second.  (See  Herard's 
Capitula,  cap.  Ixxsix.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  v.  p. 
456.  Compare  also  the  so-called  fourth  council 
of  Carthage,  can.  xiii.,  Hefele,  bk.  viii.;  and 
Theodore's  Penitential,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xii.  §§  1,  2.) 
By  the  end  of  the  7th  century  this  period  of 
prayer  and  fasting  was  distinctly  regarded  as  a 
time  of  penance,  but  it  was  a  penance  imposed 
upon  those  who  contracted  a  first  marriage,  as 
much  as  upon  those  who  entered  on  a  second 
marriage,  the  only  difference  being  that  a  longer 
period  was  assigned  in  the  latter  case  than  in 
the  former.  Theodore  of  Canterbury  orders 
that  in  a  first  marriage  the  husband  and  wife 
are  to  refrain  from  church  for  thirty  days,  and 
then  to  do  penance  for  forty  days,  and  give 
themselves  to  prayer,  before  communicating, 
while  a  man  who  makes  a  second  marriage  is  to 
do  penance  for  a  year  on  Wednesdays  and 
Fridays,  and  to  abstain  from  flesh  meat  for  three 
Lents.  This  is  a  plain  instance  of  penance  being 
required  for  second  marriage,  but  it  is  equally 
plain  that  the  offence  for  which  penance  has 
to  be  done  is  rather  that  of  marrying  than  of 
marrying  a  second  time  (Penitential,  lib.  i. 
c.  xiv.  §§  1,  2).  No  doubt,  however,  from  very 
early  times  a  difference  was  made  not  only  in 
respect  to  the  honour  paid  to  first  and  second 
marriages,  but  also  in  the  ceremonies  with  which 
they  were  performed.  The  Council  of  Iseo- 
caesarea,  A.d.  314,  forbids  presbyters  to  be  pre- 
sent at  the  festivities  of  a  second  marriage,  and 
the  ceremonies  of  crowning  the  bride  and  bride- 
groom, and  givingthe  benediction  were  commonly, 
though  not  universally,  omitted.  'O  Siyauos  ov 
anipavovrai  became  a  familiar  Greek  saying. 
St.  Basil  speaks  of  a  penalty  due  to  digamy  as 
already  a  well-known  custom  in  the  year  375, 
The    early  Roman    discipline    is    probably  ex- 


MAERIAGE 

hibited  to  us  in  the  commentary  attributed  to 
St.  Ambrose,  supposed  to  have  been  written  by 
Hilary  the  Deacon.  "  First  marriages  are  godly 
second  marriages  are  permitted  :  first  marriages 
are  solemnly  celebrated  under  the  benediction  of 
God,  second  marriages  are  left  without  honour, 
even  at  the  time  of  celebration,  but  they  are 
allowed  on  account  of  incontinency "  (Com.  in 
1  Cor.  vii.  40,  Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  138).  See  also 
Durandus,  Rntionale  Div.  Offic.  i.  ix.  15,  Op.  p. 
28,  Venice,  1577  ;  and  the  office  for  the  marriage 
of  Digamists  in  Goar's  Euchologium,  p.  401, 
Paris,  1647.  In  the  East  Nicephorus,  patri- 
arch of  Constantinople,  in  the  year  814,  fixes 
two  years  as  the  period  for  suspension  from 
communion  for  a  second  marriage  (Hard.  Concil. 
tom.  iv.  p.  1052). 

St.  Basil's  canons  forbid  third  marriages,  but 
did  not  require  the  separation  of  the  parties 
married.  Theodore  of  Canterbury,  A.D.  687,  im- 
poses a  penance  of  seven  years,  on  Wednesda}'* 
and  Fridays,  with  abstinence  from  flesh  meat  for 
three  Lents,  on  trigamists,  or  any  who  contract 
more  than  three  marriages,  but  pronounces  the 
marriages  valid  (Penitential,  lib.  i.  c.  xiv.  §  3). 
Nicephorus  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  814,  suspends 
trigamists  for  five  years  (Hard.  Concil.  tom.  iv. 
p.  1052).  Herard  of  Tours,  A.D.  858,  declares 
any  greater  number  of  wives  than  two  to  be 
unlawful  (cap.  cxi.,  ibid.  tom.  v.  p.  457).  Leo 
the  Wise,  emperor  of  Constantinople,  was  allowed 
to  marry  three  wives  without  public  remon- 
strance, but  was  suspended  from  communion  by 
the  patriarch  Nicholas  when  he  married  a  fourth. 
This  led  to  a  council  being  held  at  Constanti- 
nople, A.D.  920,  which  finally  settled  the  Greek 
discipline  on  the  subject  of  third  and  fourth 
marriages.  It  ruled  that  the  penalty  for  a 
fourth  marriage  was  to  be  excommunication  and 
exclusion  from  the  church  ;  for  a  third  marriage, 
if  a  man  were  forty  years  old,  suspension  for  five 
years,  and  admission  to  communion  thereafter 
only  on  Easter  day.  If  he  were  thirty  years  old, 
suspension  for  four  years,  and  admission  to  com- 
munion thereafter  only  three  times  a  year. 

A  widow  might  not  marry  again  till  the 
expiration  of  the  old  Romulean  ten-month  year 
from  the  time  of  her  husband's  death.  By 
Theodosius  this  term  was  extended  to  twelve 
months  (Cod.  Theod.  lib.  iii.  tit.  viii.  leg.  1). 

II.  Marriage  Ceremoxies.  The  marriage 
rite  was  divided  into  two  parts,  the  betrothal 
and  the  nuptials,  each  of  which  had  its  own 
peculiar  ceremonies  attached  to  it.  The  betrothal 
was  a  legal  contract,  entered  into  between  a  man 
and  a  woman,  binding  them  to  marry  within  a 
given  time,  which  time  came  to  be  fixed  at  two 
years ;  the  nuptials  were  a  further  contract, 
whereby  each  gave  to  the  other  certain  rights 
over  himself  or  herself,  and  received  in  turn  the 
gift  of  certain  rights  over  the  other.  Betrothal 
could  be  omitted  without  absolutely  and  in  all 
cases  invalidating  the  marriage,  but  when  formal 
betrothal  had  taken  place,  nuptials  could  not  be 
declined  by  either  party  without  incurring  both 
ignominy  and  punishment.  The  council  of  Elvira 
condemned  parents  who  break  their  promise  given 
at  espousals  to  excommunication  for  three  years 
(Cone.  Elib.  can.  liv.).  If  the  woman  breaks  her 
troth,  Theodore  of  Canterbury's  Penitential  con- 
demns her  to  restore  the  money  which  the 
man  had  given  for  her,  and  to   add  to  it  one- 


MAREIAGE 

third  ;  if  the  mau  refuses,  he  is  to  lose  the  money 
that  he  had  paid.  A  betrothed  woman  may  go 
into  a  monastery  instead  of  marrying,  but  her 
parents  may  not  give  her  to  another  man  unless 
she  shews  an  utter  repugnance  to  the  proposed 
match  (lib.  ii.  c  xii.  §§  36,  34). 

A.  Betrothal  ceremonies.  We  are  fortunate  in 
having  both  a  definition  of  betrothal  and  a 
description  of  the  ceremonies  which  accompany 
it  given  us  by  pope  Nicholas  in  his  Replies  to 
the  Bulgarians,  who  had  asked  his  counsel,  A.D. 
860.  "Betrothal,"  he  says,  "  is  the  promise  of 
future  nuptials  made  by  the  consent  of  the 
contracting  parties  and  of  their  guardians  ;"  and 

1  he  explains  that  the  betrothed  proceed  to  their 
nuptials  at  some  suitable  time  "after  the  man 
has  betrothed  the  woman  to  himself  with  arrliae 

I  by  adorning  her  finger  with  a  ring  of  fidelity, 
and  the  man  has  handed  over  a  dowry  agreed  to 

I  by  both  of  them  in  a  written  form  containing 
his  covenant  before  witnesses  invited  on  both 
sides."  This  passage  embodies  an  account  of  the 
traditional  practice  which  had  existed  for  centu- 
ries previous  to  the  date  of  Nicholas,  for  he 
distinctly  states  that  he  is  relating  to  the  Bul- 
garians "  the  custom  which  the  holy  Roman 
church  has  received  from  old  "  (Nicol.  Bespons. 
ad  consulta  Bulgarorum,  Resp.  iii..  Hard.  Concil. 
torn.  v.  p.  354).  We  see  here  that  there  are 
four  things  necessary  to  make  betrothal  regular: 
1,  arrhae ;  2,  a  ring  ;  3,  a  dowry ;  4,  witnesses. 
1.  The  most  essential  of  these  ceremonies  was 
the  bestowal  of  the  arrhae,  or  earnest  money, 
supposed  by  some  to  have  been  originally  given 
by  the  man  as  the  symbolical  purchase-money  of 
the  maiden,  answering  to  the  Jewish  rite  termed 
>]DD1  ("by  money"),  recalling  in  a  sort  both 
the  Roman  co-emptio,  and  the  barbaric  practice 
of  purchasing  wives.  But  it  is  probable  that  it 
was  no  more  than  a  pledge  such  as  was  given 
in  other  cases  where  bargains  were  struck  which 
could  not  be  immediately  carried  out.  It  served 
to  assure  the  woman  that  she  should  hereafter 
share  her  husband's  worldly  goods,  of  which  the 
coin  given  at  espousals  was  an  earnest,  and  it 
was  evidence  which  might  be  exhibited  by  the 
aggrieved  party  in  case  of  a  breach  of  promise 
of  marriage.  Thus  we  read  that  Andarchius 
went  to  law  with  the  daughter  of  Ursus, 
alleging  as  proof  of  his  espousals  with  her  that 
he  had  given  her  an  arrha.  (See  Gregory  of 
Tours'  History,  lib.  iv.  c.  41,  apud  Hist.  Franc. 
Script,  tom.  i.  p.  322,  Paris,  1636.)  That  the 
practice  existed  among  the  Western  nations 
before  they  were  Christianized  is  proved  by  the 
ambassadors  of  Clovis  betrothing  Clotilda  to 
him  by  presenting  a  shilling  and  a  penny, 
"according  to  the  custom  of  the  Franks." 
The  Espousals  service  is  called  by  the  name  of 
a.KoXov6ia  rod  a^a^Siuos  or  ordo  in  niiptiarum 
suharrhatione  in  the  Greek  Euchologion  (Goar, 
p.  380,  Paris,  1647).  Suharrhare  came  to  be 
equivalent  to  espouse.     [Arrhae.] 

2.^  The  ring  is  described  by  pope  Nicholas  as 
making  part  of  the  arrhae.  It  was  used  in  pre- 
Christian  times  in  marriages,  and  was  probably 
borrowed  by  the  Jews  from  pagan  usage.  Among 
the  Jews  it  occasionally  took  the  place  of  the  piece 
of  money,  the  payment  of  which  constituted  one  of 
the  three  forms  of  Jewish  marriage.  When  this  was 
the  case,  an  examination  was  instituted  to  see  if  its 
value  were  equal  to  that  of  the  legally  required 


MARRIAGE 


1105 


coin  before  it  was  accepted  as  an  equivalent  (Sel- 
den,  Uxor Ebraica,  ii.  14).  Among  Christians  it  was 
probably  adopted,  not  only  as  part  of  the  arrhae, 
but  as  having  (if  it  were  the  same  as  the  seal  ring 
described  by  Clement  of  Alexandria),  a  symbolical 
meaning  like  that  of  the  presentation  of  a  bunch 
of  keys,  shewing  that  the  wife  had  the  charge 
of  the  household  goods.  "He  gives  a  gold 
ring,"  says  St.  Clement,  "  not  for  ornament,  but 
that  she  may  with  it  seal  up  what  has  to  be 
kept  safe,  as  the  care  of  keeping  the  house 
belongs  to  her"  (^Paedagog.  iii.  11,  Op.  p.  287). 
Other  and  less  material  symbolisms  easily  at- 
tached themselves  to  the  ring :  it  was  a  type  of 
fiilelity,  of  safely  guarded  modesty,  of  union,  of 
protection,  of  the  Holy  Spirit's  encircling  grace. 
Tertullian  testifies  to  its  use,  in  the  words  "  digito 
quem  sponsus  oppignerasset  pronubo  annulo " 
{Apologet.  c.  ^i..  Op.  p.  7).  In  later  times  the 
ring  Avas  blessed  by  a  special  service.  Some 
Eastern  rituals  required  the  interchange  of  two 
rings  (Goar,  Enchologium,  p.  385).  The  latest 
issued  Rituale,  that  of  the  Old  Catholics,  contains 
a  form  for  the  blessing  either  of  two  rings  or 
of  one  (Old  Catholic  Bitual,  p.  39,  Eng.  tr.  Oxf. 
1876). 

3.  The  dowry  is  next  mentioned.  Among  the 
Greeks  and  Romans  it  was  the  custom  that  the 
dowry  should  be  paid  or  promised  at  the  betrothal 
by  the  relatives  of  the  woman  (see  Plautns, 
Trinummus,  act  v.)  ;  with  the  Hebrews  (as  with 
the  Germans — see  Tacitus,  de  Morihus  Germa- 
norxim,  c.  xviii.)  the  dowry  was  paid  by  the  man 
(Gen.  xxxiv.  12;  1  Sam.  xviii.  25),  but  occa- 
sionally the  father  gave  a  dowry  to  his  daughter 
(Judges  i.  XV.).  The  Hebrew  custom  prevailed 
in  the  early  church,  and  is  embodied  in  the  civil 
as  well  as  in  the  canon  law  {God.  Theod.  lib.  iii. 
tit.  13  ;  lib.  ii.  tit.  21).  St.  Augustine  says  that 
a  good  wife  looks  upon  the  tabulae  matrimo— 
niales  as  instrumenta  einpjtionis  suae,  whereby 
her  husband  has  become  her  lord  (dominus)  and 
she  has  been  made  his  handmaid  or  slave  (an- 
cilla),  as  she  gladly  acknowledges  (Sermo  xxxvii. 
cap.  6,  Op.  tom.  v.  p.  225,  ed.  Migne).  The 
promise  of  a  dowry  was  generally  consigned  to 
writing,  which  was  read  before  the  witnesses  to 
the  betrothal,  and  it  became  a  formal  legal  docu- 
ment, of  the  nature  of  a  marriage  settlement. 
The  following  is  an  abridged  form  of  nuptial 
tablets  as  used  by  the  Jews :  "  On  such  a  day  of 
such  a  month  in  such  a  year  at  such  a  place,  such 
an  one,  the  son  of  such  an  one,  said  to  such  an 
one,  the  daughter  of  such  an  one  :  '  Be  thou 
betrothed  to  me  for  wife  according  to  the  ordi- 
nances of  Moses  and  the  Israelites,  and  I,  if  it 
please  God,  will  pay  you  respect  and  honour,  I 
will  give  you  food  and  sustenance,  and  I  will 
dress  you  in  the  way  that  Jewish  husbands  do 
who  honour,  maintain,  and  clothe  their  wives  as 
they  ought.  I  also  give  to  you,  as  the  dowry  of 
your  maidenhood,  £4,  as  the  law  requires,  and  I 
pledge  myself  to  give  you  in  addition  board  and 
clothing,  and  I  will  live  with  you  according  to 
the  customs  of  the  whole  earth.'  Then  she  gave 
assent  to  be  his  wife.  He  then  declared  that  he 
would  give  such  and  such  a  sum  as  an  addition 
to  the  original  dowry.  The  goods  which  the 
woman  brought  with  her  are  estimated  at  such 
and  such  a  sum.  .  .  We  have  sealed  this  tablet 
or  dowry  settlement  at  the  time  above-mentioned ; 
the  whole  matter  is  clear,  settled,  and    deter- 


1106 


MARRIAGE 


mined"  (Selden,  Uxor  Ebraica,  ii.  10,  Op. 
torn.  iv.  p.  619).  In  the  Christian  tabulae  ma- 
trimoniales,  the  end  for  which  marriage  was 
instituted  was  also  inserted :  "  nam  id  tabulae 
indicant  ubi  scribitur,  'Liberorum  procreaudorum 
causEi '  "  says  St.  Augustine  (Serm.  ix.,  Op.  torn.  v. 
p.  88,  ed.  Migne) ;  and  again,  "  Recitantur  tabulae, 
et  recitantur  in  conspectu  omnium  attestantium, 
et  recitatur,  '  Liberorum  procreandorum  causa  '  " 
{Serm.  li.,  ibid.  p.  345)  ;  see  also  his  Eiiarr.  in  Ps. 
Ixxxi.  (Op.  torn.  iv.  p.  1045). 

4.  Witnesses  were  required  to  be  present, 
before  whom,  as  we  have  seen,  the  marriage 
settlements  were  to  be  read  and  handed  over. 
They  were  to  be  friends  of  both  parties,  and 
their  presence  was  required  not  only  to  prevent 
fraud  in  the  matter  of  the  dowry,  but  also  to  give 
a  public  character  to  the  transaction,  that  there 
might  be  a  proof  before  the  world  of  the  consent 
of  both  parties  to  the  contract.  One  of  them 
acted  as  best  man  to  the  bridegroom  (amicus 
interior,  conscius  secreti  cubicularis,  St.  Aug. 
Serm.  ccxciii..  Op.  torn.  v.  p.  1332)  and  one  as 
bridesmaid,  and,  in  case  of  the  mother's  death, 
as  temporary  guardian  to  the  bride.  It  would 
appear  probable  from  a  passage  in  St.  Ambrose 
(de  lapsu  Virginis,  c.  v.,  Op.  torn.  ii.  p.  310) 
that  the  requisite  number  of  witnesses  was  ten 
(Cf.  Ruth  iv.  2,  where  the  number  of  witnesses 
called  by  Boaz  is  ten). 

5.  Some  minor  ceremonies,  which  were  less 
essential  to  the  rite,  have  also  been  handed  down. 
One  of  these  was  a  kiiS,  which  might  or  might  not 
be  given,  but  which,  if  given,  was  considered  to 
bind  the  betrothed  more  closely  to  each  other,  so 
that,  in  case  of  the  man's  death,  half  of  his 
betrothal  gifts  were  delivered  to  his  betrothed  ; 
whereas  if  there  had  been  no  kiss,  they  were  all 
returned  to  his  relations  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  iii. 
tit.  5,  leg.  5 ;  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  v.  tit.  3,  leg.  16). 

6.  Another  ceremony  of  similar  nature  was 
that  oi  joining  hands,  which  is  mentioned  together 
with  that  of  the  kiss  by  Tertullian  :  "  Corpore  et 
spiritu  masculo  mixta  sunt  per  osculum  et  dex- 
teras,  per  quae  primum  resignarunt  pudorem 
spiritiis  "  (de  Virg.  Veland.  c.  xi.,  Op.  p.  179). 

7.  In  the  time  of  Tertullian,  the  veil  was 
assumed  by  the  woman  at  the  betrothal  and 
worn  thenceforward,  but  the  custom  was  not 
universal  (Rebeccam  quidam  adhuc  velant),  and 
in  later  times,  like  the  ofl'ering  cf  the  ring,  was 
transferred  to  the  nuptials  (TertuU.  ibid.). 

8.  Siricius  in  the  4th  century  speaks,  in  an 
epistle  which  (rightly  or  wrongly)  is  regarded 
as  genuine,  of  a  benediction  of  the  priest  at 
betrothal,  of  so  solemn  a  nature  as  to  make  it 
sacrilege  in  the  betrothed  woman  to  marry  an- 
other m.an  (Siric.  Epist.  ad  Hiimr.  §  4,  Hard. 
Concil.  torn.  i.  p.  848).  The  betrothal  benediction, 
however  (if  it  existed),  must  not  be  confounded 
with  that  which  was  given  at  the  nuptials. 

B.  Nuptial  ceremonies.  Pope  Nicholas  pro- 
ceeds, in  the  Reply  above  quoted,  to  enumerate 
the  nuptial  ceremonies  which  were  in  use  in  his 
day  with  the  same  minuteness  with  which  he 
described  the  betrothal  ceremonies.  He  writes  : 
"  First  of  all  they  are  placed  in  the  church  with 
oblations,  which  they  have  to  make  to  God  by  the 
hands  of  the  priest,  and  so  at  last  they  receive 
the  benediction  and  the  heavenly  veil.''  He  adds  : 
"After  this,  when  they  have  gone  out  of  the 
church  they  wear  crowns  on  their  heads,  a  supply 


MARRIAGE 

of  which  it  is  usual  to  keep  always  in  the  church  " 
(AiC.  Respons.  ubi  supra). 

The  first  thing  that  forces  itself  upon  our 
notice  ou  reading  the  above  passage  is  that  in 
pope  Nicholas'  time,  and  for  such  previous  times 
as  the  ceremonies  described  by  him  had  existed, 
marriage  was  regarded  as  a  religious  rite ;  being 
(1)  performed  in  a  church,  (2)  accompanied  by 
offerings  and  oblations  made  to  God  by  the 
married  persons  through  a  priest,  (3)  followed  by 
the  solemn  benediction  of  the  church,  together 
with  (4)  other  ceremonies  of  an  ecclesiastical 
character:  and  this  was  the  aspect  in  which 
marriage  was  viewed  from  the  times  of  Ter- 
tullian, as  is  proved  by  the  following  passage: 
"  How  shall  I  state  the  blessedness  of  a  marriage 
which  the  church  brings  about,  and  the  oblation 
confirms,  and  the  benediction  seals,  angels  attest, 
and  the  Father  ratifies  "  (ac?  Uxor.  lib.  ii.  c.-8, 
p.  171).  In  these  words  Tertullian,  as  is  pointed 
out  by  Gothofred  (Cod.  Theod.  lib.  iii.  tit.  7,  leg. 
3,  tom.  i.  p.  280),  contrasts  the  marriage  cere- 
monies of  the  Christian  church,  a.d.  200,  with 
the  ceremonies  used  by  heathens  on  the  same 
occasion.  Among  heathens,  marriages  were 
brought  about  by  persons  called  concil iatores. 
In  the  case  of  Christians,  the  place  of  the  con- 
ciliatores  is  taken  by  the  church,  that  is,  by  the 
officers  of  the  church,  namely,  the  bishops, 
priests,  deacons,  and  widows  (see  the  passage  of 
Tertullian  referred  to  just  below),  the  heathens' 
offering  of  arrhae  is  replaced  by  the  oblation  of 
prayers  and  alms  offered  through  the  priest  ;i 
for  the  sealing  of  the  marriage  settlements  is 
substituted  the  seal  of  the  church's  benediction  ; 
the  testimony  of  angels  stands  in  the  place  of 
the  testimony  of  human  witnesses ;  and  ratifi- 
cation by  a  heavenly  Father  takes  the  place  of 
the  expressed  consent  of  parents.  Tertullian's 
rhetorical  description  does  not  of  course  imply 
that  the  old  ceremonies  were  abolished,  but  it 
does  imply  that  an  ecclesiastical  character  was 
given  to  them,  and  that  they  were  carried  out 
under  the  control,  and  by  the  hands,  of  ministers 
of  the  church.  Elsewhere  Tertullian  states  that 
Christian  marriages  had  to  be  announced  to  the 
church,  and  were  allowed,  or  disallowed,  by 
bishops,  priests,  deacons,  and  widows  (de  Pudi- 
citia,  c.  IV. ;  de  Monogam.  c.  xi.,  Op.  p.  531). 
One  object  of  this  regulation  may  have  been  to 
prevent  ignorant  members  of  the  flock  from  trans- 
gressing various  laws  of  the  state  with  which  they 
might  be  unacquainted  ;  but  this  was  not  its  only 
purpose ;  the  church,  that  is,  the  bishops, 
priests,  deacons,  and  widows,  would  thus  become 
the  conciliatores  of  a  Christian's  marriage,  accord- 
ing to  the  idea  employed  in  the  previously 
quoted  passage.  St.  Ignatius,  in  like  manner, 
says  that  people  who  marry  ought  to  be  united 
with  the  cognizance  and  approval  of  the  bishop : 
fiera  yvci/xTrfs  tov  'EinirKUTrov  (St.  Ignat.  Epiist. 
ad  Polycarp.  c.  v.).     St.  Ambrose  says  that  mar- 


>  It  is  surprising  to  find  Dr.  DoUinger  apparently 
translating  Ecclesia  conciliat,  confirmat  oblatio  by  "Tlie 
marriage  was  concluded  by  the  bisbop,  or  presbytei 
uniting  tbe  betrothed,  and  confirmed  bj'  offering  of  the 
Holy  Sacrifice  "  {Hippolytus  and  CalUstuf,  c.  iii.  p.  15s, 
Eng.  tr.).  It  is  impossible  to  believe  that  this  is  the 
vaeanm^  of  confirmat  ablatio  in  this  passage;  nor  does 
ecclesia  conciliat  seem  to  refer  to  the  actual  marriage- 
service,  but  rather  to  the  first  steps  taken  in  the  matter 
before  the  church  olHcers. 


MAREIAGE 

riage  has  to  be  sanctified  by  benediction  (Epist. 

six.,   Op.  torn.  ii.  p.  844);    Gregory  Nazianzen 

writes  that    at  the    marriage   of    "the    golden 

Olympias  "  there  was  a  number  of  bishops  (iiri- 

aKSiTtnv  ofiiAos),  and  that  he  too,  though  absent 

I    in  body,  was  present  in  will,  taking  part  in  the 

f    festivity,  and  joining  the  young  couple's  hands 

I    together,  and  placing  them  in  the  hands  of  God 

j    (Ejjist.  Ivii.,  Op.  tom.  i.  p.  815,  col.  1690).     The 

•    (so-called)  fourth  council  of  Carthage  (can.  xiii.) 

;    in  the   6th  century   speaks   plainly  of  priestly 

■     benediction    being    received    by    the    bride    and 

bridegroom  (Hard.  Concil.  tom.  i.  p.  979).     Sy- 

nesius  uses  the  expression,  "  The  holy  hand  of 

Theophilus  gave  me  my  wife  "  {Epist.  105). 

There  is  no  reasonable  doubt  that  the  place  in 
which  Christians  were  ordinarily  married  was  a 
church,  so  soon  as  it  became  safe  and  customary 
for  them  to  meet  in  churches  for  religious  pur- 
poses, and  that  the  way  in  which  they  were 
ordinarily  married  was  by  a  I'eligious  ceremony,'' 
Nevertheless,  it  is  equally  true  that  marriages 
could,  and,  especially  in  the  East,  often  did,  take 
place  in  houses  (see  St.  Chrys.  Horn,  xlviii.  in  Gen. 
c.  xxiv.),  and  that  the  religious  ceremony  does 
not  form,  and  was  not  regarded  as  forming,  the 
essence  of  marriage.  The  essence  of  marriage 
consists  in  the  contract  agreed  to  and  publicly 
made  between  the  contracting  parties.'  Conse- 
quently, marriages  unaccompanied  by  the  blessing 
of  the  church  were  still  considered  to  be  mar- 
riages, though  they  were  looked  on  with  disfavour, 
and,  as  Tertullian  says,  ran  the  risk  of  being 
condemned  as  adulteiy  {De  Fudicitid,  c.  iv.). 
Accordingly,  a  law  of  Theodosius  Junior,  A.D. 
428,  distinguishing  between  the  essentials  and 
non-essentials  of  marriage,  declares  that  the 
omission  of  other  rites  such  as  arrhae,  dowry, 
and  a  festive  procession,  did  not  invalidate  a 
marriage,  provided  that  (1)  the  contracting  par- 
ties were  of  equal  station  (see  above,  under  the 
heading  Conditio),  (2)  they  broke  no  specific  law 
by  their  union,  (3)  they  gave  their  consent,  (4) 
their  friends  were  present  as  witnesses.  The 
law  recognised  no  more  than  the  above-named 
four  qualifications  for  a  valid  marriage,"  nor  did 
the  church  attempt  to  annul  what  the  law 
allowed.  Probably  the  feeling  with  which  these 
marriages  were  regarded  on  which  the  church's 
blessing  was  not  invoked  was  much  the  same  in 
the  early  church  as  it  is  at  present  with  our- 


MAERIAGE 


1107 


^  Van  Espen  considers  it  doubtful  if  marriages  were 
contracted  in  a  church,  though  tiiey  were  no  doubt  con- 
tracted in  the  fcux  of  the  church  {De  Spans,  et  Matr- 
vi.  4). 

'  Shakspeare,  with  his  usual  exactness,  makes  a  priest 
describe  a  marriage  :— 

"  A  contract  of  eternal  bond  of  love. 
Confirmed  by  mutual  joinder  of  the  hands, 
Attested  by  the  holy  close  of  lips. 
Strengthened  by  interchangement  of  your  rings ; 
And  all  the  ceremony  of  this  compact 
Sealed  in  my  function  by  my  testimony." 

Twelfth  Night,  v.  1. 
The  essence  of  the  marriage  was  the  contract :  all  that 
was  necessary  (strictly  speaking)  on  the  part  of  the 
priest  was  his  testimony  to  the  contract  having  been 
fully  miide  and  d.  dared 

■n  Apuleius  introduces  Venus  denying  that  Psyche  is 
Cupid's  wife,  on  the  ground  that  -  Impares  nuptia",  et 
praeterea  in  villa  sine  testibus,  et  patre  non  consentiente 
legilimae  non  possunt  videri."  (De  Asino  aareo,  lib.  vi. 
p.  104.) 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II 


selves.  The  secular  marriage  was  acKnowledged 
to  be  valid ;  but  the  parties  contracting  such  a 
marriage  were  supposed  to  have  incurred  serious 
loss  by  depriving  themselves  of  the  church's 
blessing  on  their  union,  and  to  have  acted  undu- 
tifully  and  only  as  irreligious  persons  would  act. 
This  liberty  of  contracting  marriage  other- 
wise than  by  the  benediction  of  the  church 
continued  in  the  West  till  the  time  of  Charles 
the  Great,  A.D.  800,  and  in  the  East  till  that  of 
Leo  the  Philosopher,  A.D.  900.  These  two  em- 
perors enacted  that  all  marriages  were  invalid 
except  such  as  were  performed  by  a  priest. 

There  is  no  sign  or  hint  of  marriage  being 
regarded  as  a  sacrament,  in  the  stricter  sense  of 
that  word,  in  early  times.  It  is  supposed  by 
some  that  it  began  first  to  be  so  regarded  in 
the  time  of  St.  Augustine,  A.D.  430,  but  this 
is  a  mistake  arising  from  the  use  which  St. 
Augustine  makes  of  the  word  "sacramentum," 
which  he  uses  frequently  in  connexion  with 
marriage,  but  nowhere  in  the  modern  sense 
of  the  word  sacrament.  Calvin  states  that  it 
was  not  regarded  as  a  sacrament  down  to  the 
time  of  Gregory  {Fnstit.  lib.  iv.  cap.  19,  §  34,  Op. 
tom.  ix.  p.  396,  Amsterdam,  1567),  but  he  does 
not  say  that  it  then  began  to  be  so  regarded. 
The  period  when  this  took  place  is  so  late  that 
it  does  not  fall  within  the  limits  of  the  time 
assigned  to  this  dictionary.  Binterim's  attempts 
to  father  it  upon  Tertullian,  St.  Augustine, 
St.  Chrysostom,  and  other  early  writers,  are  so 
manifestly  futile  as  to  raise  a  smile  (Benkwiir- 
digkeiten,  sechster  Band,  erstes  Kapitel,  §  2,  3). 

The  constituent  parts  of  the  marriage  service, 
as  named  by  pope  Nicholas  in  the  passage  quoted 
above,  are  1.  The  oblations.  2.  The  benedic- 
tion.    3.  The  veiling.     4.  The  crowning. 

1.  The  Oblations  consisted  mainly  of  prayers, 
which,  however,  were  accompanied  by  a  gift  of 
money.  The  offering  of  these  formed  the  intro- 
ductory portion  of  the  ceremony,  answering  in 
some  sort  to  the  prayers  and  thanksgivings 
which  in  our  form  for  the  solemnisation  of 
matrimony  precede  and  accompany  the  blessing 
pronounced  by  the  olBciating  priest  upon  the 
contract. 

2.  The  Benediction  was  a  form  not  unknown 
to  the  Jews  ;  amongst  whom  it  was  given,  not 
necessarily  by  a  priest,  but  by  the  eldest  friend 
or  relative  present.  The  following  is  an  abridg- 
ment of  a  Jewish  formula  of  benediction:^ 
"  Blessed  be  Thou,  0  Lord  our  God,  who  hast 
created  all  things  for  Thy  glory  !  Blessed  be 
Thou,  0  Lord  our  God,  the  creator  of  man. 
The  barren  shall  rejoice  and  cry  for  joy  as 
she  gathers  her  children  with  joyfulness  to  her 
bosom.  Blessed  art  Thou  who  makest  Zion  to 
rejoice  in  her  children  !  Make  this  couple  to 
rejoice  with  joy  according  to  the  joyousness 
which  thou  gavest  to  the  work  of  Thy  hands  in 
the  garden  of  Eden  of  old  !  Blessed  art  Thou 
who  makest  the  bride  and  bridegroom  to  re- 
joice !  Blessed  art  Thou  who  hast  created  for 
the  bridegroom  and  bride  joy  and  gladness, 
exultation,  singing,  cheerfulness,  mirth,  love, 
brotherly  kindness,  peace,  and  friendship!  0  Lord 
our  God,  may  there  be  heard  in  the  cities  of 
Judaea  and  in  the  streets  of  Jerusalem  the  voice 
of  mirth  and  gladne:5s,  the  voice  of  the  bride- 
groom and  bride,  the  voice  of  the  bridegroom's 
and  bride's  mutual  affection  out  of  their  cham- 

4  C 


1108 


MARRIAGE 


ber,  auJ  the  young  men's  festive  song  !  Blessed 
art  Thou  who  makest  the  bridegroom  to  rejoice 
with  the  bride  "  (Selden,  Uxor  Ebraica  ii.  12, 
Op.  torn.  iv.  p.  625).  The  particular  form  of  the 
Christian  benediction,  which  differs  from  the 
Jewish  by  being  a  blessing  on  the  newly  married 
pair  instead  of  a  thanksgiving  to  God,  was  at 
fij'st  probably  left  to  the  officiating  minister,  but 
it  would  soon  have  become  stereotyped  in  the 
rituals  of  the  several  churches.  The  following 
is  a  form  on  which  it  will  be  seen  that  the  final 
benediction  in  the  solemnisation  of  matrimony 
in  the  English  church  is  framed : — "  0  God, 
who  by  Thy  mighty  power  hast  made  all  things 
of  nothing,  who,  after  other  things  set  in  order, 
didst  appoint  that  out  of  man  (created  after 
Thine  own  image  and  similitude)  woman  should 
take  her  beginning,  teaching  that  it  should 
be  never  lawful  to  put  asunder  those  whom 
Thou  hadst  pleased  should  be  created  out  of  one  ; 
0  God,  who  hast  consecrated  the  state  of  matri- 
mony to  such  an  excellent  mystery  that  in  it 
Thou  didst  typify  the  Sacrament  of  Christ  and 
the  Church ;  0  God  by  whom  woman  is  joined  to 
man,  and  so  blessed  a  union  was  instituted  at 
the  beginning  as  not  to  be  destroyed  even  by  the 
judgment  of  the  flood ;  look  mercifully  upon 
this  Thy  servant  now  to  be  joined  in  wedlock, 
who  seeks  to  be  defended  by  Thy  protection. 
May  there  be  on  her  the  yoke  of  love  and 
peace !  May  she  be  a  faithful  and  chaste  wife 
in  Christ,  and  may  she  continue  a  follower 
of  holy  women !  May  she  be  loveable  to  her 
husband  as  Rachel,  wise  as  Rebecca,  long-lived 
and  faithful  as  Sarah  !  May  the  author  of 
wickedness  gain  no  advantage  against  her  from 
her  nets  !  May  she  continue  in  the  faith  and 
commandments,  constant  to  one  husband  !  May 
she  avoid  all  unlawful  deeds.  May  she  strengthen 
her  weakness  by  the  help  of  discipline  !  May 
she  be  modest,  grave,  bashful,  and  instructed  in 
God  by  learning  !  May  she  be  fruitful  in  child- 
bearing!  May  she  be  approved  and  innocent, 
and  may  she  attain  to  the  rest  of  the  blessed, 
and  to  the  heavenly  kingdom  !  And  may  she 
see  her  sons'  sons  to  the  third  and  fourth  gene- 
ration, and  may  she  reach  the  rest  of  the  blessed 
and  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  through,"  etc. 
(Martene,  de  Antiquis  Ecclesiae  ritibns  I.  is.  5, 
Ordo  Hi.  ex  MS.  Fontificali  Monasterii  Lyrensis). 
3.  The  practice  of  veiling  is  mentioned  by 
Tertullian  {de  Veland.  Virgin,  c.  xi.)  and  by 
St.  Ambrose  {Epist.  xi.x.  7,  Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  844)  ; 
che  former  of  whom  speaks  of  it  as  a  praise- 
worthy heathen  custom  commonly  used  in  the 
ceremony  of  betrotha',  after  which  (in  Tertul- 
lian's  days)  the  desponsata  wore  the  veil  habitu- 
ally. The  heathen  veil,  called  flamnieum,  was  of 
a  yellow  colour.  The  colour  adopted  by  Chris- 
tians was  purple  and  white,  though  the  name 
flammeum  was  still  sometimes  used  (St.  Ambr. 
de  Virgin,  c.  xv. ;  de  Inst.  Virg.  c.  xvii.).  It 
is  probable,  as  St.  Ambrose  has  observed  (de 
Abrah.  I.  ix.  93),  that  the  word  nuptials  is 
derived  from  the  word  obnubere,  which  means 
to  veil.  In  the  earliest  times  the  veil  was  part 
of  the  married  or  espoused  woman's  dress,  akin 
in  form  and  purpose  to  the  Eastern  yashmak. 
But  after  the  first  few  centuries  it  ceased  to  be 
worn  by  them,  and  the  veiling  came  to  be  a 
symbolical  act,  making  pai't  of  the  marriage 
ceremony,    and   symbolising   the    woman's    for- 


MARRIAGE 

saking  all  others  and  keeping  her  charms  for  her 
husband  alone,  and  also  her  being  submissive  to 
him.  "  Ideo  velantur  ut  nov^erint  se  semper  viris 
suis  subditas  esse  "  (Durand.,  Rat.  Div.  Off.  lib.  i. 
c.  ix.  9).  In  the  West  the  word  velatio  came  to 
signify  the  whole  marriage  ceremony,  and  it 
became  customary  to  lay  the  veil  on  both  bride 
and  bridegroom  at  the  time  of  the  benediction 
(Martene,  de  Ant.  EccL  2,  ix.). 

4.  The  crowniri'i  was  also  originally  a  heathen 
custom  (Euripides,  Iphigenia  in  Amide,  1.  905), 
and  was  therefore  at  first  disallowed  by  Chris- 
tians (see  Justin,  Apol.  c.  ix. ;  TertuU.  Apolog. 
i.  42),  but  was  soon  permitted  in  the  East 
(see  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Paedagog.  ii.  8, 
for  a  discussion  on  the  lawfulness  of  the  use 
of  crowns).  The  same  custom  prevailed 
among  the  Jews.  The  crowns  were  made  of 
gold,  silver,  olive,  myrtle,  or  flowers ;  their 
use  in  the  city  of  Jerusalem  was  forbidden 
during  the  Roman  siege,  as  being  too  great 
a  sign  of  joy  for  such  sad  times.  This  shews 
that  they  were  regarded  as  a  symbol  of  re- 
joicing by  the  Jews ;  and  as  such  probably 
they  were  adopted  by  the  Christian  Church, 
though  they  came  to  be  looked  upon  rather  as 
rewards  for  victory  over  passion  and  tokens  of 
virgin  purity,  in  consequence  of  which  they  were 
not  given  at  second  marriages.  In  the  Greek 
church  they  came  to  play  a  much  more 
important  part  than  in  the  Latin.  In  the 
West  as  we  learn  from  pope  Nicholas's  reply  to 
the  Bulgarians,  they  were  no  more  than  a  festive 
ornament  worn  by  the  married  pair  on  leaving 
the  church.  In  the  East  the  crowning,  which 
was  once  only  a  part  of  a  lady's  wedding  attire 
(see  St.  Amator's  Life,  Acta  SS.  May,  tom.  i.  52), 
became  so  substantial  a  part  of  the  nuptials  that 
the  whole  marriage  was  called  the  Crowning,  as 
in  the  West  it  was  called  the  Veiling.  The  crowns 
were  placed  on  the  heads  of  the  bride  and  bride- 
groom immediately  after  the  benediction,  appro- 
priate prayers  being  said  at  the  same  time. 
The  following  is  an  extract  from  a  form  given  by 
Goar  : — "After  the  amen  (to  the  benedictory 
prayer)  the  priest  takes  the  crowns  and  first 
crowns  the  bridegroom  saying  '  The  servant  of 
the  Lord  is  crowned,  for  the  sake  of  the  hand- 
maid of  the  Lord,  in  the  name  of  the  Father, 
and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost.'  The 
woman  is  crowned  in  the  same  manner.  Then 
he  joins  the  right  hand  of  the  woman  with  the 
right  hand  of  the  man.  Then  is  sung,  '  With 
glory  and  honour  hast  thou  crowned  them,  thou 
hast  placed  crowns  of  precious  stones  upon  their 
heads.'  Then  the  deacon  says,  •  Let  us  pray,' 
and  the  priest  offers  the  following  prayer : 
Crown  them  with  Thy  grace,  unite  them  in 
temperance  and  dignity,  bless  them  with  a  good 
old  age  and  with  unshaken  faith.  Grant  them 
length  of  days ;  grant  to  them  all  things  expe- 
dient for  them,  fear  of  Thee  and  thought  of 
Thee  ;  give  them  the  fruit  of  the  womb,  comfort 
them  with  the  sight  of  sons  and  daughters ;  let 
them  rejoice  in  Thee  and  respect  the  words  of 
the  Apostle,  '  Marriage  is  honourable  and  the 
bed  undefiled.'  Hear  us,  O  Lord  our  God  who 
wast  present  at  Cana  in  Galilee  and  blessed  the 
marriage  there  by  Thy  presence,  miraculously 
changing  the  water  into  wine.  0  Lord  of  all, 
bless  the  marriage  of  this  Thy  servant  and  this 
Thy  handmaid  as  Thou  didst  bless  Abraham  and 


MARKIAGE 

Sarah:  bless  them  as  Isaac  and  Rebekah  :  bless 
them  as  Jacob  and  Rachel :  crown  them  as 
Joseph  and  Asenath,  as  Closes  and  Sipphorah. 
May  Thy  eyes  be  upon  them  and  Thy  ears  open 
to  hear  the  voice  of  this  prayer.  May  this  be 
fulfilled  to  them  that  which  is  spoken  by  the 
Prophet,  saying,  '  Thy  wife  as  the  fruitful  vine 
on  the  walls  of  thy  house,  thy  children  like 
olive  branches  round  about  thy  table  ;  behold 
thus  shall  the  man  be  blessed  that  feareth  the 
Lord ' "  {Euchologium,  p.  396). 

At  the  end  of  eight  days  the  crowns  were 
solemnly  removed  while  the  following  prayers 
were  used :  "  0  Lord  our  God,  who  crownest 
the  year  with  Thy  blessing,  and  hast  given  these 
crowns  to  be  placed  upon  the  heads  of  those 
united  to  one  another  by  the  law  of  marriage, 
rewarding  them  thus  for  their  continence,  be- 
cause they  have  come  pure  and  clean  to  marriage 
instituted  by  Thee,  do  Thou  bless  their  union, 
now  that  they  lay  aside  their  crowns,  keep  them 
inseparably  united,  that  in  everything  they  may 
give  thanks  to  Thy  most  holy  name.  Father,  Son, 
and  Holy  Spirit,  now  and  ever,  world  without 
end.  Amen.  Peace  be  to  all.  Bend  your  heads 
to  the  Lord.  0  Lord,  we  glorify  Thee,  con- 
firming the  contract  of  Thy  servant,  and  finishing 
the  office  of  the  marriage  in  Cana  of  Galilee,  and 
taking  off  its  symbols.  Glory  to  the  Father,  Son, 
and  Holy  Ghost,  now  and  ever,  world  without 
end,  amen  "  (Goar,  Euchologium,  p.  400). 

5.  The  murriage-pomp,  another  ceremony 
which,  as  we  see  from  the  law  of  Theodosius  Junior 
above  quoted,  was  so  common  as  by  some  to  bo 
thought  essential  to  the  validity  of  nuptials,  con- 
sisted partlyof  a  procession  which  noisily  conducted 
the  bride  to  the  bridegroom's  house  with  torches 
and  lanterns  and  shouting  and  songs,  and  partly 
of  feasting,  singing,  and  dancing  in  the  house. 
The  songs  and  dances,  used  both  in  the  procession 
and  at  home,  having  come  down  by  tradition 
from  ancient  heathen  days,  were  of  an  immodest 
character,  like  the  4inda\duia  and  Fescennina  of 
Greece  and  Rome  (see  the  description  given  by 
St.  Ambrose  of  Samson's  wedding-feast,  Epist. 
xix..  Op.  torn.  ii.  p.  846),  and  were  therefore 
vehemently  denounced  by  fathers  of  the  church 
(see  St.  Chrysostom,  Horn,  slviii.  and  Ivi.  in 
Genes. ;  Horn.  xii.  in  1  Cor.,  Op.  tom.  iv.  pp. 
490,  639,  tom.  x.  p.  105),  and  by  councils  (see 
council  of  Laodicea,  canons  liii.  liv..  Hard. 
Concil.  tom  i.  p.  790) ;  though  the  festivity 
itself  was  not  objected  to.  Gregory  Nazianzen 
has  left  us  a  charming  letter  in  which  he  ex- 
cuses himself  for  not  having  been  present  at  the 
festivities  which  accompanied  Olympia's  wedding 
on  the  ground  that  a  gouty  old  gentleman  was 
out  of  ])lace  among  dancers,  though  in  heart  he 
joined  with  them  in  their  amusements  {Epist. 
Ivii.,  Op.  tom.  i.  p.  815).  The  expression  "  uxorem 
ducere  "  is  derived  from  this  fetching  home  of  the 
wife. 

6,  7.  Two  other  ceremonies  of  slighter  cha- 
racter have  to  be  named.  One  was  joining 
t'le  hands  of  bridegroom  and  bride,  to  which  we 
have  seen  Gregory  Nazianzen  referring  {Epist. 
Ivii.),  as  being  done  by  himself,  or  one  like  him- 
self, that  is,  a  bishop  or  minister  of  the  church  ; 
the  other  was  untying  the  hair  of  the  bride, 
which  we  may  gather  from  Optatus  (lib.  vi.  p. 
95,  Paris,  1702)  was  customary  both  in  mar- 
riages and  in  devoting  virgins  to-  the  service  of 


MARRIAGE 


1109 


God.  At  the  same  time  that  her  hair  was  untied 
it  is  probable  that  the  keys  of  the  household 
were  delivered  to  her  (St.  Ambr.  Epist.  vi.  §  3, 
ad  Sfiagrium,  Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  77). 

We  can  now  follow  a  primitive  Christian 
through  the  different  scenes  of  his  marriage. 
As  soon  as,  by  the  intervention  of  his  friends  and 
relations,  he  had  fixed  on  a  woman  for  his  con- 
sort who  was  of  marriageable  age,  and  not  too 
nearly  akin  to  himself,  nor  disqualified  for  his 
wife  by  the  enactments  of  any  special  law,  and 
had  gained  her  consent,  and  that  of  her  parents 
or  guardian,  he  announced  his  purpose  to  the 
oflicers  of  his  church,  and  if  they  pointed  out  no 
obstacle  arising  from  ecclesiastical  or  civil  law, 
a  day  of  betrothal  was  fixed.  On  the  day  ap- 
pointed the  parties  met  in  the  house  of  the 
future  bride's  father,  in  the  presence  of  as  many 
as  ten  witnesses,  the  bride  being  dressed  in  white 
(Clem.  Alex.  Paedag.  iii.  11) ;  and  the  man  offered 
his  arrhae,  among  which  was  a  ring  which  he 
placed  upon  the  third  finger  of  the  woman's 
left  hand.  These  having  been  accepted,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  hand  over  to  the  father  of  his  betrothed 
an  instrument  of  dowry  or  marriage  settlement, 
the  delivery  of  which,  after  it  had  been  read 
aloud,  was  testified  by  the  witnesses  present. 
The  betrothal  was  now  complete,  but  it  was 
generally  confirmed  by  a  solemn  kiss  between 
the  betrothed  and  a  joining  of  hands.  It  is  pro- 
bable that  an  informal  prayer  for  a  blessing 
upon  the  couple  completed  the  ceremony,  and  in 
the  earliest  times  a  veil  was  at  this  time  assumed 
by  the  woman.  The  betrothal  over,  the  man  re- 
turned to  his  home,  and  the  woman  continued 
living  under  her  father's  roof,  both  of  them  bound 
to  the  other  to  fulfil  a  contract  of  marriage  at 
some  future  time  within  the  next  forty  days,  or  at 
furthest  the  two  succeeding  years,  but  holding 
communication  with  each  other  only  through 
the  best  man  and  the  bridesmaids,  or  other  rela- 
tives and  friends.  At  the  time  of  betrothal  the 
nuptial  day  was  generally  named,  which  might 
be  at  any  season  of  the  year  except  during  Lent 
{Cone.  Laod.  can.  lii.).° 

When  the  wedding  day  had  arrived  each  of 
the  betrothed,  accompanied  by  friends,  proceeded 
to  a  church,  where  they  were  received  by  the 
priest  for  the  solemnization  of  their  marriage. 
The  bride  was  arrayed  in  the  veil,  which  she 
had  worn  since  her  betrothal,  as  she  walked  to 
church  during  the  first  two  or  three  centuries 
(Tertull.  de  Cor.  Mil.  c.  iv. ;  de  Veland.  Virg. 
cxi.),  but  after  that  time  she  received  the  veil 
from  the  priest's  hands  as  part  of  the  marriage 
ceremonial.  The  ceremony,  or  service  as  we 
may  call  it,  commenced  with  prayers  offered  by 
the  priest  in  behalf  of  the  bridegroom  and  the 
bride,  an  offering  in  money  being  at  the  same 
time  made  by  them.  After  this  the  free  con- 
sent of  each  to  the  contract  made  between  them 
was  declared.  The  ofliciating  minister  then 
joined  their  hands,  and  (perhaps)  placing  his 
hand  on  their  heads,"  he  uttered  over  them  a 


"  Lent  was  the  only  forbidden  season.  A  supposed  canon 
of  the  council  of  Lerida,  in  the  6tU  century,  interdicting 
the  celebration  of  marriages  in  Ailveut.in  tho  three  weeks 
preceding  the  Feast  of  John  the  Baptist,  and  in  the  period 
from  Septuagesima  to  tbe  octave  of  Easter,  is  spurious. 

o  Cui  enim  manum  imponit  Presbyter  ?  Cui  autem 
benedicct?  (Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  lib.  iii.  c.  vi..  Op.  p. 
4C2 


1110 


MAEEIAGE 


form  of  benediction,  conveying  to  them  the 
blessing  of  the  church  upon  the  union  which 
had  been  effected  by  the  contract  made  and  de- 
clared between  them.  Immediately  after  the 
benediction  in  the  Greek  church,  at  the  conclusion 
of  the  whole  service  in  the  Latin,  crowns  of  gold 
and  silver,  if  the  bride  and  bi'iJegroom  were 
rich,  of  leaves  or  flowers  if  they  were  poor, 
brought  from  the  treasury  of  the  church,  were 
placed  upon  their  heads,  and  arrayed  in  these, 
they  returned  to  the  house  of  the  bride's  father, 
from  whence,  as  the  evening  approached,  the 
wife  was  carried  by  her  husband  to  his  home  in 
a  joyous  procession,  attended  by  a  concourse  of 
friends  uttering  acclamations  and  wishing  joy  to 
the  newly-married  pair.  On  arriving  at  his 
home,  the  husband  led  in  his  wife,  and  she  untied 
her  hair  as  a  symbol  of  his  authority  over  her, 
and  he  delivered  over  to  her  a  bunch  of  keys  as 
a  symbol  of  her  authority  over  the  household. 
The  evening  was  spent  in  festivity,  which  con- 
sisted of  feasting,  dancing,  and  singing.  At  the 
end  of  seven  days  the  crowns  were  restored  to 
the  church  in  a  solemn  manner. 

If,  however,  there  were  any  who  desired  that 
a  religious  character  should  not  be  given  to  the 
ceremony,  they  were  permitted  to  dispense  with 
it  ;  and  their  marriage  was  regarded  as  valid 
provided  only  that  they  made  a  contract  one 
with  another  without  fraud  or  compulsion,  and 
declared  it  before  an  adequate  number  of  wit- 
nesses, and  did  not  otherwise  transgress  the 
imperial  laws. 

III.  Divorce.  Our  Lord's  rule  laid  down  in 
respect  to  divorce  is  plain  and  simple.  He  dis- 
allows it  on  any  other  ground  than  that  of  for- 
nication or  adultery  on  the  part  of  the  woman.? 
This  continued  to  be  the  rule  of  Christian  con- 
duct down  to  the  time  of  Constantino.  There  is 
a  consensus  amongst  the  doctors  of  the  early 
church  that  no  other  cause  is  adequate  for  the 
dissolution  of  marriage.  Thus,  Clement  of 
Alexandria  {Strom,  lib.  ii.  c.  xxiii..  Op.  p.  506), 
TertuUian  {adv.  Marc,  lib.  iv.  c.  xxxiv..  Op.  p. 
449),  and  somewhat  later,  St.  Chrysostom  {Horn. 
xvii.  in  Matt,  Op.  tom.  vii.  p.  227),  St.  Basil 
{Epist.  Canon  II.,  can.  xxi.),  and  St.  Jerome 
{Epist.  ad  Amand.,  Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  162).  In  the 
case  of  the  clergy  divorce  was  made  imperative 
en  the  discovery  of  the  wife's  adultery  by  the 
councils  of  Neocaesarea  and  Elvira  (canons 
viii.  and  Ixv.) :  laymen  were  left  to  their  own 
judgment  in  the  matter;  but  a  canon  of  Theo- 
dore of  Canterbury  requires  anyone  who  keeps 
his  wife  under  such  circumstances  to  do  penance 
for  two  years  on  two  days  of  the  week  and  fast 
days,  or  to  abstain  from  living  with  her  an  long 
as  her  penance  for  adultery  lasts  {Penitential, 
lib.  i.  cap.  xiv.  §  4).  But,  as  was  to  be  expected, 
a  difference  of  opinion  grew  up  as  to  the  force  of 
the  word  fornication.  The  Allegorists,  according 
to  their  manner,  insisted  on  understanding  the 
word  spiritually  as  well  as  literally,  and  thus 


MARRIAGE 

they  made  it  bear  the  meaning  of  idolatry,  infi- 
delity, and  covetousness,  as  well  as  carnal  forni- 
cation. So  Hermae  Pastor  ("  Is  qui  simulacrum 
facit  moechatur,"  lib.  ii.  mand.  iv.,  apttd 
Patres  ApostoL,  ed.  Coteler,  tom.  i.  p.  89).  This 
view  was  adopted  by  St.  Augustine  {de  Serm. 
Dom.  in  Monte,  cap.  xvi.,  Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  1251, 
ed.  Migne),  but  in  his  Retractations  he  expressed 
some  doubt  as  to  its  correctness  :  ''  Quatenus  in- 
telligenda  atque  limitanda  sit  haec  fornicatio,  et 
utrum  etiam  propter  banc  liceatdimittereuxorem, 
latebrosissima  quaestio  est  "  (lib.  i.  c.  xix.  6,  Op. 
torn.  i.  p.  66). 

Such  differences  of  opinion  as  existed  between 
theologians  arose  from  their  interpreting  the 
word  fornication  with  greater  or  less  latitude  ; 
but  there  was  a  substantial  agreement  among 
them  that  no  crime,  however  heinous,  could 
have  the  effect  of  dissolving  the  contract  once 
formed,  with  the  one  exception  of  the  wife's 
fornication.  Not  so  the  civil  law.i  Constantine 
appears  to  have  wished  to  make  a  compromise 
between  the  las  practice  which  had  come  down 
from  heathen  times  and  the  strict  rule  which 
had  hitherto  been  acknowledged  by  Christians, 
though  not  always  acted  upon.  Accordingly  he 
passed  a  law,  A.D.  331,  allowing  divorce  to  a 
wife  if  her  husband  should  be  a  murderer,  a 
poisoner,  or  a  robber  of  graves ;  but  specifi- 
cally disallowing  it  on  the  ground  of  his  being  a 
drunkard  or  a  gambler,  or  given  to  women 
(muliercularius).  By  the  same  law  divorce  was 
allowed  to  the  man  if  his  wife  were  an  adulteress, 
or  a  poisoner,  or  a  procurer  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  iii. 
tit.  xvi.  leg.  i.,  tom.  i.  p.  310).  Honorius,  A.D. 
421,  passed  a  law  of  a  similar  character  with 
that  of  Constantine,  which  allowed  other  causes 
— "  morum  vitia  et  mediocres  culpae  " — as  ade- 
quate besides  the  three  named  by  the  first  Chris- 
tian Emperor  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  iii.  tit.  xvi.  leg.  2, 
ibid.  p.  313).  Honorius's  law  did  not  remain  lung 
in  force ;  but  it,  or  Constantine's,  was  the  law  of 
the  empire  during  the  time  of  some  of  the  chief 
church  writers  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries. 
It  was  abrogated,  together  with  the  law  of 
Constantine,  a.d.  439,  by  Theodosius  Junior, 
who  restored  the  laxity  allowed  by  the  civil 
law  before  the  time  of  Constantine — "  durum  est 
legum  veterum  moderamen  excedere."  Ten  years 
later,  however,  Theodosius  found  it  necessary  to 
draw  the  reign  tighter,  and  he  published  a  law, 
A.D.  449,  enumerating  the  causes  which  were  now 
held  to  be  adequate  to  justify  a  divorce.  To  the 
three  crimes  named  by  Constantine  he  added  those 
of  treason,  sacrilege,  manstealing,  and  similar  of- 
fences {Cod.  Justin,  lib.  v.  tit.  xvii.  leg.  8,  Corp. 
Juris,  tom.  ii.  p.  457).     And  this  was  followed 


291).    It  is  not  certain  that  it  is  of  the  marriage  bene- 
diction that  Clement  is  spcaliing. 

p  That  in  Matt.  v.  42,  Uopi/eta  is  used  in  the  sense  of 
fjioixeia,  or  rather  that  the  generic  term  is  employed 
■when  the  specific  word  might  have  been  used,  was  not 
questioned  in  the  early  church,  nor  is  there  any  sufficient 
cause  for  questioning  it,  much  as  has  been  written  upon 
it.    (See  Selden,  Uxor  Ehraica,  iii.  23,  27.) 


1  "  Quamdiu  vlvlt  vlr,  licet  adulter  sit,  licet  sodomita, 
licet  flagitiis  omnibus  coopertus  et  ab  uxore  propter  haec 
scelera  derelictus,  maritus  ejus  reputatur,  cui  alterum 
virum  accipere  non  licet "  (St.  Jerome,  Kpi&t.  ad  AmaTid., 
loc.  sup.  cit.).  "  Mulieri  non  licet  virum  dimittere  licet  sit 
fornicator,  nisi  forte  pro  monasterio.  Basilins  hoc  judi- 
cavit."  (Theodore,  Feniteniial,  lib.  ii.  14,  xii.  }  6.)  See 
also  the  twelfth  council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  681,  can.  v 
which  excommunicates  a  man  for  deserting  his  wife  for 
any  other  cause  than  fornication  (Hard.  C07ic.  tom.  iii. 
p.  1723),  and  the  council  of  Soissons,  a.d.  744,  can.  ix.  (ib. 
p.  1934).  The  council  of  Agde,  a.d.  506,  forbids  hus- 
bands to  dismiss  their  wives  until  they  have  provtd  their 
adultery  before  the  bishops  of  the  province,  on  pain  of 
excommunication,  can.  xxv.  (ibid.  tom.  Ii.  p.  1001). 


MARKIAGE 

bv  a  law  of  Valeutiuian  III.  forbidding  dissolu- 
tion of  marriage  by  the  mere  consent  of  the 
parties  concerned.  Again  reaction  followed  re- 
action. First,  a  law  was  passed  by  Anastasius, 
A.D.  497,  making  divorce  by  mutual  consent 
legal  {ibid.  leg.  9).  Next,  Justinian.  A.D.  528, 
recalled  the  second  law  of  Theodosius  Junior 
(that  of  the  year  A.D.  449),  adding,  how- 
ever, to  the  causes  there  specified  impotency 
lasting  two  years  (ibid.  leg.  10),  or  three 
years  (Novell,  xxii.  6),  a  desire  for  the  monastic 
"life  (^Novell,  cxvii.  18),  and  a  lengthy  captivity 
(Novell,  xxii.  7).  Justinian's  nephew,  Justin,  re- 
stored the  liberty  of  divorce  by  consent  (Novell. 
cxl.),  and  thus  the  law  continued,  as  we  learn  from 
Photius  (Nomocanon,  tit.  xiii.  c.  iv.,  Op.  p.  200, 
Paris,  lt)20),  to  the  year  870,  and  indeed  to  the 
year  900,  when  Leo  the  Philosopher  once  more 
replaced  it  on  the  footing  in  which  it  was  under 
Justinian,  before  the  alteration  made  by  Justin. 
The  laws  of  the  Western  nations  as  they  be- 
came christianised  were  similar  in  character  to 
those  of  the  empire.  The  Visigoths  inserted 
into  their  code  of  laws,  A.D.  460,  the  original 
rule  of  Christianity,  such  as  it  was  before  it  was 
altered  by  Constantine  (Leg.  Visigoth,  lib.  iii.  tit. 
vi.  c.  ii.),  adding,  however,  that  the  wronged  hus- 
band might  do  anything  that  he  pleased  with  the 
adulteress  and  her  paramour  (26;'^  tit.  iv.  c.  iii.). 
Theodoric,  king  of  the  Ostrogoths  in  Italy,  re- 
published and  confirmed  with  his  authority,  A.D. 
500,  the  law  of  Constantine,  allowing  three 
causes  of  divorce,  and  three  only,  to  the  husband 
and  to  the  wife.  The  Burgundians  at  the  same 
date  allowed  divorce  to  the  man  for  the  causes 
specified  by  Constantine,  but  not  to  the  woman. 
Among  the  Franks  and  the  Alemanni  divorce  by 
mutual  consent  was  permitted  in  the  7th  century. 
At  the  Carlovingian  era  the  law  was  generally 
made  stricter,  though  Charles  the  Great  himself 
divorced  his  wife  Bertha  and  married  Hildegard, 
holding  himself  to  be  in  such  matters  above  the 
laws.  At  the  beginning  of  the  10th  century 
Howel  the  Good,  with  three  bishops,  went  to 
Rome  "  to  consult  the  wise  in  what  manner  to 
improve  the  laws  of  Wales,"  and  after  the  laws 
were  drawn  up  "  went  a  second  time  to  Rome 
and  obtained  the  judgment  of  the  wise  there, 
and  ascertained  those  laws  to  be  in  accordance 
with  the  law  of  God  and  the  law  of  countries 
and  cities  in  the  receipt  of  faith  and  baptism." 
Nevertheless  the  laws  on  divorce  are  remarkably 
lax.  A  husband  and  wife  may  separate  before 
the  end  of  seven  years  from  their  marriage-day 
on  the  husband's  paying  her  dower  to  the 
woman;  after  seven  years,  on  sharing  their 
goods  between  them,  the  husband  taking  two- 
tnirds  of  the  children  ;  but,  "  if  a  man  deserts 
his  wife  unlawfully  and  takes  another,  the  re- 
jected wife  is  to  remain  in  her  house  until  the 
end  of  the  ninth  day  ;  and  then  if  she  be  suffered 
to  depart  entirely  from  her  husband,  every- 
thing belonging  to  her  is  to  go  in  the  first 
place  out  of  the  house,  and  then  she  is  to  go 
last  out  of  the  house  after  all  her  property  :  after 
that,  on  bringing  the  other  into  the  house,  he 
IS  to  give  a  diUjsdawd  (certificate)  to  the  first 
wife,  because  no  man,  by  law,  is  to  have  two 
wives.  Whoever  shall  leave  his  wife  and  shall 
repent  leaving  her,  she  having  been  given  to 
another  husband,  if  the  first  husband  overtake 
her  with  one  foot  in  the  bed  and  the  other  out, 


MARRIAGE 


nil 


the  first  husband,  by  law,  is  to  have  her." 
(Cyfreithiau  Hywel  Lda  ar  ddull  Dyfed,  bk.  li. 
c.  xviii.  §§  1,  2,  28,  29,  Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
Councils  of  Great  Britain,  i.  247.) 

As  in  marriage,  so  in  divorce,  St.  Paul  supple- 
ments the  teaching  of  our  Lord  lay  stating  the  law 
in  a  case  which  must  have  soon  arisen  among  the 
early  Christians.  In  1  Cor.  vii.  12-16  he  lays 
down  the  rule  that  a  marriage  that  has  taken  place 
between  two  heathens  is  not  to  be  broken  ofi"  by 
one  of  the  two  becoming  a  Christian  ;  the  mar- 
riage still  holds  good,  and  the  convert  to 
Christianity  may  not  separate  from  his  or  her 
consort  on  the  plea  of  his  infidelity.  But  if  the 
non-Christian  party  to  the  contract  chooses  to 
desert  the  one  converted  to  Christianity,  the 
latter  is  free  from  the  previously  existing  con- 
jugal obligations.  In  this  passage  St.  Paul  does 
not  justify  divorce,  but  only  a  separation,  in  which 
the  Christian  convert  is  merely  to  be  passive.  In 
the  early  church  the  negative  character  of  this 
permission  was  recognised ; '  in  later  times  it 
has  become  changed  into  a  positive  right  on  the 
part  of  the  convert,  to  be  exercised  at  the  discre- 
tion of  the  bishop,  or  rather  it  is  declared  a 
positive  duty  which  must  be  performed  by  him, 
except  a  dispensation  be  obtained  from  the  bi- 
shop (Liguori,  Theologia  Moralis,  x.  957)  ;  and 
the  meaning  of  "  infidelity  "  is  extended  so  as  to 
include  "heresy"  (ibid.  iii.  17).  The  modern 
Latin  law  of  divorce,  which  allows  four  causes 
of  divorce  quoad  vinculum  (death,  conversion, 
preference  of  monastic  life,  papal  dispensation), 
and  six  causes  of  divorce  quoad  torum  (adul- 
tery, ill-treatment,  solicitation  to  heresy,  leprosy, 
supervenient  heresy,  mutual  consent)  (Liguori, 
Theologia  Moralis,  vi.  957-975)— has  only  to  be 
mentioned  here  in  order  to  say  that  it  was  un- 
known to  the  early  church. 

Form  of  Divorce. — The  Jews  had  a  cere- 
monial of  divorce  as  well  as  of  marriage.  The 
following  are  formulas  given  by  Selden  (Uxor 
Ebraica,  iii.  24,  Op.  torn.  iv.  p.  797)  :— 

"  You  may  go  to  what  man  you  will.  This 
is  a  bill  of  divorce  between  me  and  thee  ;  a  letter 
of  quittance,  and  instrument  of  dismissal,  so  you 
may  marry  whom  you  please." 

"  On  such  a  day,  of  such  a  month,  of  such  a 
year,  I,  such  an  one,  son  of  such  an  one,  from 
such  a  place,  and  by  whatever  other  name  or 
surname  I,  or  my  parent,  or  my  birthplace,  are 
known  by,  of  my  own  will  and  purpose,  and 
without  compulsion,  dismiss,  quit,  repudiate 
thee,  such  an  one,  daughter  of  such  an  one,  from 
such  a  place,  and  by  whatever  other  name  or 
surname  thou,  or  thy  parent,  or  thy  birthplace 
art  known  by,  who  up  to  this  time  hast  been 


•■  The  author  of  the  commentary  tbat  goes  under  the 
name  of  St.  Ambrose,  appears  to  have  been  the  first  to 
argue  that  the  believer  from  whom  his  unbelieving  con- 
sort had  departed  might  marry  again.  If  those  who 
were  separated  from  their  wives  by  Ezra,  he  urged, 
might  marry  again,  how  much  more  those  whose  mar- 
riages had  been  dissolved  by  the  infidelity  of  their 
consorts  (Pseudo-Ambrose  in  1  Cor.  vii.  15)!  Theodore  of 
Canterbury  ruled  at  the  end  of  the  IVa  century,  "  If  the 
wife  is  an  unbeliever  and  a  heathen,  and  cannot  be  con- 
verted, let  her  be  dismissed  "  {Penitential,  lib  ii.  c.  xii. 
5  18).  If  a  husband  and  wife  have  separated  while  still 
heathens,  and  then  been  converted  to  Christianity,  the 
same  authority  rules  that  the  man  may  do  as  he  pleases 
as  to  taking  or  leaving  his  wife  {ibid.  }  17). 


1112 


MAERIAGE 


my  wife.  And  now  I  dismiss,  quit,  and  repu- 
diate thee  that  thou  be  free,  and  have  the 
power  of  going  away  and  marrying  any  other 
man.  And  no  one  on  earth  is  to  hinder  thee 
from  this  day  forward  for  ever.  And  now,  be- 
hold, thou  art  permitted  to  be  the  wife  of  any 
man.  And  this  is  to  be  thy  bill  of  divorce,  the 
instrument  of  thy  dismissal,  and  the  letter  of 
thy  quittance,  according  to  the  law  of  Moses  and 
the  Israelites." 

The  above  bills  had  to  be  signed  by  two  wit- 
nesses and  formally  delivered  to  tlie  wife  or  her 
proctor. 

The  Greek  and  Latin  formulas  were  much 
shorter :  It  was  only  necessary  to  say,  Tvvai. 
irpaTre  to.  (to. — 'Arep,  Trpdrre  ra  ad :  or  Ta 
(Tiavrr\s  irpdrTf — Ta  ffeauToO  irpdrn — and  the 
Greek  marriage  was  broken  off.  The  Roman 
marriage  was  a  more  serious  thing  than  that 
of  any  of  the  Greeks  except  the  Spartans.  To 
break  off  a  marriage  effected  by  confarreatio 
there  was  a  form  called  diffarreatio,  and  a  mar- 
riage by  coemptio  was  dissolved  by  a  form  called 
remancipatio.  For  a  length  of  time  divorces 
were  not  heard  of  among  the  Romans ;  but 
under  the  empire  they  became  common.  Some- 
times the  nuptial  tablets  were  broken  and  the 
key  of  the  house  taken  from  the  woman,  but 
the  most  significant  part  of  the  proceedings  was 
the  use  of  the  form  of  the  words  : — "  Tuas  res 
tibi  habeto  "  (Pkutus,  Amphitryon,  act  iii.  sc.  2), 
or  "  Tuas  res  agito."  Espousals  were  broken  off 
by  the  formula: — "  Conditione  tua  non  utar." 
And  the  Lex  Julia  cle  adulteriis  required  the  pre- 
sence of  seven  witnesses  to  make  a  divorce  valid. 
The  early  Christians  followed  for  the  most  part 
the  Roman  practice ;  but  as  the  marriage  was 
contracted  in  the  face  of  the  church,  so  also 
the  divorce  might  not  be  effected  without  the 
church's  cognisance.  We  have  already  seen  that 
the  council  of  Agde,  A.D.  506,  excommunicates 
the  man  who  presumed  to  dismiss  his  wife  until 
he  has  proved  her  guilt  before  the  bishop  of  the 
province  in  which  he  lived  (can.  xxv.,  Hard. 
Concit.  torn.  ii.  p.  1001). 

Remarriage  after  divorce. — ^The  distinction  be- 
tween separation  a  mensd  et  thoro  and  divorce 
a  vinculo  (the  last  of  which  alone  qualifies  for 
remarriage)  was  not  formulated  in  the  early 
church  :  and  this  is  perhaps  one  reason  why  the 
imperial  laws  passed  so  readily,  as  by  the  swing 
of  a  pendulum,  from  severity  to  laxity,  and 
from  laxity  to  severity.  There  are  fewer  canons 
of  councils  bearing  upon  the  question  of  re- 
marriage after  divorce  than  might  have  been 
expected.  In  the  Apostolical  Constitutions 
(lib.  vi.  c.  17),  and  in  the  so-called  fourth 
council  of  Carthage,  A.D.  398  (can.  Ixix.),  the 
clergy  are  forbidden  to  be  married  to  a  divorced 
woman,  which  implies  that  under  some  circum- 
stances at  least  a  divorced  woman  might  be 
married.  In  the  Apostolical  Canons,  indeed,  there 
appears  a  rule  forbidding  a  man  who  has  divorced 
his  wife  to  marry  again,  and  forbidding  mar- 
riage to  a  divorced  woman  on  pain  of  excom- 
munication (can.  xlviii.) ;  but  this  canon  is 
commonly  understood  to  refer  only  to  men  who 
had  illegally  put  away  their  wives,  or  to  women 
who  had  illegally  separated  from  their  husbands. 
(See  Balsamon's  exposition.  In  Canon.  Apostol. 
p.  258,  Paris,  1620.)  At  the  council  of  Aries, 
A.D.  314,  it  was  enacted  that  young  men  who 


MAERIAGE 

had  put  away  their  wives  for  adultery  should 
be  advised  not  to  marry  again  as  long  as  their 
first  wife  was  living,  but  no  yoke  of  compulsion 
was  laid  upon  them  (can.  x.).  The  council  of 
Elvira,  about  the  same  date,  decreed  that  a 
woman  who  had  separated  from  her  husband 
without  cause  and  had  married  again  siiould  be 
for  ever  excommunicated ;  and  that  a  woman 
who  had  separated  from  her  husband  on  the 
ground  of  his  adultery,  and  had  married  again, 
should  not  be  received  to  communion  until  her 
first  husband  was  dead ;  and  that  a  woman  who 
had  married  a  man  that  had  separated  from  his 
wife  uithout  cause  should  be  for  ever  excom- 
municated (cans.  viii.  ix.  x.).  The  last  of  these 
canons  implies  that  the  man  who  separates  from 
her  with  sufficient  cause  might  marry  again. 
TertuUian  dissuades  remarriage  in  all  cases,  but 
in  his  treatise  addressed  to  his  wife  he  allows 
that  it  is  lawful  after  death  or  divorce  (^Ad  Uxor. 
ii.  1).  In  his  treatise  on  Monogamy  he  declares 
marriage  after  divorce  unlawful  (c.  xi.)  Lac- 
tantius  holds  remarriage  permissible  in  the  hus- 
band who  has  dismissed  his  wife  for  adultery 
(^Inst.  vi.  23).  Remarriage  iu  the  man  is  by 
implication  permitted  by  the  council  of  Vannes, 
A.D.  465  (can.  ii..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  ii.  p.  797). 
Origen  (in  opposition  to  the  opinion  of  some  of 
his  contemporaries)  and  St.  Jerome  declare  it 
not  permissib?e  in  the  woman  (Orig.  Com.  iv 
Matt.  xiv.  23,  Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  347  ;  Hieron.  Epist. 
ad  Amand.,  Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  162).  Elsewhere  St. 
Jerome  pronounces  against  it  in  both  parties  (see 
in  Matt.  xix.  9,  Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  87).  Athenagoras 
disallows  it  altogether  (Legat.  c.  xxxiii.).  Pope 
Innocent  I.  in  his  letter  to  Exuperius  condemns 
it  in  both  parties  (Hard.  Concil.  tom.  i.  p.  1005). 
At  the  second  council  of  Milevis,  A.D.  416,  it 
was  forbidden  to  both  parties  (can.  xvii.,  ibid. 
p.  1220  ;  and  at  a  council  of  Carthage  of  the 
year  407,  from  which  the  prohibition  was 
adopted  as  the  rule  of  the  African  church 
(Cot/.  Eccles.  Afric.  can.  cii.).  The  prohibition 
was  repeated  by  a  council  of  Nantes,  of  un- 
certain date,  supposed  by  some  to  have  been 
held  in  the  year  658  (can.  xii..  Hard.  Concil. 
tom.  vi.  p.  459),  by  the  council  of  Herudford 
(Hertford)  under  archbishop  Theodore,  A.D.  673,' 
(cap.  X.,  ibid.  tom.  iii.  p.  1017),  by  the  capitu- 
lary of  Aix,  A.D.  789  (cap.  xliii.,  ibid.  tom.  iv. 
p.  836),  and  by  the  council  of  Friuli,  A.D.  791 
(can.  s.,  ibid.  tom.  iv.  p.  859).  The  prohibitory 
rule  is  enforced  by  Hermae  Pastor  (lib.  ii. 
mand.  iv.  tom.  i.  p.  87,  ed.  Coteler),  St.  Chry- 
sostom  (^Hom.  in  Matt.  xvii.  Op.  tom.  vii.  p.  227), 
St.  Basil  {Moralia,  Meg.  Ixxiii.  1,  Op.  tom.  ii. 
p.  494,  Paris,  1637).  St.  Augustine  speaks  with 
hesitation  (i>e  Fide  et  Oper.  c.  xix..  Op.  tom.  vi. 
p.  221).  Epiphanius  declares  that  the  Word  of 
God  does  not  condemn  a  man  who  marries  again 
after  having  separated  from  a  wife  proved  guilty 
of  adultery,  fornication,  or  any  such  base  guilt 
{Haer.  lix.  4).  Theodore's  Penitential  allows  a 
husband's  remarriage  if  the  woman  was  his  first 


s  The  itijunctiou  of  the  Council  of  Hertford  is  rather  a 
counsel  than  a  rule  of  universal  obligation:  "Let  no  one 
leave  his  wife  except,  as  the  holy  Gospel  teaches,  for  the 
cause  of  fornication.  But  if  anyone  has  dismissed  his  wife 
who  has  been  Joined  to  him  in  lawful  wedlock,  let  him  not 
marry  another,  if  he  would  be  a  Christian,  as  he  ought  to 
be  (si  Christianus  esse  recte  voluerit),  but  let  him  so  re- 
main or  be  reconciled  to  his  wife." 


MARRIAGE 

wife,  and  permits  the  wife's  remarriage,  on  her 
repentance,  after  five  years  (lib.  ii.  cap.  xii.  §  5). 
Elsewhere  he  orders  that  a  man  who  divorces  his 
wife  and  marries  again  shall  do  seven  years' 
severe  penance  or  fifteen  years'  light  penance 
(lib.  i.  cap.  xiv.  §  8).  If  we  are  to  reconcile  these 
two  rulings,  we  must  suppose  that  in  the  latter 
case  is  meant  a  man  who  has  divorced  his  wife 
for  some  less  ofi'ence  than  fornication.  If  a  wife 
leaves  her  husband,  and  he  thereupon  remarries, 
he  is  to  do  one  year's  penance;  if  she  returns  to 
the  husband  whom  she  had  left,  having  lived  in- 
nocently meantime,  she  is  also  to  do  one  year's 
penance;  if  she  does  not  return,  she  is  to  do 
three  years'  penance  (^ibid.  §  lo).  If  a  wife 
haughtily  refuses  to  be  reconciled  with  her  hus- 
band, after  five  years  he  may  marry  again  with 
the  bishop's  leave  (lib.  ii.  cap.  xii.  §  19). 

The  civil  law  permitted  remarriage.  A  law  of 
Honorius  enacts  that  if  a  woman  put  away  her 
husband  for  grave  reasons,  she  might  marry  after 
five  years;  and  that  a  man  in  like  case  might 
marry  as  soon  as  he  thought  proper ;  if  the 
reasons  for  the  divorce  were  of  a  less  grave 
character,  the  man  must  wait  for  two  years 
before  taking  another  wife  ;  if  he  had  no  reasons 
he  might  not  marry  again,  but  the  injured  woman 
might  remarry  after  the  lapse  of  a  year  (Cod. 
lYieod.  lib.  iii.  tit.  xvi.  leg.  2).  See  also  the  Codex 
Justinianus,  Mb.  v.  tit.  xvii.  legg.  8,  9,  The  laws 
of  Ethelbert,  established  in  the  time  of  Augustine 
for  England,  A.D.  597,  enact  with  great  simplicity 
that  an  adulterer  is  "  to  provide  another  wife 
with  his  own  money  "  for  the  injured  husband, 
"and  bring  her  to  him"  (Doom  xxxi.  Haddan 
and  Stubbs,  CovMcils  of  Great  Britain,  iii.  p.  45). 
The  general  conclusion  that  we  arrive  at  from 
a  review  of  the  documents  and  authorities  of  the 
early  church  is  that  while  the  remarriage  of  the 
guilty  party  was  sternly  and  uncompromisingly 
condemned,  there  was  no  consensus  on  the  ques- 
tion of  the  lawfulness  or  unlawfulness  of  the  re- 
marriage of  the  innocent  party.  After  a  time 
an  ever-widening  divergence  exhibited  itself  on 
this  point,  as  on  others,  in  the  practice  and 
teaching  of  the  eastern  and  western  divisions  of 
the  church.  Eastern  theology  at  length  framed 
for  itself  rules  shortly  expressed  in  the  follow- 
ing canons,  found  in  the  synodical  decisions  of 
Alexius,  who  was  patriarch  of  Constantinople  in 
the  beginning  of  the  lith  century  : — 

"  1.  No  clergyman  is  to  be  condemned  for 
giving  the  benediction  at  the  marriage  of  a 
divorced  woman,  when  the  man's  conduct  was 
the  cause  of  the  divorce. 

"  2.  Women  divorced  by  men  whose  conduct 
has  been  the  cause  of  the  divorce  are  not  to  be 
blamed  if  they  choose  to  marry  again,  nor  are 
the  priests  to  be  blamed  who  give  them  the 
benediction.     So,  too,  with  regard  to  men. 

"  3.  Whoever  marries  a  woman  divorced  for 
adultery  is  an  adulterer,  whether  he  has  himself 
heen  married  before  or  not,  and  he  must  undergo 
the  adulterer's  penance. 

"  4.  Any  priest  who  gives  the  benediction  at 
the  second  marriage  of  parties  divorced  by  mutual 
consent  (which  is  a  thing  forbidden  by  the  laws) 
shall  be  deprived  of  his  office"  (see  Selden,  Uxor 
Ebraica,  iii.  32,  Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  855). 

The  teaching  embodied  in  these  canons  and 
the  ])ractice  founded  upon  it  has  continued  to  be 
the  teaching  and   the  practice  of  the  Oriental 


MARRIAGE 


1113 


church  to  the  present  day.  In  the  East,  there- 
fore, the  once  doubtful  question  of  the  legality 
of  the  remarriage  of  the  innocent  party  after 
divorce  has  been  resolved  in  the  affirmative 
sense ;  in  the  Latin  church  it  has  been  deter- 
mined in  the  negative,  except  when  a  papal  dis- 
pensation has  intervened,  which,  according  to 
modern  Roman  theology  makes  all  things  pos- 
sible and  allowable.  In  England  the  law  of  the 
land  permits  the  remarriage  of  both  parties 
when  a  divorce  has  been  judicially  declared; 
but  having  regard  to  the  consciences  of  the 
clergy  of  the  church,  in  whose  eyes  the  re- 
marriage of  the  guilty  party  would  be  pre- 
suirably  a  wrong  act,  it  does  not  require  that 
the  ceremony  of  the  second  nuptials  should  be 
performed  by  them. 

Literature. — Codex  Theodosianus  cum  Com- 
ment. Gothofredi,  Lugd.  1665.  Codex  Justini- 
anus apud  Corpus  Juris  CiviUs  cum  notis  Gotho- 
fredi, Paris,  1627.  Canciani,  Barharorum  Leges 
Antiquae,  Venetiis,  1789.  Harduinus,  Acta 
Conciliorum,  Paris,  1715.  Hefele,  Concilienge- 
schichte.  (The  two  first  vols,  have  been  translated 
and  published  in  English,  1872  and  1876,  T.  and 
T.  Clark,  Edinburgh).  Launoius,  Legia  in  Ma- 
trimonium  potestas,  Op.  tom.  i.  pars  2,  p.  6j5, 
Colon.  Allob.  1730.  Van  Espen,  Jus  Ecclesias- 
ticum,  de  Sponsalibus  et  Matrimonio,  Op.  tom. 
i.  p.  554,  Lovan.  1753.  Beveridge,  Synodiam, 
Oxon.  1672.  Maimonides,  Uebraeorum  de  Con- 
nubiis  jus  civile  et  pontificium,  Paris,  1673. 
Selden,  Uxor  Ebraica,  Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  529. 
London,  1726.  Brouwer,  de  Jure  Connubiorum 
Libri  duo,  Delphis,  1714.  Moser,  de  Impedi- 
ment is  Matrimonii  apud  Theologiae  Cur  sum  com- 
pletum  J.  P.  Migne,  tom.  xxiv.,  Paris,  1840. 
Gisbert,  Doctrine  de  I'Eglise  sur  le  Sacrcment  du 
Mariage,  Paris,  1725.  Walch,  de  Episcopo  unius 
uxoris  tiro  in  his  Miscellanea  Sacra,  Amstel. 
1744.  Martene,  de  Antiquis  Ecclesiae  ritibus, 
lib.  i.  pars  2,  cap.  ix.  p.  591,  Kotomagi,  1700. 
Thomassinus,  Vetus  et  nova  Ecclesiae  iJis- 
ciplina,  Lugd.  1706.  Bingham,  Antiquities  of 
the  Christian  Church,  books  iv.  v.  vi.  xxii. 
Loud.  1726.  Binterim,  Lie  Denkwiirdigheiten 
der  Christ- Katholischen  Kirche,  Mainz,  1830. 
Walther,  Lehrbxich  des  Eirchenrechts  aller  Christ- 
lichen  Confessionen,  §§  294-324,  Bonn,  1842. 
Probst,  Sakramente  und  Sakramentalien  in  den 
drei  ersten  Christlichen  Jahrhunderten,  Tubingen, 
1872.  H.  Davey  Evans,  A  Treatise  on  the  Ciiris- 
tian  Doctrine  of  Marriage,  New  York,  1870. 
Watterich,  Die  Ehe,  ihr  Ursprung,  ihr  Wesea  und 
ihre  Weihe,  nach  Gottes  Wort  und  That  dargestellt. 
Basle,  1876.  Von  Schulte,  Der  Colibatszwang 
und  dessen  Aufhebung,  Bonn,  1876.  Sohm, 
Das  Lecht  der  Eheschliessung  aus  dem  deutschen 
und  Canonischen  Lecht  geschichtlich  erortert, 
Weimar,  1875.  Hammond,  Of  Divorces,  Works, 
vol.  i.,  London,  1674.  Cosin,  Argument  on  the 
Dissolution  of  Marriage,  Works,  vol.  iv.,  Oxford, 

1851.  Two  learned  notes  On  the  Second  Marriage 
of  the  Clergy,  and  On  the  early  views  as  to 
Marriage  after  Divorce,  by  Dr.  Pusey,  are 
attached  to  the  Oxford  translation  of  Tertul Han's 
Treatise  Ad  Uxorem,  Library  of  the  Fathers, 
vol.  x.  pp.  420,  443,  Oxford,  1854.  Jeremy 
Taylor  deals  with  the  question  of  the  marriage 
of  bishops  and  priests  in  Doctor  Lubitanfimn, 
bk.  iii.  c.   iv..   Works,  voL  x.  p.  415,    London, 

1852.  Various  treatises  by  Perrone  and  others 


1114 


MARRIAGE 


containing  the  modern  teaching  of  the  Roman 
church  on  matrimony  are  published  in  Migne's 
Theologiae  Cursus  compktus  mentioned  above. 
[F.  M.] 
MARRIAGE  (in  Art).  The  form  of  treat- 
menc,  or  the  amount  of  notice,  which  the 
Christian  rite  of  marriage  received  from  the 
artists  of  the  primitive  church  varied  with 
the  view  taken  of  the  solemn  union  of  man 
and  woman  by  her  authorities.  The  ascetic 
principle,  which  had  almost  entirely  prevailed  in 
the  Eastern  world,  began  to  influence  Italy  and 
Europe  almost  as  powerfully  after  the  sack  of 
Rome  by  Alaric.  It  need  not  be  connected  in 
our  minds  with  misanthropy,  the  desire  for 
power,  or  any  equivocal  motive  ;  it  was  related 
more  closely  to  terror  at  the  wickedness,  dis- 
tress, and  degradation  of  the  present  world,  with 
the  desire  of  escape  from  some  of  its  dangers, 
and  especially,  as  a  consequence  of  these  sutfer- 
ings,  with  the  hope  of  the  speedy  coming  of 
Christ  to  judgment,  and  the  end  of  the  world. 
That  this  had  a  direct  effect  on  art  is  proved  by 
the  number  of  mosaic  pictures,  in  particular, 
which  direct  the  thoughts  of  the  worshipper  to 
the  scenery  of  the  Apocalypse,  the  symbolic  or 
trance-seen  manifestations  of  the  coming  of  the 
Son  of  Man ;  or  image  forth  His  glory  in 
Heaven,  contrasted  in  the  same  picture  with  His 
presence  as  the  Lamb  of  Sacrifice  among  men  on 
this  side  of  Jordan,  and  in  the  wilderness  of  the 
world.     It  might  be  expected  accordingly  that 


MARRIAGE 

or  five    centuries,  at   least  in  Italy.     The 


four 

monuments   or  relics  connected  with 


marriage 


Martigny,  after  Gamicci. 


such  works  of  art  as  either  represent  or  com- 
memorate the  marriage  of  Christian  persons 
would  chiefly  or  entirely  be  confined  to  the  first 


seem  to  be  of  two  kinds  ;  either  cups,  glasses, 
signets,  or  other  memorials  of  the  union  of  the 
parties,  or  sepulchral  effigies  commemorative  of 
the  marriage  bond  as  perfected  and  completed, 
by    their    death     in    wedlock.     The    earliest   of 
these    latter    which    we    possess  is  the  tomb  of 
Probus   and  Proba,  early  in    the  latter  half  of 
the  4th   century.     The  fragments   of  cups  and 
platters    have   principally  been    found   in  cata- 
combs or  tombs   of  early  date ;  and  as  it  seems 
agreed  that  the  catacombs  were  never  used  for 
fresh  burials  after  the  taking  of  Rome  by  Alaric, 
and    with    less  frequency  for   some  time  before 
that  event,  these  relics  cannot  be  later  than  the 
4th  century.      [See  Glass,    Christian,  note  >•, 
p.  734.]     That  few  or  none  of  them  are  earlier 
or   later  than  the   4th  century  (unless  certain 
Greek  forms  be  excepted)  seems  highly  probable. 
Taking  these  memorial  glasses  first,  there  are 
two  given  by  Martigny  (Diet.  p.  388)  from  Gar- 
rucci's  Vetri,  &c.  trovati  nei  cimiteri  dei  primitivi 
Cristiani,  tav.  xxvi.  11,  12  (see  woodcut.  No.  1), 
which  seem  to  indicate  the  ritual  of  Christian 
marriage   in   the    earliest    times.      The   parties 
stand  side  by  side  with  joined  hands  ;  or  rather 
the  husband  takes  the  right  hand  of  the  wife  in 
his,  as  if  in  the  act   of  plighting  troth.     Mar- 
tigny refers  to  Tobit  vii.  13  on  this  point,  but 
that  passage  describes  the  action  of  a  father  in 
giving  his  daughter  away  to  her  husband.  There 
is  exact  resemblance  between  the  action  of  the 
two   figures,   and   that    of  Hercules   taking   the 
hand  of  Minerva,  on  a  heathen  glass  given  in 
Buonarotti,    Vetri,    tav.    xxvii.  ;  Garrucci,    tav. 
XXXV.'     Above  the  figures  is   the  monogram  of 
our  Lord  to  indicate  wedlock  in  Him.     The  crown 
of  marriage    sometimes   takes  the  place   of  the 
monogram,  as  in  fig.  11,  pi.  xxvi.  (see  Tertullian, 
de    Corona,    xiii.    "  coronant    nuptiae  sponsos ;  " 
and  in  other  cases  the  symbolism  is  completed  by 
a  figure  of  Christ  placing   the  crown  on  their 
heads   (woodcut.  No.   2).      Inscriptions  are  fre- 
quent   on    these    glasses,    arranged    round    the 
figures  (see  ib,'d.)  giving  their  names,  with  "  Vi- 
vatis  in  Deo,"  or  some  other  words  of  blessing. 

A  rolled  paper  or  volume  is  sometimes  placed 
near  the  bride,  and  is  thought  to  refer  to  the 
dower.  See  Garrucci,  tav.  xxvii.  1 ;  Tertullian, 
ad  Uxor.  ii.  3,  "  tabulae  nuptiales."  The  bride 
stands  on  her  husband's  right  invariably.  She 
is  not  veiled,  and  is  richly  dressed  and  orna- 
mented, perhaps  in  remembrance  of  Ps.  xlv.  10, 
14,  15.  As  to  the  veil,  see  Marriage,  p.  lios' 
and  Veil.  He  further  mentions  an  interesting 
relic  figured  in  P.  Mozzoni's  Tavole  Cronohgiche 
della  storia  delta  Chiesa,  Venice,  1856-63,  saec. 
IV.  p.  47.  It  is  a  small  chest  belongino-  to  a 
lady's  wardrobe,  with  heathen  figures  carded  on 
It,  accompanied  nevertheless  by  the  upright 
monogram,  combined  thus,  A  i^  to  with  the"  A 
and  CO,  and  the  motto  SECVNDE  et  projecta 
viVATis  IN  CHR.  It  may  have  been  a  weddine 
present.  A  gold  medal  at  sec.  v.,  p.  55  (a 
volume  of  this  work  is  assigned  to  each  century) 


t  At  p.  208  m  the  same  book  an  engraved  stone  is 
figured,  which  belonged  to  the  abbe  Andreini,  and  repre- 
sents a  married  pair,  with  the  inscription  VT  FX  CUtere 
Felix).  ^ 


MAERIAGE 

is   said   to   have    been  struck   at  the  marriage 
of  Marcianus  and  Pulcheria.      They  are  repre- 
sented with  nimbi,  the  rigure  of  the  Lord  above 
with    the    cruciform    nimbus,    and    the    legend 
i  FELICITER  NUBTIIS  surrounds  the  device. 
\       II.  As  memorials  of  the  family,  a  number  of 
gilded  glass  vessels  and  devices  are  in  existence, 
j  which   appear   to    represent  deceased    heads    of 
i  families ;  often  with  their  children  (Buonarotti, 
'  tav.  xxi'i.  xxvi.  &c.  ;  Garrucci,  xxx.)  or  crowned 
l>y  the  Lord  (xxix.  1).     These  were  probably  used 
at  agapae,  and  indicate  a  connexion  or  relation 
between    the  Christian    and    the  ethnic   funeral 
feast.     Engraved  stones  and  rings  are  common  ; 
one  from  P.  Lupi  (Severae  Martyris  Epitaph,  p. 
64. 1)  represents  two  fishes  embracing  an  anchor, 
which  may  or  may  not  symbolise  a  Christian  pair. 
But  our  chief  examples  are  found  on  sarco- 
phagi.   That  of  Probus  and  Proba  has  been  men- 
tioned, and  will  be  found  in  Bottari,  tav.    xvi. 
(Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p.  283).  It  represents  the  wedded 
pair  with  an  aspect   of  deep  distress,  as  in  the 
act  of  parting. 

The  sarcophagus  of  Valeria  Latobia  (p.  291) 
has  two  figures  bearing  the  same  aspect ;  at 
least,  if  Bosio's  draughtsmen  are  to  be  trusted, 
Valeria  is  taking  her  husband's  hand  by  the 
wrist  (reversing  the  ordinary  action)  as  if  bid- 
ding him  farewell.  They  are  separated  by  an 
object,  which  may  be  taken  for  three  large  rolls 
of  paper  or  parchment  bound  together,  and  the 
husband  carries  the  usual  volumen  also.  Aringhi 
thinks  they  represent  the  scriptures.  Martigny 
thinks  the  smaller  roll  is  the  consular  majjpa. 

The  dolphins  on  the  tomb  of  Valeria  are  pro- 
bably symbolic  of  aiFection,  and  the  turtle-doves 
or  other  birds  in  the  spandrels  of  the  small 
arches  on  that  of  Probus  and  Proba  may  have 
the  same  meaning.  See  St.  Ambrose  (cle  Abra- 
ham, ii.  c.  8,  53),  with  reference  to  Luke  ii.  22 
sqq.  "  duos  pullos  columbarum  quod  in  columba 
spiritalis  gratia  sit,  in  turture  incorruptae  gene- 
rationis  natura,  vel  immaculata  corporis  casti- 
monia." 

Martigny  mentions  a  marble  sarcophagus, 
carved  apparently  on  the  same  principle  of  com- 
position as  the  last-mentioned,  of  dividing  the 
front  by  pillars  into  arched  recesses,  where  the 
spaces  are  filled  by  figures  of  the  ditlerent  ages 
of  a  soldier,  and  of  his  courtship  and  marriage. 
It  was  discovered  at  Aries  in  1 844-.  (See  bul- 
letin de  I'Tnstitut  de  Corresp.  Archeol.  an  1844, 
p.  12  sqq.)  It  is  in  good  classical  style,  and 
might  be  taken  for  a  heathen  monument,  if  the 
miracle  of  the  loaves  were  not  sculptured  on  the 
sides.  This  may  be  a  Christian  addition  made  to 
an  antique  sarcophagus,  and  doves  and  fruits 
are  also  found  on  the  ornamental  carvings. 

For  children  and  domestic  scenes  on  the  glass 
and  gold  cups,  see  Garrucci,  Vetri,  tav.  xxix.  45, 
xxxii.  11,  2,  3,  xxxi.  4.  Lesson  learning  is  going 
on  in  xxix.  4  ;  and  in  xxxii.  1  a  mother  oU'ers  her 
breast  to  her  child.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MARS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Thessa- 
lonica  April  2  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARSUS,  presbyter  and  confessor  at  Auxerre ; 
commemorated  Oct.  4  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Oct.  ii.  387).  [C.  H.] 

MARTA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome 
June  2  {Hieron.  Mart).  [C.  II.] 


MARTIA 


1115 


MARTERUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
the  East  Jan.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [0.  H.] 

MARTHA  (1)  Martyr,  her  passio  comme- 
morated at  Rome  in  the  cemetery  of  Calistus  on 
the  Via  Appia  Jan.  16  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed. 
Mart.  Awt.). 

(2)  Wife  of  Marius  ;  commemorated  Jan.  20. 
[Marius  (1).] 

(3)  Virgin,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Astorga 
in  Spain  Feb.  23  (Boll.  Acta  S3.  Feb.  iii.  362). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Feb. 
24  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Widow,  mother  of  Simeon  Stylites  junior  ; 
commemorated  May  5  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  v. 
403) ;  July  5  (Basil,  MenoL ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturq. 
iv.  262). 

(6)  Or  Mathana,  mother  of  Simeon  Stylites 
senior ;  commemorated  Sept.  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  i.  203). 

(7)  Martyr  with  Saula,  virgins,  at  the  city  of 
Colonia  ;  commemorated  Oct.  20  (ITsuard.  Mart.). 

(8)  Sister  of  Lazarus.  Her  translatio  is  given, 
with  that  of  Lazarus,  on  Dec.  17  by  Usuard  and 
Vet.  Bom.  Mart.,  with  no  mention  of  Mary. 
She  is  mentioned  without  either  her  brother  or 
her  sister  in  Gal.  Aethiop.  under  Sept.  28.  [Laza- 
rus (1)  ;  Maria  (1).]  [C.  H.] 

MARTHERUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Rome  June  18  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARTIA  or  MARCIA  (1)  Martyr;  com- 
memorated at  Nicomedia  Jan.  20  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  with  several  others;  commemo- 
rated March  3  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Mar.  i.  226) ;  Marcia  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
April  6  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated,  not  said  where, 
April  14  ;  another  commemorated  on  same  day  at 
the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus  on  the  Via  Appia 
at  Rome  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Ap.  20 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Ap.  24 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr  with  Cyria  and  Valeria,  all 
natives  of  Caesarea  in  Palestine ;  commemo- 
rated June  6  (Basil.  MenoL). 

(9)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Caesarea  June 
8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(10)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  June 
16  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(11)  Martyr  in  Africa  with  Aemilius  and  Felix  ; 
commemorated  June  18  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jun.  iii.  568). 

(12)  Martyr  with  Rufinus ;  commemorated 
at  Syracuse  June  21  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Vet.  Eom. 
Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.).  Marcia  (Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.). 

(13)  Martyr,  with  others  at  Rome  ;  comme- 
morated July  2  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(14)  Martvr  ;  commemorated  at  Cordova  Oct. 
13  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(15)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Campania 
Nov.  5  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 


IIK 


MARTIA 


(16)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec. 
lb  {Bieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAKTIALIS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  ia 
Africa  Jan.  3  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  i.  130). 

(2)  Mirtyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Jan.  9 
(^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  Jan.  21 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Valentia  in 
Spain  Jan.  22  {Eieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Feb.  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
Feb.  16;  another  commemorated  iu  Africa,  and 
a  third  at  a  place  unknown,  the  same  day  {Mieron. 
Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr;  commemorated  Feb.  18  (Hieron. 
Mart.).  Bed.  Auct.  gives  the  depositio  of  a 
bishop  Martialis  on  this  day. 

(8)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
March  13  {Hieron.  Mart). 

(9)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  April  IG  at  Sara- 
gossa  (Usuard.  Mart.)  ;  in  Pontus  {Hwron.  Mart.) ; 
at  Rome  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii.  405). 

(10)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
April  29  (^Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(11)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in   Africa  May 

4  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(12)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name  ;  commemo- 
rated in  Africa  May  7  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(13)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Tomi  May 
27  {Hieron.  Mart.)  ;  in  Africa  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(14)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Thessalonica 
June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(15)  Martyr;  commemorated  at   Rome  June 

2  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(16)  Bishop  of  Spoleto;  commemorated  June 

3  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  i.  395). 

(17)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome    June 

5  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(18)  Bishop  ;  his  depositio  commemorated  at  | 
Limoges  June  30  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Bed.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  v.  535). 

(19)  One  of  seven  brothers,  martyrs  ;  comme- 
morated at  Rome  July  10  {Hieron.  Mart.; 
Usuard.  Ifart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.). 

(20)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Syrmia  July 
15  {Hieron.  Mart.).    Marcialis  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(21)  Or  Marcialis,  one  of  the  Martyres  Scil- 
litani ;  commemorated  July  17  {Mart.  Bedae). 

(22)  Martyr,  v.'ith  others  in  Portus  Romanus  ; 
commemorated  Aug.  22  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Usuard. 
Mart.;  Vet.  Bern.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  673). 

(23)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Aquileia 
Aug.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Florus  in  Bed.  Mart.). 

(24)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Sept.  24  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(25)  Martyr;  commemorated  Sept.  28  {Vet. 
Bom.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  vii.  603). 

(26)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Oct.  6 
{Hieron.  Mart.).     Marcialis  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(27)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Oct. 
8  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 


MAHTIANUS 

(28)  Martyr  ;  commomorated  at  Acernum  in 
Sicily  Oct.  11  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(29)  Martyr,  with  Januarius  and  Faustus; 
commemorated  at  Cordova  Oct.  13  (Usuard. 
Mart.). 

(30)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Oct. 
18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(31)  (Marcialis)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at 
Nicomedia  Oct.  30  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  'Mart. 
Auct.). 

(32)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Spain  Nov.  9 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.), 

(33)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Nov. 
15  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(34)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name ;  commemo- 
rated Nov.  16  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(35)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  Nov.  25  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAETIANA  (1)  Virgin,  martyr;  comme- 
morated in  Mauritania  Caesariensis  Jan.  9  (Usu- 
ard. Mart. ;  Ado,  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i. 
569)  ;  the  name  is  Macra  in  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. 

(2)  Virgin,  martyr  under  Diocletian  in 
Mauritania  Caesariensis ;  commemorated  Jan.  9 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  iii.  568). 

(3)  Martyr,  with  Nicanor  and  ApoUonius; 
commemorated  in  Egypt  April  5  {Hieron.  Mart. ; 
Usuard.  Mart.  ;    Vet.  Jimn.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa  April  26 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Virgin,  martyr;  commemorated  a1  the 
city  Amecia  Aug.  18  {Hieron.  Mart.).  Maroiana 
(Bed.  Mart.  Auct.).     See  also  Marciane. 

[C.  H.] 

MARTIANUS  (1)  One  of  several  "  praecla- 
rissimi  "  martyrs  ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Jan. 
4  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Presbyter  oeconomus  of  the  great  church 
of  Constantinople  ;  commemorated  Jan.  10  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Cal.  Byznnt. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
250;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  611). 

(3)  Commemorated  Jan.  18  {Cal.  Byzant.). 

(4)  Bishop  in  Sicily ;  commemorated  with 
Philagrius  and  Pancratius  Feb.  9  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Rome  on  the  Via  Flaminia; 
commemorated  Feb.  14;  one  of  the  same  name 
commemorated  in  Tuscany  on  this  day  {Hieron. 
Mart). 

(6)  Martyr;  commer/iorated  March  3  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(7)  Bishop  and  martyr  at  Dertona  in  Liguria 
cir.  A.D.  120;  commemorated  March  6  (Boll. 
^cto^'S'.  Mar.  i.  421). 

(8)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Carthage  Mar. 
11  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.).  Bed. 
Auct.  gives  also  for  this  day  Marcianus  at  Ale.x- 
andria. 

(9)  Bishop ;  commemorated  at  Heraclea  Mar. 
26  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(10)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name ;  commemo- 
rated at  Caesarea  in  Spain  Ap.  15  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Pontus,  an- 
other elsewhere  April  16  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii.  405). 


MARTIANUS 


MARTINUS 


1117 


(12)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  April 
17  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(13)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  April 

26  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(14)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Egypt  April 

27  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(15)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Perusia  April 
29  and  one  of  the  same  name  at  Alexandria 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(16)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Constanti- 
nople May  8  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(17)  Martvr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome  in  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus  May  10  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(18)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Egypt  May 
17  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(19)  Bishop  of  Ravenna,  cir.  a.d.  127;  com- 
memorated May  22  {^oW.Acta  SS.  May,  v.  127). 

(20)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome  on  the 
Via  Nomentana  May  28  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(21)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name  commemo- 
rated at  Thessalonica  June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(22)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(23)  Martyr  with  Nicander  and  others,  natives 
of  Egypt ;  commemorated  June  5  (Basil.  Menol.  ; 
Hieron.  Mart.;  Usuard.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
June,  i.  419).  Two  martyrs  of  the  same  name, 
soldiers,  are  given  in  Basil.  Menol.  under  June  7. 

(24)  Martyr  with  Jucundus  ;  commemorated 
in  Egypt  June  8  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jun.  ii.  55). 

(25)  Bishop  of  Beneventum  in  the  6th  cen- 
tury; commemorated  June  14  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jun.  ii.  958). 

(26)  Bishop  of  Pampeluna  cir.  a.d.  700  ;  com- 
memorated June  30  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  v.  586). 

(27)  Martyr,  native  of  Iconium ;  commemo- 
rated July  10  (Basil.  Menol.) ;  at  Tomi  {Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  iii.  32). 

(28)  Martyr;  commemorated  July  11  in  Mau- 
ritania, and  one  of  the  same  name  at  Syrmia 
{Hieron.  Mart).  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  iii.  185, 
gives  a  Marcianus  for  this  day  at  Iconium. 

(29)  Bishop  of  Fricenti ;  commemorated  July 
U  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  iii.  654). 

(30)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Ephesus  July 
27,  with  Maximianus  and  Malchus  (Usuard. 
Mart.). 

(31)  Martyr  with  his  brother  Marcus.  [Mar- 
cus.] 

(32)  Martyr  with  Satirianus  and  their  two 
brothers ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Oct.  16 
(Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(33)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Oct. 
30  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(34)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Caesarea  in 
Spain  Nov.  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(35)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Tuscany  Nov. 
23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(36)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Nov.  25  {Hieron. 
Mart.)  ;  Marcianus  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(37)  and  MARTYRIUS,  notaries,  martyrs 
under  Constantius  ;  commemorated  Oct.  25  (Ba- 
sil. Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant).  [C.  H.] 

MARTINA,  virgin,  martyr,  under  the  empe- 
ror AJejander;   commemorated  at  Rome  Jan.  1 


(Usuard.   Mart.;    Vet.   Rom. 
SS.  Jan.  i.  11). 


Mart.;  Boll.  Acta 
[C.  H.] 


MARTINIANUS  (1),  Archbishop  of  Milan  ; 
commemorated  Jan.  2  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  89). 

(2)  Hermit  in  Palestine,  cir.  A.D.  400;  com- 
memorated Feb.  13  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  253  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Feb.  ii.  667). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  on  Via 
Aurelia,  May  31  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Auct. 
Mart.). 

(4)  Martvr  with  Processus  ;  commemorated  at 
Rome  July  2,  in  the  cemeteiy  of  Damasus(Vet. 
Eom.  Mart. ;  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Bed.  Mart.).  Their  natalis  commemorated  on 
this  day  in  Gregory's  Sacramentary,  and  their 
names  mentioned  in  the  collect  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib. 
Sacr.  114). 

(5)  Bishop  of  Comum.  cir.  a.d.  628 ;  comme- 
morated Sept.  3  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  i.  668). 

(6)  Martyr  with  Saturianus  and  others,  a.d. 
458;  commemorated  in  Africa  Oct.  16  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Oct.  vii.  2,  p.  833). 

(7)  One  of  the  Seven  Sleepers  of  Ephesus; 
commemorated  Oct.  23  (Basil.  Menol.).     [C.  H.] 

MARTINUS  (1)  Canon  regular,  presbyter 
at  Leon,  died  a.d.  721  ;  commemorated  Feb.  11 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  568). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Mar.  5. 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  DuMiENSis,  archbishop  of  Braga,  died  a.d. 
580;  commemorated  Mar.  20  (Mabill.  Acta 
SS.  O.S.B.  saec.  i.  p.  244,  ed.  Venet.  1733  ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Mar.  iii.  86). 

(4)  Bishop  of  the  Arethusians;  commemorated 
March  28  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(5)  Presbyter  and  confessor;  depositio  com- 
memorated at  Auxerre  April  20  {Hieron.  Mart.). 
Bishop  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.).  A  bishop  and  con- 
fessor of  this  name  at  Everdunum,  in  Hieron. 
Mart.,  on  the  same  day. 

(6)  Depositio  commemorated  at  Sanctonicum 
May  8  {Hieron.  Mart.);  bishop  (Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.). 

(7)  Two  martvrs  of  this  name  commemorated 
at  Thessalonica  June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr;  commemorated  June  10  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(9)  Bishop  of  Tongres,  cir.  A.D.  276 ;  comme- 
morated June  21  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  iv.  69). 

(10)  Bishop  of  Vienne,  2nd  century ;  comme- 
morated July  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  i.  14). 

(11)  Bishop  of  Tours,  confessor ;  his  consecra- 
tion, translation,  and  the  dedication  of  his  basi- 
lica, commemorated  July  4.  {Hieron.  Mart. ; 
Bed.  Mart.);  transl.  and  consecr.  (Usuard.  Mart.). 
His  natalis  Nov.  11  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.). 
Depositio  Nov.  11  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Vet.  Bom. 
Mart.).  Gregory's  Sacramentary  mentions  Mar- 
tinus  in  the  prayer  Communicantes  between  Hi- 
larius  and  Augustinus  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sacr.  3). 

(12)  Of  Brive,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Limoges  Aug.  9  {Hieron  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Aug.  Ii.  412). 

(13)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Sept.  1  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(14)  Pope;  dedication  of  bis  basilica    in  the 


1118 


MAETINUS 


monastery  of  Corbeia  commemorated  Sept.  2 
(Hieron.  Mart.)  ;  he  was  commemorated  Sept.  15 
(Basil.  MenoL);  Apr.  13  {Cal.  Byzant.);  Apr.  14 
(Daniel,  Cod.  Litarg.  iv.  257);  nis  natalis  Nov. 
10  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  And.  ;  Vet.  Eom. 
Mart.);  Nov.  12  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(15)  Abbat  of  Vertavum  in  Armorica,  ob.  cir. 
A.D.  600 ;  commemorated  Oct.  24  (Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  x.  802). 

(16)  Called  also  Martius,  hermit  and  abbat  in 
Campania;  commemorated  Oct.  24  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Oct.  X.  824). 

(17)  "  Our  Father,"  bishop  of  Francia  ;  com- 
memorated Nov.  12  (13asil.  llenoL). 

(18)  Martyr ;  commemorated  iu  Africa  Dec.  3 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(19)  Abbat ;  commemorated  at  Sanctonas  Dec. 
7  (Usuard.  Mart.).  [C  H.] 

MARTIONILLA,  commemorated  January  9 
{Vet.  Rom.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAETIUS  or  MAECmS  (1)  Martyr;  com- 
memorated Feb.  17  {H-'icron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Mar. 
5  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Abbat  in  Auvergne,  5th  century ;  comme- 
morated Apr.  13  (Boll.  Acta  S3.  Ap.  ii.  132). 

[C.H.] 
MAETUS    (1)    Martyr;    commemorated   at 
Antioch  Mar.  5  {^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
Mar.  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Apr.  12  (Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARTYE.  The  Greek  word  fidprvs  signifies 
one  who  has  such  immediate  knowledge  of  past 
events  as  is  derived  from  actual  participation  in 
them,  and  does  not  keep  this  knowledge  to  him- 
self, but  makes  deposition  of  it  freely  as  a  freeman, 
and  makes  it  his  fiaprvpia  or  evidence,  the  know- 
ledge being  such  as  to  constitute  a  fxaprvpiov,  or 
testimony,  as  affecting  a  question  not  only  of 
facts  but  of  merits. 

I,  i.  The  history  of  the  Christian  modification 
of  the  term  is  as  follows  :  (a)  The  office  of  public, 
oral,  ocular  testimony  was  insufficiently  dis- 
charged till  the  testimony  was  recorded,  as  the 
sentence  against  Christ  had  been  passed,  in  a 
court  of  law.  The  word  is  used  specially  for 
such  official  testimony,  of  Stephen  (Acts  xxii. 
20),  of  Paul  at  Rome  (Acts  xxiii.  11,  1  Tim. 
ii.  6),  of  James  (Heges.  ap.  Eus.  ii.  23),  of  Peter 
and  Paul  (Clem.  Rom.  5),  of  John  (Polycrates 
ap.  Eus.  H.  E.  V.  24). 

(h)  The  idea  of  martyrdom  at  first  was  not  of 
maltreatment,  but  of  a  perilous  dignity.  The 
witnesses  won  their  title  of  honour  by  courage 
without  suffering.  The  title  was  co-ordinate 
with  bishop  and  teacher  (Polycr.  ap.  Eus.  H.  E. 
V.  24),  and  prophet  (Eus.  H.  E.  v.  xviii.  7). 
The  typical  instances  are  the  grandsons  of 
Jude,  who  were  accused  before  Domitian  and 
released  unscathed,  and  took  the  lead  ever 
after  in  the  churches  as  martyrs  (Hegesipp.  ap. 
Eus.  H.  E.  iii.  20,  32). 

(c)  The  martyrs  would  have  been  mere  con- 
fessors, not  witnesses,  but  that  they  "  endured 
as  seeing  Him  who  is  invisible."  Thus  they 
not  only  "  confessed,"  but  "  witnessed  the  good 
confessioa."     The   confessors    were    "the   com- 


MAETYR 

panions  of  the  martyrs"  (Bullettini,  1864,  p.  2.5). 
"  Confession,"  saj's  Clement  of  Alexandria,  "  is 
possible  for  all;  the  grace  of  testifying  by 
speech  is  only  given  to  some"  {Strom,  iv.  9). 
Steadfastness  under  torture  was  the  testimony 
to  which  the  advocates  of  Christianity  appealed. 
It  was  needful  that  the  honours  and  authority 
of  martyrdom  should  not  be  won  too  easily. 
Hence,  not  merely  peril,  but  actual  suffering 
became  indispensable  to  constitute  martyrdom. 
Those,  for  instance,  who  had  been  condemned 
to  the  quarries  were  honoured  as  martyrs 
{Philosophwnena,  ix.  12;  Tert.  de  Fudicit.  22). 

{d)  Bloodshedding  (Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  iv. 
4),  instead  of  speech,  became  the  mode  of  the 
testimony.  "  The  custom  of  the  brotherhood," 
says  Origen  (in  Joann.  ii.  28,  t.  iv.  p.  88,  cf. 
Cypr.  Ej^P-  X.  2,  xxviii.  1,  xsxvi.  2),  "  calls  those 
alone  properly  martyrs  who  have  testified  to  the 
mystery  of  godliness  by  the  shedding  of  their 
own  blood."  This  public  testimony,  expressed 
not  in  words,  but  in  blood,  was  far  more  than 
testimony  ;  it  was  martyrdom. 

(e)  Many  Christian  Virginias  and  Lucretias 
committed  suicide  to  escape  the  brutal  lusts  of 
their  persecutors.  They  are  extolled  as  martyrs 
by  Eusebius  and  Chrysostom  (Eus.  H.  E.  viii. 
12,  14;  Chrys.  T.  1,  Horn.  40).  Augustine 
pronounces  the  practice  unlawful,  unless  insti- 
gated by  a  special  revelation  {De  Civitate  Dei,  I. 
xvi.-xxv.  30-39). 

(/)  Martyrs  were  made  by  popular  riots  and 
lynch  law,  without  any  judicial  proceedings 
(Eus.  H.  E.  vi.  41). 

{(j)  It  was  once  a  complaint  "  Martyrio  meo 
privor,  dum  morte  praevenior  "  (Cypr.  de  Morta- 
litate,"^.  167,  ed.  Oxon.),  and  this  applied  even  to 
deaths  in  prison  before  the  case  was  heard. 
There  seem  to  have  been  cases  of  suicide  in  gaol 
to  avoid  torture  (Tertullian,  de  Jejtmio,  c.  12). 
But  the  names  of  those  who  died  in  prison  were 
recorded  in  a.d.  177  (Eus.  H.  E.  v.  4),  and  in 
Africa,  in  a.d.  202  {Acta  Perpetuae,  c.  14),  and 
they  are  expressly  reckoned  as  martyrs  by  Cy- 
prian {Ep.  12  (37)). 

{h)  Flight  from  persecution,  though  repro- 
bated by  Tertullian  {de  Fwja),  was  enjoined  by 
Christ  (Matt.  x.  23),  and  the  Apostolic  Consti- 
tutions (v.  3,  cf.  viii.  45)  recommend  the  fugi- 
tives as  deserving  the  same  care  as  the  martyrs 
in  gaol.  Those  who  perished  in  the  hardships  of 
their  flight  were  recognised  by  Cyprian  as 
martyrs,  whose  martyrdom  was  witnessed  by 
Christ  {Ep.  Ivii'i.  (Ivi.),  c.  4). 

(i)  The  death  of  the  Innocents  murdered  by 
Herod  was  regarded  as  an  active  martyrdom, 
"  testimonium  Christi  sanguine,  litavere  "  (Tert. 
in  Valentin,  c.  2),  "  marAyria  fecerunt "  (Cypr.  Ep. 
viii.  6).  The  recognition  of  it  as  such  was  closely 
connected  with  the  sanction  of  infant  baptism 
(Cypr.  Ep.  Ixiv.  (lix.)). 

{k)  Athanasius  recognises  as  martyrs  those 
who  fell  at  the  hands  of  the  Arians.  (Ath.  ad 
Mon.  p.  277.) 

(/)  In  A.D.  368  some  Christians,  put  to  death 
for  calling  an  officer  of  Valentiniau's  to  justice, 
were  celebrated  as  martyrs.  The  testimony  of 
Ammianus  Marcellinus  (xxvii.  7)  to  this  fact  is 
most  explicit  and  circumstantial,  though  ab- 
surdly derided  by  Gibbon.  So  Augustine  {in 
Psalm.  140,  c.  26)  calls  John  Baptist  a  martyr 
to  truth  and  justice. 


MAETYK 

(m)  Augustine  says  one  becomes  a  martyr  on 
a  sick  bed  by  refusing  to  be  cured  by  magic 
(Serm.  286,  c.  28 ;  cf.  Scrm.  318). 

(»)  Augustine  says  again,  You  will  go  hence 
a  martyr  if  you  hare  overcome  all  the  tempta- 
tions of  the  devil  {Serm.  4,  c.  4-). 

(o)  Readiness  for  martyrdom  is  regarded  as 
itself  martyrdom  (Chrys.  ii.  601,  ed.  Migne). 

ii.  We  have  traced  the  change  of  the  meaning 
of  the  word  from  witness  to  martyr.  As  a  title  of 
honour  among  the  Christians,  the  term  was 
adopted  into  Latin  along  with  Christianity.  In 
the  languages  of  Oriental  Christendom  it  is  repre- 
sented by  some  native  equivalent  that  has  under- 
gone a  like  change  of  meaning.  The  testimony  of 
innocence  and  endurance  was  transfigured  into 
the  "  peace,  and  grace,  and  glory"  of  martyrdom. 
What  this  meant  and  was,  may  be  seen  in  the 
acts  of  the  martyrs  of  Vienue  and  Lyons  (Eus. 
H.  E.  V.  i.),  and  of  Perpetua.  Martyrdom  could 
not  be  perfect  while  the  martyr  still  lived  in  the 
flesh.  This  was  dimly  apprehended  by  Ignatius, 
and  was  clearly  grasped  by  the  Lyonnese  con- 
fessors. (Eus.  H.  E.  V.  ii.)  To  their  brethren 
they  seemed  martyrs  many  times  over;  they 
themselves  declined  the  title.  "They  are 
already  martyrs  whom  Christ  the  Veritable 
Martyr  has  taken  to  Himself:  we  are  confessors 
mean  and  lowly."  The  line  was  not  immediately 
and  universally  drawn  where  they  drew  it. 
They  themselves,  though  declining  the  title, 
exercised  the  prerogatives  of  martyrs.  In 
Cyprian's  time  the  lapsed  went  round  to  the 
martyrs  everywhere,  and  corrupted  the  con- 
fessors too  (Cypr.  Epp.  20),  and  therefoi-e 
Cyprian  wrote  "to  the  martyrs  and  confessors 
(^Epp.  10,  15).  A  martyr  as  distinct  from  a 
confessor  was  one  who  had  shed  his  blood,  and 
could  grant  absolution.  But  in  Rome  the  title 
was  by  that  time  limited  to  the  dead.  (Cypr. 
Epp.  28,  37.)  Cyprian  usually  conforms  to 
Roman  usage  (cf.  Epp.  22,  27,  66),  though  at 
the  close  of  his  days  he  wrote  to  the  martyrs  in 
the  mines  {Ep.  76).  "What  martyr,"  asks 
Tertullian,  "  is  a  denizen  of  the  world,  a  suppliant 
for  a  shilling,  at  the  mercy  of  the  usurer  or  the 
physician  ?  "     (Tert.  de  Pudic.  c.  22.) 

The  first  great  interruption  of  the  peace  of 
the  church  in  the  third  century  seems  to  have 
fixed  the  title  to  the  departed,  namely,  Maxi- 
min's  persecution  in  Rome,  those  of  Decius  and 
Valerian  in  Africa. 

By  the  beginning  of  the  4th  century  the 
limitation  of  the  term  martyr  to  the  defunct 
seems  to  have  been  quite  established,  though  it 
is  just  possible  to  doubt  whether  in  writing  "  A 
whole  choir  of  martyrs  greets  you  at  once," 
St.  Lucian  (a.d.  312)  means  to  convey  a  saluta- 
tion from  his  fellow  prisoners,  or  the  tidings  of 
an  auto  da  fe.  He  adds  that  Anthimus  has 
been  consummated  in  the  course  of  martyrdom 
(Routh,  Relliquhre,  iv.  p.  5).  Death,  the  con- 
summation of  martyrdom,  was  already  re- 
garded as  the  consummation  of  the  martyr. 
After  the  triumph  of  the  church  under  Con- 
stnntine,  "living  martyr"  became  an  oxymoron. 
Yet  Gregory  Nazianzen  in  the  oration  (no.  xx)  in 
which  he  so  uses  the  phrase,  speaks  of  Basil 
bi'ing  gathered  as  "  a  martyr  to  the  martyrs," 
tliough  it  was  only  his  whole  life  that  was  his 
martyrdom. 

Before  the  close  of  the  4th  century  the  Pagan 


MARTYR 


1119 


Latin  historian  Ammianus  Marcellinns  (xxii.  17) 
says  :  "  Those  who  when  subjected  to  compulsion 
to  make  them  deviate  from  religion  have  endured 
torture  and  persevered  to  a  glorious  death  with 
faith  unbroken,  now  are  called  martyrs."  Else- 
where he  explains  the  term  to  signify  "  divinitati 
acceptos "  (Amm.  Marc,  xxvii.  7). 
iii.  Limitations  of  the  title. 

(1)  Heretics  were  excluded.  Martyrs  were  at 
first  of  any  sect  that  suffered  for  the  name  of 
Christ.  The  early  Gnostics  declined  martyrdom 
{Bevelation  ii.  14,  15  ;  Tertullian,  Scorpiace,  i. ; 
Epiphanius,  Hist,  ffaer.  xxiv.  4  ;  Clem.  Strom. 
iv.  4),  saying  that  the  martyrs  died  for  Simon 
of  Cyrene.  But  the  Marcionites  (Eus.  Mart.  Pal. 
10)  and  the  Montanists  courted  it.  Apollinaris 
of  Hierapolis  tells  that  in  his  time  Catholic 
martyrs  refused  communion  with  Montanists  to 
the  last  (Eus.  If.  E.  v.  16).  Compare  Const. 
Apost.  V.  9. 

(2)  Schismatics  were  excluded.  Cyprian  (de 
Unitate,  c.  14)  says.  He  cannot  be  a  martyr  who 
is  not  in  the  church.  So  the  Roman  confessors 
(Cypr.  Ep.  36).  Augustine  says.  Outside  the 
church  you  will  be  punished  everlastingly 
though  you  have  been  burnt  alive  for  the  name 
of  Christ  {Ep.  173  (204),  c.  6). 

(3)  Self-sought  mai-tyrdom  was  not  allowed 
as  such.  Such  a  would-be  martyr  lapsed  at  the 
time  of  Polycarp's  martyrdom  {Mart.  Polyc.  c.  4), 
Clemens  Alexandrinus  speaks  of  self-surrender 
as  heretical,  and  founded  on  disbelief  in  the 
Creator  {Strom,  iv.  4).  There  were  instances  in 
which  it  was  justified  (Tertullian,  ad  Scapulam, 
5 ;  Acta  Theodoti,  Ruinart),  and  some  such 
martyrs,  e.g.  Euplius  and  Eulalia,  were  most 
celebrated.  Ensebius  approved  the  practice 
{Mart.  Pal.  3 ;  //.  E.  vii.  12).  But  Mensurius 
of  Carthage  (Aug.  Brevicul.  collat.  diei  III.  xiii. 
25)  and  Peter  of  Alexandria  {Canon  ix. ;  Routh, 
iv.  32)  forbade  it. 

(4)  Iconoclasm  (without  imperial  fiat)  was 
disapproved  by  the  teachers  of  the  church.  The 
60th  canon  of  Illiberis  states,  If  any  break  idols 
and  be  slain  on  the  spot,  as  it  is  hot  written  in 
the  gospel,  nor  found  to  have  been  done  under  the 
apostles,  he  is  not  to  be  received  into  the  number 
of  the  martyrs.  The  41st  canon  even  allows  the 
faithful  to  have  idols  in  their  houses  if  they  fear 
that  their  slaves  would  offer  violence  in  case  of 
their  removal. 

(5)  Individual  scruples  were  refused  recog- 
nition. Resistance  to  the  obligations  of  military 
service,  (which  was  the  ground  of  the  martyrdom 
of  Maximilian  in  Mauritania  in  a.d.  296:  see 
his  Acts  in  Ruinart,)  is  made  a  bar  to  com- 
munion by  the  third  canon  of  the  1st  council  of 
Aries. 

(6)  "  Martyrem  non  facit  poena  sed  causa." 
The  conception  that  suffering  is  martyrdom  is 
implied  in  the  practice  of  the  Donatists  of  offering 
themselves  to  armed  wayfarers,  and  demanding 
with  terrible  threats  the  stroke  of  martyrdom 
(Aug.  Ep.  185  (50) ;  T.  ii.  coll.  7,  8).  But  this 
was  disapproved  by  others  of  their  number  (Aug. 
Ep.  204  (61);   T.  ii.  col.  940). 

iv.  Those  who  were  arrested  and  not  yet 
heard  in  court  were  called  martyrs  designate 
(Tertullian  ad  Martyres).  Those  of  whose 
firmness  their  brethren  were  not  quite  confident 
are  named  by  Tertullian  uncertain  martyrs 
(Tert.  da  Jejunio,  c.  12). 


1120 


MARTYR 


V.  The  later  Greeks  adopt  a  classification  of 
martyrs  into  various  classes. 

Hieromartyrs  are  the  martyrs  of  the  clergy. 

Hosiomartyrs  are  martyied  monks. 

Megalomartyrs  are  the  martyrs  of  the  sol- 
diery. 

Parthenomartyrs  are  virgin  martyrs. 

Anargyri,  the  title  of  the  twin  physicians 
Cosmas  and  Damian,  is  extended  to  Sergius  and 
Bacchus,  and  to  John  and  Cyrus,  two  similar  pairs. 

We  find  the  term  megalomartyr  in  Theo- 
phylact  Simocatta  (v.  14).  Some  trace  of  such 
classification  appears  in  Polycrates  ap.  Eus.  //.  E. 
V.  24. 

II.  Laws  under  which  the  Christians  suffered. — 
(1)  General.  In  ancient  civilisation  idolatry 
was  almost  inseparable  from  daily  life.  Educa- 
tion (Tertullian,  de  IdoMatrid,  c.  10),  com- 
merce (ib.  c.  11),  public  amusements  (i6.  c.  13), 
marriages,  funerals,  social  intercourse  (c.  16), 
domestic  service  (c.  17),  state  affairs  (c.  18), 
military  duty  (c.  19),  all  involved  idolatry. 
The  Jews,  indeed,  had  dealings  with  the  Gen- 
tiles everywhere  and  kept  clear  of  idolatry. 
Hence,  while  the  only  intolerance  shewn  to 
other  religions  was  an  occasional  attempt  to 
keep  the  worship  of  Isis  outside  the  walls 
of  Rome  (Dio,  liv.  6,  Val.  Max.  I.  iii.),  Judaism 
was  detested,  and  all  the  charges  rebutted  by 
Tertullian  from  the  Christians,  secret  enor- 
mities (Tert.  ApoL  7-9),  impious  atheism  (ib. 
10-28),  disaffection  to  the  empire  (ib.  29-35), 
enmity  to  mankind  (ib.  36—41),  laziness  (ib. 
42-46),  priestcraft  (ib.  46-49),  are  brought 
also  as  calumnies  against  the  Jews  (Tac. 
Ifist.  V.  4,  5  ;  Juv.  Sat.  xiv.  96  ff.).  Besides 
disbelief  in  the  gods  led  easily  to  sacrilege 
(Acts  xix.  37 ;  Kom.  ii.  32),  a  charge  not 
brought  against  the  Christians.  (Tert.  ApoL 
41.)  Yet  the  Jews  were  tolerated,  were  pro- 
tected in  the  observance  of  their  code,  exempted 
from  civil  action  on  the  Sabbath,  excused  from 
adoring  the  image  of  the  emperor,  and  even 
permitted  to  make  proselytes.  Enactments  in 
their  favour  are  collected  by  Josephus  (Ant. 
Jud  XVI.  vi.). 

Stringent  as  were  the  Roman  laws  against 
treason,  a  crime  into  which  words  as  well  as 
acts  might  be  interpreted — especially  any  dis- 
respect to  the  emperor's  images — and  which 
rendered  all  ranks  alike  liable  to  torture  (Paul. 
Sent.  V.  xxix.  ;  Sueton.  Octav.  27  ;  Amm.  Marcel  1. 
xxix.  12 ;  Arnob.  iv.  24 ;  Digest.  XLViii.  iv.), 
the  only  acts  of  the  Christians  which  could  be 
construed  as  treasonable  were  such  as  were 
freely  permitted  to  the  Jews.  The  example  of 
Joseph  might  encourage  either  Christian  or 
Jew  to  swear  by  the  life  of  Caesar.  (Tert.  ApoL 
32.)  They  could  plead  that  to  call  him  a  god 
before  his   death  would  be  ill-omened  (ib.  34). 

Again,  meetings  for  worship  might  be  con- 
strued as  treasonable  (see  Digest.  XLVII.  xxii.  2, 
XLVIII.  iv.  1),  and  were  at  any  rate  strictly 
illegal,  even  in  fulfilment  of  a  vow,  and  even  for 
veterans,  unless  express  imperial  or  senatorial 
sanction  for  them  were  producible  (Sueton. 
Julius,  42 ;  Octav.  32 ;  Digest,  ill.  iv. ;  XLVii. 
xi.  3,  xxii.),  and  the  old  laws  against  even  pri- 
vate worship  of  gods  unrecognised  by  the  state 
(Cic.  de  Leg.  ii.  8)  were  not  quite  extinct  (Tac. 
Ann.  xiii.  32)  ;  but  Jewish  worship,  public  or 
private,  had  sanction. 


MARTYR 

The  formation  of  guilds  and  clubs  was  strictly 
forbidden  by  Trajan  (Plin.  Ep.  x.  42,  43,  97). 
Afterwards  it  was  more  and  more  frequently 
permitted  to  the  lower  classes  for  one  special 
purpose,  the  burial  of  the  dead.  These  guilds 
had  a  common  chest  like  little  common- 
wealths, and  an  agent,  called  an  actor  or  syndic, 
who  appeared  for  them  in  any  legal  disputes 
(Dig.  III.  iv.  1).  All  the  functions  of  the 
church  were  permitted  to  them,  as  the  church 
is  described  by  Tertullian.  "  Approved  elders 
preside.  Everyone  brings  a  little  sum  on  a 
certain  day  in  the  month,  or  when  he  pleases, 
and  only  if  he  pleases,  and  only  if  he  can.  From 
this  stock  payments  are  made,  not  for  feasts, 
but  for  support  and  bui'ial  of  the  poor  and  of 
destitute  orphans  and  bedridden  old  people  and 
shipwrecked  sailors  and  convicts  in  the  mines  or 
islands  or  jails  "  (Tert.  ApoL  39).  This  was  only 
illegal  because  senatorial  sanction  was  requisite 
in  each  case. 

Witchcraft  was  a  capital  crime  by  Jewish 
law.  Roman  procedure  varied,  for  people  of 
that  sort  were  always  being  forbidden  and 
always  being  retained  (Tac.  Hist.  i.  22),  "  Burn 
him  alive  "  is  the  outcry  of  the  rabble  in  Lucian's 
Asinus,  c.  54,  but  the  law  given  by  Paulus 
(Sent.  V.  xxiii.  17)  decreeing  this  death  for  the 
wizards  and  crucifixion  or  the  beasts  for  their 
accomplices  may  be  later.  Death  or  banishment 
is  the  penalty  that  we  find  historically  in  the 
1st  century  (Tac.  Ann.  ii.  32,  xii.  52  ;  Dio,  Ivii. 
15  ;  Juv.  Sat.  vi.  660  if.).  Supposed  possession 
of  magical  powers  was  enough  to  make  a  humble 
individual  formidable  and  culpable  for  treason. 

Any  departure  from  the  ordinary  reverence  for 
the  gods  might  easily  be  linked  with  an  attempt 
to  turn  the  gods  into  slaves.  Two  main  branches 
of  supernatural  art,  astrology  and  exorcism, 
were  largely  in  Jewish  hands,  and  Moses  was 
reputed  to  have  been  a  mighty  wizard. 

Any  new  superstition  was  looked  upon  as  a 
school  of  magic— "  Magi  estis  quia  novum  nescio 
quod  genus  superstit ionis  inducitis  "  (Acta  Achatii, 
§  7,  Ruinart).  Otherwise  works  of  beneficence 
would  rather  lead  the  rabble  to  regard  the 
wonder-worker  as  a  god  than  as  a  wizard. 
Busy  slander  might  produce  a  revolution  of 
feeling,  but  to  all  supernatural  pretensions, 
magisterial  scepticism  had  a  ready  answer,  the 
doom  of  death. 

(2)  Special.  Thus  far  we  have  reviewed  the 
first  part  only  of  the  laws  against  the  Christians, 
namely  the  previously  existing  legal  principles 
that  could  be  turned  against  them  by  "  unjust 
disputations  of  the  juris-consults."  These  charges 
of  impiety,  foreign  superstitions,  treason,  un- 
lawful assemblage,  magic,  appear  to  M.  Le  Blant 
sufficient  to  explain  all  the  persecutions.  But 
Lactantius  (Instit.  Div.  v.  11)  tells  us  that  Ulpian 
also  collected  in  the  first  book  of  his  last  work, 
De  Officio  Proconsulis,  another  set  of  laws,  which 
the  very  nature  of  the  case  and  the  whole  tenor 
of  the  acts  of  the  martyrs  and  of  the  writings  of 
the  apologists  prove  to  have  existed,  the  "  sacri- 
legious constitutions  "  and  "  nefarious  rescripts  " 
of  the  emperors  directly  censuring  it. 

It  was  indeed  necessary  in  order  to  bring  the 
principles  which  are  specified  above  into  play 
against  the  Christians,  that  there  should  be 
authoritative  definitions,  distinguishing  Chris- 
tianity from  the  lawful  religion  of  Judaism,  and 


MARTYR 

refusing  it  sanction  for  its  rites  or  concessions  to 
its  scruples.  It  was  needful  that  the  various 
suspicions  of  guilt,  which  could  not  be  urged 
against  the  same  act  under  difl'erent  laws,  with- 
out transgressing  a  principle  of  jurisprudence 
{Digest,  XLVni.  ii.  14),  should  all  be  brought 
under  one  head,  and  summed  up  into  a  single 
crime. 

(a)  If  we  inquire  when  Christianity  was  first 
made  criminal,  the  answer  of  antiquity  is  un- 
animous. In  A.D.  64,  his  mistress,  Poppaea, 
being  a  Jewish  proselyte  (Jos.  Ant.  Jiul.  x.xviii. 
11  ;  cf.  Tac.  Ann.  xiii.  45,  xv.  6),  Nero  had 
made  Rome  a  very  Sodom,  when  a  fiery  doom 
fell.  The  flames  spared  the  Jewish  quarter 
across  the  Tiber,  so,  as  culprits  were  wanted  in 
order  to  remove  the  suspicion  from  Nero  himself, 
the  conflagration  was  charged  on  members  of 
the  new  sect,  who  confessed  and  betrayed  the 
names  of  others.  Then  a  decree  of  the  emperor, 
probably  also  of  the  obsequious  and  not  reluctant 
senate,  made  the  profession  of  Christianity  a 
crime,  supposed  to  imply  enmity  to  the  human 
race,  and  sentenced  to  be  visited  with  death,  by 
beasts,  crosses,  flames,  or  novel  horrors  invented 
on  purpose."  Their  deaths  were  turned  to  sport, 
and  Nero  gave  his  own  gardens  for  the  show 
(Tac.  Ann.  xv.  44 ;  Sulpicius,  Hist.  ii.  41 ;  Tert. 
Apol.  5).  We  have  no  hint  of  any  opportunity 
of  pardon  on  recantation,  for  those  once  arrested. 
The  persecution  was  extended  to  the  provinces 
(cf.  1  Pet.  iv.  12-19),  and  even  a  civis  Romanus 
ingenuus  like  Paul  was  beheaded  (TertuUian, 
Scorpiace,  15). 

The  Neronian  persecution  has  only  left  us  two 
certain  names  of  martyrs,  Peter  and  Paul,  of  each 
of  whom  their  disciple,  Clement,  says  emphati- 
cally, efxaprvpTiffev  (c.  5),  while  of  the  other 
victims  murdered  by  Nero  he  only  says  that  they 
suffered  unhallowed  outrages  (c.  6).  "  Guilty 
as  the  Christians  were,"  says  Tacitus  (1.  c), 
"pity  for  them  arose."  Yet  on  Nero's  death, 
when  all  his  other  constitutions  were  cancelled, 
we  are  told  that  this  decree  against  the  Chris- 
tians alone  remained  ("  permansit  erasis  omnibus 
hoc  solum  institutum  Neronianum,"  TertuU. 
ad  Nationes,  i.  7).  So  wo  learn  from  Dio  that 
Vespasian  in  A.D.  70,  after  Jerusalem  was 
taken,  wrote  to  Rome,  "  wiping  out  the  disgrace 
of  those  who  had  been  condemned  for  what  were 
called  impieties  by  Nero  and  those  who  had  ruled 
after  him,  alike  of  the  living  and  of  the  dead,  and 
putting  an  end  to  accusations  on  such  charges  " 


MARTYR 


1121 


•  The  construction  of  the  passage  in  Tacitus  i-i  obscure, 
but  becomes  clearer  if  we  suppose  him  to  be  transcribing 
with  a  change  of  tense  the  actual  terms  of  the  senatus- 
consultum,  which  in  that  case  seems  to  have  been  art- 
fully worded,  so  as  to  stretch  phrases  descriptive  of  the 
old  punishment  of  parricide,  to  be  sewn  up  in  a  hide  with 
a  dog  and  thrown  into  the  i  iver,  and  of  simple  crucitixlon, 
80  as  to  maice  them  include  the  novel  sports  of  dressing 
men  up  as  beasts,  and  setting  dogs  at  them,  or  setting 
dogs  at  them  as  they  hung  on  their  crosses.  "  Pereuntibus 
adilenda  ludibria :  feraruin  tergis  contecti  laniatu  canum 
iniereant  aut  crucibus  affix  i ;  aut  flammandi,  atque  ubi 
defecerit  dies  in  usum  nocturni  luminis  urantur."  The 
tunica  molesta,  or  plaguy  shiit,  seems  to  owe  its  origin 
to  the  charge  of  arson.  The  victim's  throat  was  not  fast, 
lest  he  should  inhale  the  sniolte  and  suflocate  himself. 
The  threat  of  this  penalty  was  afterwards  used  to  coinpel 
••1  gladiator  to  play  tho  part  of  Mucins  (^Martial,  Fpiij.  x. 
25). 


(Dio  Cassius,  Ixvi.  9).  The  senatus-consultum 
against  the  Christians  remained  apparently  un- 
repealed, only  suspended  by  this  imperial  des- 
patch (cf.  Eus.  II.  E.  V.  21)'. 

(6)  In  the  reign  of  Domitian,  if  we  may  trust 
the  Colbertine  Acts  of  Ignatius  (c.  1),  there  were 
many  persecutions.  The  grandsons  of  Jude,  sent 
as  prisoners  to  Domitian  by  Invocatus,  as  chiefs 
of  the  house  of  David,  were  dismissed  contemp- 
tuously as  harmless  peasants,  and  Domitian 
stopped  this  persecution  (Hegesipp.  in  Eus.  H.  E. 
iii.  20,  32). 

In  A.D.  95,  in  the  exaction  of  tribute  from  the 
Jews,  profession  of  faith  was  made  imperative 
for  every  one,  and  the  Christians  were  accused 
of  atheism.  Some  were  put  to  death,  others 
were  stript  of  their  property.  Among  the  chief 
sufferers  were  Clemens  and  Domitilla,  cousins  to 
the  emperor,  and  parents  of  his  heirs.  Clemens, 
though  consul  of  the  year,  was  beheaded: 
Domitilla  was  only  banished  to  the  isle  Pan- 
dataria.  Glabrio,  who  had  been  consul  with 
Trajan  in  A.d.  91,  and  had  been  compelled  to 
fight  with  a  lion  in  the  veiy  year  of  his  con- 
sulate, was  now  put  to  death,  on  the  same  charges 
as  the  rest,  and  also  on  the  ground  of  his  easy 
victory  over  the  lion.  Compare  Suetonius 
Domitian,  c.  12:  "  deferebantur  qui  vel  impro- 
fessi  judaice  viverent,"  Dio  Cassius,  Ixvii.  14, 
Bruttius  in  Eus.  H.  E.  iii.  18,  and  Hieronym.  Ep. 
96  [27]  and  Eus.  Chron.  Olymp.  218.  Domitilla 
has  given  her  name  to  a  Roman  cemetery,  where 
De  Rossi  has  found  inscriptions  identifying  the 
site  as  her  property,  and  a  shrine  adorned  with 
first  century  Christian  paintings,  and  especially 
with  a  vine  branch  (kAtj^o)  in  allusion  to  the 
name  of  Clemens.  (Bullettini,  1865,  pp.  33  ff., 
91  tf.)  In  A.D.  96  Nerva  proclaimed  general 
toleration  (Dio  Cassius,  Ixviii.  1),  and  closed  the 
second  oecumenical  persecution,  and  the  last  till 
the  days  of  Decius  (Melito  ap.  Eus.  H.  E.  iv.  26  ; 
Tert.  Apol.  c.  5  ;  Lacjant.  de  Mortihis,  c.  3). 

(c)  Trajan  is  universally  recognised  as  a  per- 
secutor, the  chronology  of  his  reign  is  somewhat 
hard  to  determine.  According  to  the  Colbertine 
Acts  of  Ignatius,  the  triumph  over  the  Dacians 
was  followed  by  a  persecution  of  the  Christians, 
Christianity  being  regarded  by  the  soldierly 
Trajan  as  insubordination.  Trajan's  first  triumph  , 
over  the  Dacians  was  in  A.D.  102.  It  seems  to 
have  been  somewhat  later  in  his  reign  that 
Simeon,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  suffered  (Hegesippus, 
ap.  Eus.  H.  E.  iii.  32,  cf.  Zahn,  Patres  Apostolici, 
ii.  307). 

In  A.D.  112,  according  to  Mommsen,  Trajan 
wrote  his  famous  rescript  to  Pliny  (Plin.  Ep. 
X.  97,  08),  making  Christianity  still  a  capital 
crime,  but  forbidding  search  for  the  offenders,  or 
anonymous  accusations,  and  decreeing  pardon  for 
any  who  recanted.  Under  this  law  it  was  pos- 
sible for  bold  Christians  to  present  apologies  for 
the  faith  without  being  themselves  arraigned. 
The  apologies  of  Aristides  and  Quadratus  pre- 
sented to  Hadrian  in  A.D.  125  (cf.  Clinton  ad  ami.) 
were  immediately  followed  by  the  rescript  of 
that  emperor  to  Fundanus,  insisting  that  definite 
illegal  acts  must  be  alleged  against  the  Christians 
by  responsible  accusers  (Eus.  //.  E.  iv.  9  ;  Melito 
ap.  Eus.  iv.  26  ;  Justin,  AjmI.  I.  ad  fin. ;  Aube, 
pp.  264,  275). 

Nothing  certain  is  known  abottt  the  persecution 
of  the  Christians  by  Hadrian.      The  martyr  acts 


1122 


MARTYR 


assigned  to  his  reign  do  not  inspire  confidence. 
The  first  historian  who  reckons  him  as  a  perse- 
cutor is  Sulpicius  Severus,  and  he  connects  his 
persecution  with  the  foundation  of  Aelia  Capito- 
lina  on  the  site  of  Jerusalem.  This  seems  prob- 
able enough,  for  we  must  remember  that  till 
then  the  Hebrew  church  survived,  that  the 
foundation  of  Aelia  was  an  insolent  rearing  of 
the  abomination  of  desolation  on  the  sacred  sites, 
that  at  the  same  time  circumcision  was  forbidden, 
and  that  these  events  synchronized  with  the 
deification  of  the  vile  Antinous  (Clinton,  A.D. 
130-132).  Barcochbas,  the  leader  of  the  Jewish 
revolt,  practised  all  manner  of  cruelties  upon 
the  Christians  (Justin.  Apol.  I.  31),  and  the 
mother  church  of  Jerusalem  ceased  to  be,  and 
was  succeeded  by  a  Gentile  congregation  at  Aelia 
(Eus.  H.  E.  iv.  6).  The  only  martyr  of  this 
reign  of  whom  we  have  certain  knowledge,  is 
the  bishop  of  Rome,  Telesphorus,  whose  execu- 
tion may  be  assigned  to  A.D.  136  or  137. 

There  is  some  uncertainty  as  to  the  identity 
and  date  of  Arrius  Antoninus,  an  urgent  per- 
secutor in  Asia,  who,  when  all  the  Christians 
of  the  town  presented  themselves  before  him  in 
a  band,  ordered  some  to  be  led  off  to  execution, 
and  said  to  the  rest,  "  Wretches,  if  you  want  to 
die,  there  are  precipices,  and  you  have  halters." 
(Tertull.  ad  Scap.  c.  5.) 

The  chief  danger  of  the  Christians,  however, 
was  from  popular  outcries,  and  the  most  promi- 
nent members  of  the  church  bore  the  brunt  of 
the  assault,  and  quenched  the  fury  of  their 
adversaries  by  their  death  (cf.  Origen  in  Joann. 
vi.  36 ;  t.  iv.  p.  133).  A  notable  instance  is 
Polycarp,  bishop  of  Smyrna,  who  was  burnt  on 
Saturday  the  23rd  of  February,  A.D.  155 
(Waddington,  Vie  du  Rheteur  Aristkle,  Mem.  de 
I'Acad.  des  Inscriptions,  1867,  t.  xxvi.  pp.  '203  ff., 
232  ff.).  The  sufferings  of  the  martyrs  were 
the  occasion  and  the  staple  of  the  apologies. 
Thus  the  apology  of  Justin  complained  of  the 
martyrdom  of  Ptolemy  by  Urbicius,  i.e.  between 
A.D.  156  and  160.  This  seems  to  have  elicited 
the  extant  rescript  of  Pius  (cos.  iv.  trib.  pot. 
pp.  xxi.  i.e.  A.D.  158 — given  as  of  Marcus  in 
A.D.  161,  by  Eusebius,''  H.  E.  iv.  13),  addressed 
to  the  council  of  Asia,  demanding  proof,  not 
merely  of  Christianity  but  of  treason,  and  in 
default  of  such  proof,  threatening  the  accuser 
with  condign  punishment.  The  genuineness  of 
this  rescript  has  been  doubted,  because  of  its 
frank  recognition  of  the  piety  of  the  Christians, 
and  of  their  superiority  to  the  sycophants  who 
accused  them.  This  seems  to  us  quite  in  keeping 
with  the  character  of  Pius. 

(cf)  Marcus,  the  noblest  of  the  emperors,  appears 
as  a  persecutor.  His  sincere  piety  in  troublous 
times  probably  decreed  universal  religious  obser- 
vances with  which  the  Christians  could  not 
comply.  Both  the  acts  of  Justin  (A.D.  166),  the 
earliest  that  appear  really  to  be  taken  down  by 
a  notary  at  the  time,  and  the  apology  of  Melito 
(Eus.  H.  E.  iv.  26),  written  upon  occasion  of  the 
martyrdom  of  Sagaris  of  Laodicea,  A.D.  167 
(Aube,  p.  362),  speak  of  edicts  ordaining  that 
all  who  were  caught  should  be  compelled  to 
sacrifice.      If    there    were    no    reversal    of  the 


b  The  rescript  is  given  at  the  close  of  the  so-callpd  first 
apology  of  Justin.  We  agree  with  Piipebroche  in  regard- 
ing the  two  apologies  as  one,  though  not  in  the  date. 


MARTYR 

decision  of  Trajan,  and  no  hunt  after  the  Chris- 
tians were  decreed,  there  were  at  any  rate  plenty 
of  "  concussions."  The  Christians  were  driven 
to  build  their  splendid  tombs  underground,  as  in 
the  case  of  Januarius  {Bullettini,  1865,  p.  97). 
The  emperor's  justice  replied  to  the  apologies  of 
Melito  and  of  Apollinaris  (Eus.  //.  E.  iv.  27. 
V.  5)  by  a  law  which  condemned  the  accu.ser  of 
Christians  to  death  whether  his  charge  were  sub- 
stantiated or  not  (Tert.  Apol.  5).  This  was 
subsequent  to  the  deliverance  of  the  army  by  an 
unexpected  fall  of  rain  in  A.D.  174.  The  rescript 
of  the  emperor  ascribing  this  to  the  prayers  of  a 
Christian  legion  is  an  undoubted  forgery,  and  is 
not  that  to  which  Tertullian  alludes  (/.  c,  cf. 
ad  Scap.  4).  It  is  however  possible  that  Marcu*! 
may  have  commended  the  piety  of  the  Legio 
Fulminata,  and  that  Apollinaris  may  have 
pointed  out  that  in  that  legion  the  Christians 
were  numerous. 

But  though  convinced  that  the  Christians  were 
not  atheists,  and  stern  in  repressing  the  attacks 
made  upon  them  by  private  sycophants,  Marcus 
was  not  ubiquitous  and  was  not  unprejudiced. 
Christian  martyrs  appeared  to  him  to  die  in  a 
spirit  of  irrational  emulation,  rpaycL^oo^  Karh 
i\iiK))v  irapara^iv  (Med.  xi.  3),  and  hence  he  was 
disposed  to  regard  Christianity  as  a  frightful 
fanaticism.  His  hatred  of  priestcraft  made  him 
decree  that  whoever  scared  men's  minds  with 
superstition  should  be  banished  to  an  island 
(^Dig.  XLViii.  xix.  30.)  Meanwhile  he  was  him- 
self somewhat  priestridden  by  his  philosophers  ; 
the  senators  were  for  the  most  part  utterly 
opposed  to  the  new  religion,  and  not  likely  to  be 
impartial  judges,  and  popular  uproar  did  not 
always  present  itself  as  the  voice  of  a  rabble, 
but  sometimes,  as  at  Vienne  and  Lyons  in  A.D. 
177,  as  the  act  of  a  municipality.  The  governor, 
on  that  occasion,  found  Christian  prisoners 
awaiting  him  accused  by  the  whole  town  of 
Lyons,  and  himself  proceeded  to  commit  an 
advocate  who  appeared  for  them  and  avowed  his 
Christianity,  to  torture  the  heathen  domestics 
of  the  Christians  and  to  extract  supposed  evidence 
of  cannibal  banquets  and  incestuous  orgies,  to 
permit  the  murder  by  the  rabble  before  the 
tribunal  of  bishop  Pothinus,  who  was  supposed 
to  be  the  Christ  worshipped  by  the  Christians, 
and  finally  to  consult  the  emperor  about  those 
who  were  Roman  citizens  without  permitting 
them  to  go  and  plead  their  own  cause  before 
him.  Marcus  wrote  back  that  those  who  re- 
canted should  be  released  ;  those  who  persisted 
should  be  drummed  off,  i.e.  cudgelled  to  death. 
A  similar  decree  appears  in  the  acts  of  Caecilia, 
which  are  referred  by  De  Rossi  to  this  date.  It 
seems  to  have  called  forth  the  apology  of  Athen- 
agoras.  The  Gallic  governor  assumed  a  certain 
liberty  in  interpreting  it.  He  gave  up  to  the 
beasts  all  who  were  not  Roman  citizens,  and  one 
who  was.  Other  tortures  were  applied  to  them 
in  the  amphitheatre  for  the  amusement  of  the 
people,  e.g.  a  chair  of  red-hot  iron,  in  which  the 
prisoner  was  fastened.  This  is  noteworthy  as 
indicating  the  effect  of  persecution  of  the 
Christians  in  whetting  an  appetite  for  horrors, 
— Tertullian  (ad  Martyres,  5)  tells  of  some  who 
volunteered  to  run  a  course  in  a  flaming  shirt, — 
and  also  in  undermining  the  old  fabric  of  char- 
tered liberties,  and  reducing  the  world  under  the 
tyranny  of  the  emperor  and  his  emissaries.     The 


MARTYR 

rescript  of  Marcus  is  important  as  definitely 
sanctioning  the  employment  of  torture  to  induce 
recantation.  Those  who  persisted  in  confession 
were  liable  to  torture,  and  it  came  to  be  used  not 
only  to  elicit  confessions  of  imaginary  guilt,  but 
to  compel  denial  of  the  faith  (Tert.  Apol.  2). 
The  fact  is  that  those  who  proclaimed,  I  am  a 
Christian  and  among  us  no  evil  is  done,  not  only 
failed  to  supply  evidence  against  the  Christians, 
they  bore  irrefragable  evidence  in  their  favour 
(cf  Eus.  B.  E.  V.  1-4). 

Christianity  was  left  by  Marcus  in  a  most 
anomalous  position.  It  was  a  capital  crime 
either  to  be  a  Christian,  or  to  accuse  another 
of  being  so.  Thus  the  accuser  of  the  senator 
Apollonius,  in  the  reign  of  Commodus,  was  put 
to  death  by  having  his  legs  broken,  but  Apollo- 
nius himself,  after  pleading  his  cause  before  the 
senate,  was  beheaded  (Eus.  H.  E.  v.  21).  The 
proceedings  of  the  governors  varied.  One  sug- 
gested an  answer  that  would  enable  him  to 
acquit,  another  bound  the  culprits  over  to  satisfy 
their  townsfolk,  a  third  let  them  off  with  a  little 
torture,  a  fourth  beheaded  them,  a  fifth  burnt 
them  alive  (Tertull.  ad  Scap.  4).  There  were 
convicts  in  the  mines  in  Sardinia  on  the  ground 
of  their  faith,  whose  release  was  obtained  of 
Commodus  by  his  Christian  concubine,  Marcia. 
A  list  of  them  was  furnished  her  by  bishop 
Victor,  and  the  name  of  Callistus  was  omitted, 
because  he  had  been  guilty  of  breach  of  the 
peace  in  disturbing  the  Jews  in  their  synagogue 
{Philosophumena,  is.  12).  There  were  believers 
in  high  station  la  the  palace  (Iren.  c.  Eaer. 
iv.  30). 

(e)  The  power  of  the  senate,  so  hostile  to  Chris- 
tianity, was  overthrown  along  with  the  dynasty 
of  Trajan  (Gibbon,  ch.  v.).  No  Christians  fol- 
lowed the  standards  of  the  usurpers  Albiilus, 
Niger,  and  Cassian  (Tert.  ad  Scap.  2),  but 
Severus,  the  military  despot,  who  proved  vic- 
torious, had  many  Christian  favourites  whom  he 
sheltered,  and  his  son  was  reared  on  Christian 
milk  (i6.  4). 

Yet  Severus  was  compelled  (a.d.  202)  to  for- 
bid conversions  to  Christianity  (Spartian,  Severus, 
c.  17),  and  the  persecution  which  ensued,  the 
first  that  made  martyrs  in  Africa  (Tertullian, 
ad  Scap.  3),  was  so  fierce  that  the  Christians 
thought  the  end  of  the  world  must  be  drawing 
nigh. 

In  another  way,  however,  this  emperor  enabled 
the  church  to  acquire  a  sort  of  legal  recognition. 
Severus  made  the  permission  of  funeral  guilds 
to  those  of  slender  means,  provided  they  met  only 
once  a  month,  universal  through  Rome,  Italy, 
and  the  provinces  {Dig.  XLVir.  xxiii.  1),  and  com- 
mitted charges  of  illegal  association  to  the  juris- 
diction of  the  city  praefect  (i6.  I.  xii.  1  or  14). 
The  church  saw  her  opportunity.  The  arch- 
deacon Callistus  (a.d.  198)  was  set  over  the 
new  cemetery  on  the  Appian  Way.  A  sum  of 
hush  money,  distributed  in  presents  at  the 
Saturnalia,  prevented  awkward  questions  about 
the  religion  of  the  new  funeral  society,  though 
it  was  indeed  no  secret,  and  the  clergy  were 
booked,  by  the  police,  among  the  taverns,  gam- 
bling houses,  brothels,  and  thieveries.  But  the 
recognition  in  any  way  of  the  clergy  by  the  state 
increased  their  power  and  responsibility,  and 
made  the  independent  ambiguous  position  of  the 
martyrs  apart  from  the  clergy  above  the  laity, 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  H. 


MARTYR 


1123 


disturbing  discipline  by  indulgences,  a  thing  less 
and  less  tenable.  Meanwhile,  as  wardens  of  the 
cemeteries  pursuing  their  other  offices  of  charity 
under  cover  of  attending  to  the  tombs,  the  clergy, 
instead  of  little  meetings  from  house  to  house, 
could  organize  grand  celebrations  in  subter- 
ranean halls  before  the  monuments  of  the  heroes 
of  the  faith ;  and  to  conform  their  phraseology 
and  ritual  as  much  as  possible  to  heathen  models 
was  an  obvious  precaution.  The  danger  that 
lurked  in  such  conformity  remained  wholly  un- 
suspected (^Philosophumena,  ix.  12  ;  Tertullian, 
de  Fuga,  12,  13;  Bullettini,  1866,  pp.  8-11, 
19-22). 

(/)  The  extension  of  the  Roman  franchise  by 
Caracalla  to  all  the  free  subjects  of  the  empire 
made  the  torture  of  Christians  thenceforward 
the  torture  of  free  Romans.  We  do  not  read  of 
direct  sanction  of  Christianity  or  repeal  of  the 
laws  against  it,  till  the  days  of  Alexander 
Severus.  "  Christianos  esse  passus  est."  He 
proposed  to  erect  a  temple,  and  gave  the  pre- 
ference to  the  guild  of  the  Christians  over  the 
guild  of  the  cooks,  when  they  disputed  about  a 
piece  of  land.  His  successor,  Maximin  (a.d.  235- 
237),  aimed  a  persecution  at  the  clergy  only 
(Eus.  H.  E.  vi.  28),  which  seems  not  to  have 
been  oecumenical  only  because  his  rule  was  not 
everywhere  firmly  established.  It  affected  Egypt 
and  Asia  (Firmilian  ap.  Cypr.  Ep.  75,  c.  10),  and 
above  all  Rome.  Pontianus  and  Hippolytus  were 
transported  to  Sardinia,  and  there  died  {Cat. 
Liherianus)  ;  Anteros,  after  six  weeks'  episcopate, 
was  put  to  death,  it  is  said,  for  his  diligence  in 
collecting  and  treasuring  up  the  acts  of  the 
martyrs  {Cat.  Felicianus).  Protoctetus  and 
Ambrose  of  Caesarea  were  exhorted  to  martyr- 
dom by  Origen.  It  is  a  question  whether  the 
martyrs  mentioned  by  Eusebius  {H.  E.  vi.  4,  5) 
ought  not  to  be  referred  to  this  persecution 
rather  than  to  that  of  Severus,  for  Isidore  of 
Pelusium  expressly  mentions  Maximin  as  the 
persecutor  of  Potamiaena  (Pallad.  Hist.  Lausiac. 
c.  3).  The  one  part  to  which  the  persecution 
seems  not  to  have  extended  is  Africa  (Dodwell, 
Diss.  Cypr.  xi.  48-50). 

This  outbreak  was  followed  by  a  period  of 
imperial  favour.  The  emperor  Philip  is  said  to 
have  been  himself  a  Christian. 

Decius  (a.d.  250)  instituted  the  third  oecu- 
menical persecution,  by  what  laws  we  know  not, 
but  he  seems  to  have  given  the  reins  to  a  great 
popular  onslaught,  which  at  Alexandria  had 
begun  a  year  before  without  waiting  for 
imperial  encouragement,  but  which  was  let 
loose  universally  by  Decius. 

The  persecution  of  Decius  appears  to  have 
summed  up  in  itself  the  characteristics  of  all 
previous  persecutions :  direct  and  universal  like 
those  of  Nero  and  Domitian,  it  was  conservative 
and  disciplinary  in  aim  like  that  of  Trajan,  it 
employed  torture  for  the  direct  purpose  of 
forcing  recantation  like  those  of  Marcus  and 
Severus,  and  it  broke  through  a  period  of  peace 
and  was  directed  principally  against  the  clergy 
like  that  of  Maximin.  The  Acta  Sincera  belong- 
ing to  it  are  those  of  Pionius,  Achatius,  Maxi- 
mus,  Petrus  Lampsacenus,  Lucianus.  The  story 
that  Decius  was  so  impressed  by  the  answers  of 
Achatius  of  Pisidia,  which  were  reported  to 
him,  that  he  recalled  the  edict  of  persecution,  is 
somewhat  confirmed  by  the  cessation  of  perse- 
4  D 


1124 


MARTYR 


oution  before  the  close  of  his  reign.  Cyprian 
returned,  and  a  new  pope  was  elected  in  the 
early  part  of  251  (Lipsius,  Chron.  Rom.  Bisch. 
p.  18). 

Persecution  v/as  renewed  under  Gallus,  occa- 
sioned by  the  plague  (a.d.  252,  253). 

In  A.D.  254-  commences  a  formal  registration 
of  the  bishops  in  the  state  archives.  Valerian 
seems  to  have  hoped  thus  to  keep  control 
over  the  church  without  the  necessit}'  of 
making  martyrs.  In  257  he  had  the  bishops 
interrogated  and  banished  (^Vita  Cypriani,  c.  11). 
Reports  of  the  interrogatories  were  published 
(Cypr.  Ep.  11 ;  Dionys.  Alex.  ap.  Eus.  H.  E. 
yii.  11),  and  seem  to  have  earned  the  bishops 
the  title  of  martyrs.  At  least  Dionysius  of 
Alexandria  is  commemorated  as  such,  though  he 
survived  the  persecution  and  died  in  peace.  But 
in  A.D.  258,  Valerian  wrote  that  all  the  clergy 
should  be  executed  offhand,  nobles  and  knights 
degraded  and  stript  of  their  property,  and  only 
put  to  death  if  they  still  persisted,  ladies  should 
be  banished,  officers  of  the  household  led  off  in 
convict  gangs  to  penal  labour  (Cypr.  Ep.  82). 
Gallienus  (a.d.  260)  stopt  the  persecution  and 
gave  legal  sanction  to  the  church  body,  and 
reinstated  it  in  possession  of  its  corporate  pro- 
perty (Eus.  H.  E.  vii.  13). 

Aurelian  had  intended  (Eus.  H.  E.  vi.  30),  or 
even  decreed  (Lact.  de  Mortihus,  6)  a  persecution, 
but  the  execution  of  the  design  was  frustrated 
by  his  death  (A.D.  275).  The  peace  of  the 
church  endured  till  the  opening  of  the  4th 
century. 

Like  his  great  master  in  statesmanship, 
Aurelian,  Diocletian  also  appeared  as  a  pro- 
tector of  the  church  so  long  as  he  was  occu- 
pied with  rebels  or  foreign  foes.  But  in  his  17th 
year  (a.d.  300)  before  his  final  triumphs,  when 
he  was  anxiously  awaiting  news  from  the  East, 
he  expelled  all  Christians  from  the  army  (Eus. 
Chron.  H.  E.  viii.  iv. ;  "=  Lact.  de  Mart.  10). 
In  A.D.  303  he  was  induced  by  Galerius  reluc- 
tantly to  re-enact  the  edicts  of  Valerian,  with 
some  exceptions  and  additions.  His  decree  was 
placarded  at  Nicomedia  on  February  23.  No 
blood  was  to  be  shed,  but  (a)  the  churches  were 
to  be  razed,  (6)  the  sacred  books  were  to  be 
burnt,  (c)  the  Christians  were  to  be  disfranchised 
and  outlawed,  (d)  liherti  and  addicti  {ol  eV  oIk€- 
rlats)  persisting  in  Christianity  were  to  be 
reduced  to  slavery  (Eus.  JI.  E.  viii.  2  ;  Lact.  de 
Mort.  13).  Two  conflagrations  in  the  palace 
caused  the  torture  and  execution  of  the  Christian 
domestics,  and  a  second  decree  incarcerating  the 
entire  clergy  (Lact.  de  Mort.  14,  15  ;  Eus.  H.  E. 
VIII.  vi.  9).  The  celebration  of  the  Vicennalia  at 
the  close  of  the  same  year,  which  was  the  occa- 
sion of  the  release  of  all  other  prisoners,  was 
signalised  by  the  employment  of  torture  to  force 
the  Christians  to  sacrifice  (Eus.  75.  II).  The 
results  of  these  edicts  are  graphically  portrayed 
in  the  Acts  of  Theodotus  :  "  All  the  chiefs  of  the 
brethren  were  kept  fast  in  prison  ;  their  houses 
were  ransacked ;  the  unbelievers  plundered 
whatever  came  in  their  way  ;  freeborn  virgins 
were  shamelessly  violated;  there  was  no  place 
of  safety  even  for  those  who  fled  ;  they  could 


"=  There  is  no  reason  whatever  for  doubting  the 
identity  of  the  events  described  by  Eusebius  and 
Lac  tan  tins. 


MARTYR 

not  long  endure  their  hunger,  so  that  many  gave 
themselves  up  to  be  taken."  Altars  were  placed 
in  the  law  courts  that  none  might  plead  a  cause 
without  first  sacrificing  {dc  Mortihus,  15).  A 
whole  Christian  town  with  its  inhabitants  was 
burnt  in  Phrygia  (Eus.  //.  E.  viii.  xi.).  New 
tortures  were  invented.  The  victims  were 
stretched  on  a  rack  (equuleus)  or  hung  up  with 
stones  fastened  to  their  feet,  then  beaten  in  that 
posture  with  cudgels,  rods,  or  scoirrges ;  then 
torn  with  iron  hooks  (ungulae,  pectines) ;  then 
rubbed  with  salt  and  vinegar ;  then  burnt  bit  by 
bit  from  the  soles  of  their  feet  upwards  with 
torches  or  hot-iron  plates,  water  being  meanwhile 
thrown  in  their  faces  to  keep  life  in  them  (Eus. 
H.  E.  VIII.  vi.  ;  cf.  Lact.  de  Mort.  21),  or 
dragged  along  the  rough  ground  to  restore 
consciousness  (Eus.  H.  E.  viii.  x.).  Those  who 
were  remanded  to  jail  were  put  in  the  stocks 
with  their  feet  far  asunder,  and  high  up  so  that 
they  had  to  lie  on  their  backs.  All  these  things 
were  done  before  the  persecution  had  properly 
commenced. 

Throughout  the  west,  in  Italy,  Africa,  Spain, 
and  even  in  Gaul  and  Britain,  except  as  far  as 
Herculius  was  checked  by  his  subordinate  Con- 
stantius,  possession  of  Christian  books,  atten- 
dance on  Christian  meetings,  and  concealment  of 
Christian  fugitives,  were  already  reckoned  capital 
crimes.  Such  interpretation  was  put  on  the 
bloodless  decrees  of  Diocletian  by  his  colleague 
(Mason,  Persecution  of  Diocletian,  pp.  48,  1152, 
154  ff.  172  ff.).  In  the  East  it  was  still  illegal 
to  kill,  but  not  to  mutilate  a  Christian  (Eus. 
Mart.  Pal.  ii.  1).  To  understand  the  horror  of 
the  persecution  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that 
it  was  similar  to  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes,  a  sudden  subversion  of  legal  security,  a 
sudden  disruption  of  peaceable  society,  nay,  a 
sudden  withdrawal  of  imperial  favour. 

In  304  the  persecution  raged  most  fiercely,  for 
Herculius  was  still  supreme  in  the  west,  and 
Diocletian  was  not  in  a  condition  to  control 
Galerius  in  the  east.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
year  a  new  edict  extended  the  obligation  of 
sacrifice  to  all  the  people  of  every  town,  and 
sanctioned  the  arrest  of  the  consecrated  virgins 
of  the  church  and  their  consignment  to  the 
brothels  (Eus.  Mart.  Pal.  3 ;  Acta  Irene,  c.  5 ; 
cf.  Acta  Theodorae,  c.  1).  Even  this  did  not 
satisfy  the  enemies  of  the  church.  In  April  a 
senatus-consultum  (cf.  Martene,  Thes.  iii.  1649) 
and  a  rescript  of  Herculius  decreed  the  seizure 
of  Chrisians  "  wherever  found,"  and  recognised 
that  the  penalty  might  be  death  (Mason,  p. 
212  ff.). 

On  the  1st  of  May,  305,  Diocletian  and 
Maximianus  Herculius  abdicated.  Constantius, 
who  had  retained  the  confessors  and  dismissed 
the  apostates  among  the  officers  of  his  own 
household  (Eus.  Vit.  Const,  i.  xvi.),  did  not,  of 
course,  urge  the  persecution  further  in  the  west, 
but  the  church  was  not  reinstated  in  her  legal 
rights,  and  the  western  Caesar  was  a  nominee  of 
Galerius.  In  the  east  under  Galerius  and 
Maximin  the  persecution  raged  with  redoubled 
fury,  and  a  law  was  promulgated  condemning 
the  Christians  to  die  by  slow  fire  (De  Mortihus, 
21).  The  mode  of  punishment  varied  from 
province  to  province.  In  Cappadocia  their  legs 
were  broken  ;  in  Mesopotamia  they  were  suffo- 
cated by  hanging  their  head  downwards  over  a 


MARTYR 

smoky  fire  ;  in  Pontus  they  had  their  nails  torn 
oiF,  and  other  tortures  too  horrible  to  relate ;  at 
Alexandria  their  ears,  noses,  and  hands  were  cut 
off;  in  the  Thebais  they  were  fastened  to  two 
boughs  brought  together  by  force  and  then  let 
go,  and  so  torn  asunder.  Meanwhile  the  pitying 
soldiery  would  force  them  to  sacrifice,  or  drag 
them  off  by  their  feet  and  set  them  among  the 
apostates,  and  stop  their  mouths  if  they  tried  to 
say  anything  (Eus.  H.  E.  viii.  iii.  is.  xii.). 

On  the  death  of  Constantius,  July  25,  306, 
Constantine  was  proclaimed  in  Britain,  and  his 
first  act  was  to  repeal  the  prohibition  of  Chris- 
tianity (Lact.  de  Mort.  24).  In  October, 
Maxentius,  son  of  Herculius,  usurped  the  purple 
in  Rome.  Severus,  who  was  sent  against  him, 
was  defeated  and  put  to  death.  Herculius  re- 
sumed the  purple  along  with  his  son,  and  they 
allied  themselves  with  Constantine.  Toleration 
was  doubtless  a  condition  of  alliance,  and  a  new 
bishop  of  Rome  was  elected  ;  but  to  grant  the 
church  her  right  of  imposing  penance  on  apo- 
states must  have  been  intolerable  to  Herculius. 
Brawls  ensued,  the  old  emperor  was  forced  to 
flee,  and  the  same  fate  of  exile  was  imposed  on 
two  successive  popes,  Eusebius  and  Marcellus. 
In  the  6th  year  the  Christians  had  their  feet 
maimed  and  their  eyes  put  out  instead  of  being 
put  to  death  (Eus.  Mart.  Pal.  viii.).  In  the 
autumn  there  was  a  new  edict  enjoining  sacrifice 
on  man,  woman,  and  child  {ih.  ix.).  In  April, 
311,  the  dying  Galerius  with  Constantine  and 
Licinius,  put  out  an  edict  of  toleration  (Eus. 
H.  E.  VIII.  xvii.  ;  Lact.  de  Mort.  34).  This  was 
suppressed  by  Maximin,  who  only  wrote  to  his 
governors,  bidding  them  desist  from  persecution 
(Eus.  H.  E.  ix.  i.).  On  the  death  of  Galerius  he 
made  himself  master  of  all  Asia.  He  then  in- 
duced the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  to  present 
petitions  to  him  entreating  him  to  continue  the 
work  (Eus.  H.  E.  ix.  ii.  iv. ;  Lact.  de  Mort.  36), 
and  decreeing  for  their  own  part  expulsion  of  the 
Christians.  Christian  Armenia  flew  to  arms 
{Eus.  II.  E.  ix.  viii.  2).  Plague  and  famine  gave 
the  Christians  new  opportunity  for  charity  {ib.). 

In  Rome  the  property  of  the  church  was  re- 
stored, in  accordance  with  the  edict  of  Galerius, 
by  Maxentius  to  Melchiades  in  July,  311  (Aug. 
ad  Bom.  post  coll.  i.  xiii.  ;  t.  ix.  p.  662  ;  cf  Cat. 
Liberianus).  There  are  legends  of  martyrdoms 
at  Rome  in  presence  of  Diocletian  about  the  close 
of  the  reign  of  Maxentius,  e.g.  the  four  crowned 
saints  and  Sebastian,  and  we  know  that  Maxen- 
tius and  Maximin  were  secret  allies,  and  Dio- 
cletian was  accused  of  favouring  them  (Victor. 
Epist.  xxxix.  8).  Whether  Maxentius  had 
turned  persecutor  or  not,  the  victory  of  Constan- 
tine was  none  the  less  a  triumph  for  the  Chris- 
tians. Before  the  close  of  312  he  met  Licinius 
at  Milan  and  put  forth  the  famous  edict  of 
toleration  (Eus.  //.  E.  IX.  ix.  9,  x.  v. ;  Lact.  de 
Mort.  45,  48 ;  Mason,  Persecution  of  Diocletian, 
p.  333).  This  was  at  once  commimicated  to 
Maximin  and  stopt  his  designs  of  persecution, 
though  (as  before)  he  substituted  a  rescript  of 
his  own  (Eus.  //.  E.  ix.  ix.  11).  But  before  the 
close  of  the  winter  he  declared  war,  vowing,  if 
victorious,  to  exterminate  the  Christians.  The 
.-irmy  of  Licinius  called  on  God  most  high  and 
holy.  Maximin  fled  (Lact.  46,  47),  and  decreed 
toleration  and  died  (Eus.  H.  E.  ix.  x.  6  if.). 

The  universal  toleration  promised  by  the  edict 


MARTYR 


112; 


of  Milan  was,  however,  impossible.  The  church 
as  a  corporate  body  possessed  property,  and  the 
question  necessarily  arose  who  were  the  true 
members  of  the  corporation.  In  this  question 
the  state  could  not  but  interfere,  and  claim  a 
right  of  regulating  the  conditions  of  membership 
in  the  interests  of  public  morality. 

III.  Roinan  Procedure. — There  was  a  regular 
form  for  accusers  to  give  in.  "L.  Titius  pro- 
fessus  est  se  Maeviam  lege  Julia  de  adulteriis 
ream  deferre,  quod  dicit  earn  cum  C.  Seio  in 
civitate  ilia  domo  illius  mense  illo  coss  illis  adul- 
terium  commisisse  "  {Digest,  ii.  3).  The  proconsul 
decided  whether  to  commit  the  culprits  to 
prison  or  to  a  soldier,  or  to  admit  them  to  bail, 
or  to  leave  them  at  large  (Jb.  iii.  1).  Those  who 
had  confessed  their  guilt  were  put  in  chains  till 
sentence  was  passed  {ih.  iii.  5).  The  police  courts 
often  sent  up  prisoners  with  a  brief  of  the 
evidence  against  them :  the  higher  courts  were 
forbidden  to  condemn  without  fresh  hearing 
{ib.  iii.  6).  Jailors  were  often  bribed  to  leave 
the  prisoners  unchained,  or  to  afford  them  means 
of  committing  suicide  {ib.  iii.  7),  but  jailors  who 
let  their  prisoners  escape  through  culpable 
negligence  were  liable  to  be  punished  with  death 
{lb.  iii.  12).  To  kill,  scourge,  or  torture  a 
Roman  citizen,  or  to  detain  him  from  proceeding 
to  Rome  to  plead  his  cause  there,  was  to  be 
guilty  of  assault  on  the  public  peace  {ib.  vi.  8, 
9).  Nobody  might  be  condemned  in  his  absence 
without  a  hearing  {ib.  xvii.  1).  A  prisoner  might 
not  be  stript  of  his  possessions  till  he  were  con- 
demned {ib.  XX.  2).  There  was  great  liberty  of 
appeal,  even  for  slaves,  who  might  appeal  on 
their  own  behalf,  if  their  master  or  a  commis- 
sioner of  his  did  not  appeal  for  them  {ib.  XLIX.  i. 
15).  On  behalf  of  freemen  anyone  might  appeal 
who  was  shocked  at  the  cruelty  of  the  sentence 
{ib.  6).  The  appeal  was  drawn  up  in  writing, 
stating  who  appealed,  and  against  whom,  and 
from  what  sentence  (ib.  1),  but  in  court  a  man 
might  simply  say,  I  appeal  {ib.  2).  The  pro- 
ceedings in  court  were  taken  down  by  official 
shorthand  writers,  and  carefully  preserved 
(Amm.  Marc.  xxii.  3 ;  Cod.  Theod.  II.  xxiv.  3, 
Lydus  de  Magister.  ii.  20). 

IV.  Treatment  of  sufferers' by  their  brethren. — 
Chi-istians  in  prison  and  in  danger  of  death, 
(martyres  designati,  Tert.  ad  Martyres)  were 
naturally  objects  of  great  solicitude.  The  most 
graphic  picture  of  the  treatment  that  an  im- 
prisoned Christian,  so  called  "  martyr,"  in  the 
2nd  century  would  receive  from  his  brethren, 
is  given  by  Lucian  in  his  Life  of  Peregrinus, 
c.  12.  After  relating  how  that  rogue  turned 
Christian  in  Palestine,  he  proceeds:  "Then  at 
last  he  was  arrested  on  this  charge  and  put 
into  prison :  Proteus  was  caught.  Not  he ! 
that  veiy  circumstance  gained  him  no  small 
stock  of  credit  to  stand  him  in  good  stead  during 
the  next  stage  of  his  life  in  his  favourite  game 
of  making  a  sensation.  In  short,  when  he  was 
put  in  prison  the  Christians  took  it  to  heart, 
and  left  no  stone  unturned  to  have  him  out 
again.  Then,  when  that  proved  impossible,  all 
other  kind  offices  were  done  him,  not  half- 
heartedly, but  in  business-like  f^ishion  and  in 
good  earnest,  and  right  from  early  morning  you 
might  see  at  the  gaol-door  old  women  waiting 
about,  certain  widows,  and  little  children  that 
were   orphans.      But   their   official    personages 


1126 


MARTYR 


even  slept  inside  the  gaol  along  with  him,  bribing 
the  gaolers.  Then  dinners  of  various  viands  were 
carried  in,  and  their  sacred  treatises  were  read, 
and  the  worthy  Peregrinus  (for  he  still  went  by 
that  name)  was  called  by  these  people  a  new 
Socrates.  Nay,  there  are  certain  cities  even  in 
the  province  of  Asia,  from  which  some  of  the 
Christians  came,  deputed  by  their  community,  to 
help  the  man  and  support  him  in  court  and 
comfort  him.  They  display  incredible  alacrity, 
when  anything  of  this  liind  happens  of  public 
concern.  And  as  an  instance  in  point,  much 
wealth  accrued  to  Peregrinus  from  them  then,  by 
reason  of  his  incarceration,  and  he  made  no  small 
revenue  out  of  it.  .  .  He  was  released  by  the 
man  who  was  then  governor  of  Syria.  .  .  He 
went  forth  a  second  time  on  his  wanderings, 
with  the  Christians  for  a  bank  to  draw  upon 
for  travelling  expenses.  As  their  soldier  and 
servant  he  revelled  in  all  abundance.  And  for 
some  time  he  battened  so:  then  he  committed 
some  transgression  against  their  law  also,  was 
«een,  I  fancy,  eating  of  their  forbidden  meats, 
and  they  came  to  him  no  more." 

This  hostile  account  is  fully  confirmed  by 
Christian  evidence.  The  jailors  came  to  count 
on  gains  when  they  had  Christian  prisoners 
(Acta  Pionii,  c.  12) ;  and  when  the  officials  for- 
bade the  access  of  visitoi-s  for  fear  of  attempts 
at  a  rescue  by  magical  arts  {Acta  Ferpehiae, 
c.  16),  the  prisoners  seem  sometimes  to  have 
been  in  danger  of  starving  {Acta  Montani,  c.  9). 
Directions  wei-e  given  by  Cyprian  that  the  con- 
fessor Celerinus,  though  but  a  reader,  should 
have  the  salary  of  a  presbyter  (Cypr.  Ep.  39). 
The  Apostolic  Constitutions  (viii.  23)  forbid  con- 
fessors to  arrogate  to  themselves  episcopal  func- 
tions ;  and  the  25th  canon  of  Illiberis,  which 
enjoins  that  if  any  bring  letters  of  commendation 
as  confessors,  these  shall  be  taken  away  and 
simple  letters  of  communion  given  them,  because 
all  under  the  vaunt  of  that  name  everywhere 
make  game  of  the  simple  {concutiunt  simplices, 
the  word  used  for  violent  threats,  from  the 
military).  Compare  also  Apollonius  (Eus.  H.  E. 
V.  19),  who  speaks  of  Montanist  martyrs  exacting 
coin  from  orphans  and  widows.  And  though 
Callistus  had  obtained  recognition  as  a  martyr, 
contrary  to  the  wishes  of  Victor,  that  bishop 
thought  it  necessary  to  pension  him  {Philoso- 
phumena,  ix.  12). 

V.  Prerogatives  of  Martyrs  before  Death. — 
The  honours  which  martyrs  received  from 
their  brethren  in  this  life  were  far  more  than 
the  material  emoluments.  "  Martyrs,"  in  the 
old  sense,  signed  as  martyrs  to  the  decrees  of 
councils  (Eus.  v.  xix.).  The  bloodshedding  of 
martyrdom  was  a  saci-ament,  a  baptism  that 
replaced  or  renewed  the  baptism  of  water  (Tert. 
deBapt.  c.  16)  ;  one  of  the  seven  ways  of  obtaining 
remission  (Orig.  in  Lev.  Horn.  ii.  2,  t.  ii.  p.  190) ; 
the  wanderer's  last  refuge  (Tert.  Scorp.  6),  in 
which  not  only  soils  were  washed  ofif,  but  stains 
bleached  white  {ib.  12),  in  which  angels  were 
the  baptizers  (Cypr.  ad  Fortun.  pref.  4).  Baptism 
was  a  time  for  prayer  (Tert.  de  Bapt.  20,  Per- 
petua  2),  and  so  was  martyrdom.  It  did  not 
suffice  for  a  martyr  to  have  purged  his  own  sins 
(Tert.  de  Pudic.  22) :  they  began  to  be  in  such 
dignity  that  they  might  ask  what  they  would 
(Perpetua,  3,  7) :  "  martyrs  gave  grace  to  those 
that  were  not  martyrs,"  and  received  the  peni- 


MARTYR 

I  tent  apostates  into  communion  (Eus.  H.  E.  v.  i. 
I  40,  ii.  7,  8) :  they  had  a  right  to  be  heard  in 
'  claiming  absolution  for  their  brethren,  as  they 
did  actually  atone  for  their  brethren's  faults; 
they  wearied  out  by  their  patience  the  fury  of 
the  adversaries  and  broke  down  the  power  of 
evil  (Orig.  t.  iv.  p.  133  ;  Eus.  E.  E.  vii.  xli.  16)  : 
moreover,  their  peace  was  so  divine,  that  to  be 
at  peace  with  them  could  not  but  be  to  be  at 
peace  with  God  (cf.  Cypr.  Ep.  xxiii.).  Hence 
martyrs  excelled  confessors  by  their  power  of 
receiving  back  the  lapsed  (Cypr.  Epp.  20  [17], 
10  [8]).  Soon  as  a  martyr  was  thrown  into 
jail,  seekers  of  grace  gathered  round  (Tert.  de 
Pudic.  22).  "  What  martyr,"  asks  Cyprian,  "  is 
greater  than  God  or  more  merciful  than  the 
divine  bounty,  that  he  should  fancy  that  we  are 
to  be  kept  by  his  own  aid  ?  "  Cypr.  de  Lap.  siv. 

C.  20.      [LiBELLI.] 

VI.  Modes  of  Death.— The  sixth  title  of  the 
xlviiith  book  of  the  Digest  treats  of  punish- 
ments. These  were  very  various.  Burning 
alive  was  supposed  the  most  frightful  death, 
and  was  reserved  for  deserters  or  slaves  who 
murdered  their  masters.  Crucifixion  came  next, 
the  lot  of  brigands.  Those  condemned  to  be 
thrown  to  beasts  lost  their  franchise  and  free- 
dom forthwith,  and  might  be  kept  to  be  tortured 
for  further  evidence  before  their  sentence  took 
effect  (j5.  29).  But  praefects  were  forbidden  to 
throw  ci'iminals  to  the  beasts  just  to  please  a 
popular  outcry  {ib.  31).  Criminals  might  of 
course  die  under  torture,  but  were  not  to  be  put 
to  death  by  torture,  unless  the  above  ways  be  so 
reckoned.  Roman  citizens  were  simply  beheaded 
with  the  sword.  Men  might  be  condemned,  not 
to  be  thrown  to  the  beasts,  but  to  fight  with 
them.  Then  there  was  slavery  in  the  mines 
with  heavier  or  lighter  chains  ;  the  lime-works 
and  sulphur  works  were  considered  the  worst, 
and  the  mines  furnished  occupation  to  women  as 
well  as  to  the  miners.  Then  there  was  trans- 
portation to  an  island,  which  involved  loss  of 
citizenship,  though  not  of  freedom  {ib.  xxii. 
6,  15).  Then  there  were  various  modes  of  flog- 
ging, a  cudgelling  was  thought  more  honourable 
than  a  scourging :  there  was  labour  in  public 
works,  banishment  to  an  island,  perpetual  or 
temporary  banishment.  In  almost  every  case 
the  punishment  varied  according  to  the  station 
of  the  offender.  This  is  exemplified  in  the  chief 
instance  that  we  have  of  a  persecution  of  the 
Jews.  The  crimes  of  some  would-be  Jewish 
missionaries  in  A.D.  19  brought  the  whole  com- 
munity into  trouble.  Four  thousand  of  the 
humbler  sort  were  shipped  off  to  Sardinia  to  be 
employed  against  the  brigands — "  if  they  died, 
small  loss  " — the  rest  were  to  recant  by  a  given 
day  or  leave  Italy  (Tac.  Ann.  ii.  85 ;  Jos.  Ant. 
Jud.  xviii.  5). 

VII.  Treatment  of  the  Bodies  of  the  Dead. — 
The  bodies  of  criminals,  and  even  the  ashes  of 
such  as  had  been  burnt  alive,  except  sometimes  in 
cases  of  treason,  were  given  up  for  burial  to  any 
who  might  ask  for  them  {Digest,  XLVII.  xxiv.). 
At  first  such  leave  was  only  granted  to  private 
individuals  ;  for  funeral  guilds  were  not  yet  al- 
lowed, and  most  of  the  early  cemeteries  bear  the 
name  of  some  wealthy  owner.  But  the  graves 
were  recognised  as  possessing  a  religious  sanctity. 
"  Religiosum  locum,"  says  Marcianus,  "  unusquis- 
que  sua  voluntate   facit,  dum    mortuum  infert 


MAETYR 

in  locum  suum "  (^Digest,  i.  viii.  6 ;  cf.  Gaius, 
Instit.  ii.  6).  In  303,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
persecution,  Diocletian  found  it  necessary  to  have 
the  bodies  of  the  martyrs  dug  up  and  thrown 
into  the  sea  (Eus.  H.  E.  viii.  6).  Thenceforth 
he  refused  them  burial.  Instances  of  the 
measures  taken  to  rob  the  Christians  of  the 
relics  will  be  found  in  the  acts  of  Claudius  and 
Asterius,  of  Victor  of  Marseilles,  Theodotus  of 
Ancyr.''.,  Vincent  of  Valencia,  Irenaeus  of 
Sirmium,  &c.  &c.  They  were  generally  thrown 
into  the  sea  in  sacks.  At  Caesarea,  on  one  occa- 
sion, they  lay  guarded,  and  the  dogs  threw 
them  all  about  the  city  (Eus.  Mart.  Pal.  9). 
The  more  grievous  the  wrong  done  to  the  holy 
bodies,  the  greater  the  eagerness  to  requite 
them  with  due  honour.  There  is  a  legend  of  a 
Roman  lady  sending  her  paramour  to  the  east, 
where  persecution  was  still  raging,  to  bring  her 
some  relics  (Ado,  June  5).  Antony  strongly 
protested  against  the  Egyptian  practice  of 
keeping  the  mummies  of  the  martyrs  in  private 
houses,  whereas  "  even  the  body  of  the  Loi-d  was 
buried  out  of  sight"  (Athanas.  Vita  Antonii,  ii. 
p.  602).  The  same  practice  is  forbidden  in 
one  of  the  Arabic  constitutions  which  claim 
to  be  of  the  council  of  Nice  (Labbe,  Cone.  ii. 
350). 

VIII.  Sepulture  of  Martyrs.— The  subject  of 
Christian  sepulture  in  general  is  treated  under 
BuKiAL,  Catacombs,  Obsequies. 

Of  differences  in  the  manner  of  sepulture  of 
martyrs,  which  should  enable  future  investi- 
gators to  distinguish  them  after  they  had  been 
forgotten,  we  have  very  little  evidence.  The 
title  was  sometimes  inscribed  on  the  tomb,  either 
at  the  time  of  the  interment  or  not  long  after 
(De  Rossi,  Eom.  Sott.  ii.  60,  61).  In  the  lives 
of  the  popes,  by  Anastasius,  Eutychian  is  said  to 
have  decreed  that  martyrs  should  not  be  buried 
without  a  purple  dalmatic.  Their  blood  was 
collected  and  buried  with  them  (Prudentius,  Feri- 
steph.  xi.  141-144),  but  the  separate  vessels 
supposed  to  contain  blood  are  now  recognised 
as  receptacles  for  the  wine  of  the  agapae,  or 
else  forgeries. 

Leibnitz  tested  a  red  sediment  on  a  frag- 
ment of  ancient  Christian  glass  with  sal-am- 
moniac, and  finding  the  solvent  successful, 
concluded  that  the  sediment  must  be  blood 
(Boldetti,  p.  187).  Palm  branches,  once  sup- 
posed to  distinguish  martyrs,  are  common  in  the 
Christian  epitaphs  of  the  4th  century  {ih.  p.  271). 
These  were  the  signs  by  which  the  Romanists  used 
to  pretend  to  distinguish  the  bodies  of  martyrs. 
Mabillon,  under  the  pseudonym  of  Eusebius 
Romanus,  entered  a  powerful  protest  (De  Cultu 
Sanctorum  ignotorum,  Paris,  1698).  Compare 
Martigny  (Z)jci.  des  Antiquites  Chretiennes,  sang 

DES  martyrs). 

It  was  very  usual  to  inter  the  relics  of  the 
martyrs  under  the  altar.  [Altar,  Consecra- 
tion.] There  seems  to  be  an  allusion  to  this 
custom  in  Rev.  vi.  9.  The  monuments  were 
at  first  above  ground.  The  monument  of  James 
the  Just  was  to  be  seen  in  the  days  of  Hege- 
sippus  (Eus.  H.  E.  II.  xxiii.),  and  the  trophies 
of  Peter  and  Paul  were  shewn  at  the  Vatican 
and  on  the  Ostian  way  (Gaius  ap.  Eus.  ii.  xxv.). 
So  long,  of  course,  as  the  cemeteries  were  in 
Christian  possession,  the  tombs  of  the  martyrs 
would  not   be  forgotten.     It  was  only  the  con- 


MAETYR 


1127 


fiscation  of  the  cemeteries  by   Diocletian    that 
caused  uncertainties. 

There  was  of  course  a  peculiar  sacredness 
attaching  to  the  bodies  of  the  martyrs.  They 
bore  visible  stamps  of  celestial  joy  triumphing 
over  earthly  malice.  When  tortured  into  a  mass 
of  sores,  the  application  of  fresh  cautery  some 
days  after  healed  them.  They  came  forth  from 
their  dungeons  with  shining  faces,  and  seemed  to 
emit  a  heavenly  fragrance  (Eus.  H.  E.  V.  i.  19, 
30).  The  martyrs  themselves  sometimes  dis- 
couraged the  desire  for  relics  {Ign.  ad  Rom.  4 ; 
Pontius,  Vit.  Gypr.  16) ;  but  sometimes  gave 
them  {Acta  Ferpetiute,  21).  The  relics  were 
regarded  as  more  precious  than  gold  {Mart. 
Polyc.  18),  and  the  taunts  of  the  Jews  that  the 
Christians  would  leave  Jesus  and  worship  Poly- 
carp  (i6.  17)  but  increased  their  devotion.  The 
heathen  attempted  to  make  the  resurrection  of 
the  martyrs  impossible  (Eus.  H.  E.  V.  i.  54—58) 
by  forbidding  the  interment.  Martyrs  often 
suffered  away  from  their  own  churches,  e.g. 
Ignatius,  and  the  possession  of  the  bodies  of 
martyrs  gave  lustre  to  the  churches  and  seemed 
a  guarantee  of  the  purity  of  their  doctrine 
(Polycr.  ap.  Eus.  H.  E.  v.  sxiv.  2-4).  Hence 
translations  were  necessary.  These  could  not  be 
effected  except  by  stealth  or  by  imperial  per- 
mission. It  was  probably  by  imperial  permission 
that  pope  Fabian  {Cat.  Liberianus)  translated  the 
bodies  of  Pontianus  and  Hippolytus  from  Sar- 
dinia to  Rome.    [Relics.] 

A  statue  of  Hippolytus  was  set  up  outside  his 
church. 

A  graffito  praying  for  the  peace  of  Pontianus 
was  found  in  the  papal  crypt,  and  is  referred  by 
De  Rossi  to  the  times  of  Fabian.  It  was  cut 
across  when  the  crypt  was  altered  by  Damasus 
{Rom.  Sott.  ii.  80,  cf.  381-396). 

IX.  Cultus.  —  Cultus,  with  ritea  of  private 
direction,  of  the  spirits  of  the  departed,  was  not 
a  new  religion,  though  it  was  continually  swell- 
ing the  roll  of  divinities.  But  the  graves 
wei'e  under  the  general  supervision  of  the 
pontifical  college,  and  might  not  be  repaired 
without  their  permission  {Digest,  XI.  vii.  viii. ; 
Bullettini,  p.  89). 

A  pagan's  will  directing  the  construction  of  a 
memorial  chamber  [Cella  Memoriae]  with 
an  exedra  or  summer-house,  marble  and  bronze 
statues  of  himself  seated,  a  lectica  and  stoue 
benches  with  drapery,  cushions,  and  vestments, 
and  an  altar  to  contain  his  bones,  an  orchard  to 
be  attached,  and  the  property  to  be  inalienable 
from  the  tomb,  two  freedmen  to  be  wardens 
on  yearly  pay,  and  all  the  freedmen  to  club  to- 
gether to  keep  up  a  yearly  feast  at  the  place, 
and  to  elect  club  masters  yearly  who  should 
sacrifice  monthly  through  the  summer  at  the 
tomb,  is  given  by  De  Rossi  in  the  Bullettini,  1863, 
p.  95.  A  monument  has  also  been  discovered, 
probably  of  a  Jew,  in  which  sepulture  is 
granted  to  the  freedmen  themselves  and  their 
descendants,  provided  they  "belong  to  my 
religion"  {ib.  1862,  p.  80).'  The  celebration  of 
the  eucharist  and  of  agapes  at  the  tombs  was  only 
illegal,  because  the  dead  had  died  as  traitors. 
Heathen  d  cultus  of   the  departed  in  general 


«  Neither  was  it  quite  heathenish,  and  out  of  li.\nnoiiy 
with  the  spirit  of  Judaism.  The  Jews  built  tlu^  Mpiil- 
chres  of  the  prophets,  pleaded  the  merits  of  the  patriarchs, 
thronged  their  sepulchres  with  lights  and  incense. 


1128 


; MARTYR 


was  based  upon  the  notion  that  their  souls  were 
hovering  about  their  bodies,  and  stood  in  need  of 
the  good  offices  of  the  living  to  their  bodies. 
Christian  belief  is  that  the  departed  need  the 
salvation  of  survivors,  that  they  without  us 
should  not  be  made  perfect  (Heb.  xi.  40).  Uu- 
dutiful  neglect  of  their  corpses  was  thus  inju- 
rious to  the  dead,  as  it  was  perilous  to  the 
living  (Cypr.  Ep.  8).  Their  souls  were  not  sup- 
posed to  hover  about  their  bodies,  but  their 
memory  was  the  strongest  incentive  to  that 
devotion  ou  the  part  of  survivors  which  they 
really  needed.  Hence  their  tombs  from  the 
first  (cf.  Heb.  xiii.  Rev.  vi.  Martyria  Ignatii  et 
Polycarpi)  were  places  for  the  celebration  of  the 
Eucharist. 

When  the  competition  between  heathen  and 
Christian  worship  had  once  begun,  the  heathenish 
notions  of  honouring  the  dead  by  wakes  and  with 
waxlights  began  to  gain  currency  among  the 
Christians.  In  the  canons  of  Illiberis,  in  or  just 
after  the  time  of  the  persecution  of  Diocletian,  it 
is  ordained  that  "  waxlights  should  not  be  burnt 
by  day  in  the  cemetery,"  and  the  reason  given 
for  this  prohibition  is  as  superstitious  as  the 
practice  prohibited,  "  for  the  spirits  of  the  saints 
are  not  to  be  disquieted  "  (^Can.  Elih.  34  ;  Kouth, 
Bell.  Sacrae,  iv.  265).     [Lights.] 

At  the  same  council  (can.  35)  women  were 
forbidden  to  keep  vigil  in  the  cemeteries,  because 
under  the  pretext  of  prayer  they  commit  sin. 
[Vigils.] 

When  Constantino  restored  the  property  of 
the  church,  the  re-erection  of  memorial  edifices 
and  celebration  of  festival  anniversaries  was 
commenced  under  prosperous  auspices.  If  every 
city  had  a  patron  deity,  almost  every  city 
had  a  native  guardian  saint.  In  the  west, 
Prudentius  enumerates  the  martyrs  in  whom 
diverse  cities  gloried.  Carthage  had  Cyprian ; 
Cordova,  Acisclus  and  Zoellus  and  another  trio ; 
Tarragona,  Fructuosus  and  his  deacons ;  Gironda, 
Felix ;  Calahorra,  Chelidonius ;  Barcelona,  Cu- 
cufas  ;  Narbonne,  Paul ;  Aries,  Genesius  ;  Con- 
plutum,  Justus  and  Pastor ;  Merida,  Eulalia ; 
Tangier,  Cassian ;  Fez,  the  Massylitans  ;  Valencia, 
Vincent ;  Sai-agossa  boasted  Encratis  and  a  group 
of  eighteen  (Prud.  Peristeph.  iv).  Kome  seemed  to 
be  crowded  with  martyrs :  they  were  buried 
there  in  heaps,  and  the  number  only,  not  the 
names,  inscribed  upon  the  tomb  :  in  one  sepul- 
chre lay  sixty  (ib.  xi). 

So  throughout  the  4th  century,  the  rival  cults 
contended  for  that  which  is  the  first  necessary  of 
a  ritual  system  of  hero-worship,  the  honour  of 
being  the  national  religion.  Paganism  had  the 
prestige  of  antiquity ;  martyr- worship  was  re- 
commended by  imperial  favour,  by  its  innate 
superiority,  and  by  the  independent  vital  force 
of  the  church  of  Christ. 

The  deities  of  the  heathen  were  by  this  time 
generally  recognised  among  the  heathen  them- 
selves as  merely  deified  men,  and  it  was  easy  to 
demonstrate  from  the  heathen  myths  that  they 
were  bad  men.  The  vices  of  the  gods  and  heroes 
were  the  commonplace  of  ancient  philosophers, 
and  Christian  preachers.  A  race  of  true  heroes 
had  sprung  up.  To  bow  before  the  horrible 
leavings  of  butchery  was  mortifying  to  human 
pride,  and  the  20th  canon  of  the  council  of 
Gangra,  A.D.  324,  was  passed  against  those  who 
disdained   the    worship   at    the    shrines  of  the 


MARTYR 

martyrs.  But  if  ridiculous  and  disgusting  in 
outward  form,  and  moving  the  disgust  of 
aristocratic  scholars  like  Eunapius  (Vita  Aedeni, 
78,  81),  the  new  worship  could  yet  justify  itself 
by  appeal  to  Plato  and  to  Hesiod  (Eus.  Fraep. 
Evang.  xiii.  22),  as  the  old  hero-worship  in  a 
better  spirit. 

Private  appropriation  of  the  martyrs  being 
forbidden,  the  privilege  of  worshipping  in  the 
public  cemeteries  became  the  more  precious.  The 
great  question  between  the  various  parties  of 
Christians  in  the  4th  century  was  which  of  them 
had  the  right  of  community  of  creed  and  commu- 
nion in  worship  with  the  ancient  champions  of  the 
common  faith.  Each  great  city  had  its  own  ceme- 
teries ;  for  those  of  Alexandria  and  Jerusalem  see 
De  Rossi,  Bullettini,  1865,  pp.  57  ff'.  and  84.  From 
this  heritage  of  ancient  memories  the  Catholic 
body  was,  during  great  part  of  the  4th  century, 
unjustly  excluded,  and  so  they  were  grasped  with 
the  more  tenacity  when  they  were  regained. 
Meanwhile  the  prohibitions  of  heathen  worship 
by  Constantius  (Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  x.  A.D.  341- 
356),  and  the  galvanic  resuscitation  of  it  by 
Julian  (Amm.  Marcell.  xxv.  4),  and  the  renewed 
abandonment  of  the  temples  at  his  death  (Soc. 
iii.  24)  and  interdiction  of  bloody  sacrifice  by 
Valens  and  Valentinian  (Liban.  Orat.  de  Templis, 
ii.  163)  sent  multitudes  into  the  church 
with  fresh  appetites  for  ritual  and  devotional 
exercises. 

The  most  striking  instance  of  the  support 
gained  by  the  cause  of  Christian  verity  and 
independence  from  its  ominous  alliance  with  the 
popular  fetishism,  and  from  the  supposed 
testimony  of  devils  whom  Christ  would  have 
gagged  at  once,  is  that  aft'orded  by  the  "  inven- 
tion "  of  the  bodies  of  Protasius  and  Gervasius  at 
Milan,  in  a.d.  386,  by  Ambrose.  From  the 
place  where  they  were  found,  the  church  of 
SS.  Nabor  and  Felix,  De  Rossi  argues  very 
probably  that  they  were  really  martyrs,  for  it 
was  an  ancient  Christian  cemetery  (Bullettini, 
1864,  p.  29).  But  they  had  been  quite  forgotten, 
and  a  dream  led  Ambrose  to  the  excavations 
which  disclosed  two  almost  gigantic  skeletons  with 
a  prodigious  quantity  of  fresh,  liquid  blood.  As 
the  bishop,  who  was  steadily  resisting  the  claim 
of  the  Arian  empress  for  a  single  church  in 
which  to  worship,  bore  the  relics  through  the 
city  to  his  new  basilica,  demoniacs  were  seized 
with  convulsions,  and  the  demons  owned  the 
power  of  the  martyrs  and  the  error  of  Arianism, 
and  left  their  victims.  The  relics  cured  a  well- 
known  citizen  who  had  been  many  years  blind. 
Undeniable  facts  will  not  convince  sceptics,  and 
the  Arians  derided  the  mii-acles,  but  the  Ca- 
tholics regarded  them  as  a  gracious  interposition 
of  Providence  on  their  behalf  (Ambros.  Ep.  xxii. ; 
Augustine,  Conf.  ix.  7  ;  Be  Civ.  Dei,  xxii.  8). 

The  year  after  the  occurrence  of  these  mii-acles 
the  Arian  empress  was  a  fugitive  and  a  suppliant 
at  the  court  of  the  first  Catholic  Christian 
emperor,  the  great  Theodosius,  who  finally  sup- 
pressed Paganism,  and  who  acknowledged  by 
his  submission  to  penance  the  power  of  the 
church  to  grant  or  withhold  to  the  sovereign  of 
the  world  the  bread  of  his  life,  but  who  prepared 
himself  for  the  contest  with  the  last  champion 
of  Paganism,  the  usurper  Eugenius  (Ambi*.  Ep. 
57)  by  going  round  all  the  places  of  prayer  with 
the  priests  and  the  people,  lying  prostrate  ift 


MARTYE 

sackcloth  before  the  tombs  of  martyrs  and 
apostles,  and  begging  help  from  the  intercession 
of  the  saints  (Raffinus,  Hist.  Eccl.  xi.  33). 

X.  Intercession  of  Martyrs. — While  martyr- 
doms were  frequent  they  were  regarded  as  a 
kind  of  perpetual  embassy  from  the  church  on 
earth  to  her  Lord.  They  were  requested  to  bear 
their  friends  in  mind  when  they  entered  into 
the  presence  of  Christ  (Eus.  Mart.  Pal.  7). 
Fructuosus,  A.d.  258,  answered  such  a  request 
by  saying,  I  must  needs  bear  in  mind  the  whole 
church  spread  from  east  to  west  {Acta  Fructuosi, 
c.  5).  Origen  says,  Of  the  martyrs  John  writes 
that  their  souls  assist  at  the  altar :  he  who 
assists  at  the  altar  performs  the  function  of  a 
priest:  it  is  the  office  of  a  priest  to  plead  for 
the  sins  of  the  people ;  I  fear  lest  since  we 
have  no  more  martyrs  it  be  with  us  as  with 
the  Jews  who  have  no  temple.  Our  sins  re- 
main in  us  (Orig.  in  Num.  x.  2,  t.  ii.  p.  302). 
The  belief  derived  from  the  words  of  Chi-ist 
(Luke  xxiii.  47,  Rev.  ii.  7),  that  the  souls  , 
of  the  martyrs  and  theirs  alone  passed  up  I 
into  the  presence  of  the  Lord  in  Paradise,  was 
confirmed  by  the  dreams  of  the  martyrs  them- 
selves (^Acta  Ferpetuae,  4,  11,  12  ;  TertuU.  de 
Anima,  c.  55).  Moreover  the  crown  which  Paul 
mentioned  as  laid  up  for  him  against  the  last 
day  (1  Tim.  iv.  8)  was  supposed  to  be  already 
given  them  (ilart.  Poly  carp.  19;  Eus.  H.  E.  v. 
2,  §  37  ;  Acta  Fructuosi  ad  fn.),  and  they  were 
regarded  as  the  future  assessors  of  Christ  in 
judgment  (Cypr.  Fpp.  vi.  2,  xv.  3,  xxxi.  3,  de 
Lapsis,  17). 

To  these  general  beliefs  Origen  (1.  c.)  added  a 
peculiar  doctrine  of  his  own,  which  he  supported 
by  Paul's  phrase  "  to  be  spent  "  (2  Cor.  xii.  15  ; 
2  Tim.  iv.  6),  that  Christ's  sons  joined  with  him 
in  taking  the  sins  of  the  saints.  In  his  Exhor- 
tation to  Martyrdom,  c.  50,  he  suggests  that 
perhaps  some  will  be  bought  by  the  precious 
blood  of  the  martyrs.  In  the  same  writing 
(c.  38)  he  suggested  that  after  death  the  father 
would  love  his  children  more  skilfully,  and  pray 
for  them  more  continuously  (t.  i.  p.  299).  So 
he  averred  that  the  souls  of  martyrs  not  only 
interceded  with  the  Lord,  but  themselves  admi- 
nistered forgiveness  to  those  who  prayed  (ib.  c. 
30,  p.  293).  He  had  been  taught  that  those 
who  had  gone  before  contended  in  prayer  for 
those  who  were  following  after,  and  licked  up 
their  adversaries  as  an  ox  licks  up  the  grass 
(in  Jesu  Nave,  xvi.  5).  He  gives  as  a  mystery 
not  to  be  written  down  the  doctrine  that  the 
souls  of  good  and  bad  men  become  good  and  evil 
angels  {in  Rom.  ii.  4,  t.  iv.  p.  479),  and  he 
seems  to  speak  of  martyrdom  as  necessary  for 
attaining  eternal  life,  though  good  works  might 
lead  to  glory,  honour,  and  peace  (ib.  c.  7,  p. 
483). 

These  beliefs  naturally  found  expression  in 
the  forms  of  Christian  worship.  Thus  as  regards 
the  martyrs,  in  the  prayer  for  the  whole  church, 
it  was  not  said  "  we  beseech  thee  for  them,"  but 
"  we  ofter  on  their  behalf  "—an  important  differ- 
ence (Const.  Ap.  viii.  12),  and  in  the  bidding 
prayer  the  faithful  were  not  bidden  to  pray  for 
them,  but  remember  them  (ih.  c.  13).  Prayers 
for  them  there  were  in  the  sense  of  pious  wishes, 
but  not  in  the  sense  of  earnest  entreaties,  such 
as  were  made  for  others  of  the  dead  (Perpetua, 
c.  7).     The   Nestorians    indeed   whose    liturgies 


MARTYR 


1129 


seem  in  other  respects  to  give  the  prayer  in  a 
more  ancient  form,  requested  that  the  sins  of  the 
martyrs  might  be  foi-given  them.  "0  Lord  our 
God,  receive  from  us  by  Thy  grace  this  sacrifice 
of  thanksgiving,  the  reasonable  fruit  of  our  lips, 
that  the  memory  of  the  just  men  of  old,  the 
holy  prophets,  blessed  Apostles,  martyrs,  &c., 
and  all  sons  of  Holy  Church  may  be  before 
Thee,  that  of  Thy  grace  thou  wouldst  give  them 
pardon  of  all  sins  that  they  have  done  in  this 
world  in  a  mortal  body  and  in  a  mutable  soul, 
as  there  is  no  man  who  sinneth  not "  (Renaudot, 
Lit.  orient,  coll.  t.  ii.  p.  620).  Epiphanius  appeals 
to  such  prayers  as  a  proof  of  the  wide  distance 
that  the  church  acknowledged  between  the 
holiest  saint  and  the  Lord  (Epiph.  c.  Haer.  75,  §  7). 
But  Augustine  says  we  do  not  pray  for  martyrs, 
for  they  have  fulfilled  the  love  than  which  no 
man  hath  greater.  We  ask  them  to  pray  for  us 
(Aug.  in  Joann.  tract.  Ixxxiv.  t.  iii.  coll.  847). 
And  again,  it  is  a  wrong  to  pray  for  a  martyr 
(Aug.  Serm.  159,  v.  867). 

Invocation  of  the  martyrs  was  fostered  by 
Christian  orators,  whose  theology  was  influenced 
by  the  teaching  of  Origen,  but  whose  rhetorical 
training  had  been  received  in  schools  of  pagan 
panegyric.  Their  sermons  vividly  depict,  and 
enable  us  to  enumerate,  the  superstitions  which 
they  encouraged. 

Basil,  in  his  Oration  cni  Barlaam,  speaks  of  the 
martyrs  as  fishers  of  men  after  their  death, 
drawing  myriads  as  in  a  drag-net  to  their  tombs, 
p.  139.  On  Mamas,  he  cuts  short  the  praise  of 
the  martyr  to  proceed  to  the  lessons  he  meant  to 
enforce,  but  not  to  disappoint  the  expectations 
of  his  audience,  who  had  come  to  hear  an  en- 
comium, he  says,  "  Remember  the  martyr  (1)  all 
who  have  enjoyed  a  sight  of  him  in  dreams,  (2) 
all  who  have  lighted  on  this  place  and  have  had 
him  for  a  helper  in  your  prayers,  (3)  all  whom 
he  has  helped  at  work,  when  invoked  by  name, 
(4)  all  whom  he  has  brought  home  from  way- 
faring, (5)  all  whom  he  has  raised  up  from 
sickness,  all  to  whom  he  has  restored  childi-en 
already  dead,  all  whose  life  he  has  prolonged. 
Bring  all  the  facts  together;  work  him  up  an 
encomium  by  common  contribution.  Distribute 
to  each  other,  let  each  one  impart  his  knowledge 
to  the  ignorant,"  p.  185.  So  Nazianzen  in  his 
sermon  On  Cyprian,  in  which  by  the  way  he 
goes  wofuUy  astray  respecting  that  father's 
personal  identity,  bids  them  supply  the  tale  of 
his  good  offices  for  themselves,  as  their  own 
offering  in  his  honour,  (6)  his  knowledge  of  the 
future,  (7)  his  overthrow  of  demons — "Cyprian's 
dust,  with  faith,  can  do  all  things,  so  they  know 
who  have  tried  it "  (Greg.  Naz.  i.  449). 

Gregory  Nyssen,  Basil's  brother,  preaching  in 
honour  of  Theodore,  after  describing  the  church, 
the  carved  wood,  the  polished  stone,  the  painted 
walls,  the  mosaic  pavement,  the  cherished  and 
treasured  sweepings,  bids  them  beseech  the  saint 
as  a  satellite  (oopixpopov)  of  God,  as  one  that 
accepts  their  gifts  just  when  He  chooses.  "  He 
has  gone  away  the  fair  and  blissful  road  to  God, 
leaving  us  the  monument  of  his  contest  as  a 
teaching-hall,  gathering  congregations,  instruct- 
ing a  church,  driving  away  demons,  bringing 
down  graceful  angels,  seeking  for  us  from  God 
the  things  profitable  for  us,  having  made  this 
place  a  medicine-hall  for  various  ailments,  a 
haven  for  those  tost  with  afflictions  a  storehouse 


1130 


MARTYR 


of  abundance  for  the  poor,  a  beacon  of  refuge 
for  wayfarers,  a  ceaseless  festival  of  such  as 
keep  holy  days.  The  throng  never  ceases,  coming 
and  going  like  ants.  He  it  is  who  in  the.^e 
late  years  has  stilled  the  tempest  raised  by  the 
savage  Scythians,  opposing  to  their  inroad  no 
common  weapons,  but  the  cross  of  Christ,  which 
is  almighty."  The  saint  is  invoked  and  asked  to 
have  his  heavenly  duties  of  song.  "  We  dread 
calamities  and  look  for  dangers ;  the  grievous 
Scythians  threaten  war  and  are  not  far  off: 
right  thou  for  us  as  a  soldier ;  as  a  martyr 
employ  in  aid  of  thy  fellow-servants,  thy  own 
freedom  of  speech.  Thou  hast  passed  away  from 
this  life,  but  still  knowest  the  passions  and 
wants  of  men.  Pray  for  peace.  To  thee  we 
ascribe  the  benefit  of  our  preservation  hitherto, 
and  to  thee  we  pray  for  future  safety.  Or  if 
need  be  of  more  numerous  entreaty,  gather  the 
choir  of  thy  brother  martyrs;  remind  Peter; 
Avake  Paul."  (Greg.  Nyss.  iii.  578  ff.)  Ephraim 
Syrus  entreats  the  mother  of  the  forty  martyrs 
to  intercede  for  him  with  them  (Eph.  Syr.  II. 
355,  391). 

Basil,  in  his  sermon  on  these  forty  martyrs, 
cries,  "  You  often  labour  to  find  one  to  pray  for 
you,  here  are  forty.  Where  two  or  three  are 
met  in  the  Lord's  name,  God  is  there,  but  where 
there  are  forty,  who  can  doubt  His  presence? 
These  are  they  who  guard  our  country  like  a 
line  of  forts.  They  do  not  shut  themselves  up 
in  one  place,  but  they  are  sojoui-ners  already  in 
many  spots,  and  adorn  many  homes,  and  the 
strange  thing  is,  that  they  are  not  divided  asun- 
der on  their  visits  to  their  entertainers,  but  are 
mingled  up  one  with  another,  and  make  choral 
progress  unitedly.  Divide  them  into  a  hundred, 
and  they  do  not  exceed  their  proper  number  ; 
bring  them  together  in  one  and  they  are  forty 
still,  like  fire  "  (Basil,  ii.  155). 

So  in  the  next  century  Theodoret.  "  Their 
noble  souls  roam  round  the  heavens  dancing 
with  the  unembodied  choirs.  But  as  for  their 
bodies,  it  is  not  a  single  tomb  apiece  that  covers 
them,  but  cities  and  villages  share  them,  and  call 
them  saviours  of  souls  and  healers  of  bodies,  and 
honour  them  as  patrons  and  guardians.  The 
least  little  relic  has  the  same  power  as  the  un- 
divided martyr,  and  all  this  does  not  persuade 
you  to  hymn  their  God,  but  you  laugh  and 
mock." 

Basil,  the  Gregories,  and  Ephraim,  did  much 
else  besides  lauding  the  martyrs.  But  in  the 
west  the  title  of  Prudentius  to  fame  lies  mainly 
in  the  "  passionate  splendours  "  of  the  verse  in 
which  he  hymns  them,  and  the  solitary  devotion 
of  the  poet  is  more  contagious  than  the  fervour 
of  the  orators.  "I  shall  be  purged  by  the 
radiance  of  thy  propitious  face,  if  thou  fill  my 
heart :  nothing  is  unchaste,  that  thou,  pious 
Agnes,  deigned  to  visit  and  to  touch  with  thy 
footstep  of  blessing  {Peristeph.  xiv.  130-153). 
Be  present  now  and  receive  the  beseeching  voices 
of  thy  suppliants,  thou  efficacious  orator  for  our 
guilt  before  the  Father's  throne.  By  that 
prison  we  pray  thee,  the  increase  of  thy  honovir; 
by  the  chains,  the  flames,  the  prongs,  by  the 
stocks  in  the  gaol ;  by  the  litter  of  broken  sherds, 
whence  thy  glory  sprang  and  grew  ;  by  that  iron 
bed,  which  we  men  of  after  days  kiss  trembling, 
thy  bed  of  fire  ;  have  pity  on  our  prayers,  that 
Christ  may  be  appeased  and  bend  a  prosperous 


MARTYR 

ear  and  not  impute  to  us  all  our  offences.  If 
duly  we  venerate  with  voice  and  heart  thy 
solemn  day,  if  we  lie  low  as  a  pavement  beneath 
the  joy  of  thine  approaching  footsteps,  glide  in 
hither  awhile,  bringing  down  with  thee  the 
favour  of  Christ,  that  our  burdened  senses  may 
feel  the  relief  of  thine  indulgence  "  (i6.  v.  545- 
568).  So  when  they  tried  to  approach  Christ 
through  the  martyrs  instead  of  seeking  the 
martyrs  in  Christ,  the  martyrs  began  to  usurp 
Christ's  place. 

The  existence  of  a  notion  that  it  was  a  wrong 
to  a  martyr  to  leave  him  uncelebrated,  as  though 
he  had  looked  for  honour  from  posterity  rather 
than  from  the  Lord,  is  abundantly  evidenced  not 
only  in  the  poems  of  Prudentius,  but  in  the 
labou]'s  of  the  factious  and  pompous  prelate 
Damasus  (a.D.  366-384),  who  was  a  mainstay  of 
the  true  faith,  a  stickler  for  the  supremacy  of 
the  Roman  see,  and  a  great  champion  of  vir- 
ginity, but  who  is  recommended  to  posterity 
mainly  by  his  devotion  to  the  shrines  of  the 
martyrs.  He  endeavoured  to  clothe  the  naked 
ugliness  of  the  new  rag-and-bone  worship,  not 
only  with  the  clamour  of  rhetoric  and  poetry, 
but  with  the  adornments  of  decorative  art. 
[Catacombs.] 

It  remained  for  the  leaders  of  the  church  to 
correct  or  justify  the  heathenised  character  of 
Christian  worship.  In  one  respect,  in  the  west 
at  least,  they  set  about  correcting  it.  The 
Christians  were  accused  by  the  heathens  and 
Manichees  of  turning  the  ancient  sacrificial  feasts 
into  agapae.  In  the  east  these  were  forbidden 
in  the  churches  by  the  28th  canon  of  the  council 
of  Laodicea,  and  so  were  celebrated  at  the  out- 
door shrines  (Chrys.  Horn,  xlvii.).  So  Chryso- 
stom  urges  his  hearers.  "  If  you  want  recrea- 
tion, go  to  the  parks,  to  the  river  side,  and  the 
lakes ;  consider  the  flower-beds ;  listen  to  the 
song  of  the  cicalas ;  haunt  the  shrines  of  the 
martyrs,  where  there  is  health  for  the  body 
and  good  for  the  soul,  and  no  damage  nor  repent- 
ance after  the  pleasure  "  (in  Matth.  Horn.  37,  t. 
vii.  477).  So  Theodoret  boasted  that  instead  of 
the  Pandia  and  Dionysia  there  were  public  ban- 
quets in  honour  of  Peter  and  Paul,  and  Thomas 
and  Sergius,  and  Marcellus  and  Leontius,  and 
Panteleemon,  and  Antoninus  and  Maurice,  and 
the  other  martyrs,  and  instead  of  the  old  foul 
deeds  and  words  they  were  sober  feasts  without 
drunkenness  and  revel  and  laughter,  but  divine 
hymns  and  sacred  discourses  and  tearful  prayer 
(Theod.  Grace,  affect.  Cur.  viii.  ad  fin.).  But  in 
the  west  Ambrose  forbade  these  agapae  at  Milan 
(Aug.  Conf.  vi.  2),  Augustine  moved  Aurelius 
to  abolish  them  at  Carthage  (Aug.  ad  Aurel. 
Ep.  22),  then  himself  abrogated  them  at  Hippo 
(ad  Alyp.  Ep.  29,  A.D.  395),  and  finally  procured 
their  prohibition  by  the  3rd  council  of  Carthage, 
in  A.D.  397  (can.  30).  In  Africa  the  feast  was 
called,  not  agape,  but  laetitia.  There  were  dances 
all  night  in  honour  of  Cyprian  (Aug.  Serm.  311, 
t.  V.  col.  1415).  Some  brought  food  to  the 
altars  of  the  martyrs  to  be  blessed  and  sanctified, 
and  then  took  it  to  eat  elsewhere  or  to  give 
away  (Aug.  de  Civ.  Dei,  viii.  27,  t.  vii.  255).  At 
these  feasts  wine  was  sold  in  the  churches. 
Paulinus  of  Nola  was  unable  to  get  the  custom 
done  away,  and  tried  to  improve  it  by  the  intro- 
duction of  sacred  pictures  (Paulin.  Nat.Felicis, 
ix.) 


I  MARTYR 

Augustine  rarely  says  anything  to  increase 
the  popular  devotion  to  the  martyrs.  In  one 
sermon  he  exclaims,  "  In  what  Christian's  mouth 
does  not  the  name  of  the  martyrs  make  a  daily 
habitation.  Would  that  it  dwelt  so  in  our 
hearts  that  we  might  imitate  their  passions,  and 
not  persecute  them  with  our  drinking  cups " 
(m  Ep.  Joann.  i.  2,  t.  iii.  1979).  Again  he 
says,  "  The  martyrs  hate  your  drinking  bouts, 
but  if  they  are  worshipped  they  hate  that  much 
more.  Who  says,  I  oft'er  to  thee,  Peter.  Christ 
chose  rather  to  be,  than  to  claim,  a  sacrifice  " 
{Scrm.  273,  t.  v.  1250).  Again  he  complains  that 
the  martyrs  are  more  honoured  than  the  Apostles 
{Serm.  298,  t.  v.  1365).  But  he  observes  that  to 
rejoice  at  the  virtues  of  our  betters  is  no  small 
part  of  imitation  (Serm.  280,  ib.  1283),  and  once 
he  suggests,  "  If  we  are  not  quite  worthy  to  re- 
ceive let  us  ask  through  His  friends  (Serm.  332, 
ib.  1462). 

In  the  8th  chapter  of  22nd  book  de  Civitate  Dei 
Augustine  enumerates  the  ascertained  miracles 
of  the  martyrs,  and  in  the  9th  chapter  he  points 
out  the  difl'erence  between  these  and  the  admitted 
miracles  of  the  pagan  heroes.  The  demons 
worked  wonders  in  pride  to  prove  themselves 
gods ;  the  martyrs,  or  God  for  them,  for  the 
growth  of  faith  in  the  one  God.  Their  memo- 
rials are  not  temples.  They  are  commemorated, 
not  invoked.  There  is  no  priest  of  the  martyr. 
The  sacrifice  is  the  body  of  Christ,  which  the 
martyrs  are. 

Against  Faustus  the  Manichee,  who  urges 
that  the  theoretical  monotheism  and  practical 
polytheism  of  the  Christians  were  alike  borrowed 
from  paganism,  so  that  they  were  not  a  new  creed 
but  a  mere  set  of  schismatics— "  desciscentes 
a  gentibus  monarchiae  opinionem  primum  vobis- 
cum  divulsistis,  ut  omnia  credatis  ex  Deo,  sacri- 
ficia  vero  eorum  vertistis  in  agapes,  idola  in 
martyros,  quos  votis  similibus  colitis  ;  defunc- 
torum  umbras  vino  placatis  et  dapibus  " — Augus- 
tine answers  that  the  martyrs  are  celebrated  to 
excite  our  imitation  that  we  may  be  associated 
with  their  merits  and  helped  by  their  prayers, 
and  that  by  the  admonition  of  the  places  them- 
selves a  greater  afiection  may  arise  to  warm  our 
love  both  to  those  whom  we  can  imitate  and  to 
Him  by  whose  help  we  ai'e  able.  So  we  worship 
the  martyrs  with  that  worship  of  love  and  resort 
to  this  society  with  which  holy  men  of  God  are 
worshipped  in  this  life,  but  the  more  devoutly 
as  the  more  securely.  But  with  the  worship 
of  latria  we  worship  only  one  God.  But,  he 
says,  -what  we  teach  is  one  thing,  what  we  have 
to  put  up  with  is  another  (Aug.  c.  Faust,  xx. 
4,  21,  t.  viii.  370,  384). 

Theodoret  says  boldly  that  the  Lord  has 
raised  the  martyrs  to  the  place  of  the  heathen 
gods  (Theod.  Graec.  aff.  Cur.  viii.  ad  fin.). 

XI.  ^  Burial  near  the  Marti/rs. — Ambrose  him- 
self laid  his  bones  beside  Protasius  and  Gervasius 
(Ambr.  0pp.  ii.  1110).  Damasus  would  flvin  have 
been  buried  in  the  crypt  of  Xystus,  but  that  he 
feared  to  vex  the  ashes  of  the  pious.  "  Our 
ancestors,"  says  Maximus  of  Turin,  "  have  pro- 
vided that  we  should  associate  our  bodies  with 
the  bones  of  the  saints.  While  Christ  shines  on 
them,  the  gloom  of  our  darkness  is  dispelled  " 
(Max.  Taur.  Horn.  Ixxxi.).  But  this  was  a  pri- 
vilege that  many  desired  and  few  obtained,  as 
we  read  in  an  inscription,  a.d.  301,  given  by  De 


MARTYR 


1131 


Rossi  (Inscriptiones  Christianae,  i.  142).  Augus- 
tine's work  (De  Cura  Mortuoriim)  was  written  in 
answer  to  a  question  put  to  him  by  Paulinus, 
bishop  of  Nola,  whether  burial  in  such  proximity 
to  the  saints  were  of  benefit  to  the  deceased. 
He  answers  that  some  are  so  good  and  others  so 
bad  that  whatever  is  done  for  them  after  death 
is  superfluous  or  useless,  but  many  whose  merits 
are  only  middling  may  be  benefited  by  the 
actions  of  survivors  ;  that  sepulture  in  itself  does 
no  good  to  the  soul,  but  that  care  for  it  is  lauda- 
ble, and  the  grave  reminds  people  to  pray  for 
the  deceased.  The  martyrs  themselves  did  not 
care  how  they  were  buried.  Men  have  visions 
of  the  dead,  as  they  have  visions  of  the  living, 
but  the  souls  of  the  dead  are  not  concerned  with 
what  is  done  here,  yet  the  dead  may  know  what 
is  passing  on  earth,  for  the  martyrs  do  help 
their  suppliants.  The  martyrs  are  perpetually 
praying,  and  God  hears  their  prayers,  and  gives 
the  suppliants  who  seek  their  intercession  what 
He  himself  perceives  that  they  want.  The 
sacrifices  of  the  altar,  of  prayers,  and  of  alms 
are  the  only  way  of  benefiting  the  departed 
(Aug.  vi.  591  ft'.).  The  epitaph  of  Sabinus  the 
archdeacon,  who  was  content  to  lie  under  the 
threshold  of  the  church  of  St.  Lawrence,  is 
given  by  De  Rossi  (Bullettini,  1869,  p.  33).  See 
also  Le  Blant,  Inscriptions  Chretiennes  de  la 
Gaulc,  t.  i.  pp.  396,  471,  t.  ii.  p.  219. 

XII.  Vindication  of  martyrs. — The  many  false 
claims  to  martyrdom  made  a  kind  of  canoni- 
zation necessary.     This  was  called  vindication. 

Before  Diocletian's  persecution  one  Lucilla  at 
Carthage  was  said  to  taste  (i.e.  kiss)  the  mouth 
of  some  martyr,  if  martyr  it  were,  before  the 
spiritual  meat  and  drink,  and  when  rebuked  by 
Caecilian,  then  deacon,  for  preferring  the  mouth 
of  a  dead  man,  and  if  a  martyr,  not  however  as 
yet  vindicated,  to  the  cup  of  salvation,  she  went 
off  in  anger  (Optatus,  i.  16). 

The  clergy  were  the  wardens  of  the  ceme- 
teries, and  kept  the  register  of  martyrdoms  as 
they  occurred,  and  we  have  also  seen  the  rules 
laid  down  for  the  qualifications  of  martyrdom. 
Doubts  seem  only  to  have  arisen  in  Africa  where 
there  were  numerous  false  claims  of  the  Dona- 
tists,  and  in  Gaul  which  had  been  so  free  from 
persecution,  and  so  unsettled  by  barbarian  in- 
vasions, that  it  had  many  unauthorised  shrines. 
The  2nd  canon  of  the  Council  of  Carthage  in  the 
times  of  pope  Julius  decrees,  "  Martyrum  digni- 
tatem nemo  profanus  infamet,  neque  ad  passiva 
corpora,  quae  sepulturae  tantum  propter  miseri- 
cordiam  ecclesiasticam  commendari  mandatum 
est,  redigat,  ut  aut  insania  praecipitatos  aut  alia 
peccati  ratione  disjunctos  martyrum  nomine  ap- 
pellet.  At  si  quis  ad  injuriam  martyrum  clarltati 
eorum  adjungat  infamiam,  placet  eos  si  laici  sint 
ad  poenitentiam  redigi,  si  autem  sint  clerici  post 
commonitionem  et  post  cognitionem  honore 
privari  "  (Labbe,  Cone.  ii.  714).  And  the  14th 
canon  of  the  5th  council  of  Carthage,  in  the 
time  of  Augustine,  decreed  that  no  monument 
of  the  martyrs  should  be  accepted  except  where 
a  body  or  relics  or  the  origin  of  a  martyr's 
habitation  was  faithfully  handed  down  by  tradi- 
tion (ibid,  1217).  In  Gaul,  St.  Martin  was 
troubled  at  the  reverence  paid  to  a  tomb  of 
which  no  certain  account  could  be  given,  and  he 
had  a  vision  of  the  occupant  as  a  black  criminal. 
So  he  dissuaded  the  people  from  continuing  their 


1132 


MAETYRAEIUS 


devotion  to  it  (Sulpicius,  Vita  Martini,  11). 
The  Council  of  Aix  in  a.d.  787  decreed  that  the 
altars  which  are  set  up  everywhere  through  the 
fields  and  ways  as  monuments  of  martyrs,  in 
which  no  body  or  relics  of  martyrs  are  proved 
to  be  buried,  be  removed  by  the  bishops  of  the 
places  if  possible.  "  If  popular  tumults  do  not 
suffer  this,  yet  let  the  people  be  admonished  not 
to  frequent  those  places."  Then  the  African 
canon  is  repeated,  scenes  of  passions  being  al- 
lowed as  well  as  bu-thplaces  or  homes,  and  they 
proceed  to  condemn  trust  in  dreams.  "  The  altars 
which  are  set  up  by  inane  revelations  are  alto- 
gether to  be  reprobated  "  (Labbe,  Cone.  vii.  979). 
Arian  martyrs,  such  as  George,  acquired  such 
celebrity  in  the  East  that  it  was  impossible  to 
exclude  them  from  Rome,  but  their  acts  were 
forbidden  to  be  read  by  a  council  under  Gelasius, 
A.D.  494  (Labbe,  Cone.  iv.  1263).         [E.  B.  B.] 

MAETYEAEIUS,  or  Custos  Ecclesiae,  a 
keeper  of  a  Marttrium,  or  church  of  a 
martyr.  The  13th  canon  of  the  second  council 
of  Orleans  mentions  them  as  a  well-known 
class :  "  Abbates,  martyrarii,  reclusi,  vel  pres- 
byteri  apostolia  dare  non  praesumant."  These 
relics  were  often  preserved  in  little  shrines 
or  chapels  (sacella),  divided  from  the  main 
building,  a  practice  familiar  to  classic  times, 
and  of  which  there  are  notices  in  Cicero  and  other 
heathen  writers ;  and  in  the  larger  churches,  at 
all  events  at  Rome,  a  separate  guardian  or  mar- 
tyrarius  was  permanently  attached  to  each  of 
these,  who  came  to  be  called  capellanus,  i.e. 
chaplain,  and  was  usually  a  priest.  The  Zj6e?' 
Pontifiealis  states  of  Pope  Silvester,  "  Hie  con- 
stituit  ut  qui  desideraret  in  ecclesia  militare 
aut  proficere,  ut  esset  prius  ostiarius,  deinde 
lector  et  postea  exorcista  per  tempora  quae 
episcopus  const  ituerit,  deinde  acolythus  annis 
quinque,  subdiaconus  annis  quinque,  custos 
martyrum  annis  quinque,"  etc.  The  authority 
of  this  work,  however,  is  not  high  for  the  early 
popes.  Similarly,  Zozimus,  bishop  of  Syracuse, 
is  said  to  have  been  in  his  earlier  life  "  custos 
pretiosi  loculi  S.  Virginis  Luciae,"  apparently 
a  shrine,  and  afterwards  "  ostiarius  et  templi 
custos."  [S.  J.  E.] 

MAETYEDOM,  Representations  of.  The 
earliest  representations  of  martyrdom  with 
which  the  writer  is  acquainted  occur  in  the 
Menologium  of  the  Vatican  library,  which 
DAgincourt  places  in  the  9th  or  10th  century. 
See  L'Art  dans  les  Monuments,  pi.  sxxi.  xxxii. 
xxxiii.  The  entire  absence  of  any  such  pictures 
or  carvings  from  the  catacombs,  or  earliest 
Christian  works  of  the  days  of  persecution,  has 
often  been  the  subject  of  comment.  Daniel 
between  the  lions  unharmed,  and  the  three 
children  scatheless  in  the  furnace,  are  the  only 
tokens  of  the  persecutions  of  the  first  two  cen- 
turies. 

The  introduction  of  martyrdoms  of  saints  not 
mentioned  in  Holy  Scriptures  probably  synchro- 
nises with  that  of  the  Last  Judgment,  with  its 
hell,  in  the  11th  century.  For  the  subject  of 
the  Holy  Innocents,  see  Innocents,  p.  841.  The 
writer  knows  of  no  representation  of  the  latter 
earlier  than  the  Chajtres  evangeliary,  said  by 
Rohault  de  Fleury  {Evangile,  i.  282,  and  plate) 
to  be  of  the  9th  century,  but  probably  still  later. 
Nor  can  he    call    to   mind   any   representation, 


IMAETYEOLOGY 

within  our  range,  of  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Ste- 
phen. [See  Crucifix,  p.  511  fif.]     [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MAETYEIA,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Tomi  June  20  {Hierm.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAETYEIUM  (/xapripiov).  Originally  the 
spot  where  a  martyr  endured  martyrdom,  and 
where  his  remains  were  buried.  When  chapels  and 
churches  came  to  be  built  over  these  consecrated 
places,  they  assumed  the  sam.e  name,  and  were 
known  as  "  martyries."  A  martyry  is  defined 
by  Isidore  as  "  locus  martyrum,  graeca  deriva- 
tione,  eo  quod  in  memoriam  martyris  sit  con- 
structum,  vel  quod  sepulchra  sanctorum  ibi  sint  " 
(Ibid.  Etymol.  lib.  xv.  c.  9).  The  term  gradually 
gained  a  more  extended  application,  "  postea 
omnis  Ecclesia  titulo  cujusvis  sancti  vocata  est 
martyrium  "  (Suicer,  sub  voee), — partly  justified 
by  the  fact  that  no  church  could  be  consecrated 
without  containing  the  relics  of  a  martyr.  Thus 
we  find  the  terms  fiaprvpiov  or  (KKXv.tria  used 
without  any  distinction,  and  often  applied  to 
the  same  building.  Thus  the  church  built  by 
Constantine  on  Calvary  is  called  by  Athanasius 
rh  (TicTfipwv  ixapTvpiov  {Apol.  ii.  torn.  i.  p.  801), 
and  by  Sozomen  rh  fxiya  ixaprvpiov  (//.  E.  ii.  26), 
and  Jerome  says  "  cujus  industria  Hierosolymae 
martyrium  exstructum  est  "  (Hieron.  Chron.  7  ; 
Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  iv.  40 ;  Theophanes,  ann.  32 
Const.).  The  same  name  is  given  to  the  church 
of  St.  Thomas  at  Edessa  (Socr.  If.  E.  iv.  18),  and 
to  those  of  St.  John  and  of  the  Apostles  at  Con- 
stantinople (Pallad.  pp.  63,  159),  and  to  the 
basilica  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome  (Athanas.  Epist.  ad 
Solitar.  torn.  i.  p.  834),  and  to  the  church  at 
Constantinople  where  the  relics  of  the  40  mar- 
tyrs were  discovered  (Soz.  H.  E.  ix.  2).  The 
church  of  St.  Euphemia  at  Chalcedon,  which 
was  the  place  of  meeting  of  the  oecumenical 
council,  called  iKKAriaia  in  the  exordium  of  Aeta 
i.  and  ii.,  is  styled  fiaprvpiov  in  Acta  iii.  (Labbe, 
iv.  371).  The  Council  of  the  Oak  was  also  held 
in  a  "  martyry  "  where  the  body  of  Dioscorus  of 
Hermopolis,  one  of  "  the  Tall  Brethren,"  was 
subsequently  interred  (Socr.  ff.  E.  vi.  17),  and  it 
was  in  "  the  martyry "  of  Basiliscus,  in  the 
vicinity  of  Comana,  that  Chrysostom  died  (Pallad. 
99).  Though  they  are  often  regarded  as  synony- 
mous, that  fiapTvptov  was  not  identical  with 
e/c/cATjtria  appears  from  the  complaint  of  the 
Eastei'n  bishops  at  the  council  of  Ephesus  to  the 
emperors  that  Cyril  and  the  Western  prelates 
had  closed  against  them  '"  both  churches  and 
martyries,"  ras  ayias  €KK\r](T'tas  Kal  to.  ayta 
p.aprvpia  (Theodoret,  EjAst.  152,  153).  The 
Theodosian  code  expressly  sanctions  the  erection 
and  adornment  of  martyr-chapels,  "  quod  mar- 
tyrium vocandum  sit,"  over  the  graves  of  saints 
(Cod.  Theod.  de  Sepulchris  violatis,  tit.  xvii.  lex 
vii.  vol.  iii.  p.  152).  [E.  v.] 

MAETYRIUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
May  29  (Usuard.  Mart.),  at  Rome  (^Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Marcianus,  notaries  ;  comme- 
morated Oct.  25  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Daniel,  Cod. 
Litirg.  iv.  272).  [C.  H.] 

MAETYEOLOGY  {Martyrologium,  fxaprvpo- 
\6yiov).  This  word  denotes  a  list  of  martyrs, 
especially  one  arranged  according  to  the  succes- 
sion of  their  anniversaries.  In  the  East  such  a 
list   was  more    commonly    called   a   menology. 


}  MARTYKOLOGY 

I'MenOLOGY.]  a  martyrography  meant  a  tale  of 
{martyrdom  {v.  Ducange,  in  voce). 
I  In  the  earliest  adducible  example  of  the  cele- 
Ibration  of  the  anniversary  of  a  martyr's  death, 
iithe  comraemoratiou  of  Polycarp,  who  died  Feb. 
l23,  A.D.  155  {Mart.  Polyc.  c.  21  ;  cf.  Zahn,  m 
\ioco),  we  may  note  a  few  points  bearing  on 
[the  history  of  martyrologies.  (1)  the  celebra- 
!tion  was  local  at  the  mai-tyrium  (ih.  c.  18); 
(2)  yet  +he  anniversary  was  made  known  to  a 
neighbouring  church  and  all  churches  {ih. 
Salut.)  ;  (3)  only  the  most  notable  of  the 
martyrs  was  commemorated  by  name,  and  the 
others  who  suffered  about  the  same  time  were 
joined  with  him  and  merely  numbered  ;  (4)  the 
martyr  was  burnt  on  a  public  showday,  which 
happened  to  coincide  with  a  high  sabbath  of  the 
Jews,  the  7th  Saturday  before  Easter:  so  the 
birthday  of  Geta  (March  7)  became  to  the  Chris- 
tians the  birthday  of  Perpetua,  and  continually 
heathen  festivals  must  have  been  hallowed  by 
Christian  martyrdoms,  as  butchering  martyrs 
was  a  holiday  sport ;  (5)  on  a  subsequent  coin- 
cidence of  the  same  Jewish  and  heathen  anniver- 
saries in  A.D.  250  the  martyr  Pionius  was 
arrested  ;  in  like  manner  it  must  often  have 
happened  that  a  martyr's  anniversary  was 
honoured  by  another  martyrdom.  This  was  the 
case,  for  example,  with  Cornelius  and  Cyprian, 
Sept.  14  (cf.  De  Rossi,  i.  275) ;  with  Fabian  and 
Sebastian  (Kal.  Philocali,  Jan.  20)  ;  with  Fruc- 
tuosus  and  Agnes,  Jan.  21  (Aug.  Serm.  273;  Op. 
Migne,  v.  1250).  We  note  this,  because  a  state- 
ment in  the  article  on  Calendar  is  liable  to 
some  misconception. 

Martyrologies  appear  to  have  been  originally 
indices  to  the  martyr  acts  preserved  in  the  ar- 
chives of  each  church,  arranged  for  convenience 
by  the  calendar,  according  to  the  anniversaries 
on  which  such  acts  would  be  read  in  public. 
Tertullian  speaks  as  though  the  Christians  had 
their  own  calendar  (Habes  tuos  census,  tuos 
fastos  :  nihil  tibi  cum  gaudio  saeculi,  De  Corona, 
c.  13).  In  Cyprian's  time  it  was  the  practice 
"  to  celebi-ate  the  passions  and  days  of  the 
martyrs,"  who  had  suffered  before  the  Decian 
persecution,  "  with  anniversary  commemoration  " 
(Cypr.  Ep.  39  or  34).  Of  Anteros,  who  was 
pope  for  a  month  and  ten  days  (Nov.  24,  A.D. 
235,  to  Jan.  3,  A.D.  236)  in  the  persecution  of 
Maximin,  we  are  told  that  "  he  diligently  sought 
out  the  acts  of  the  martyrs  i'rom  the  notaries 
and  laid  them  up  in  the  church,  for  which  thing 
he  was  made  a  martyr  by  the  prefect  (Pu- 
pienus)  Maximus"  (v.  De  Rossi,  Bom.  Sott.  ii. 
181).  The  anniversaries  on  which  the  acts 
would  be  read  included  not  only  those  of  the 
death,  but  those  of  the  solemn  entombment  of  the 
martyrs,  as  in  the  case  of  Pontianus  and  Hip- 
polytus,  buried  on  Aug.  13  by  Pope  Fabian  (ib. 
78).  Fabian  is  said,  in  the  lives  of  the  popes,  to 
have  appointed  seven  subdeacons  and  seven 
notaries  to  collect  the  acts  of  the  martyrs  in 
their  entirety.  Cyprian  directs  his  presbyters 
and  deacons  to  note  the  days  on  which  the 
martyrs  depart  this  life,  and  adds  that  TertuUus, 
a  brother  who  ministered  to  and  buried  the 
martyrs,  had  written  and  did  write  to  signify  to 
him  the  days  on  which  the  brethren  died  in  the 
prison  (Cypr.  Ep.  12  or  37). 

Martyrologies  are  of  various  kinds— 

I.  Lists  contained  in  pj^mlar  almanacs  of  such 


MAETYROLOGY 


113a 


anniversaries  as  were  observed  as  important  fes- 
tivals.— Of  this  kind  is  the  earliest  extant 
martyrology,  that  contained  in  the  Almanac  for 
the  city  of  Rome,  transcribed  by  the  calligrapher 
Furius  Dionysius  Phiiocalus,  A.D.  354,  sometimes 
called  after  Liberius,  who  was  then  pope,  some- 
times after  Bucherius,  who  discovered  and  pub- 
lished it  in  his  commentary  on  Victorinus  (Aegi- 
dius  Bucherius,  de  Doctrina  Tcmporum.  Antwerp, 
1634,  pp.  236-288).  It  has  been  recently  edited 
by  Mommsen  {Ueher  den  Chronographen  vom 
Jahre  354,  Abhandlungen  der  koniglich  sachs- 
ischen  Gesellschaft,  b.  ii.  Leipzig,  1850).  The 
calendar  contained  in  this  almanac  is  the  earliest 
that  can  be  called  Christian,  inasmuch  as  it  con- 
tains the  dominical,  as  well  as  the  nundinal, 
letters  and  a  cycle  for  determining  Easter,  but 
it  marks  only  heathen  festivals.  Then  follow  (2) 
the  birthdays  of  the  Caesars  ;  (3)  the  series  of 
consuls  to  A.D.  354  from  the  Fasti  Capitolini ; 
(4)  a  table  of  the  days  on  which  Easter  would 
fall  from  A.D.  312  to  A.D.  412  ;  (5)  the  praefects 
of  the  city  from  A.D.  254  to  A.D.  354 ;  (6)  De- 
positio  Episcoporum,  the  list  of  the  funeral  days 
of  the  popes  for  the  same  century ;  (7)  Depositio 
Martyrum;  (8)  the  chronological  catalogue  of 
the  popes  down  to  Liberius ;  (9)  a  chronicle 
down  to  A.D.  334  [Chronicon  Horosii,  Diet. 
Christ.  Biog."] ;  (10)  a  brief  Roman  history  to 
Licinius ;  (11)  the  regions  of  Rome. 

The  list  of  episcopal  funerals  begins  at  pre- 
cisely the  same  epoch  as  the  lists  of  city  praefects, 
A.D.  254,  and  was  arranged,  not  chronologically, 
but  in  order  of  the  calendar,  in  a.d.  336,  the  sub- 
sequent entries  being  appended  at  the  close,  not 
inserted  in  their  places  according  to  the  calendar. 
It  is  manifest  that  the  collection  of  documents 
belongs  really  to  the  reign  of  Constantine  and 
was  merely  continued  up  to  date  in  a.d.  354 ; 
and  also  that  when  the  almanac  was  put  together 
the  epoch  at  which  both  the  lists  commence  was 
not  at  the  distance  of  an  exact  century. 

De  Rossi  (Rom.  Sott.  ii.  iii.-x.)  infers  that  the 
two  lists  are  probably  drawn  from  the  same 
source,  the  archives  not  of  the  church  but  of  the 
state.  Compare  Tert.  de  Fuga  in  Persec.  c.  13 ; 
Eus.  H.  E.  vii.  13  and  30 ;  Acta  apud  Zeno- 
philum,  App.  in  Augustin.  v.  794  :  Cypr.  Ep.  55 
(52) ;  from  which  passages  it  appeal's  that  the 
civil  power  took  cognisance  of  the  succession  of 
the  clergy. 

Marcellus  is  not  included  among  the  popes  in 
this  list  of  anniversaries,  and  Xystus  is  to  be  found 
ui^i  among  the  popes  but  among  the  martyrs. 
The  Depositio  Martyrum  also  includes  Fabianus, 
Jan.  20;  Pontianus,  Aug.  13;  Calistus,  Oct.  14; 
all  of  them  martyr  popes  between  A.D.  200  and 
A.D.  250,  and  De  Rossi  believes  the  entry  Corneli 
in  Calisti,  on  Sept.  14,  to  have  been  accidentally 
omitted  by  the  copyist.  But  it  does  not  contain 
Telesphorus  (Iren.  ap.  Eus.  H.  E.  v.  6).  We 
may  probably  conclude  that  all  the  popes  men- 
tioned in  the  Depositio  Episcoporum  died  in  peace, 
but  we  must  not  suppose  that  no  earlier  popes 
were  martyred. 

In  both  catalogues  the  cemetery  is  in  each  case 
specified.  They  are  catalogues,  not  of  deaths,  but 
of  entombments.  In  three  instances  in  the 
second  catalogue  where  consular  years  are  added, 
the  commemorations  are  of  translations  effected 
in  those  years  (De  Rossi,  Rom.  Sott.  ii.  214-215). 
The  same  catalogue  includes  two  feasts  that  are- 


1134 


MAETYEOLOGY 


not  entombments  at  all,  the  Nativity,  Dec.  25, 
and  the  Chair  of  Peter,  Feb.  22,  and  one  feast  of 
African  martyrs,  Perpetua  and  Felicitas,  March 
5,  in  which  cases  no  cemetery  is  named,  but  in 
the  case  of  the  only  other  non-Roman  martyr, 
Cyprian,  the  note  is  added,  "  Bomae  celebratur  in 
Calisti."  The  second  catalogue  does  not  seem  to 
include  any  martyrs  earlier  than  the  3rd  century, 
and  is  certainly  not  a  complete  list  of  Pioman 
martyrs  from  that  time  forward.  It  is  only  the 
Feriale,  Heortologium,  or  list  of  chief  feasts  of 
the  Roman  church.  To  pretend  with  Dodwell 
that  it  gives  all  the  Latin  martyrs,  not  only  of 
Italy  but  of  other  provinces,  is  extravagantly 
absurd. 

These  two  catalogues,  which  together  form  the 
earliest  martyrology,  are  reprinted  from  Buche- 
rius  (p.  267),  by  Kuinart  {Acta  Sincera,  p.  692, 
Paris,  1689),  and  from  Mommsen  (p.  631)  by 
De  Smedt  {Introductio  Generalis,  p.  512).  The 
Calendar  of  Philocalus  is  printed  by  Migne  (Patr. 
siii.  621)  side  by  side  with  another  that  affords 
an  interesting  comparison,  rather  for  the  elimi- 
nation of  the  heathen  than  for  the  introduction 
of  a  Christian  element,  namely,  the  calendar  of 
Polemeus  Silvius  (a.d.  448).  This  latter,  though 
it  contains  seven  of  the  chief  Christian  holidays 
(Lavrextivs),  is  in  no  sense  a  martyrology.  A 
Roman  calendar  of  much  later  date  (Migne, 
csxxviii.  1189)  will  afford  further  interesting 
comparison. 

II.  Lists  of  anniversaries  honoured  by  the  church 
viith  special  services. — That  there  were  such,  and 
that  they  differed  in  each  different  locality,  we 
know  from  Sozomen  (ZT.  E.  v.  3),  who  tells  us 
that  Constantia  and  Gaza,  though  only  a  couple 
of  miles  apart  and  for  civil  purposes  forming  one 
city,  had  each  its  own  feast  days  of  its  own  mar- 
tyrs and  commemorations  of  its  own  bishops. 
We  can  hardly  say  that  we  have  any  such  extant 
that  date  from  before  the  6th  century.  It  is 
almost  certain  that  the  ecclesiastical  martyrology 
of  the  Roman  church  in  the  time  of  Liberius  was 
fuller  than  the  lists  preserved  in  the  work  of 
Philocalus.  These  lists,  however,  prove  one  im- 
portant point.  While  the  civil  year  began  on 
Jan.  1,  the  ecclesiastical  year  at  Rome  began  a 
week  earlier,  on  Christmas  Day. 

The  fragment  of  an  Ostrogothic  calendar,  dis- 
covered by  Mai,  and  referred  by  him  to  the  close 
of  the  4th  century,  contains  only  local  saints  (for 
bishop  Dorotheus,  Nov.  6,  and  the  emperor  Con- 
stantine,  Nov.  3,  were  specially  Gothic  saints) 
and  apostles,  Philip,  Nov.  15 ;  Andrew,  Nov.  30 
[Calendar.] 

Information  regarding  the  anniversaries  of  the 
church  is  chiefly  to  be  drawn  from  the  sacra- 
mentaries  or  from  the  sermons  of  the  fathers. 
Basil  only  preaches  in  honour  of  Cappadocian, 
Chrysostom  at  Antioch  of  Antiochene  saints.  But 
Augustine  at  Hippo  celebrated  not  only  local  or 
even  African  martyrs,  but  the  Spanish  bishop 
Fructuosus  and  the  Roman  virgin  Agnes  (Jan. 
21),  the  Spanish  deacon  Vincent  (Jan.  22),  Pro- 
tasius  and  Gervasius  of  Milan  (June  19),  the 
Roman  Lawrence  (Aug.  10),  the  Maccabees 
(Aug.  1),  Stephen  (Dec.  26),  the  Nativity  of  the 
Baptist  and  his  Decollation,  perhaps  the  conver- 
sion of  Paul  (Opera,  v.  1247  ff.). 

The  sacramentanes  of  Leo  (a.d.  440-461)  and 
Gelasius  (a.d.  492-496)  are  genuine  and  authen- 
tic monuments  of  their  respective  epochs,  which 


MAETYEOLOGY 

the  Gregorian  sacramentary  is  not.  (De  Rossi, 
Eom.  Sott.  i.  126.)  The  sacramentaries,  how- 
ever, are  only  significant  in  rheir  additions  to 
the  calendar;  their  omissions  only  shew  that  the 
authors  did  not  compose  or  find  special  prayei's 
for  the  omitted  feasts  that  seemed  worth  pre- 
serving. The  sacramentary  of  Leo  in  the  nine 
months  extant,  retains  seven  and  omits  eleven 
of  the  annivers^aries  of  Philocalus,  adds  six  anni- 
versaries of  Roman  martyrs  at  Rome,  one  of  a 
Roman  away  from  Rome,  one  or  two  of  non- 
Rotnan  martyrs,  and  four  of  Scriptural  person- 
ages (John  Baptist,  Andrew,  John,  and  the 
Innocents).  (For  the  sacramentaries  Muratori, 
Liturgia  Eomana  Vetus  may  be  consulted.)' 

The  calendar  of  Polemeus  illustrates  the  same 
tendency  to  greater  universality  that  was  begin- 
ning to  aflect  martyrologies.  While  retaining 
only  two  Roman  anniversaries  from  the  twenty- 
two  of  Philocalus,  he  adds  a  new  foreign  martvr 
(Vincent)  and  four  celebrations  of  Scriptural 
facts  (Epiphany,  Passion,  with  the  mission  of  the 
Apostles  (Mar.  25),  Stephen,  the  Maccabees). 

The  Carthaginian  calendar  or  martyrology 
given  in  Migne  (Patrol.  Lat.  xiii.  1219)  is  pro- 
bably later  than  a.d.  505. 

III.  General  Martyrologies. 

A.  The  Syriac  Martyrology.  —  "The  names 
of  our  lords  the  martyrs  and  victors,  with  their 
days  on  which  they  won  crowns." 

This  is  the  title  and  description  of  an  ancient 
Syrian  martyrology  discovered  by  Dr.  W.  Wright 
in  the  "well-known  Nitrian  MS.  Add.  12,150," 
written  a.d.  412,  "extending  from  fol.  251  vers, 
to  fol.  254  rect.,"  and  published  by  him  in  the 
Journal  of  Sacred  Literature,  vol.  viii.,  N.S. ;  Lon- 
don, 1866,  pp.  45-56,  with  an  English  version, 
pp.  423-432. 

It  avowedly  computes  the  months  after  the 
Greek,  i.  e.  our  present  reckoning,  but  gives 
them  Syriac  names,  [Month.]  The  latter 
Kaniin,  Shebat,  Adar,  Nisan,  Izar,  Haziran, 
Tamuz,  Ab,  imi,  the  former  Teshri,  the  latter 
Teshri,  the  former  Kanun.  This  last,  which  is 
equivalent  to  December,  begins  the  year.  The 
martyrology  opens,  not  with  the  Nativity,  but 
with  the  apostles  Stephen,  Dec.  26,  and  John  and 
James,  Dec.  27,  at  Jerusalem,  and  Paul  and  Peter 
at  Rome,  Dec.  28.  Thenceforward,  with  only  two 
exceptions  (Perpetua,  March  7,  and  Exitus  (i.e. 
Xystus),  bishop  of  Rome,  Aug.  1),  the  martyrs 
belong  to  the  eastern  provinces  of  the  emj)ire. 
Thirty  anniversaries  are  assigned  to  Nicomedia, 
twenty-one  to  Antioch,  sixteen  to  Alexandria,  six 
to  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia,  five  to  Ancyra,  others 
to  another  Alexandria,  to  Amasea,  Aphrodisia, 
Axiopolis,  Bononia  in  Rhaetia,  Byzantium,  Cae- 
sarea in  Palestine,  Chalcedon,  Corinth,  Edessa, 
Eumenea,  Hadrianople,  Helenopolis,  Heraclea  in 
Thrace,  Hierapolis,  Laodicea,  Lystra,  Melitene, 
Nicopolis,  Nisibis,  Pergamus,  Perinthus,  Salonae, 
Sirmium,  Thessalonica,  Tomi ;  also  to  Bithynia 
Galatia  and  Isauria  ;  while  twenty-four  are  named 
without  specification  of  place.  With  Peter  of  Alex- 
w*^'"''>,  '"^"T-  ^*'  "  H"«  ^-^-i  the  martyrs  of  the 
West.  Ihen  follow  "The  names  of  our  lords 
the  martyrs  whojtvere^lain  in  the  East :  "  "  Aba, 

»  Tbe  Capitulare  published  by  fWe  and  by  Martene 
{Thesaurus)  was  composed  at  the  end  of  the  7th  century, 
before  682,  and  retouched  between  a.d.  VUand  ?42.  (De 
Kossi,  Rum.  Sott.  128.) 


MAETYROLOGY 

the  first,  Dali,  the  second ; "  others,  "  of  the 
number  of  the  ancients  ;  "  others,  "  ancient  mar- 
tyrs ;  "  next,  "  the  bishops  slain  in  the  East ;  " 
hv  their  sees,  not  their  days  ;  "  then  the  priests," 
"  the  deacons,"  &c. 

B.   The  Hieronymian  Martyrology. 

"  The  names  of  nearly  all  martyrs  collected  in 
one  volume,  with  the  passions  marked  for  each 
day,  without  indicating  how  each  one  suflfered, 
but  only  the  name,  place,  and  day  of  the  passion, 
so  that  every  day  many  of  divers  lands  and  pro- 
vinces are  known  to  have  been  crowned."  This 
is  the  description  given  by  Gregory  the  Great 
(^E-pist.  viii.  39)  of  a  volume  that  they  possessed 
at  Rome,  and  believed  the  church  of  Alexandria 
to  possess  likewise ;  "  and  daily,"  he  adds,  "  in 
veneration  of  them  we  perform  solemn  rites  of 
masses."  This  martyrology  appears  to  have  dif- 
fered from  the  preceding  in  giving  at  least  one 
martyr  for  each  day,  and  being  not  only  half  but 
quite  oecumenical.  Two  ancient  extant  martyr- 
ologies  satisfy  these  conditions ;  the  lesser  Roman, 
and  the  Hieronymian;  but  the  claim  of  the 
former  to  be  that  here  intended  is  now  univer- 
sally disallowed. 

The  extant  allusions  to  the  Hieronymian  mar- 
tyrology are  as  follows.  Walafrid  Strabo,  abbat 
of  Reichenau  (a.d.  842),  tells  us  that  the  litanies 
of  the  saints  are  believed  to  have  been  taken  into 
use  after  Jerome,  following  Eusebius,  wrote  a 
martyrology  (de  Eehus  Ecd.  c.  28 ;  Pair.  Lat. 
cxiv.  962).  Aengus  the  Culdee  professes  to  have 
used  in  his  Feilire  "  the  great  parts  of  Ambrose, 
the  works  of  Hilary  in  full,  all  that  was  written 
by  Jerome,  the  martyrology  of  Eusebius."  Bede 
(Retract,  in  Act.  Ap.  c.  i. ;  Pair.  Lat.  xcii.  997) 
speaks  of  a  book  of  martyrology  taking  its  title 
from  Jerome,  and  prefaced  in  his  name  {Hieronymi 
nomine  ac  praefatione  attitulatur),  though  Jerome 
IS  said  to  have  been  only  the  translator,  and 
Eusebius  the  real  author.  Cassiodorus,  in  the 
earlier  half  of  the  6th  century,  says,  "Vitas 
Patrum,  confessiones  fidelium,  passiones  mar- 
tyrum  legite  constanter,  quas  inter  alia  in 
epistola  S.  Hieronymi  ad  Chromatium  et  Helio- 
dorum  destinata  procul  dubio  reperitis  qui  per 
totum  orbem  terrarum  floruere  "  {de  Inst.  Div. 
Led.  c.  32 ;  Pair.  Lat.  Ixx.  1147).  The  preface 
in  Jerome's  name,  mentioned  by  Bede  and  cited 
by  Walafrid,  is  in  the  form  of  a  reply  from 
Jerome  to  a  request  of  Chromatins  and  Heliodo- 
rus.  And  the  passage  of  Gregory  cited  above  is 
in  reply  to  a  request  from  Eulogius  of  Alexandria 
for  Eusebius's  collection  of  martyr  acts,  which 
could  not  be  found. 

Bishops  Chromatius  and  Heliodorus  inform 
their  holy  lord,  brother  Jerome,  that  they  were 
present  at  the  council  of  Milan  (a.d.  390)  when 
Theodosius,  the  most  Christian  prince,  pi-aised 
Gregory,  bishop  of  Cordova,  for  being  wont  every 
day  as  he  opened  the  mass,  at  morning  if  not 
fasting,  at  evening  if  he  were,  to  mention  the 
names  of  very  many  martyrs  of  whom  it  was  the 
natal  day.  The  council  agreed  to  send  a  letter 
to  Jerome  to  ask  him  to  make  inquiry  for  the 
most  famous  feasts  (or  feriale)  from  the  archives 
of  Eusebius  of  Caesarea,  and  thence  address  to 
them  a  list  of  the  feasts  of  the  martyrs.  Jerome 
replies  that  we  read  (legitur)  that  when  Constan- 
tine  came  to  Caesarea  (probably  in  A.D.  335),  and 
told  Eusebius  to  ask  any  boon  that  would  profit 


MARTYROLOGY 


1135 


his  church,  the  bishop  answered  that  the  church 
was  enriched  by  her  own  resources,  but  that  he 
personally  could  not  rid  himself  of  the  de!>'ire  that, 
whatever  had  been  done  anywhere  in  the  Roman 
state  regarding  the  saints  of  God,  the  judges  and 
their  successors  throughout  the  Roman  world 
might  be  directed  to  search  through  the  public 
records  with  diligent  scrutiny  and  discover  what 
martyr  had  won  the  palm  in  each  province  or 
city,  under  what  judge,  on  what  day,  and  by 
what  suffering,  and  to  transmit  the  facts  taken 
from  the  authentic  archives  to  himself  by  royal 
order.  Hence  he  rewrote  his  church  history, 
and  declared  the  passions  of  nearly  all  the  mar- 
tyrs of  all  the  Roman  provinces.  "  Since  on 
single  days,"  Jerome  proceeds,  "  the  names  of 
more  than  800  or  900  martyrs  of  divers  pro- 
vinces and  cities  are  named,  so  that  no  day  can 
be  found  v/ith  fewer  than  500,  except  Jan.  1,  I 
have  briefly  and  succinctly  concerned  myself  with 
those  alone  who  are  in  chief  honour  among  their 
own  people."  These  numbers,  of  course,  must 
be  divided  by  ten,  an  easy  change.  "  At  the 
opening  of  the  book  we  have  written  the  feasts 
of  all  the  apostles,  that  various  days  may  not 
seem  to  divide  those  whom  one  dignity  sublimes 
in  heavenly  glory." 

Baronius  {praef.  ad  martyrologium,  cc.  5-7) 
brought  sundry  objections  against  the  authen- 
ticity of  these  letters,  which  have  been  com- 
pletely refuted  by  Fiorentini  (  Vetust.  Mart.  pp. 
57-59).  His  conclusions  are  accepted,  but  the 
decision  of  Baronius  has  not  been  set  aside,  even 
by  Fiorentini  himself.  • 

Two  points  may  be  regarded  as  quite  certain : 
1.  Eusebius  had  not  received  this  grant  from 
Constantine  when  he  wrote  his  church  history 
as  at  present  extant,  still  less  when  he  made  the 
collection  of  pieces  concerning  ancient  martyrs, 
to  which  he  there  refers.  An  index  to  that  col- 
lection would  be  a  kind  of  martyrology,  and  it  is 
possible  that  we  have  traces  of  such  in  the  Syriac 
martyrology  of  Wright,  where  fourteen  times 
western  martyrs  are  said  to  be  "of  the  number 
of  the  ancients,"  an  addition  that  seems  in  no 
case  to  be  applied  to  those  who  suffered  in  the 
persecution  of  Diocletian,  just  as  it  distinguishes 
the  old  martyrs  of  Persia  from  those  who  were 
put  to  death  under  Sapor.  The  same  title  is 
applied  in  the  Hieronymian  martyrology  to  Hip- 
polytus  of  Antioch.  The  martyrs  that  we  know 
to  have  been  included  in  Eusebius's  compilation 
are  Polycarp,  Pionius,  Carpus,  Pothinus  and  his 
fellows,  Apollonius.  The  whole  work  seems  to 
be  included  by  Jerome  along  with  the  martyrs 
of  Palestine  as  "some  little  works  upon  the 
martyrs"  (Hieron.  de  Viris  Illustrihus ;  Eus. 
//.  E.  iv.  15  ;  V.  4,  21). 

2.  When  we  have  removed  from  the  extant 
copies  of  the  Hiei-onymian  martyrology  all  the 
clear  and  valuable  notices  of  facts  long  posterior 
to  Jerome  with  which  they  are  enriched,  the 
residue  is  not  such  as  can  by  any  possibility  be 
attributed  either  to  him  or  to  his  master,  at 
least  in  any  form  in  which  it  can  at  present  be 
found  in  any  MS.  or  deduced  from  comparison  of 
all.  The  restoration  needed  is  not  merely  the 
reparation  of  a  damaged  text;  it  is  rather  the 
recovery  and  redintegration  of  a  perished  book  or 
booky.  The  work  is  agreed  to  be  not  so  much  a 
single  martyrology  as  a  cento  of  raartyrologies 
patched    up  of  many   ancient   calendars,    fitted 


1136 


MARTYKOLOGY 


together  well  or  ill.  The  same  martyrs  and 
groups  of  martyrs  often  recur  two  or  three  times 
the  same  days,  often  for  four  or  five  days 
running.  Places  become  people  ;  and  people  are 
turned  into  places.  Yet,  however  the  martyr- 
ology  has  been  swollen  by  impertinent  accretions 
and  inane  repetitions,  the  more  copious  the  test 
is  the  better.  When  it  has  been  subjected  to  a 
reverse  process  of  constriction  and  ignorant  eli- 
mination, the  confusion  becomes  hopeless. 

The  Martyrology  consists  chiefly  of  names  of 
places  in  the  locative  case  and  of  persons  in  the 
genitive,  ranged  under  the  several  days  from 
Christmas  to  Christmas,  though  a  few  further 
details  are  introduced. 

The  unabridged  MSS.  are  (A),  a  MS.  made  at 
Corbie  under  one  Nevelone  in  the  12th  century, 
and  printed,  with  arbitrary  transpositions  and 
silent  conjectural  supplementations,  by  D'Achery 
in  his  SpicUegium  (ii.  1  folio ;  iv.  617,  4to  ed.), 
and  reprinted  by  Migne  {Hieron.  is.  447).  This 
MS.  is  now  in  the  Paris  library  (Cod.  Lat.  12,  410). 

(B)  Nevelone's  autograph  copy,  in  the  same 
library  (Fond.  Corbie  5),  discovered  by  De  Rossi. 

(C)  A  9th-century  MS.  found  at  Lucca  by  Fio- 
reutini,  copied  from  one  made  at  Fontenelle 
under  Wando,  and  not  interpolated  since  Wando's 
death  in  a.d.  757.  (D)  Codex  Blumanus.  An- 
other copy  of  the  same  Fontenelle  MS.  made  at 
Weisenburg  in  A.D.  770,  and  subsequently  inter- 
polated with  insertions  belonging  to  that  town. 
(E)  A  MS.  that  belonged  to  the  church  of  Sens, 
now  in  the  Queen  of  Sweden's  collection  in  the 
Vatican  (Cod.  567).  These  five,  though  of  very 
diiferent  date,  are  of  nearly  equal  value.  (F) 
Codex  Antwerpiensis,  or  Epternacensis,  a  MS.  in 
Anglo-Saxon  letters,  of  the  8th  century,  made 
by  one  of  the  monks  of  St.  Willibrord,  the  apostle 
of  Friesland,  in  Epternach  monastery,  found  by 
Kossweyd  at  Treves,  now  in  the  Paris  library 
(Cod.  Lat.  10,837).  A  page  of  facsimile  is  given 
in  the  Acta  SS.  for  April  (t.  ii.  p.  ix.). 

Of  the  above  (C)  is  edited  with  a  collation  of 
(A)  and  (F)  day  by  day,  of  (E)  in  fragments,  and 
of  (D)  entire  at  the  close,  by  Fiorentini  (  Vetus- 
tius  Ecclesiae  Occidentalis  Martyrologium,  Lucae 
1667).  ' 

The  Epternach  MS.,  though  the  earliest,  is  by 
common  consent  pronounced  the  least  authentic. 
It  represents  a  British  form  of  the  Martyrolocry 
and  seems  to  bear  a  close  relation  to  the  Mar- 
tyrology of  Donegal- partly  published  by  Todd 
and  Reeves  (Dublin,  1856),  but  buried  for  the 
most  part  in  St.  Isidore's,  Rome— in  which  the 
topographical  notes  are  omitted. 
rn^^^o^lJ'"^^'}''^  discovered  in  Berne  library 
(Cod.  289)  a  9th-century  copy  belonging  to  the 
church  of  Metz,  which  retains  the  topo<rraphical 
notices  in  larger  characters,  dividing  the  martyrs 
of  each  day  into  distinct  local  groups. 

All  these  MSS.  have  in  common  sundry  arbi- 
trary interpolations  and  corrections  relatino-  to 
early  saints,  which  De  Rossi  traces  to  the  mis- 
understanding of  a  7th-century  list  of  papal 
interments.  He  considers  therefore  that  the 
extant  MSS.  did  not  diverge  from  their  common 
stock  till  It  had  been  subject  to  interpolation  in 
the  7th  century. 

They  all  contain  a  number  of  notices  relatino- 
to  Gaul.  These  are  partly  shared  in  common 
between  them;  partly  peculiar  to  the  several 
groups.    Those  which  are  common  to  them  all 


MARTYROLOGY 

do  not  extend  beyond  the  end  of  the  6th  century, 
and  refer  especially  to  Auxerre.  Moreover  they 
all  open  each  month  with  the  notice,  "  Litanias 
indicendas,"  and  the  proclamation  of  litanies  on  the 
calends,  whatever  connexion  it  may  have  with 
Jerome,  was  certainly  an  ordinance  of  Aunarius, 
or  Aunacharius,  bishop  of  Auxerre,  circ.  A.D.  600 
(^Ada  SS.  t.  vii.  Sept.  p.  109). 

Another  principle  is  applied  by  De  Rossi  to 
confirm  the  conclusion  to  which  these  facts  point. 
The  ordination  of  a  bishop  was  ordinarily  only 
commemorated  in  his  lifetime.  The  only  ordi- 
nations of  bishops  noted  in  these  martyroloo-ies, 
besides  that  of  the  great  St.  Martin,  are  those  of 
Aunarius  (July  31),  and  of  his  contemporary 
Nicetas  of  Lyons  (Jan.  19).  The  death  of  Auna- 
rius is  not  noted ;  in  some  copies  he  is  styled 
Dominus. 

Hence  De  Rossi  concludes  that,  in  the  time  of 
Aunarius,  "  out  of  two  or  more  tattered  copies  " 
of  an  earlier  work  that  passed  under  the  name  of 
Jerome,  "  a  clerk  of  Auxerre,  ignorant  of  topo- 
graphy and  history,  put  together  the  chaotic 
medley  "  from  which  our  present  copies  are  de- 
rived. (De  Rossi,  Homa  Sott.  ii.  pp.  x-xxi,  xxv, 
33-48.)  Instead  of  keeping  the  texts  of  the  frag- 
ments before  him  distinct,  as  parallel  reproduc- 
tions of  the  same,  he  has  transcribed  nearly  the 
whole  of  each  and  run  them  into  one.  He  seems 
also  to  have  tried  to  piece  two  fragments  toge- 
ther like  a  child's  puzzle,  and  sometimes  to  have 
pieced  them  wrong. 

The  text,  however,  so  ill  restored  by  the  monk 
of  Auxerre,  who,  it  may  be  observed,  is  supposed 
contemporary  with  Gregory  the  Great,  was  itself 
of  the  nature  of  a  cento,  according  to  the  judg- 
ment of  modern  critics.  The  same  principle  that 
enabled  De  Rossi  to  refer  the  bungling  recension 
to  the  time  of  Aunarius  induces  him  to  assign 
certain  of  the  documents  used  in  the  compilation 
to  the  popedoms  of  Boniface  L  (A.D.  41 8-422)  and 
Miltiades  (a.d.  311-314).  On  the  29th  of  De- 
cember the  martyrology  has  "  Bonifacii  episcopi 
de  ordinatione,"  and  this  is  certainly  the  right 
anniversary  of  the  ordination  of  Boniface"  I. 
but  not  of  his  death,  which  is  left  uncelebrated. 
The  burial  of  Miltiades  is  properly  noted  on 
Jan.  10  ;  but  again,  and  this  time  without  men- 
tion of  a  cemetery,  on  July  2,  the  day  of  his 
ordination.  (De  Rossi,  Horn.  Sott.  i.  112-114). 
These  documents,  he  concludes,  were  far  too  rare 
and  precious  to  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  an 
obscure  Galilean  monk.  The  Martyrology  also 
contains  numerous  accurate  notes  of  the  fresh 
festivals  instituted  in  Rome  in  the  5th  century, 
especially  by  pope  Sixtus  III.,  and  there  is  evi- 
dence that  the  Auxerre  compiler  had  before  him 
two  copies,  both  enriched  with  these  insertions 
06.  ii.  36). 

We  may  observe  that  the  popedom  of  Boniface 
coincides  with  the  last  days  of  Jerome,  within 
a  decade  of  Wright's  Syrian  MS.,  and  within 
thirty  years  of  the  council  of  Milan,  and  again, 
that  the  popedom  of  Miltiades  coincides  with  the 
restoration  of  the  church  under  Constantine, 
and  the  first  compilation  of  the  calendar  of  Philo- 
calus. 

Now  all  the  notices  in  the  calendar  of  Philo- 
calus  are  contained,  and  sometimes  in  an  earlier 
lorm,  in  the  Hieronymian  Martyrology.  The 
same  is  true  of  almost  all  the  notices  in  Wright's 
Syrian  Martyrology,  except  some  commemora- 


MAKTYEOLOGY 

tions  of  bishops  of  Antioch.  The  Hieronymian 
Martyrology  contains  moreover  all,  or  almost  all, 
the  martyrs  of  Palestine,  whose  acts  are  recorded 
and  dated  by  Eusebius,  whereas  only  Pamphilus, 
and  perhaps  a  few  others,  are  inserted  in  the 
Syriac  Martyrology.  It  contains  also  Antioch ene 
festivals  celebrated  by  Chrysostom  that  the 
Syriac  omits.  Of  African  martyrs  it  contains 
nearly  all  the  names  that  are  to  be  found  in  the 
extant  Carthaginian  Calendar,  and  a  great  mul- 
titude more.  Often  it  supplies  us  with  the 
proper  names  of  martyrs  whom  that  calendar 
groups  together  imder  some  local  designation. 

Critics  have  agreed  in  considering  the  Hiero- 
Bymiau  Martyrology  as  a  cento  compiled  from 
many  church  calendars.  The  only  great  family 
of  church  calendars,  according  to  De  Buck,  with 
which  it  has  little  or  no  connexion  is  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan  (^Acta  SS.  Oct.  xii.  185).  Yet 
even  here  light  may  often  be  shed  on  its  obscure 
notices  by  comparison  of  the  Menology  of  Basil. 
The  Syriac  Martyrology  is  pronounced  by  the 
same  scholar  to  be  the  key  to  the  hitherto  inso- 
luble enigmas  of  the  Hieronymian  text  ((6.).  We 
might  say  that  the  lesser  work  was  a  sample  of 
•the  greater.  The  consideration  of  this  valuable 
document,  which  was  undiscovered  when  De 
Rossi  wrote,  leads  us  to  ask  whether  the  tradi- 
tional account  of  the  origin  of  the  Hieronymian 
Martyrology  be  not  worthy  of  more  attention 
than  it  has  received  of  late. 

There  is  abundant  evidence  of  the  existence  of 
a  tendency,  at  the  close  of  the  4th  century,  to- 
wards closer  intercommunion  and  greater  uni- 
formity between  diiierent  churches.  Formation 
-of  liturgies,  translation  of  relics,  performance  of 
pilgrimages,  all  were  leading  up  to  the  demand 
for  a  Martyrology  that  should  be  more  than 
local.  The  influences  were  already  at  work  that 
culminated  in  the  dedication  of  the  Pantheon. 
The  two  great  families  of  Western  liturgies  be- 
side the  Roman,  are  said  to  owe  their  origin  to 
Jerome's  earlier  contemporaries,  Ambrose  and 
Hilary :  a  third,  the  Mozarabic,  owes  something 
to  Prudentius.  The  impulse  towards  the  compi- 
lation of  the  Martyrology  is  said  to  have  been 
Spanish.  Jerome  himself  assisted  Damasus  in 
ordering  the  shrines  of  Rome ;  but  while  the 
shrines  of  the  martyrs  were  most  important 
there,  the  reading  of  their  acts  was  more  cus- 
tomary in  the  East.  The  materials  that  Aengus 
the  Culdee  professes  to  have  used  are  similar  to 
those  assumed  by  the  critics  for  the  Hieronymian 
cento,  with  one  exception  :  he  had  before  him 
not  only  Ambrosian  and  Galilean  liturgies,  Da- 
masian  topographies.  Be  Vttis  Illustribus,  and 
the  like,  but  the  Martyrology  of  Eusebius. 

The  task  of  collecting  and  combining  various 
churcli  calendars  from  all  parts  of  the  world 
would  be  so  arduous  that  it  is  difficult  to  under- 
stand how  the  tradition  of  the  enterprise  should 
have  perished  while  the  results  remain.  The 
tradition  that  is  preserved  is,  as  we  have  seen,  quite 
different,  and  at  least  affords  some  explanation 
of  the  combination  of  Roman  and  Eastern  features 
in  the  structure  of  the  work.  But  however  the 
compilation  was  effected,  the  epoch  to  which  it 
should  be  assigned  can  hardly  be  later  than  the 
time  of  Jerome.  The  impulses  towards  unifica- 
tion received  rude  checks  from  the  barbarian 
invasions,  and  were  dispelled  anew  by  the  rise  of 
the    Nestorian    controversy.      If,    however,    we 


MARTYROLOGY 


1137 


assign  the  Martyrology  to  the  date  towards 
which  we  are  driven  by  historical  considerations 
on  either  hand,  it  is  difficult  to  discover  any  one 
more  likely  to  have  performed  the  work  in  the 
manner  of  which  ample  traces  survive  than  the 
author  to  whom  the  tradition  has  assigned  it, 
and  for  whom  a  claim  has  been  put  in,  whether 
by  a  forger  or  by  himself. 

Whatever  view  may  be  ultimately  adopted  of 
the  origin  of  the  Hieronymian  Martyrology,  its 
connexion  with  ancient  Christian  life  may  be 
summarized  as  follows. 

In  its  present  form  it  is  one  of  the  two  or 
three  principal  sources  of  all  modern  Western 
chui'ch  calendars.  There  may  have  been,  and 
probably  was,  some  unintelligent  commemora- 
tion, day  by  day,  of  the  names  marked  in  it  at 
the  celebration  of  the  mass  in  certain  Galilean, 
English,  Irish,  Flemish,  and  German  monasteries, 
even  in  some  Italian  churches.  But  it  is  the 
corruption  of  a  book  that  was  similarly  in  litur- 
gical use  in  Rome  itself  in  the  time  of  Gregory 
the  Great.  Corrupt  as  it  is,  it  is  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal authorities  to  light  us  to  the  discovery  of 
early  festivals  in  various  parts  of  the  world. 
If  a  fresh  and  ancient  martyrology  be  discovered, 
the  first  with  which  it  should  be  compared  is 
the  Hieronymian,  and  the  comparison  is  almost 
sure  to  be  fruitful  of  interesting  results.  It 
contains  many  notices  of  ancient  martyrdoms 
which  would  otherwise  have  been  wholly  lost  to 
us.  But,  moreover,  it  is  the  extant  representa- 
tive of  a  work  that  resulted  from  an  important 
movement  in  the  church  of  the  4th  century,  and 
which  forms  the  historic  link  between  the  heort- 
ologies  of  the  ancient  churches  and  the  mediaeval 
monastic  calendars. 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  the  compiler 
of  the  Martyrology  thought  only  of  honouring 
the  martyrs  and  of  profiting  from  their  interces- 
sion, and  did  not  attempt  to  edify  the  church  by 
more  copious  extracts  from  their  authentic  and 
accessible  acts. 

C.  The  lesser  Soman  Martyrology  was  found 
at  Ravenna  by  Ado,  archbishop  of  Vienne,  about 
A.D.  850,  thought  by  him  to  be  pretty  old,  re- 
ported to  him  to  have  been  sent  by  a  pope  to  an 
archbishop  of  Aquileia,  transcribed  by  him  and 
prefixed  to  his  own  Martyrology,  as  he  tells  us 
in  the  preface,  omitted  as  superfluous  by  copyists, 
sought  in  vain  by  scholars,  at  last  found  at  Co- 
logne and  edited  by  Rosweyd  and  claimed  as 
the  Martyrology  mentioned  by  Gregory  the 
Great,  thrown  into  the  shade  by  the  discovery 
of  the  Hieronymian,  supposed  by  Fiorentini  a 
mere  later  epitome  of  Ado,  maintained  to  be 
genuine  but  later  than  the  Hieronymian  by 
Sollier,  proved  genuine  beyond  doubt  by  De 
Rossi's  discovery  of  another  copy  of  Ado  in  the 
library  of  St.  Gall  (vol.  454)  where  this  Martyr- 
ology follows  the  preface  with  the  title,  Incipit 
Martyrologium  Roinanum.  This  Martyrology  is 
prefixed  to  Ado  in  Migne,  t.  cxxiii. 

The  whole  tissue  of  this  Martyrology,  accord- 
ing to  De  Rossi,  is  that  of  a  private  historical 
essay,  not  of  a  public  traditional  calendar.  The 
days  assigned  to  the  festivals  in  the  old  calendars 
are  often  exchanged  for  new  dates,  founded  on 
histories  that  were  in  credit  when  the  compila- 
tion was  made,  and  most  of  the  chief  characters 
of  Scripture  have  their  set  days,  of  which  there 
is  no  trace  in  the  ancient  Fasti  of  any  church 


1138 


MARTYROLOGY 


whatsoerer.  The  author  has  used  Rufinus's  ver- 
sion of  Eusebius,  and  worked  up  the  acts  of  the 
martyrs.  The  changes  he  has  introduced  in 
noting  the  festivals  often  coincide  with  the 
changes  introduced  into  the  pontifical  book  in  the 
8th  century.  The  work  seems  to  have  been  com- 
piled in  Rome,  and  notes  some  festivals  there  in- 
stituted at  the  end  of  the  7th  and  beginning  of 
the  8th  century.  This  does  not  prove  it  to  have 
been  publicly  taken  into  use  at  the  time.  It  is 
almost  contemporarj-  with  Bede  and  with  the 
last  recension  of  Jerome.  Its  method  of  compo- 
sition is  similar  to  that  claimed  for  Jerome, 
except  that  the  Acts  on  which  it  is  based  are 
mostly  religious  fictions.  See  De  Rossi,  Bom. 
Sott.  i.  125 ;  ii.  xxvii-sxxi,  or  De  Smedt,  Int. 
Generalis,  pp.  134-137. 

IV.  Martyrologies  that  add  some  details  of  the 
martyrdoms. — The  difference  between  the  Hiero- 
nymian  Martyrologies  and  the  series  headed  by 
Bede  may  be  thus  expressed:  the  one  are  replete 
with  fossil  fragments  of  genuine  antiquity,  from 
which  the  skilled  archaeologist  can  reconstruct 
and  i-eclothe  skeletons  of  ancient  facts  ;  the  other 
present  us  with  such  miniature  outlines  of  mar- 
tyrs as  were  had  in  veneration  by  the  church  of 
the  age  of  Charlemagne. 

Bede,  at  the  end  of  the  7th  and  beginning  of 
the  8th  century,  was  contemporary  with  the 
last  recension  of  the  Hieronymian  Maryrology. 
He  was  acquainted  probably  with  that  form  of 
it ;  but  his  work  is  chiefly  drawn  from  the  pon- 
tifical books  and  the  Acts  of  the  martyrs.  It  is 
the  outcome  of  the  same  dissatisfaction  with  the 
chaos  of  the  current  books,  as  was  felt  by  his  anony- 
mous contemporary  who  framed  the  Romanum 
parvum ;  but  he  struck  more  at  the  root  of  the 
evil.  Instead  of  recasting  the  calendar  to  bring 
it  into  conformity  with  the  supposed  know- 
ledge of  the  times,  he  has  been  content  to  confess 
ignorance.  He  was  content  to  leave  many  days 
vacant  rather  than  adorn  them  with  a  string  of 
names  without  meaning.  Describing  his  own 
work  in  the  catalogue  of  his  writings  &i  the  close 
of  his  Church  History,  he  claims  to  have  given 
all  those  martyrs  of  whom  anything  was  known 
in  the  world  in  which  he  lived.  Thus  he  heads 
the  long  series  of  martyrologies  in  which  short 
histories  were  added  to  their  names.  People  soon 
made  up  their  minds  that  they  knew  somethino- 
about  some  more.  Bede's  work  was  enlarged 
again  and  again.  We  only  possess  it  in  the  en- 
larged edition. 

These  three  Martyrologies,  the  Hieronymian, 
the  Roman,  Bede's,  are  the  three  original  sources 
ot  almost  all  Western  martyrologies  and  calen- 
dars We  must  just  distinguish  the  chief  mar- 
tyrologies of  the  9th  century,  because  it  is  only 
through  Ado  and  Usuard  that  the  lesser  Roman 
work  has  become  known. 

Florus,  subdeacon  of  Lyons,  a.d.  830,  first  en- 
larged the  work  of  Bede.  The  Bollandists 
Henschen  and  Papebroch,  published  in  the  first 
volume  of  the  Acta  SS.  for  March  a  not  very 
trustworthy,  nor  indeed  feasible,  attempt  to 
purge  the  original  Martyrology  from  the  subse- 
quent additions;  but  they  remain  indistinguish- 
able, and  we  cannot  even  be  sure  that  we  have 
the  work  as  it  was  left  by  Klorus.  This  edition 
Martyrologinm  Bedac  in  8  antiquis  MSS.  acceptum 
cum  Auctario  Flori  ex  3  codd.  collatione  distincto 
IS  reprinted  by  Migne,  Patr.  xciv.  799.  ' 


MARTYROLOGY 

Rabanus,  archbishop  of  Maintz,  further  en- 
larged the  Martyrology  of  Florus,  and  worked  it 
up  with  the  Hieronymian.  His  woi'k  is  printed 
by  Migne,  Patr.  ex.  1121. 

Ado,  archbishop  of  Vienne,  was  acquainted 
with  Bede's  work  as  enlarged  by  Florus,  but  not 
with  Rabanus.  His  work  was  undertaken  as  an 
expansion  of  that  of  Florus,  but  was  really  mo- 
delled on  the  lesser  Roman,  and  became  rather  a 
collection  of  brief  lives  of  the  saints  than  a  mar- 
tyrology. It  answers  more  nearly  to  the  meno- 
logics  of  the  Greeks,  except  that  it  is  not  put 
forth  authoritatively  for  ecclesiastical  reading, 
but  merely  as  a  private  manual.  Yet  the  influ- 
ence of  his  work  through  Usuard  transformed 
ecclesiastical  usage  and  recast  the  calendar. 

Usuard,  a  monk  of  Paris,  about  a.d.  875,  has 
faithfully  epitomised  Ado's  work,  which  (accord- 
ing to  Sollier)  was  known  to  him  as  '  The  Com- 
mentary of  Florus.'  He  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  acquainted  with  the  work  of  Rabanus. 
"Jerome,"  he  says,  "has  studied  brevity  too 
much,  Bede  has  left  many  days  untouched."  He 
endeavours  to  supply  their  deficiencies,  and  also 
to  reconcile  the  discrepancies  of  various  comme- 
morations. He  was  the  first  really  to  popularise 
the  works  of  Ado  and  the  anonymous  Roman,  but 
his  own  book  has  assumed  almost  as  many  forms 
as  those  of  Bede  or  Jerome,  and  has  become  the 
source  of  most  existing  Western  calendars.  The 
interpolations  and  variations  are  fully  treated  in 
the  edition  by  Sollier,  which  forms  the  6th  volume 
for  June  of  the  Acta  Sanctorum,  and  is  reprinted 
in  Migne,  P.  L.  cxxiii. 

Notker  was  a  monk  of  St.  Gall,  who  died  m 
A.D.  912.  He  combined  Ado  and  Rabanus.  His 
work  will  be  found  in  Migne,  cxxxi.  1026. 

Thus  Bede  was  enlarged  by  Florus  and  Raba- 
nus, from  the  first  enlargement  and  the  lesser 
Roman  grew  Ado's  work,  from  the  second  and 
Ado's  work  grew  Notker's,  but  Usuard's  that 
grew  out  of  Ado's  alone  became  the  most  cele- 
brated. 

V.  Metrical  Martyrologies. — As  the  enlarged 
martyrologies  that  we  have  just  been  considering 
seem  to  be  an  imitation  of  the  Greek  menologies, 
so  metrical  martyrologies  may  have  taken  their 
rise  from  the  Greek  practice  of  reciting  daily  in 
the  service  iambic  distichs,  sometimes  of  much 
beauty,  describing  the  triumph  of  each  of  the 
martyrs  celebrated,  followed,  in  the  case  of  the 
chief  of  them  alone,  by  an  hexameter  line  fixing 
the  day  of  the  passion.  A  collection  of  such 
hexameter  lines,  which  are  always  sad  doggerel, 
would  form  a  metrical  martyrology.  One  such 
has  been  extracted  from  the  Menacea  by  Godo- 
fredus  Siberus  {Ecclesiae  Graecae  Martyrologium 
Metricum,  Leipzig,  1727),  who  has  added  the 
half  rhythmical  menology  of  Christopher  o£ 
Mitylene.  ^  ^ 

The  little  poem  ascribed  to  Bede  {Patrol.  Lat. 
xciv.  603)  is  hardly  worth  calling  a  martyrology, 
but  seems  to  be  genuine  (De  Smedt,  p.  138; 
Binterim,  v.  i.  58).  Wandalbert,  a  monk  of  the 
diocese  of  Treves,  at  the  age  of  thirty-five,  in  or 
about  A.D.  842,  wrote  a  martyrology  in  hexa- 
meters, independent  of  Bede  and  the  lesser 
ixoman.  It  contains  many  things  not  to  be  found 
elsewhere,  which  he  claims  to  have  taken  from 
authentic  old  books  by  the  help  of  Florus  of 
Lyons  who  possessed  them,  but  critics  are  suspi- 
cious {Patrol,  cixi.  575). 


MARTYEOLOGY 

The  Feilire  of  Aengus  the  Culdee  may  be 
called  a  metrical  martyrology.  We  have  here 
only  to  add  to  the  article  on  that  head,  that  it 
exists  in  three  vellum  MSS.,  two  in  the  Bodleian 
and  one  in  the  library  of  the  Royal  Irish  Aca- 
demy. There  is  a  recent  paper  copy  in  the 
library  of  the  university  of  Cambridge,  and  an- 
other of  the  17th  century  made  from  an  inde- 
pendent authority  in  the  Burgundian  library  at 
Brussels.  It  differs  from  the  Tamlaght  or  Tal- 
laght  Martyrology  of  the  same  Aengus  and  Mac- 
bruain,  published  by  the  Rev.  M.  Kelly,  D.D. 
(Dublm,  1857),  which  has  been  generally  sup- 
posed the  earlier  work,  in  giving  only  a  selection 
of  Irish  martyrs  and  including  many  valuable 
notices  concerning  those  of  various  lands  (Forbes, 
Scottish  Calendars,  pp.  xiv-xvii). 

Literature. — Our  article  is  mainly  drawn  from 
De'  Rossi  {Roma  Sotterranea,  t.  i.  pp.  111-118, 
122-128;  t.  ii.  pp.  iii-xxxii).  The  preface  by 
Baronius  to  the  Roman  Martyrology,  the  disser- 
tations and  notes  of  Sollier  (  Usuardinum  Martyr- 
ologium,  apud  Acta  SS.  Bolland.  Jun.  t.  vi.  in 
Migne,  Patrol,  cxxiii.),  and  of  Fiorentini  (  Vetus- 
tius  Occidentalis  Ecclesiae  Martyrologium,  Lucae, 
1667)  are  to  be  consulted.  De  Smedt  (Iniroductio 
generalis  ad  Ilistoriam  ecclesinsticam  critice  trac- 
tandam,  pp.  127-140,  193-197,  Louvain,  1876) 
translates  De'  Rossi  on  the  lesser  Roman  martyr- 
ology (p.  130  fi'.),  reprints  Matagne  on  the  actual 
Roman  martyrology  (p.  141  ff.),  and  the  ponti- 
fical and  martyrology  of  Philocalus  in  his  ap- 
pendix. He  had  intended  to  give  a  list  of  all 
extant  calendars  and  martyrologies,  but  found 
the  task  too  arduous.  De  Smedt  states  that  four 
Jacobite  calendars  are  edited  by  the  Assemanis, 
Bibliothecae  Vaticanae  MSS.  t.  ii.  codd.  37,  39,  68, 
and  three  orthodox  Syrian  calendars  (jbid.  pp.  18, 
114,  151),  one  of  which  is  taken  from  Minis- 
■  calco's  Jerusalem  Evangelistarium  (Verona,  1861). 
Two  more  of  the  orthodox  Syrian  are  given  by 
Mai  (^Scriptores  Veteres,  t.  ii.  pt.  ii.  pp.  46,  169). 
Four  Coptic  calendars  ai-e  published,  two  by 
Mai  (ibid.  pp.  14,  93),  and  two  by  Selden  (de 
Synedriis).  The  second  of  Selden's  is  re-edited 
by  Ludolf,  and  collated  with  a  far  more  valuable 
Ethiopia  calendar  of  about  the  12th  century 
(Commentarius  ad  Ilistoriam  Aethiopicam,  pp. 
389-436).  No  ancient  and  authentic  Armenian 
calendars  are  known.  De  Buck  has  written  a 
treatise,  Des  Calendriers  Orientaux,  in  De  Backer, 
Bihliotheque  des  €crivains  de  la  Compagnie  de  Je'sus, 
t.  iii.  p.  383. 

For  Western  Martyrologies  we  may  refer  to 
Binterim  (Denkwilrdigkeiten  der  Kirche,  Mainz, 
1829,  t.  V.  pt.  i.  pp.  42-73).  A  number  of  mon- 
astic martyrologies  and  calendars  are  given  by 
Martene  (Collectio  Amplissima,  t.  vi.),  and  by 
Migne  —  namely,  a  Galilean  calendar,  Patrol. 
Ixxii.  607  ;  one  by  Protadius  of  Besanron,  A.D. 
615,  Ixxx.  411 ;  an  English  calendar,  sci'v.  1147  ; 
a  calendar  of  Modena,  cvi.  821  ;  of  Mantua, 
cxxxviii.  1257  ;  of  Brescia,  1285 ;  two  of  Val- 
lombrosa,  1279  ;  of  Lucca,  1291 ;  one  ascribed  to 
Bede,  1293;  of  Fleury,  1185;  of  Stavelo,  near 
Liege,  1194;  of  Werthen,  near  Cologne,  1203; 
of  Auxerre,  1209. 

An  ancient  Hispano-Gothic  calendar  is  given 
by  Migne  at  the  end  of  the  Mozarabic  liturgy 
{Patrol,  t.  Ixxxv.). 

The  Gothic  calendar  will  be  found  in  Mai 
{Vet.  Script.  Coll.  v.  i.  66),  a  mural  martyrology, 

GHEIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


MAEY 


1139 


from  the  church  of  St.  Silvester  at  Rome  (ih. 
p.  56),  another  marble  tablet  with  a  complete 
calendar  of  the  9th  century  discovered  at  Naples 
(ib.  p.  58),  and  the  martyrology  of  Philocalus 
(26.  p.  54).  The  Naples  marble  has  been  discussed 
in  three  volumes  4to  by  Mazzochi  and  in  twelve 
volumes  4to  by  Sabbatini.  It  is  the  most 
authentic  example  of  an  early  Greek  calendar. 

,  The  article  on  "  Martyrologie  "  in  the  Die- 
tionnaire  des  Persecutions  in  Migne's  Theological 
Encyclopedia  is  merely  a  translation  of  Ruinart's 
answer  to  Dodwell's  Dissertatio  Cyprianica  de 
Paucitate  3Iarty)-um.  [E.  B.  B.] 

MARTYRUS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Tarsus  July  3  (Ilieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec.  18 
(Hicron.  Mart.).  [C.  II.] 

MAEUBUS,  martyr;  natalis  m  Africa  Feb. 
19  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAEULLUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Rome  in  the  cemetery  Of  Praetextatus,  May  10 
(Hieron.  Mart.).     _  '  [C.  H.] 

MARUS,  bishop  of  Treves  ;  commemorated 
Jan.  26  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  730).       [C.  H.] 

MAEUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  April  9 
(Ilieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAEUSIUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  Oct.  4 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  ii.  41 2).  [C.  11.] 

MARUSUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Apol- 
lonia  Jan.  27  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARUTHA.S,  bishop  in  Mesopotamia  ;  com- 
memorated Feb.  16  (Basil.  MenoL).  [C.  H.] 

MAEY.    [Maria.] 

MAEY  THE  VIRGIN,  FESTIVALS  OF. 
In  the  Eastern  Orthodox  Church  there  are  three 
classes  of  Festivals,  the  Great  Festivals,  the 
Middle  Festivals,  the  Little  Festivals.  Among 
the  Great  Festivals  are  reckoned  : — 1.  The  Hyp- 
apante,  Feb.  2nd  ;  2.  The  Annunciation,  March 
25th  ;  3.  The  Sleep  of  the  Theotokos,  Aug.  15th  ; 

4.  The  Nativity  of  the  Theotokos,  Sept.  8th ;  5. 
The  Presentation  of  the  Theotokos,  Nov.  21st. 
Among  the  Middle  Festivals  is  reckoned,  in  the 
Russian  Church,  the  Protection  of  the  Theotokos, 
Oct.  1st;  and  in  the  calendar  of  Constantinople 
there  are  the  Depositing  of  the  honourable  Vest- 
ment of  the  Theotokos  in  Blachernae,  July  2nd ; 
the  Depositing  of  the  honourable  Girdle  of  the 
Theotokos,  Aug.  31 ;  the  Conception  of  Anue  the 
Mother  of  the  Theotokos,  Dec.  9th ;  the  Synaxis 
of  the  Theotokos  and  of  Joseph  her  spouse,  Dec. 
26th.  In  the  Russian  calendar  there  are  also 
fourteen  commemorations  of  miraculous  icons  of 
the  Theotokos. 

In  the  Armenian  calendar  there  occur: — 1. 
The  Purification,  Feb.  14th  ;  2.  The  Assumption, 
on  the  Sunday  following  Aug.  15th  ;  3.  The  In- 
vention of  the  Girdle,  about  Aug.  31st;  4.  The 
Nativity,  Sept.  8th  ;  5.  The  Presentation,  Nov. 
21st ;  6.  The  Conception,  Dec.  9th. 

In  the  Ethiopic  calendar  there  is  a  monthly 
festival  of  St.  Mary,  as  there  is  of  our  Lord's 
nativity,  of  St.  Michael,  and  of  the  three  patri- 
archs ;  and  the  following  specific  festivals : — 
1.  The  Death  of  St.  Mary,  Jan.  16th;  2.  The 
Purification,  Feb.  2nd;  3.  The  Conception  of 
Christ,  March  25th  ;  4.  The  Nativity,  April  26th  ; 

5.  The  Purification  of  Anna,  July  14th;  6.  The 

4  E 


1140 


MARY 


Burial  of  St.  Mary,  Aug.  8th :  7.  The  Assump- 
tion, Aug.  9th  ;  8.  The  Nativity,  Sept.  7th  ;  9. 
The  Presentation,  Nov.  29th  ;  10.  The  Concep- 
tion, Dec.  12th 

In  the  Roman  calendar  there  ai-e  some  festivals  of 
St.  Mary  which  are  observed  universally  through- 
out Roman  Christendom,  some  that  are  observed 
only  locally ;  but  these  local  festivals  have  for  their 
sanction  the  full  authority  of  the  Roman  see,  and 
the  offices  to  be  used  on  them  are  published  in  the 
Breviary.  The  festivals  of  universal  obligation 
are :— 1.  The  Purification,  Feb.  2nd  ;  2.  The 
Annunciation,  March  25th;  3.  The  Festival  of 
the  Seven  Sorrows,  on  the  Friday  preceding  Good 
Friday;  4.  The  Visitation,  July  2nd;  5.  The 
Feast  of  St.  Mary  of  Mount  Carmel,  July  16th ; 

6.  The  Feast  of  the  Dedication  of  St.  Mary  at 
Snows,  Aug.  5th  ;  7.  The  Assumption,  Aug.  15th  ; 
8.  The  Nativity,  Sept.  8th  ;  9.  The  Feast  of  the 
Most  Holy  Name  of  Mary,  Sept.  15th;  10.  The  Fes- 
tival of  the  Seven  Sorrows  (a  second  time),  the 
third  Sunday  in  September;  11.  The  Festival  of 
Blessed  Mary  de  Mercede,  Sept.  24th  ;  12.  The 
Feast  of  the  Most  Holy  Rosary  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  Mary,  the  first  Sunday  in  October  ;  13. 
The  Presentation,  Nov.  21st;  14.  The  Concep- 
tion, Dec.  8th.  Every  Saturday  in  the  year  and 
the  whole  of  the  month  of  May  are  also  dedi- 
cated to  her  honour.  The  local,  but  yet  autho- 
rised, festivals  relating  to  her  are  : — 1.  The  Es- 
pousals of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  Jan.  23rd ; 
2.  The  Feast  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  the  Aid 
of  Christians,  May  24th ;  3.  The  Most  Pure 
Heart  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  the  next 
Sunday  but  one  after  the  Assumption,  that  is, 
about  the  end  of  August ;  4.  The  Maternity  of 
the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  the  second  Sunday  in 
October  ;  5.  The  Purity  of  the  Blessed  Virgin 
Mary,  the  third  Sunday  in  October  ;  6.  The  Pro- 
tection of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  the  fourth 
Sunday  in  October  or  a  Sunday  in  November; 

7.  The  Translation  of  the  Holy  House  of  Loretto, 
Dec.  10th  ;  8.  The  Expectation  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  Mary's  delivery  of  a  child,  Dec.  18th. 
The  Feast  of  the  Dedication  of  St.  Mary  at 
Martyrs,  May  13th,  has  been  allowed  to  drop 
from  the  calendar. 

The  Anglican  calendar  contains  two  classes  of 
festivals.  Among  the  red-letter  or  first-class 
festivals  are  reckoned  : — 1.  The  Purification, 
Feb.  ^nd;  2.  The  Annunciation,  March  25th. 
Among  the  black-letter  or  second-class  festivals 
occur:— 1.  The  Visitation,  July  2nd;  2.  The 
Nativity,  Sept.  28th;  3.  The  Conception,  Dec. 
8th.  ^        ' 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  that  the  Festi- 
vals of  the  Purification,  the  Annunciation,  the 
Visitation,  the  Nativity,  the  Conception,  are 
common  to  the  existing  calendars  of  all  churches 
that  have  calendars ;  that  the  Greek  and  Latin 
churches  agree  in  celebrating  the  Assumption 
and  the  Presentation ;  that  the  Byzantine  and 
Armenian  churches  agree  in  observing  the  Fes- 
tival of  the  Girdle  ;  that  the  Byzantine  church 
stands  alone  in  observing  the  Festival  of  the 
Vestment ;  the  Russian  in  observing  the  Festival 
of  the  Protection  (a  different  commemoration 
from  that  of  the  Latin  church  which  bears  a 
Rimihir  name),  and  the  feasts  of  some  icons;  the 
Ethiopic  in  observing  the  days  of  St.  Mary's 
di'ath  and  burial  as  distinct  from  the  Assump- 
tion, besides  a  monthly-recurring  festival  in  her 


MAKY 

honour;  the  Roman  church  in  observing  the 
Seven  Sorrows  (twice),  St.  Mary  of  Mount  Carmel, 
St.  Mary  at  Snows,  the  Most  Holy  Name,  the  Pro- 
tection, Blessed  Mary  de  Mercede,  the  Rosary, 
the  Espousals,  the  Help  of  Christians,  the  Most 
Pure  Heart,  the  Maternity,  the  Purity,  the  Holy 
House  of  Loretto,  the  Expected  Delivery,  besides 
all  Saturdays  and,  of  late,  the  whole  of  the 
month  of  May. 

We  notice  these  festivals  in  the  chronological 
order  in  which  they  were  instituted. 

1.  The  Purification  {"TwaTravTii,  "twavri\, 
Occursus,  Obviatio,  Fraesentatio,  Festnm  SS.  Si- 
vieonis  et  Annae,  Purificatio,  Candelaria,  Candle- 
mas). As  first  instituted,  this  was  not  a  Festival 
of  St.  Mary,  but  of  our  Lord  ;  and  so  it  has  always 
remained  in  the  Eastern  church.  Its  original 
name,  still  retained  in  the  East,  was  'tTrairavrri, 
sometimes  written  'TwavT'fi,  rendered  into  Latin 
by  "  Occursus"  or  "  Obviatio,"  meaning  the 
"  meeting  "  of  our  Lord  with  Simeon  and  Anna 
in  the  Temple  (Luke  ii.  27-38).  In  the  West  it 
came  to  be  called  the  Feast  of  the  Purification, 
and,  except  in  the  Ambrosian  church,  to  be  re- 
garded as  one  of  the  Festivals  of  St.  Mary, 
because  this  meeting  took  place  on  the  occasion 
of  the  Purification  of  St.  Mary. 

Its  institution. — It  is  not  altogether  certain 
whether  it  was  instituted  by  Justin,  emperor  of 
Constantinople,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  526,  or 
by  his  son  Justinian,  in  the  year  541  or  542. 
Cedrenus,  an  historian  of  the  11th  century, 
assigns  its  institution  to  Justin  (JEIistoriarunt 
Compendium,  p.  366,  Paris,  1647);  the  other 
Byzantine  historians,  to  Justinian  (seeNicephorus 
Callistus,  Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  svii.  c.  28;  Theo- 
phanes,  Chronographia,  p.  188,  Paris,  1655  ;  His- 
toria  Miscellanea,  lib.  xvi.  apud  Muratorium, 
torn.  i.  p.  108,  Milan,  1723).  It  happens  that 
the  latter  historians  have  made  use  of  expressions 
which  need  not  force  us  to  conclude  that  the 
festival  had  no  existence  before  the  time  of  Jus- 
tinian, but  only  that  it  was  made  by  him  of 
oecumenical  observance,  or  of  obligation  in  Con- 
stantinople, or  of  obligation  on  the  2nd  of 
February."  Accordingly,  Dr.  Neale  {Holy  Eastern 
Church,  Introd.  vol.  ii.  p.  771,  Lond.  1850)  sup- 
poses it  was  only  transferred  by  Justinian  to 
Feb.  2nd  from  Feb.  14th,  the  day  on  which  it  is 
observed  by  the  Armenians.  But  it  is  probable 
that  Nicephorus  and  Theophaues  meant  to  state 
that  it  was  Justinian  who  originally  instituted  the 
festival.  Sigebertus  {Chronicon.  in  ann.  542,  apud 
Bibl.  Patr.,  De  la  Bigne,  torn.  vii.  p.  1388,  Paris, 
1589),  Calvisius  (Opus  Chronologicum,  in  ann.  541, 
Frankfort,  1650),  haxonius^Makyrologium,  Feb.  2, 
Rome,  1586),  Basnage  (Annales,  torn.  iii.  p.  752, 
Rotterdam,  1706),  Fleury  (Hist.  Eccles.  liv. 
xxxiii.  7,  Paris,  1732),  and  the  great  majority  of 
authorities  consider  Justinian  to  be  its  author ; 
and  there  is  little  doubt  that  they  are  right, 
though  the  idea  of  establishing  it  may  have 
sprung  up  in  the  last  year  of  the  reign  of  his 


»  Nicephorus's  words  are :  Tarrei  Se  Kal  rov  SwT^pos 
'YnavavTriv  iprl  TrpuTws  T^s  -y^s  eoprdfecreai  (lib.  xvi. 
c.  28).  Those  of  Theophanes  are :  xal  t<S  avTtZ  xp6vo,  ^ 
'Ynairavrr,  toO  Kvpi'ou  lAa^ev  ipx^iv  imTeKe'iCr'eai.  ev\w 
BvCavrCoi  rfj  Sevrepa  toO  *6^puapt'ou  M'!""'?  {Chronogr. 
p.  188).  Cedrenus  says  of  the  last  year  of  Justin's  reign  : 
cttI  ai)ToC  i-rvTTuert  kopTi-i^iv  ^fia^  KaX  -ri)./  eop-rijv  T^s 
'Yn-ttTraiT^?,  7^5  ^e;i^i  Tore  ^i,  ioaraCoadirn^  (Hiit.  Com- 
pend.  p.  3ii6). 


MARY 

predecessor,  and  some  steps  may  have  been  taken 
towards  realising  it,  which  were  for  the  time 
abortive.  The  Centuriators  of  Magdeburg  assign 
its  institution  to  pope  Vigilius,  Justinian's  contem- 
porary {Cent.  vi.  col.  673,  Basle,  1562).  Baronius 
conjectures  that  "a  way  was  opened  towards  its 
celebration  in  the  West,"  and  that  possibly  it 
was  instituted  there  by  pope  Gelasius  about 
thirty  years  before  Justinian,  on  the  abrogation 
of  the  Lupercalia  ;  but  his  conjecture  rests  on 
no  ground  of  evidence.  The  Oratio  de  Symcone 
et  Anna,  seu,  In  Festum  Occursus  et  Purificationis 
B.  Mariae,  attributed  to  Methodius,  bishop  of 
Tyre,  a.d.  290,  which,  if  gennine,  would  imply 
that  the  festival  was  of  a  very  early  date,  was 
probably  written  by  a  Methodius  of  Constanti- 
nople in  the  9th  century.  Similar  orations 
attributed  to  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  a.d.  350,  and 
to  Amphilochius,  a.d.  370,  and  to  Gregory  Nyssen, 
A.D.  370,  are  spurious.  So  are  a  Sermo  in  Oc- 
cursum  Domini,  attributed  to  St.  Athanasius, 
A.D.  325,  and  a  Sermo  de  Purifcatione  B.  Marine, 
attributed  to  St.  A.-nbrose,  a.d.  374,  and  many 
more  sermons  alleged  to  have  been  delivered  on 
the  day  by  different  early  writers.  Baronius 
"does  not  hesitate  to  declare  that  no  Greek  or 
Latin  father  before  Justinian  has  left  a  sermon 
on  the  day  of  the  Occursus  "  {Martyr.  Feb.  2). 

Its  date  in  the  calendar. — The  2nd  day  of  Feb- 
ruary is  necessarily  the  date  of  the  festival,  be- 
cause that  is  the  fortieth  day  after  Jan.  25th, 
which,  since  the  time  of  St.  Chrysostom,  that  is, 
a  century  and  a  half  before  the  date  of  Justinian, 
had  become  accepted  as  the  day  of  the  Nativity 
of  Christ  in  the  East  as  well  as  in  the  West.  It 
would  consequently  have  been  the  day  on  which 
St.  Mary,  having  borne  a  man-child,  would  have 
made  the  offering  appointed  by  the  law  (Lev.  sii. 
4)  for  her  (or  their)  (Luke  ii.  22)  purification. 
The  Armenian  church  observes  the  festival  on 
Feb.  14th,  because  it  counts  Jan.  6th  to  be  the 
day  of  the  Nativity,  as  the  whole  of  the  East 
once  counted  it. 

The  occasion  of  its  institution  is  supposed  to 
be  the  occurrence  of  earthquakes,  plague,  and 
famine,  mentioned  by  the  Byzantine  historians 
as  having  taken  place  in  Asia  Minor  and  Con- 
stantinople in  the  reigns  of  Justin  and  Justinian. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  purpose  of  its 
founders  was  to  supply  the  place  of  the  Ambur- 
balia,  Lupercalia,  the  Feast  of  Ceres,  and  other 
Roman  festivities  which  had  been  abolished,  and 
the  loss  of  which  was  felt  by  the  populace  (Du- 
randus,  Puitionale  Divinorum  Officiorum,  lib.  vii. 
c.  7,  Venice,  1577  ;  Belethus,  Explicatio  Bivin. 
Offic.  c.  81,  ad  calcem  Durandi,  Venice,  1577  ; 
Baronius,  Martyrol.  Feb.  2 ;  Benedictus  Papa 
XIV.,  de  Festis,  apud  Migne,  Theol.  Curs.  Compl. 
tom.  sxvi.  p.  144,  Paris,  1842).  It  is,  however, 
more  probable  that  the  primary  object  with 
which  it  was  instituted  was  simply  to  comme- 
morate an  event  in  the  life  of  our  Lord  which 
was  believed  to  call  for  a  special  commemoration. 
After  its  establishment  there  was  no  unwilling- 
ness to  regard  it  as  a  hallowed  substitute  for  an 
unholy  orgy,  a  Christian  Purification  Festival  in 
place  of  a  Pagan  Lustration  Feast,  held  as  before 
in  the  early  part  of  the  month  of  February.  (See 
Rabanus  Maurus,  de  Institut.  Clericorum,  lib.  ii. 
c.  33,  apud  Magn.  Bibl.  Patrum,  tom.  x.  p.  602.) 

Similarly  the  ceremony  of  consecrating  and 
distributing  candles,  and  marching  in  procession 


MARY 


1141 


with  them  in  the  hands  (whence  the  names 
Candelaria,  Candlemas)  probably  arose  from  "  a 
desire  to  put  Christians  in  remembrance  of 
Christ,  the  spiritual  light,  of  whom  Symeon  did 
prophesy,  as  is  read  in  the  church  that  day  " 
(L'Estrange,  Alliance  of  Divine  Offices,  c.  v.  Oxf. 
1846);  in  other  words,  to  illustrate  the  32nd 
verse  of  Luke  ii.  "  a  light  to  lighten  the  Gen- 
tiles." But  after  a  time  the  idea  was  readily 
welcomed  that  it  had  been  introduced  with  the 
view  of  assimilating  the  Christian  festival  to 
the  heathen  feast ;  so  readily,  indeed,  that  pope 
Benedict  XIV.  regards  any  other  as  almost 
heretical.  Baronius  attributes  the  introduction 
of  the  procession  to  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore  to  Ser- 
gius  I.,  who  lived  in  the  7th  century,  but  he 
believes  that  the  use  of  the  candles  originated 
before  that  time,  as  they  are  mentioned  by 
Eligius  (Hom.  ii..  Op.  apud  Migne,  Patrol,  tom. 
Ixxxvii.  p.  597),  who  lived  A.D.  665.  Fulbert, 
bishop  of  Chartres  at  the  beginning  of  the  11th 
century,  explains  the  symbolism  which  by  that 
time  it  was  believed  might  be  found  in  the 
virgin  wax  of  which  the  candles  were  made 
(Sermo,  apud  Magn.  Bibl.  Patrum,  tom.  iii.  p. 
502).  The  fifth  council  of  Milan,  A.D.  1579, 
enlarges  on  the  manifold  use  and  benefits  of  the 
candles  (Hard.  Concil.  tom.  x.  p.  971).  The  pro- 
cession came  to  be  regarded  as  i-epresenting  the 
walk  of  St.  Mary  and  Joseph  to  the  Temple  on 
the  day  of  the  Purification. 

2.  The  Annunciation  (^haYyeXur^nos,  An- 
nunciatio). 

Its  institution. — There  is  no  historical  account 
of  the  institution  of  this  festival,  as  there  is  of 
the  Purification.  It  i:-  found  existing  in  the  7th 
century,  but  the  occasion  of  its  establishment  is 
not  known.  An  attempt  was  made  to  claim  a 
very  high  antiquity  for  it  by  appealing  to  three 
Addresses,  delivered  on  the  Festival,  which  were 
assigned  by  Vossius  to  Gregory  Thaumaturgus, 
and  may  yet  be  found  bound  up  with  the  latter's 
genuine  writings  in  some  editions  of  his  works 
(Sermones  'III.  in  Annunc.  S.  M.  Virginis  apud 
Op.  Greg.  Thaum.  p.  9,  Paris,  1622).  Their 
spuriousness  is  undoubted  (see  Bellarmine,  de 
Script.  Eccles.  Op.  tom.  vii.  p.  39,  Col.  Agrip. 
1617  ;  Tyler,  Worship  of  the  Virgin,  Appendix 
A,  Lond.  1851).  The  same  is  to  be  said  of  an 
Address  attributed  to  Athanasius,  called  Sermo 
in  Annunciationem  Sanctae  Dominae  Kostrae  Dci- 
parae,  and  printed  with  St.  Athanasius'  works 
{Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  393,  ed.  Bened.  Paris,  1698), 
which  was  not  written  till  after  the  Monothe- 
lite  controversy  (see  Baronius,  apud  Opp.  S. 
Atlianasii,  p.  391 ;  Cave,  Historia  litcrarit,  s.  v. 
Athanasius).  And  the  same  must  be  said  of 
many  more  sermons  alleged  to  have  been  de- 
livered on  the  occasion  of  the  festival  by  fiithers 
and  early  writers.  The  sermons  attributed  to 
Peter  Chrysologus,  A.D.  440  (apud  Migne,  Pa- 
trolog.  tom.  Iii.  p.  575,  Paris,  1845),  m:iy  pos- 
sibly have  been  composed  by  archbishop  Felix,  one 
of  his  successors  in  the  see  of  Ravenna,  a.d.  708,  or 
more  probably  by  his  namesake,  Peter  Damiani, 
in  the  11th  century  (see  Tillemont,  Histoire 
Eccle'siastique,  tom.  xv.  note  vi.  p.  866,  Paris, 
1711).  Two  homilies  In  Annunciationem  Beatae 
Mariae,  attributed  to  Anastasius  of  Sinai,  A.D. 
560,  would  appear  to  be  the  production  of  one 
Anastasius  Abbas,  who  lived  in  the  8th  century. 
The  first  trustworthy  evidence  of  the  existence  of 
4  E  2 


1142 


MAKY 


the  festival  is  found  in  the  first  chapter  of  the  Acts 
of  the  tenth  council  of  Toledo,  which  was  held  a.d. 
65ti.  The  council  declares  that,  whereas  the 
Feast  of  the  Holy  Virgin  was  kept  at  dift'erent 
times  in  diflerent  places  in  Spain,  and  could  not 
be  kept  in  Lent  without  transgressing  traditional 
rule,  it  should  be  observed  on  the  octave  before 
Christinas  day.  The  rule  to  which  reference  is 
here  made  is  the  51st  canon  of  the  council  of 
Laodicea,  held  in  the  4th  century,  which  forbids 
the  observance  of  the  Nativities  of  Martyrs  (a 
phrase  which  at  that  time  was  equivalent  to 
Holy  days)  in  Lent.t>  The  second  reference  to 
the  festival  is  found  in  the  acts  of  the  council 
in  Trullo,  held  A.D.  692,  which  permitted  the 
observance  of  this  holy  day  in  Lent,  while  it 
continued  the  Laodicean  prohibition  of  all  others.'" 
The  date  of  the  institution  of  the  festival  may 
therefore  be  fixed  as  being  at  the  end  of  the  6th 
or  the  beginning  of  the  7th  century.  The 
council  of  Metz  makes  no  mention  of  it  among 
the  festivals  ordered  by  it  to  be  observed  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  813  (can.  xxxvi.)  ;  nor  does  it 
appear  in  company  with  the  Purification  in  the 
list  of  festivals  "given  in  the  Capitularies  of 
Charles  the  Great  or  Ludvig  {Capit.  ah  Ansegiso 
collccta,\\h.  i.  §  158;  ii.  §  33). 

The  date  in  the  calendar  is  March  25th,  as 
being  nine  months  before  the  nativity  of  Christ. 
St.  Augustine  speaks  of  March  ■25th  as  being  the 
day  on  which  it  was  believed  that  the  conception 
of  our  Lord  took  place,  inasmuch  as  Dec.  25th 
was  regarded  as  the  day  of  his  birth  {De  Trin. 
lib.  iv.  c.  v.,  Op.  tom.  viii.  p.  894,  ed.  Migne). 
The  Armenian  church,  which  observes  Jan.  6th 
as  the  Nativity  as  well  as  the  Epiphany  of  Christ, 
has  not  the  Festival  of  the  Annunciation  in  its 
calendar. 

Like  the  Feast  of  the  Purification,  this  festival 
was  instituted  in  honour  of  our  Lord,  and  in 
commemoration  of  his  conception  ;  but  it  pro- 
bably passed  more  readily  and  quickly  than  the 
sister  festival  from  the  list  of  the  Dominican  to 
that  of  the  Marian  Festivals,  as  the  original 
idea  is  not  preserved  in  its  title  (as  it  is  in  the 
Hypapante),  except  in  the  Ethiopian  calendar, 
where  it  is  not  called  the  Annunciation  but  the 
Conception  of  Christ. 

The  purpose,  therefore,  of  the  festival  is  to 
commemorate  (1)  the  announcement  made  by 
the  angel  Gabriel  to  St.  Mary  that  she  should 
conceive  and  bring  forth  the  promised  Messiah, 
and  (2)  the  conception  of  our  Lord  which  fol- 
lowed that  announcement  (Luke  i.  26-38).  The 
place  where  this  announcement  was  made  was 
the  house  in  Nazareth  in  which  St.  Mary  lived. 
The  legend  of  Loretto  has  transferred  this  house 
to  Italy  ;  the ,  exact  spot  where  it  took  place 
is  nevertheless  pointed  out  both  by  Greeks  and 
Latins,  a  dift'erent  spot  by  each,  as  still  existing 
in  Palestine. 

3.  The  Assumption  (Koi'urjo-is,  MeraffTao-.j, 
Durmitio,  Pausatio,  Transitus,  Depositio,  Migratio, 
Assumptio). 

Its  institution. — This  festival  was  instituted, 
according  to  the  statement  of  Nicephorus  Cal- 

>>  Tbe  words  of  the  canon  are:  Ou  Sd  ev  rfj  Tfo-o-epa- 
Koo-Tjf  fiapTvputv  yevfBkiov  iiTi.re\eif  (Hurd.  Concil. 
lorn.  i.  p.  790,  I'arls,  1715). 

«  The  words  are:  lIopeKTo?  o-ajS^drou  »cai  icvptoucij;  icai 
T^?  dyia?  ToO  eiiayyeAio-jaoO  Tj/xe'pa?  (Hard.  Concil.  torn, 
lil.  p.  1681). 


MARY 

listus  (Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  xvii.  c,  28),  by  the 
emperor  Maurice,  who  lived  at  the  close  of  the 
6th  and  the  beginning  of  the  7th  century.  In 
the  time  of  Charles  the  Great,  two  centuries 
later,  its  observance  was  not  yet  universal  in  the 
West  {Capit.  ah  Ansegiso  collecta,  lib.  i.  §  158, 
apud  Migne,  Patrolog.  tom.  xcvii.  p.  533,  Paris, 
1851).''  But  it  appears  to  have  been  received 
after  deliberation  by  Charles,  and  it  is  recognised 
by  his  son  Ludvig  in  the  year  818  or  819  (ihld. 
lib.  ii.  c.  35,  p.  547).  An  octave  was  added  to 
the  festival  by  pope  Leo  IV.,  A.D.  847. 

Its  date  in  the  calendar  i&  August  15th. 

The  purpose  of  the  festival  is  to  commemorate 
the  assumption  of  St.  Mary  into  heaven  in  body 
and  soul.  The  origin  of  the  belief  that  she  was 
so  assumed,  and  the  steps  by  which  it  grew  are 
as  follows : — 

In  the  3rd  or  4th  century  there  was  composed 
a  book,  embodying  the  Gnostic  and  Collyridian 
traditions  as  to  the  death  of  St.  Mary,  called  Be 
Transitu  Virginis  Mariae  liber.  The  book  exists 
still,  and  may  be  found  in  the  Dibliotheca  Patrum 
Maxima  (tom.  ii.  pt.  ii.  p.  212).  The  legend 
contained  in  it  relates  how  St.  Mary,  after  her 
Son's  death,  went  and  lived  at  Bethlehem  for 
twenty-one  years,  after  which  time  an  angel 
appeared  to  her,  and  told  her  that  her  soul 
should  be  taken  from  her  body.  So  she  was 
wafted  on  a  cloud  to  Jerusalem,  and  the  apostles, 
who  had  been  miraculously  gathered  together, 
carried  her  to  Gethsemane,  and  there  her  soul 
was  taken  up  into  Paradise  by  Gabriel.  Then  the 
apostles  bore  her  body  to  the  Valley  of  Jehosha- 
phat,  and  laid  it  in  a  new  tomb  ;  and  suddenly 
by  the  side  of  the  tomb  appeared  her  son  Christ, 
who  raised  up  her  body  lest  it  should  see  cor- 
ruption, and  reuniting  it  with  her  soul,  which 
Michael  brought  back  from  Paradise,  had  her 
conveyed  by  angels  to  heaven. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  Liber  de  Transitu 
Mariae  contains  already  the  whole  of  the  story 
of  the  Assumption.  But  down  to  the  end  of 
the  5th  century  this  story  was  regarded  by  the 
church  as  a  Gnostic  or  Collyridian  fable,  and  the 
Liher  de  Transitu  was  condemned  as  heretical 
by  the  Decretum  da  Libris  Canonicis  Ecclesias- 
ticis  et  Apocryphis,  attributed  to  pope  Gelasius, 
A.D.  494.  How  then  did  it  pass  across  the 
borders  and  establish  itself  within  the  church, 
so  as  to  have  a  festival  appointed  to  commemo- 
rate it  ?     In  the  following  manner : — 

In  the  sixth  century  a  great  change  passed 
over  the  sentiments  and  the  theology  of  the 
church  in  reference  to  the  dsoT6Kos — an  unin- 
tended but  very  noticeable  result  of  the  Nes- 
torian  controversies,  which  in  maintaining  the 
true  doctrine  of  the  Incarnation  incidentally 
gave  a  strong  impulse  to  what  became  the  Wor- 
ship of  St.  Mary.  In  consequence  of  this  change 
of  sentiment,  during  the  6th  and  7th  centuries 
(or  later),  (1)  the  Liber  de  Transitu,  though 
classed  by  Gelasius  with  the  known  productions 

^  Charles  the  Great's  Copiiulare,  after  recounting  the 
festivals,  says :  "De  Assnmptione  Sanctae  Mariae  intei- 
rogandum  relinquimus."  The  treatise  De  Assumptiune 
B.  V.  Virginis,  attributed  to  St.  Augustine  and  bound  up 
with  hts  works  (tom.  vi.  p.  1142,  ed.  Migne)  has  been 
thought  to  have  been  a  reply  by  one  of  Charles's  bishops 
to  his  inquiiy  on  the  subject,  as  it  begins,  "  Ad  Interro- 
gata  de  Virginis  tt  Matris  Domini  resolutione  temporali 
et  assnmptione  pcrenni  quid  iutelligam  responsurus." 


MARY 

of  heretics  came  to  be  attributed  by  one  ("  otio- 
sus  quispiam,"  says  Baronius)  to  Melito,  an 
orthodox  bishop  of  Sardis,  in  the  2nd  century, 
and  by  another  to  St.  John  the  Apostle  ;  (2)  a 
letter  suggesting  the  possibility  of  the  Assump- 
tion was  written  and  attributed  to  St.  Jerome 
(ad  Paulam  et  Eustochium  do  Assumptione  B. 
Virginis,  Op.  torn.  v.  p.  82,  Paris,  1706);  (.3)  a 
treatise  to  prove  it  not  impossible  was  composed 
and  attributed  to  St.  Augustine  (Op.  tom.  vi.  p. 
1142,  ed.  Migne)  ;  (4)  two  sermons  supporting 
the  belief  were  written  and  attributed  to  St. 
Athanasius  (Op.  tom.  ii.  pp.  393,  416,  ed.  Ben. 
Paris,  1698) ;  (5)  an  insertion  was  made  in 
Eusebius's  Chronicle  that  "  in  the  year  48  Mary 
the  Virgin  was  taken  up  into  heaven,  as  some 
wrote  that  they  had  had  it  revealed  to  them." 
Thus  the  authority  of  the  names  of  St.  John,  of 
Melito,  of  Athanasius,  of  Eusebius,  of  Augus- 
tine, of  Jerome,  was  obtained  for  the  belief  by  a 
series  of  forgeries  readily  accepted  because  in 
accordance  with  the  sentiment  of  the  day,  and 
the  Gnostic  legend  was  attributed  to  orthodox 
writers  who  did  not  entertain  it.  But  this 
was  not  all,  for  there  is  the  clearest  evidence 
(1)  that  no  one  within  the  church  taught  it  for  six 
centuries,  and  (2)  that  those  who  did  first  teach 
it  within  the  church  borrowed  it  directly  from 
the  book  condemned  by  pope  Gelasius  as  here- 
tical. For  the  first  person  within  the  church 
who  held  and  taught  it  was  Juvenal,  bishop 
of  Jerusalem  (if  a  homily  attributed  to  John 
Damascene  containing  a  quotation  from  "  the 
Euthymiac  history  "  (Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  880,  Venice, 
1748)  be  for  the  moment  considered  genuine), 
who  (according  to  this  statement)  on  Marcian 
and  Pulcheria's  sending  to  him  for  information 
as  to  St.  Mary's  sepulchre,  replied  to  them  by 
narrating  a  shortened  version  of  the  De  Transitu 
legend  as  "  a  most  ancient  and  true  tradition." 
The  second  person  within  the  church  who  taught  it 
(or  the  first,  if  the  homily  attributed  to  John 
Damascene  relating  the  above  tale  of  Juvenal 
be  spurious,  as  it  almost  certainly  is)  was  Gre- 
gory of  Tours,  A.D.  590,  who  in  his  JJe  Gloria 
Martyrum  (lib.  i.  c.  4)  writes  as  follows  :  "  When 
Blessed  Mary  had  finished  the  course  of  this  life, 
and  was  now  called  away  from  the  world,  all 
the  apostles  were  gathered  together  at  her  house 
from  all  parts  of  the  world ;  and  when  they 
heard  that  she  was  to  be  taken  away  they 
watched  with  her,  and  behold  !  the  Lord  Jesus 
came  with  his  angels,  and  taking  her  soul,  gave 
it  to  Michael  the  Archangel,  and  went  away. 
In  the  morning  the  apostles  took  up  her  body 
with  the  bed,  and  placed  it  in  a  monument,  and 
watched  it,  waiting  for  the  coming  of  the  Lord. 
And  behold !  a  second  time  the  Lord  appeared, 
and  commanded  her  to  be  taken  up  and  carried 
in  a  cloud  to  Paradise,  where  now,  having  re- 
sumed her  soul,  she  enjoys  the  never-ending 
blessings  of  eternity,  rejoicing  with  her  elect." 
The  Abbd  Migne  points  out  in  a  note  that  "  what 
Gregory  here  relates  of  the  death  of  the  Blessed 
Vii-gin  and  its  attendant  circumstances  he  un- 
doubtedly drew  (procul  dnhio  hausit)  from  the 
Pseudo-Melito's  Liber  de  Transitu  B.  Mariae, 
which  is  classed  among  apocryphal  books  bj 
pope  Gelasius."  He  adds  that  this  account, 
with  the  circumstances  related  by  Gregory, 
were  soon  after  introduced  into  the  Galilean 
Liturgy.     It  is  very  seldom  that  we  are  able  to 


MARY 


1143 


trace  a  tale  from  its  birth  onwards  so  clearly 
and  unmistakably  as  this.  It  is  demonstrable 
that  the  Gnostic  legend  passed  into  the  church 
through  Gregory  or  Juvenal,  and  so  became  an  ac- 
cepted tradition  within  it.  The  next  writers  on 
the  subject  are  Andrew  of  Crete,  who  is  sup- 
posed to  have  lived  about  A.D.  635  ;  Hildephonsus 
of  Toledo,  A.D.  657  ;  and  John  of  Damascus,  who 
lived  about  A.D.  730,  if  writings  attributed  to 
any  of  them  are  genuine,  which  is  quite  doubt- 
ful. Pope  Benedict  XIV.  says  naively  that  "  the 
most  ancient  Fathers  of  the  Primitive  Church 
are  silent  as  to  the  bodily  assumption  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  but  the  fathers  of  the  middle 
and  latest  ages,  both  Greeks  and  Latins,  relate 
it  in  the  distinctest  terms  "  (De  Fest.  Assumpt. 
apud  Migne,  Thcol.  Curs.  Compl.  tom.  xxvi.  p. 
144,  Paris,  1842).  It  was  under  the  shadow  of 
the  names  of  Gregory  of  Tours  and  of  these 
"  fathers  of  the  middle  and  latest  ages,  Greek 
and  Latin,"  that  the  Be  Transitu  legend  became 
accepted  as  a  catholic  tradition  (see  Alban  Butler, 
Lives  of  the  Saints,  Aug.  15). 

The  history,  therefore,  of  the  belief  which 
this  festival  was  instituted  to  commemorate  is 
as  follows : — It  was  first  taught  in  the  3rd  or 
4th  century  as  part  of  the  Gnostic  legend  of  St. 
Mary's  death,  and  it  was  regarded  by  the  church 
as  a  Gnostic  and  Collyridian  fable  down  to  the 
end  of  the  5th  century.  It  was  brought  into  the 
church  in  the  6th,  7th,  and  8th  centuries,  partly 
by  a  series  of  successful  forgeries,  partly  by  the 
adoption  of  the  Gnostic  legend  on  the  part  of 
accredited  teachers,  writers,  and  liturgists.  And 
a  festival  in  commemoration  of  the  event,  thus 
come  to  be  believed,  was  instituted  in  the  East 
at  the  beginning  of  the  7th,  in  the  West  at  the 
beginning  of  the  9th  century. 

4.  The  Nativity  (TevUhiov  rrjs  6eoT6Kov, 
Nativitas). 

Its  institution. — This  festival  is  said  to  have 
been  established  by  pope  Sergius  I.  in  the  year 
695,  on  the  representation  of  a  monk  (religiosus 
quidam)  that  he  had  for  several  years  following 
heard  the  angels  singing  on  the  night  of  Sept. 
8,  and  that  it  had  been  revealed  to  him  that  the 
reason  for  which  they  sang  was  that  St.  Mary  )iad 
been  born  on  that  uight.  The  pope,  says  Du- 
randus,  established  the  festival  in  order  that  we 
and  the  angels  might  commemorate  the  event  at 
the  same  time  (Divin.  Offic.  lib.  vii.  c.  28). 
Belethus  confirms  Durandus'  statement  (Explic. 
Divin.  Offic.  c.  149).  Baronius  has  thrown  out 
a  suggestion,  as  he  has  done  with  regard  to  the 
date  of  the  "  Ave  Maria,"  that  it  might  have 
been  instituted  soon  after  the  Council  of  Ephesus, 
"  because  from  that  time  the  worship  of  the  most 
Blessed  Virgin  grew  and  increased  more  and  more 
every  day  throughout  the  world ;"  he  does  not 
however  presume  to  say  that  it  icas  established 
then,  but,  on  the  contrary,  acknowledges  that  "  it 
was  unknown  in  the  Galilean  church  in  the  time 
of  Charles  the  Great  and  Ludvig  the  Pious  " 
(Martyrol.  in  Sept.  8);  as  indeed  may  be  seen 
by  its  absence  from  their  lists  of  the  festivals 
(Capit.  ah  Ansegiso  collecta,  lib.  i.  §  153  ;  ii.  §  33). 
In  a  calandar  of  Milan,  supposed  by  Muratori 
(tom.  ii.  pt.  ii.  p.  1021,  Milan,  1723)  to  be  of  the 
date  A.D.  1000,  the  Nativity  is  noted  as  being 
specially  observed  at  Foligno,  as  though  it  were 
not  yet  general  even  in  Italy.  A  sermon  attri- 
buted   to    St.    Augustine,    and    quoted    by    the 


1144 


MAEY 


Breviary  as  delivered  on  the  Feast  of  the  Nati- 
vity of  St.  Mary,  is,  of  course,  spurious  (Senn. 
cxciv.  alias  De  Sanctis,  xviii.  torn.  v.  p.  2104,  ed. 
Migne). 

The  purpose  of  the  festival  is  to  commemorate 
the  birth  of  St.  Mary  as  it  is  recounted  in  the 
apocrvphal  gospels,  the  Protevangelion,  and  the 
Gospel  of  the  Birth  of  Mary.  Nothing  whatever 
is  known  of  St.  Mary's  birth.  We  do  not  knew 
the  names  of  her  parents,  or  anything  at  all 
about  her  early  life.  When  we  have  stated  that 
she  was  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  and  descended 
from  David,  that  she  had  a  sister  named,  like 
herself,  Mary,  and  that  she  was  connected  by 
marriage  with  Elizabeth,  we  have  said  all  that 
can  be  known  with  respect  to  her  previous  to 
her  betrothal  to  Joseph.  But  as  early  as  the 
2nd  or  3rd  century  there  were  composed  and 
disseminated  among  the  Gnostics,  the  Protevan- 
gelion, and  the  Gospel  of  the  Birth  of  Mary, 
which  are  an  application  and  adaptation  of  the 
history  of  our  Lord's  birth  and  childhood  to  St. 
Mary.  The  legend,  as  contained  in  these  apo- 
cryphal gospels,  narrates  that  Joachim  and  Anna, 
of  the  race  of  David,  lived  piously  together  as 
husband  and  wife  for  twenty  years  at  Nazareth  ; 
that  at  the  end  of  this  time  Joachim  was  roughly 
rebuked  by  the  high  priest,  and  Anna  bitterly 
jeered  at  by  her  maid,  because  they  had  no 
child  ;  that  Joachim  went  into  the  wilderness 
and  fasted  for  forty  days,  and  Anna  went  into 
her  garden  and  prayed  that  she  might  have  a 
child  as  Sarai  had ;  and  two  angels  appeared  to 
Anna,  and  promised  her  a  child  ;  and  Joachim 
returned,  and  the  child  was  born,  and  her  name 
was  called  Mary  (Giles,  Codex  Apocryphus  Kovi 
Testamenti,  pp.  33,  47,  Lond.  1847).  These 
legends  of  St,  Mary's  birth  were  repudiated  by 
the  early  church,  and  regarded  by  it  as  belonging 
to  a  body  external  and  hostile  to  itself.  Like  the 
legends  of  her  death,  they  crept  into  the  church 
in  the  6th,  7th,  and  8th  centuries.  Pope  Benedict 
XIV.  allows  that  "  there  is  nothing  about  her 
nativity  in  Holy  Scripture,  and  all  that  is  said 
about  it  is  drawn  from  turbid  fountains,"  which 
he  explains  to  mean  the  Protevangelion  and  the 
other  legends  (Z)e  Fest.  Nativ.  B.  Virginis,  apud 
Migne,  Theol.  Curs.  Ca)nplet.  p.  611). 

5.  The  Presentation  (Ta  eicro'Sia  ttjs 
Ocot6ko\j.  Praesentatio  Beatae  Mariae  Vi)-- 
ginis). 

Its  institution.— l:\it  Festival  of  the  Presenta- 
tion of  St.  Mary  at  the  Temple  is  supposed  by 
some  to  have  been  established  at  Constantinople 
about  A.D.  730.  There  is  certain  evidence  of  its 
existence  there  in  a.d.  1150.  But  it  did  not 
pass  into  the  West  till  A.D.  1375.  (See  Launoius, 
Regii  Naiarrac  Gymnasii  Parisiensis  Historia, 
pt.  J.  c.  10,  p.  77,  Paris,  1677.)  It  was  with- 
drawn from  the  Roman  calendar  by  Pius  V. 
but  restored  by  Sixtus  V.  on  the  prayer  of 
Turrianus. 

Its  purpose  is  to  commemorate  the  presenta- 
tion of  St.  Mary  as  narrated  in  the  Gnostic  legend 
which  is  embodied  in.  the  Protevangelion  and  the 
Gospel  of  the  Birin  of  Mary.  The  legend  states 
that  when  St.  Mary  was  three  years  old  her 
parents  brought  her  to  the  Temple  to  dedicate  her 
to  the  Lord  ;  and  that  she  walked  up  the  fit'teen 
steps  leading  into  the  Temple  by  herself,  and  the 
high  priest  placed  her  on  the  third  step  of  the 
altar  ;  anl  she  danced   with    her    feet :  and  all 


MARY 

the  house  of  Israel  loved  her.  She  is  said  to 
have  remained  at  the  Temple  till  she  was  twelve 
or  fourteen  years  old,  food  being  brought  to  her 
by  the  angels.  This  legend,  like  that  of  her 
nativity  and  her  assumption,  crept  into  the 
church  during  the  6th,  7th,  and  8  th  centuries. 

6.  Tjie  Depositing  of  the  Honourable 
Vestment  of  the  Theotokos  in  Blachernae 
(Karafleo-ij  effQrjTos  rip.ias  rrjs  deoT6Kou). 

This  festival  claims  to  have  been  instituted  at 
the  date  of  the  events  commemorated  by  it,  in 
the  5th  century,  but  it  would  appear  to  have 
been  first  observed  in  the  9th  century.  Its 
date  in  the  calendar  of  the  Byzantine  church  is 
July  2nd.  Its  purpose  is  to  commemorate  the 
laying  up  or  depositing  in  the  church  of 
Blachernae  in  Constantinople  of  (1)  the  grave- 
clothes  of  St.  Mary  (to.  ivTd<pia),  supposed  to 
have  been  sent  (according  to  Nicephorus  Cal- 
listus'  statement)  by  Juvenal  of  Jerusalem  from 
Palestine  to  Marcian  and  Pulcheria,  and  (2)  her 
vestment  (ri/nia  iffO-rjs)  said  to  have  been  stolen 
from  Galilee  by  Calvius  and  Candidus  in  the 
time  of  Leo  Magnus,  successor  to  Marcian 
(^Menaeon  for  July  2,  Constantinople,  1843). 

7.  The  Discovery  and  Depositing  of  the 
Honourable  Girdle  of  the  Theotokos  (Kotci- 
deffis  rrjs  rifxias  ^wv7)S  tiJs  SeorfiKOu). 

This  festival,  like  the  last,  claims  to  have  been 
instituted  at  the  date  of  the  event  commemorated 
by  it,  but  there  is  no  evidence  of  its  observance 
before  the  9th  century.  Its  date  in  the  calendars 
of  the  Byzantine  and  Armenian  churches  is 
August  31.  Its  purpose  is  to  commemorate  (1) 
the  discovery  of  the  supposed  girdle  of  St.  Mary 
in  the  time  (according  to  the  Menaeon)  of  Arca- 
dius,  (2)  its  translation  to  Constantinople  in 
the  time  of  Justinian,  and  (3)  a  miraculous  cure 
supposed  to  have  been  wrought  by  it  on  Zoe  the 
wife  of  Leo  the  Philosopher,  a.d.  886.  (Nice- 
phorus Callistus,  Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  xiv.  2 ;  xv. 
14,  24.  Du  Fresne,  Notae  in  Annae  Comnenae 
Alexiadem,  p.  329,  ad  calcem  Joannis  Cinnami 
Historiae,  Paris,  1670 ;  Menaeon  for  August, 
p.  189,  Constantinople,  1843.) 

8.  The  Synaxis  of  the  Theotokos  and 
of  Joseph  her  Spouse. — This  festival  was 
probably  instituted,  at  Constantinople,  at  about 
the  same  date  as  the  two  previously  named 
festivals,  though,  like  them,  it  claims  a  much 
earlier  date,  appeal  being  made  to  a  spurious 
sermon  of  Epiphanius,  supposed  to  have  been 
delivered  on  the  day.  The  date  in  the  calendar 
and  the  purpose  of  its  institution  are  closely  con- 
nected. It  is  observed  on  Dec.  26,  as  being  a 
continuation  of  the  Christmas  festival,  the  mind 
being  turned  on  the  first  day  to  the  Son,  and  on 
the  second  day  to  the  mother.  The  word 
'Synaxis,'  derived  from  (jvviyeiv,  means  in  the 
first  place  an  assembly  of  worshippei's,  and 
thence  (in  the  present  connexion)  a  commemora- 
tion festival  held  by  those  so  assembled. 

9.  The  Protection  of  the  Most  Holy 
Mother  of  God.— This  festival  was  instituted 
at  the  beginning  of  the  10th  century.  The  day 
in  the  calendar  of  the  Russian  church  on  which 
it  is  observed  is  Oct.  1.  Its  purpose  is  to  com- 
memorate a  vision  which  St.  Andrew,  surnamed 
^'the  Foolish,"  or  "  the  Idiot,"  said  that  he  had 
in  the  church  of  Blachernae,  Constantinople,  lu 
which  he  supposed  himself  to  have  seen  St. 
Mary,  with  prophtes,  apostles,  and  angels,  pray- 


MAEY 

ing  foi"  the  world  and  spreading  her  wfj.o(p6pos 
(ecclesiastical  vestment)  over  Christians.  The 
Russian  church  accounts  for  the  festival  not 
being  found  in  the  Byzantine  calendar  by  the 
great  troubles  which  in  the  10th  century  were 
encompassing  and  pervading  Constantinople. 
(Russian  calendar,  Oct.  1.) 

10.  The    Conception   (2vWri\l^is  rrjs  ayias 
"Avv-qs.    Conceptio  Beatae  Marine  Virginis). 

Its    institution.  —  Legend    relates    that    this 
festival    was     instituted    A.D.    1067    by    abbat 
Helsinus,  who  had  been    sent  by  William  I.  of 
England    to    Denmark,   and  being    caught  in    a 
storm  on  his  return,  and  addressing  prayers  for 
help  to  St.  Mary  had   a  vision   of  a  grave  eccle- 
siastic upon  the  waves,  who  promised  him  safety 
on  condition  of  his  establishing   the  Festival  of 
the  Conception   of  St.  Mary   on   Dec.   8.       This 
legend  is  assigned  to  St.  Anselm  as  its  author  in 
the  Legenda  Aurea,  and  the  synod  of  London  held 
under  archbishop  Mepeham,  A.D.  1328,  appears  to 
have  believed  it  to  rest  on  his  authority  (Const.  2). 
It  may  be  found  in  Migne's  Patrologia  (torn.  clix. 
p.  325),  relegated  to  the  appendix  of  St.  Anselm's 
works.     Another  form  of  the  same  legend  puts 
St.  Anselm  himself  in  the  place  of  Helsinus  as 
the  hero  of  the  story,  and  represents  the  scene  to 
have  occurred  as  he  was  returning  from  England 
to    Bee  (Petr.  de  Natalibus,  Catal.  Sand.  lib.  i. 
c.    xiii.).       Passing    from   legend  to  history   we 
find    that  the   festival    originated    in    the   12th 
century.      It    was  at    once    condemned    by    St. 
Bernard  as  (1)  novel,  (2)  heterodox,  (3)  unautho- 
rised (see  Epist.  clxxiv..  Op.  tom.  i.  p.  169,  ed. 
Ben.  Paris,   1690).     This  was  in  the  year  A.D. 
1140.     St.  Bernard's  contemporary   Potho   also 
condemned  it  as  (1)  novel,  (2)  absurd  {De  Statu 
domUs  Dei,  lib.   iii.  apud  Wagn.  Bibl.  Patr.  tom. 
ix.   p.   587,   Paris,  1644),  and  in  the  following 
century  Durandus  {De  Divin.  Offic,  lib.  vii.  c.  7) 
and   Belethus  {Exp.  Divin.    Offic.  c.  146)  repu- 
diated it  as  heterodox.     "  Some,"  says  Belethus, 
"  have  kept   the  Feast   of  the  Conception,   and 
perhaps  even  still  keep  it,  but  it  is  not  authorised 
or   approved ;  nay,  it  ought  rather   to    be    pro- 
hibited, for  she  was  conceived  in  sin."     In  the 
14th  century  it  was  made  obligatory  in  England 
by  the  following  constitution  of  Simon  Mepeham, 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  which  was  accepted  by 
a  Provincial  synod  held  in  London  in  the  year  1328. 
"  That  the  memory  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary, 
the  mother  of  our    Lord,  may  be   oftener  and 
more  solemnly  celebrated,  in  proportion  to  the 
greater  favour  which  she  among  all  the  saints 
hath  found  with  God,  who  ordained  her  concep- 
tion to  be  the  predestinated  temporal   origin  of 
His  only  begotten  Son  and   the  salvation  of  all 
men ;  that  by  this  means  the  remote  dawnings 
of  our  salvation,  which  raise  spiritual  joys  in 
pious  minds,  might   increase  the    devotion   and 
salvation    of  all ;    following   the    steps    of   our 
venerable  predecessor  Anselm,  who  after  other 
more  ancient  solemnities  of  hers  thought  fit  to 
add  that  of  her  conception,  we  ordain  and  firmly 
command  that  the  Feast  of  the  Conception  afore- 
said be  solemnly  celebrated  for  the  future  in  all 
the  churches  of  the  province  "  {Const,  ii..  Hook, 
Lives  of  the  Archbishops  of  Canterbury,  vol.  iii 
p.  499,  Lond.  1865). 

The  purpose  of  the  festival  was  originally, 
as  Bellarmine  acknowledges,  and  the  above 
quoted    constitution    of    archbishop    Mepeham 


MARY 


114c 


plainly  states,  not  to  celebrate  an  immaculate 
or  even  a  holy  conception,  but  simply  to 
commemorate  the  fact  of  the  conception  of  St. 
Mary,  the  mother  of  Christ,  in  imitation  of  the 
Festival  of  the  Annunciation,which  commemorates 
the  conception  of  her  Son.  But,  as  St.  Bernard 
clearly  saw,  its  tendency  from  the  beginning  was 
to  induce  a  belief  in  the  supernatural  character 
of  the  conception  of  St.  Mary,  and  so  to  lead  on  to 
the  doctrine  of  the  Immaculate  Conception.  For 
this  reason  he  sharply  reproved  the  canons  of 
Lyons  for  having  admitted  it.  "  It  has  been 
vouchsafed,"  he  writes,  "  to  a  very  few  of  the 
sons  of  men  to  be  born  holy,  but  to  none  to  be 
conceived  holily  ;  that  the  prerogative  of  a  holy 
conception  might  be  kept  for  One  (inly  who 
should  sanctify  all  and  make  a  cleansing  of  sins, 
being  himself  the  only  One  who  comes  without 
sin.  It  is  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  alone  that  was 
conceived  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  for  He  alone  was 
holy  before  His  conception.  Excepting  Him,  the 
humble  and  true  confession  of  one  who  says,  '  I 
was  shapen  in  iniquity  and  in  sin  did  my  mother 
conceive  me,'  applies  to  every  one  else  of  Adam's 
children.  Then  what  can  be  the  meaning  of  a 
festival  of  her  conception  ?  How  can  a  concep- 
tion be  said  to  be  holy  which  is  not  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  not  to  say,  which  >s  of  sin?  or  how  can 
it  be  regarded  as  a  matter  for  festivity  when  it 
is  not  holy  ?  The  glorious  woman  will  be  ready 
enough  to  go  without  an  honour  which  seems 
either  to  honour  sin  or  to  attribute  a  holiness 
which  did  not  exist  "  {Epist.  clxxiv.).  The  dogma 
which  St.  Bernard  opposed  was  that  of  a  holy 
conception  of  St.  Mary.  The  idea  of  her  immacu- 
late conception  had  not  arisen  in  his  time.  This 
was  first  proposed  as  a  possibility  by  J.  Duns 
Scotus  at  the  end  of  the  13th  or  the  beginning 
of  the  14th  century,  and  six  centuries  later,  ou 
Dec.  8,  1854,  it  was  pronounced  a  dogma  neces- 
sary for  all  adherents  of  the  papacy  to  believe 
if  they  desire  salvation. 

The  original  purpose  of  the  festival  was  simply 
to  commemorate  the  first  beginning  of  the  life 
of  her  who  was  the  mother  of  our  Lord,  but 
since  A.D.  1854  the  immaculateness  of  her  con- 
ception, that  is,  her  exemption  from  original 
sin,  has  been  regarded  the  chief  subject  com- 
memorated by  it.  The  steps  by  which  the  belief 
grew  which  culminated  in  the  dogma  now  sup- 
posed to  be  commemorated  by  the  festival 
are  briefly  as  follows  : — From  apostolic  times  to 
the  end  of  the  5th  century  it  was  taught  and 
believed  that  St.  Mary  was  born  in  original  sin, 
that  she  was  liable  to  actual  sin,  and  that  she 
fell  into  sins  of  infirmity.  We  may  take  as  wit- 
nesses for  the  2nd  century,  Tertullian  {de  Cam. 
Christi,  vii.  315,  and  Adv.  Marcian.  iv.  19,  Op.  p. 
433,  Paris,  1695);  for  the  3rd  century,  Origen 
{Horn,  in  Luc.  xvii..  Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  952,  Paris, 
1733);  for  the  4th  centur}-,  St.  Basil  {Ep. 
260,  Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  400,  Paris,  1721)  and 
St.  Hilary  (in  Ps.  cxix..  Op.  p.  262,  Paris, 
1693);  for  the  5th  century,  St.  Chrysostom 
{Op.  tom.  vii.  p.  467,  Paris,  1718)  and  St.  Cyril 
of  Alexandria  {Op.  torn.  iv.  p.  1064;  tom.  vi.  p. 
391,  Paris,  1638).  From  the  6th  to  the  12th 
century  it  was  taught  and  believed  that  St. 
Mary  was  born  in  original  sin.  but  was  saved 
from  foiling  into  actual  sin.  In  the  13th  cen- 
tury it  was  taught  and  believed  that  she  was 
conceived  in  sin,  and  so  subjected  to  original  sin, 


1U6 


MAEY 


but  like  John  the  Baptist,  sanctified  before  her 
birth.  From  the  14:th  to  the  18th  century 
teaching  and  belief  in  the  Latin  church  wavered 
between  a  maculate  and  an  immaculate  concep- 
tion according  as  the  Dominicans  or  Francis- 
cans were  most  powerful  at  Rome.  In  the  19th 
centurv  it  was  formally  declared  by  pope 
Pius  IX.  that  St.  Mary,  having  been  conceived 
immaculately,  was  absolutely  exempt  from 
original  and  from  actual  sin.  This  belief  of  the 
Latin  church  is  regarded  by  the  Greek  church 
(see  Conference  between  the  Abp.  of  Syros  and  the 
Bp.  of  Winchester,  Lond.  1871),  and  by  the  Angli- 
can church  (see  Bp.  Wilberforce,  Rome,  her 
new  Dogma  and  our  Duties,  Oxf.  1855),  not  only 
as  untrue  in  fact,  but  as  heretical  in  its  ten- 
dencies. 

The  day  in  the  calendar  fixed  for  this  festival 
is  Dec.  8,  as  being  nine  months  before  Sept.  8, 
which  was  regarded  in  the  12th  century  as  the 
Nativity  of  St.  Mary.  The  Eastern  churches 
observe  it  on  Dec.  9. 

11.  St.  Mary  at  Snows  (^Festum  Dedicationis 
S.  Mariae  ad  Nives). 

lis  institution. — ^This  festival  was  instituted 
as  a  local  anniversary,  and  observed  in  the 
basilica  of  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore  as  early,  it  would 
seem,  as  the  12th  century.  Its  observance  was 
extended  throughout  Rome  in  the  14th  century, 
and  made  obligatory  on  all  Roman  Christendom 
by  Pius  V.  in  the  16th  century. 

Its  purpose  is  to  celebrate  the  legendary  foun- 
dation of  the  church  of  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore  in 
Rome.  The  legend  says  that  in  the  4th  century 
one  John  and  his  wife,  having  no  children,  were 
anxious  to  devote  their  substance  to  St.  Mary, 
but  did  not  know  how  to  do  so  acceptably  to 
her,  until  they  each  had  a  dream  telling  them 
that  they  would  find  snow  on  the  ground  mark- 
ing out  the  spot  whereon  they  were  to  build  a 
cathedral.  They  went  to  Liberius,  the  pope  of 
Rome,  and  found  that  he  had  had  the  same 
dream ;  and  behold,  the  snow  was  lying  (on  the 
5th  of  August)  on  the  Esquiline  in  the  shape  of 
a  cathedral.  So  they  built  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore. 
The  Breviary  (Aug.  5)  contains  the  legend.  It 
probably  arose  from  an  attempt  to  explain  the 
name  ad  Nives,  which  may  itself  be  the  corrup- 
tion of  some  lost  word — possibly  of  ad  Liv.  or 
ad  Limae — as  the  church  was  built  fuxta  macel- 
lum  Liviac;  or  of  Liber.,  as  it  was  known  by  the 
title  Liberiana  ;  or  of  in  Esq.,  as  it  was  built 
on  the  Esquiline  Hill.  The  story  rests  on  the 
authority  of  manuscripts  belonging  to  the  cathe- 
dral body,  which  might  easily  have  become  diffi- 
cult to  decipher  in  the  lapse  of  centuries,  and  of 
Peter  de  Natalibus,  a  collector  of  worthless 
legends,  who  lived  in  the  15th  century.  The 
miracle  is  first  mentioned  by  Nicholas  IV.  in 
the  year  a.D.  1287,  that  is,  927  years  after  it 
was  said  to  have  taken  place.  Gregory  XL, 
A.D.  1371,  and  Pius  II.  a.d.  1453,  have  given 
tlie  sanction  of  their  authority  to  it.  The  ori- 
ginal legend  stated  that  the  earth  opened  of  its 
own  accord  for  the  foundations,  ou  Liberius 
beginning  to  dig  them.  But  this  part  of  the 
miracle  was  expunged  from  the  Breviary  by 
Pius  v.,  while  he  left  the  part  relating  to  the 
snow.      The  date  in  the  calendar  is  Aug.  5. 

Tliere  was  a  sister  festival,  called  St.  Mary 
at  Martyrs,  held  on  May  13,  to  commemorate 
the  dedication  of  the  Pantheon,  or  Rotunda,  to 


MARY 

St.  Mary  and  the  Holy  Martyrs,  by  Boniface  IV. 
at  the  beginning  of  the  7th  century.  This 
festival  has  been  allowed  to  become  obsolete, 
perhaps  because  there  was  not  so  powerful  a 
body  as  the  chapter  of  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore 
whose  interest  it  was  to  maintain  it. 

12.  The  Visitation  (Visitatio  Beatae  Mariae 
Virginis). 

Jts  institution. — This  festival  was  instituted 
by  Urban  VI.  during  the  schism  in  the  papacy 
and  promulgated  by  a  constitution  of  his  suc- 
cessor Boniface  IX.,  A.D.  1389  (Bulla  Bonifacii 
ix.  apud  BoUandi  Acta  Sanctorum,,  July  2). 
About  half  a  century  later,  A.D.  1441,  it  was 
again  established  by  the  council  of  Basle,  no 
reference  being  made  to  its  previous  institution, 
because  Boniface's  authority  was  not  acknow- 
ledged by  all  the  members  of  the  council.  The 
whole  of  session  43  is  occupied  with  the  matter 
(Cone.  Basil,  apud  Harduin,  Concil.  torn.  viii. 
p.  1292). 

The  purpose  of  the  festival  is  to  commemorate 
the  visit  paid  by  St.  Mary  to  Elizabeth  before 
the  birth  of  John  the  Baptist  at  Juttah  or,  it 
may  be,  Hebron.  Joachim  Hildebrand  says, 
that  "  it  was  instituted  at  the  council  of  Basle 
to  supplicate  Mary  to  trample  down  the  Turks, 
the  enemies  of  the  Christians,  as  she  trod  upon 
the  mountains  of  Judaea  on  her  way  to  her 
cousin "  (De  Priscae  et  Primitivae  Ecclesiae 
sacris  publicis  iemplis  ac  diebus  festis,  Helm- 
stadt,  1652).  As  it  is  a  scriptural  fact  com- 
memorated by  it,  the  festival  is  retained  in  the 
Anglican  calendar  in  spite  of  its  late  date.  2'he 
date  in  the  calendar  is  July  2. 

13.  The  Espousals  (Dcsponsatio  Beatae  Vir- 
ginis Mariae  cum  8.  Josepho). 

Its  institution  and  purpose. — A  canon  of  the 
cathedral  of  Chartres,  in  the  14th  century, 
charged  the  chapter  in  his  will  to  institute  a 
commemoration  of  St.  Joseph,  with  the  view  of 
pleasing  Mary.  Gerson,  chancellor  of  the  uni- 
versity of  Paris,  proposed  to  the  chapter  to 
carry  out  this  object  by  using  an  Officium 
Desponsationis  Beatae  Virginis  cum  S.  Josepho 
composed  by  himself.  In  the  16th  century 
Paul  III.  desired  an  office  to  be  prepared  for  the 
day,  and  he  gave  his  approbation  to  it  after  it 
had  been  drawn  up.  The  observance  of  the 
festival  was  extended  by  Benedict  XIIL,  A.D. 
1725.  It  is  of  obligation  in  Spain,  Italy,  Eng- 
land, and  in  all  congregations  of  the  Jesuits. 
The  ring  used  at  the  espousals  is  said  by  Bene- 
dict XIV.  to  be  still  preserved  at  Perugia  (In 
Fest.  Desponsationis  apud  Migne,  Theol.  Curs. 
Compl.  torn.  xxvi.  p.  531,  Paris,  1842).  The 
date  in  the  calendar  is  Jan.  23. 

14.  The  Name  of  Mary  (Festum  SS.  Naminis 
Beatae  Mariae). 

This  festival  was  instituted  in  Spain  at  the 
beginning  of  the  16th  century.  It  was  removed 
from  the  calendar  by  Pius  V.,  and  restored  by 
Sixtus  v.,  on  the  prayer  of  cardinal  Deza.  It 
was  made  of  universal  obligation  by  Innocent  XL, 
A.D.  1685,  in  gratitude  for  the  defeat  of  the 
Turks  before  Vienna.  Its  purpose  is  to  encou- 
rage putting  confidence  in  the  name  of  Mary. 
Its  di(te  in  the  calendar  is  the  Sunday  followinc^ 
the  least  of  the  Nativity,  that  is,  about  Sept.  15. 

15.  IHE  Seven  Sorrows  (Festum  Septem 
Dolorum  Beatae  Mariae  Virginis). 

This  festival  is  conjectured  by  Benedict  XIV. 


MARY 

to  have  been  instituted  by  Theodoric,  bishop  of 
Cologne,  at  a  provincial  synod,  A.D.  1413,  to 
malce  up  for  the  insults  offered  by  Hussites  to 
sacred  images  of  our  Lord  and  St.  Mary.  He 
has  no  grounds  for  his  conjecture.  George 
Haller,  dean  of  the  Benedictine  monastery  of 
Kiebach  in  Bavaria,  assured  Bruschius  that  he 
instituted  it  in  the  district  committed  to  his 
pastoial  charge  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1545. 
(See  Bruschius,  Chron.  Monasteriorum  Germaniae, 
p.  658,  Sulzbaci,  1682.)  It  was  made  of  uni- 
versal obligation  throughout  Roman  Christendom 
by  a  decree  of  Benedict  XllL,  A.D.  1727. 

The  purpose  of  the  lestival  is  to  commemorate 
St.  Mary  in  her  character  of  Mater  Dolorosa. 

This  is  the  only  festival  in  the  Roman  cal- 
endar which  is  observed  twice  in  the  course  of 
the  year.  The  second  commemoration  is  of  very 
late  institution.  Its  dates  are  the  Friday  pre- 
ceding Good  Friday,  and  the  third  Sunday  in 
September. 

16.  The  Rosary  {Festum  SS.  Eosarii  Beatae 
Mariae  Virginis). 

This  festival  was  first  instituted  on  the  occa- 
sion of  the  defeat  of  the  Turks  at  Lepanto, 
Oct.  7,  1571.  As  a  memorial  of  this  event 
Pius  V.  ordered  that  a  commemoration  of  St. 
Mary  of  Victory  should  be  held  every  year. 
Gregory  XIII.  changed  the  title  to  that  of  the 
Rosary  of  St.  Mary,  because  the  companies  of 
the  most  Holy  Rosary  had  been  walking  in  proces- 
sion and  saying  the  Rosary  or  Psalter  of  St.  Mary 
on  the  day  of  battle.  Clement  X.  made  its  ob- 
servance obligatory  throughout  Spain,  A.D.  1575. 
Innocent  XII.  was  requested  by  the  emperor 
Leopold  to  make  it  of  universal  obligation,  but 
he  died  before  the  emperor's  desire  could  be 
complied  with.  It  was  made  of  universal  obli- 
gation by  Clement  XL,  on  the  occasion  of  the 
defeat  of  the  Turks  by  Prince  Eugene,  A.D.  1716. 
Its  date  in  the  calendar  is  the  first  Sunday  in 
October. 

Its  purpose  is  to  recommend  the  devotion  of 
the  Rosary  or  Psalter  of  the  Virgin,  which  con- 
sists of  the  recitation  of  150  Ave  Marias  together 
with  15  Pater  Nosters.  This  devotion  is  sup- 
posed, but  without  sufficient  evidence,  to  have 
been  instituted  by  St.  Dominic,  A.D.  1210,  who 
is  stated  by  St.  Alfonso  de'  Liguori  to  have 
proved  its  efficacy  in  the  following  manner : 
"  When  St.  Dominic  was  preaching  at  Carcassone, 
in  France,  an  Albigensian  heretic,  who  for  having 
publicly  ridiculed  the  devotion  of  the  Rosary 
was  possessed  by  devils,  was  brought  to  him. 
The  saint  obliged  the  evil  spirits  to  declare 
whether  the  things  which  he  said  about  the 
most  Holy  Rosary  were  true.  Howling,  they 
replied  :  '  Listen,  Christians  ;  all  that  this  enemy 
of  ours  has  said  of  Mary  and  of  the  most  Holy 
Rosary  is  true.'  They  moreover  added  that  they 
had  no  power  over  the  servants  of  Mary,  and 
that  many  by  invoking  her  name  at  death  were 
saved  contrary  to  their  deserts.  They  concluded, 
saying,  '  We  are  forced  to  declare  that  no  one  is 
lost  who  perseveres  in  devotion  to  Mary  and  in 
that  of  the  most  Holy  Rosary  ;  for  Mary  obtains 
for  those  who  are  sinners  true  repentance  before 
they  die.'  St.  Dominic  then  made  the  people 
recite  the  Rosary;  and,  O  prodigy!  at  every 
Hail  Mary,  evil  spirits  left  the  body  of  the  pos- 
sessed man  under  the  form  of  red-hot  coals,  so 
that  when  the  Rotary  was  finished,  he  was  en- 


MAEY 


1147 


tirely 'freed "  (^Glories   of  Mary,    Lond.    1852). 
[Hail  Mary.] 

17.  Blessed  Mary  of  Mount  Carmel  {B. 
Mariae  Virginis  de  Monte  Cannelo). 

This  festival  was  instituted  or  approved  for 
the  Carmelites  by  Sixtus  V.,  A.D.  1587;  and 
it  was  made  of  universal  obligation  in  Roman 
Christendom  by  Benedict  XIII.  at  the  beginning 
of  the  18th  century. 

Its  purpose  is  to  commemorate  an  alleged 
appearance  of  St.  Mary  to  Simon  Stock,  an 
Englishman,  the  general  of  the  Carmelites,  A.D. 
1251.  St.  Alfonso  de'  Liguori,  the  latest  Doctor 
of  the  Roman  church,  states  that  St.  Mary  gave 
the  general  a  scapular  for  the  use  of  the  Car- 
melites, saying  : — "  Receive,  my  beloved  son,  the 
scapular  of  thy  order,  a  badge  of  my  confra- 
ternity, a  privilege  granted  to  thee  and  to  all 
Carmelites:  whoever  dies  clothed  with  it  shall 
not  suffer  eternal  flames "  {Glories  of  Mary, 
p.  485,  Lond.  1852).  Fifty  years  afterwards 
"  she  appeared  to  pope  John  XXII.  and  ordered 
him  to  make  known  to  all  that  on  the  Saturday 
after  their  death  she  would  deliver  from  pur- 
gatory all  who  wore  the  Carmelite  scapular. 
This,  as  Father  Crasset  relates,  was  proclaimed 
by  the  same  pontiff  in  a  bull  which  was  after- 
wards confirmed  by  Alexander  V.,  Clement  VIL, 
Pius  v.,  Gregory  XIIL,  and  Paul  V."  (^hid.  p. 
196). 

The  date  in  the  calendar  is  July  16. 

18.  The  Expected  Delivery  of  St.  Mary 
{Expectatio  Partus  Beatae  Mariae  Virginis). 

This  festival  grew  up  in  Spain  at  the  end  of 
the  16th  century.  Its  observance  was  extended 
to  Venetia,  A.D.  1695,  and  to  other  parts  of 
Italy,  by  Benedict  XIIL,  A.D.  1725. 

Its  purpose  is  indicated  by  its  name. 

Its  date  in  the  calendar  is  December  18. 

19.  The  Translation  of  the  House  of 
LORETTO  (  Translatio  clarae  domus  Lauretanae). 

This  festival  was  instituted  and  approved  for 
the  province  of  Picenum,  A.D.  1669.  Its  ob- 
servance was  extended  by  Benedict  XIIL,  A.D. 
1719,  and  1729  to  Italy  and  the  Spanish  domi- 
nions. 

Its  purpose  is  to  commemorate  the  alleged 
fact  that  the  house  in  which  St.  Mary  lived  in 
Nazareth,  in  which  the  Annunciation  took  place, 
was  carried  through  the  air,  A.D.  1294,  first  to 
Dalmatia,  and  then  to  three  different  sites  in 
Italy.  This  legend  is  still  vouched  for  by  his- 
torians such  as  Rohrbacher  (Hist.  Univ.  de 
rEglise  Catholique,  vol.  xix.  p.  321,  Paris,  1851). 
All  that  can  be  said  for  or  against  it  is  com- 
pressed into  an  article  by  the  Rev.  E.  S.  Ffoulkes 
in  the  Christian  Remembrancer  (April,  1854, 
Lond.). 

Its  date  in  the  calendar  is  December  10. 

20.  The  Protection  of  St.  Mary  (Patro- 
ciiiium  Beatae  Mariae  Virginis). 

This  festival,  which  has  nothing  to  do  with 
the  Russian  festival  of  similar  name,  was  insti- 
tuted A.D.  1679,  and  confirmed  by  Benedict  XIIL 
at  the  beginning  of  the  18th  century. 

Its  purpose  is  to  encourage  prayer  to  St.  Mary 
and  confidence  in  her  protection. 

Its  date  in  the  calendar.— it  is  appointed  to 
be  observed  in  Spain  on  a  Sunday  in  November, 
in  England  on  the  fourth  Sunday  in  October. 

21.  Blessed  Mary  de  Mercede  {Beatae 
Mariae  de  Mercede). 


1148 


MARY 


This  festival  was  instituted  in  the  17th  century, 
first  for  the  order  de  Mercede,  then  for  Spain, 
and  then  for  France.  Its  observance  was  ex- 
tended to  all  Roman  Christendom  by  Innocent 

Its  purpose  is  to  commemorate  an  alleged  ap- 
pearance of  St.  Mary,  which  is  said  to  have 
caused  the  institution  of  the  order  de  Mercede. 
The  members  of  the  order,  besides  taking  the 
vows  of  chastity,  poverty,  and  obedience,  bound 
themselves  to  redeem  captives  by  delivering 
themselves  into  slavery. 

The  date  in  the  calendar  is  Sept.  24. 

The  remaining  festivals,  the  Help  OF  Chris- 
tians, the  Most  Pore  Heart,  the  Maternity, 
the  Purity,  have  special  masses,  sanctioned  by 
popes,  and  appointed  to  be  said  in  England  and 
in  the  Jesuit  congregations,  but  they  have  hardly 
yet  become  recognised  festivals. 

The  Saturday  began  to  be  appropriated  to  St. 
Mary's  honour  by  an  appointment  of  Urban  II., 
A.D.  1096.  This  was  made  of  universal  obliga- 
tion by  Pius  v.,  A.D.  1568. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  that  the  two 
festivals  of  the  Purification  and  the  Annuncia- 
tion were  instituted  as  early  as  the  6th  century, 
and  that  they  were  originally  festivals  of  our 
Lord  rather  than  of  St.  Mary.  The  Assumption, 
the  Nativity,  and  the  Presentation,  which  illus- 
trate the  early  Gnostic  legends  of  St.  Mary's  birth 
and  death,  belong  to  the  7th  and  the  beginning 
of  the  8th  century.  The  Vestment,  the  Girdle, 
and  the  Synaiis  belong  to  the  9th  century  ;  the 
(Russian)  Protection  to  the  10th;  the  Concep- 
tion and  the  Dedication  of  St.  Mary  at  Snows  to 
the  12th  ;  the  Visitation,  the  Espousals,  and  the 
Name  of  Mary  to  the  14th  ;  the  Seven  Sorrows, 
the  Rosary,  Mount  Carmel,  the  Delivery,  to  the 
16th ;  the  House  of  Loretto,  the  (Latin)  Pro- 
tection, the  de  Mercede,  to  the  17th  ;  the  Aid 
of  Christians,  the  Most  Pure  Heart,  the  Maturity, 
the  Purity,  and  the  Immaculate  Conception,  to 
the  18th  and  the  19th  centuries. 

Boolis  that  may  be  consulted,  in  addition  to 
those  named  under  the  dilierent  headings,  are  : — 
Ado,  Marty rolog turn,  apud  Migne,  Patrologia,  tom. 
cxxiii,  Paris,  1852 ;  Usuardus,  Martyrologium, 
ibid. ;  Beda,  Martyrologia,  ibid.  tom.  xciv.  Paris, 
1852  ;  Florentinius,  Vetustius  Occidentalis  Eccle- 
siae  Martyrologium,  Lucca,  1668;  Durandus, 
Rationale  Divinorum  Officiomm,  Venice,  1577  ; 
Belethus,  Explicatio  Divinorum  Officiorum,  Venice, 
1577 ;  Baronius,  Martyrologium  liomanum,  Rome, 
1586  ;  Hospinianus,  Festa  Chris tianorujn,  Tiguri, 
1612  ;  Benedictus  Papa  XIV.,  Be  Festis  apud 
Migne,  Theologian  Curs.  Compl.  tom.  xxvi.  Paris, 
1842  ;  Zaccaria,  Dissertazioni  varie  Italiane, 
Romae,  1780 ;  Neale,  Holy  Eastern  Church, 
General  Introduction,  Lond.  1850 ;  Bingham, 
Antiijuities  of  the  Christian  Church,  bk.  xx.  c.  viii! 
Lond.  1726 ;  Tillemont,  Me'moires  pour  serzir 
a  I'histoire  cccle'siastii]ue  des  six  premiers  Siecles, 
Bruxelles,  1706  ;  Tyler,  Worship  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  Mary,  Lond.  1851  ;  Migne,  Snnima  Aurea 
de  Laudib'is  Virginis,  Paris,  1862 ;  Trombelli,  de 
Cultu publico  abecclesid  B.  Mariae  exhibito,  Paris, 
1862  ;  Smith,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  s.  v.  Mary 
the  Virgin,  Lond.  1863.  [F.  M.] 

MARY,  ST.,  THE  VIRGIN  (in  Art).  The 

history  of  the  Virgin  Mary  in  Art  corresponds  to 
that  of  our  Blessed  Lord  in  the  complete  absence. 


MARY 

in  the  early  ages  of  the  church,  of  any  repre- 
sentations of  her  person  having  the  smallest 
claim  to  authenticity.  The  words  of  St.  Augustine 
(de  Trinitate,  lib.  viii.  c.  5)  are  express  on  this 
point :  "  Neque  novimus  faciem  Virginis  Mariae  ;" 
while  what  he  says  of  the  different  ideas  formed 
by  dift'erent  persons  of  her  lineaments,  all  pro- 
bably widely  at  variance  with  the  truth,  indi- 
cates not  only  the  absence  of  any  recognised  type 
of  portrait,  but  also  that  pictures  of  her  were 
of  extreme  rarity,  if  indeed  they  existed  at  all. 

When  found  the  Virgin  Mary  appears  in  all 
the  earliest  representations  as  a  member  of  an 
historical  group  depicting  a  scriptural  subject, 
such  as  the  Annunciation,  the  Visitation,  the 
Nativity,  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  the  Presen- 
tation in  the  Temple,  and  Christ  among  the 
Doctors.  By  far  the  most  frequent  is  the  Adora- 
tion of  the  Magi,  which  recurs  in  countless 
examples  of  all  the  various  forms  of  Christian 
art — carved  on  sarcophagi,  sculptured  on  ivories, 
or  depicted  in  the  mosaics  of  the  basilicas,  and 
the  frescoes  of  the  catacombs,  thus  evidencing  the 
hold  that  subject  had  gained  on  the  mind  of  the 
early  Christian  church.  [Magi,  Adoration  op 
THE.]  The  Nativity  without  the  Magi  is  of  very 
rare  occurrence,  being  only  found  on  minor 
works  of  art,  such  as  coins,  gems,  ivories,  or 
sarcophagi  [Nativity].  The  Annunciation  also 
appears  very  seldom.  It  is  represented  in  one  of 
the  compartments  of  the  vast  mosaic  composition 
that  clothes  the  western  face  of  the  arch  of 
Triumph  in  S.  Maria  Maggiore  in  Rome  (c.  a.d. 
433).  In  this  the  Virgin,  richly  robed,  but 
without  a  nimbus,  is  seated  in  a  chair,  behind 
which  two  nimbed  angels  stand ;  the  archangel 
Gabriel  stands  in  front,  while  the  Holy  Dove 
hovers  above  in  the  air,  together  with  a  second 
Gabriel.  This  mosaic  also  includes  two  other 
subjects,  in  addition  to  the  Adoration  of  the 
Magi  (see  woodcut  Angels,  Vol.  1.  p.  84),  in 
which  the  Virgin  appears,  viz.,  the  Presen- 
tation in  the  Temple,  and  Christ  among  the 
Doctors.  In  all  these  subjects  the  Virgin  has 
her  head  uncovered,  is  without  the  nimbus, 
and  is  very  richly  clad  in  a  gold  robe,  and  is 
decorated  with  earrings,  necklace,  and  head 
jewels.  (See  Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  vol.  i.  p.  207, 
tav.  li. ;  D'Agincourt,  Pcinture,  pi.  xvi.  no.  4, 
S.  Kens.  Museum,  no.  7445.)  The  Annunciation 
is  also  found  on  the  north  wall  of  the  apse  of 
the  Cathedral  of  Parenzo,  in  Istria,  with  the 
Visitation  opposite  to  it.  The  Virgin  is  here 
seated,  with  her  head  encircled  by  a  nimbus,  at 
the  door  of  a  small  gabled  cottage,  and  the  angel 
stands  before  her.  A  later  example  is  seen  in 
the  mosaics  of  St.  Nereus  and  St.  Achilleus  at 
Rome,  A.D.  796.  The  catacomb  of  St.  Pris- 
cilla  contains  a  fresco,  which  may  very  probably 
be  identified  with  this  same  subject.  In  this, 
the  drawing  of  which  is  excellent  (see  woodcut 
No.  1),  we  have  a  young  man  fully  clothed, 
without  wings  or  any  of  the  later  angelic  at- 
tributes, with  extended  right  hand,  addressing  a 
seated  female,  who  with  downcast  eyes  and 
uplifted  left  hand  seems  to  be  receiving  the 
speaker's  messiige  with  devout  submission.  The 
earlier  illustrators  of  the  catacombs  were  far 
from  expressing  the  certainty  now  exhibited  as 
to  the  subject  of  this  picture.  Bosio  says  that 
it  is  impossible  to  determine  what  story  it  repre- 
sents.     Bottari  (p.   141)  expresses  his   opinion 


MARY 

with  hesitation,  that  this  may  be  intended  for 
the  Annunciation,  which  is  considered  probable 
by  Mr.  Wharton  Marriott  (Test,  of  Catacombs, 
p.  24),  and  is  positively  affirmed  by  Garrucci. 
(See  Bosio,  541;  Bottari,  tav.  176;  Garrucci, 
tav.  75,  no.  1 ;  Parker's  Photogr.  no.  541.)  In 
the  same  catacomb  there  is  another  fresco,  the 


MARY 


1149 


subject  of  which,  though  its  reference  to  the 
Virgin  is  unquestionable,  it  is  very  difficult  to 
determine;  nor  is  its  date  accurately  fixed.  It 
forms  "  a  very  small  portion  of  a  piece  of  deco- 
rative worlc  which,"  according  to  Mr.  Wharton 
Marriott  (u.  s.  p.  26),  "  with  the  single  excep- 
tion of  this  group,  might  have  been  found  in  the 
tomb  of  the  Nasos,  or  any  other  purely  pagan 
building."  The  beauty  of  the  composition,  and 
the  dignity  and  grace  of  the  figures,  together 
with  the  freedom  of  their  action,  so  unlike  the 
poverty  and  stiffness  which  characterise  the 
later  frescoes,  point  to  an  early  date.  De'  Rossi 
assigns  it  to  the  reign  of  Trajan  or  Hadrian, 
or  at  the  latest  to  the  time  of  the  Antonines, 
i.  e.  the  close  of  the  2nd  or  beginning  of  the  3rd 
century,  while  Mr.  J.  H.  Parker,  with  less  pro- 
bability,  brings   it  down  as  late   as    a.d.   523. 


The  fresco  in  question  (see  woodcut  No.  2)  con- 
sists of  a  seated  figure  of  the  Virgin,  veiled, 
clothed  in  a  tunic  with  a  pallium  over,  un- 
nimbed,   clasping   her  Infant,    also   destitute  of 


the  nimbus,  to  her  naked  bosom.  Before  her 
stands  a  young  man,  with  a  pallium  over  his 
naked  body,  holding  a  roll  in  his  left  hand,  and 
with  the  index  finger  of  his  outstretched  right 
hand  pointing  towards  the  Virgin,  and  a  star 
(discovered  by  De'  Kossi)  in  the  sky  above.  This 
is  very  reasonably  interpreted  by  Mr.  Wharton 
Marriott  (u.s.)  of  the  Holy  Family,  the  conven- 
tional representation  of  Joseph  as  an  old  man, 
with  which  we  are  so  familiar,  being  of  later 
date.  De'  Rossi  however,  less  probably,  identi- 
fies the  young  man  with  one  of  the  prophets 
of  the  old  covenant,  perhaps  Isaiah,  pointing  to 
the  Star  of  Bethlehem  and  to  the  Virgin  and  the 
Infant  Saviour  as  the  great  subject  of  prophetic 
testimony.  (De'  Rossi,  imagines  Selectae  Vir- 
ginis  Deiparae ;  Garrucci,  Arti  cristiane  primi- 
tive, tav.  81 ;  Northcote,  JRoma  Sott.  p.  258,  pi.  x. 
fig.  1.)  The  Visitation  given  by  Bosio  (p.  579), 
from  the  catacomb  of  pope  Julius,  or  St.  Valen- 
tinus  on  the  Flaminian  VVay,  is  evidently  of  late 
date  (Aringhi,  i.  181 ;  Munter,  Sinnbilder,  ii. 
p.  26).  We  may  also  mention  a  group  of  three 
figures  given  by  Bosio  (p.  279),  and  Bottari 
(tab.  82),  from  an  arcosolium  in  the  cemetery 
of  Callistus,  which  is  not  unreasonably  identified 
by  Garrucci  (Macarius,  Hagioglypta,  p.  242),  De' 
Rossi,  and  Martigny  {Diet,  des  Ant.  chre't.  p.  266) 
with  the  Holy  Family.  It  presents  a  bearded 
man  clothed  in  a  tunic  and  pallium  in  the  centre, 
a  veiled  female  to  the  left,  and  a  child  of  about 
eight  years  old,  with  his  hands  extended  in  prayer, 
to  the  right.  It  should,  however,  be  mentioned 
that  the  earlier  school  of  antiquaries,  Bosio, 
Bottari,  and  Aringhi,  considered  that  these  figures 
were  representations  of  the  persons  buried  in 
the  tomb  below.  De'  Rossi  gives  an  analogous 
picture  from  a  mutilated  fresco  in  the  cemetery 
of  Priscilla(/7«,rt(7.  Select.  Virg.  Deiparae,  tab.  iv.), 
and  refers  to  a  sarcophagus  in  the  museum  at 
Aries  (No.  26),  where  a  child  is  conducted  by  the 
hand  by  a  male  figure  towards  a  female,  which 
he  considers  represents  the  same  sacred  group. 
Martigny  {Famille  Sainte). 

Symbolical  representations  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  are  of  the  greatest  rarity  in  Early  Chris- 
tian art.  Among  the  innumerable  paintings 
which  decorate  the  walls  and  ceilings  of  the  cubi- 
cula  of  the  catacombs,  the  subjects  of  nearly  all 
of  which  can  be  at  once  identified  without  the 
slightest  question,  there  are  very  few  which  are 
even  claimed  as  representations  of  the  Virgin. 
De'  Rossi,  who  has  devoted  a  special  treatise  to 
this  subject,  has  done  his  best  to  demonstrate 
the  early  date  and  the  frequent  occurrence  of  pic- 
tures of  the  Virgin  Mary,  either  alone  or  with 
her  Divine  Son,  as  an  object  of  religious  reve- 
rence {Imagines  Selectae  Virginia  Deiparae) ;  but 
the  evidence  he  produces  is  both  so  meagre  and 
so  questionable  as  rather  to  prove  the  extreme 
rarity  of  such  representations,  before  the  rise  of 
the  Nestorian  heresy  had  elevated  the  QeorSKOS 
into  the  outward  and  visible  expression  of  the 
orthodox  faith. 

The  symbolical  pictures  of  the  Virgin,  as  dis- 
tinguished from  the  historical,  may  be  divided 
into  two  classes,  (a)  those  in  which  she  appear.s 
with  her  Divine  Son,  and  (/')  those  in  which 
she  is  represented  alone,  standing  as  an  "  orante," 
with  arms  outstretched  and  hands  upraised  ia 
attitude  of  prayer.  The  most  famous  of  the  pic- 
tures of  the  first  class  is  the  fresco  on  the  plafond 


1160 


MARY 


of  an  arcosolmm  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes 
on  the  Via  Nomentana  (woodcut  No.  3).  It  is  tho- 
roughly Byzantine  in  character,  its  stiff  religious 
symmetry  contrasting  most  strongly  with  the 
freedom  and  grace  of  those  just  described,  from 


Ko.  3.    Virgin  and  Child.     Fresco  from  St.  Agnes. 

the  cemetery  of  St.  Priscilla.  It  can  hardly 
be  placed  earlier  than  the  fii-st  years  of  the  5th 
century,  though  De'  Rossi  assigns  it  to  the  time 
of  Ccnstantine.  It  represents  quarter-length 
figures  of  a  mother  and  child,  the  latter  standing 
in  front,  clothed  in  a  blue  tunic  up  to  the  neck. 
The  mother  stands  behind,  vested  in  a  green  tunic, 
and  a  pallium  falling  over  her  arms,  with  her  head 
covered  with  a  veil  and  circlet  of  beads  round 
her  neck,  and  extends  her  arms  in  the  attitude 
of  prayer.  Neither  have  the  nimbus.  The  sacred 
monogram  ^  on  either  side  is  turned  towards 
the  group.  This  picture  is  generally  recognised 
as  that  of  the  Virgin  Mary  and  the  infant  Christ, 
but  the  identification  cannot  be  considered  beyond 
question.  Bottari,  following  Bosio,  considered  it 
merely  a  memorial  of  the  persons  buried  in  the 
sepulchral  recess.  This  idea  is  strengthened  by 
the  frequent  occurrence  of  portraits  in  the  same 
position  in  other  arcosolia  which  are  unquestion- 
ably of  that  character  (cf.  Bosio,  pp.  473,  499). 
Its  identification  with  the  Virgin  and  her  Divine 
Son  is  asserted  by  Garrucci  {A)-ti  cristiane  pri- 
mitive, vol.  ii.  tav.  66,  no.  1),  byMarchi  (p.  157), 
(who  has  some  excellent  remarks  on  the  infinite 
distance  between  the  Mother  and  the  Son,  indi- 
cated by  the  fact  that  she  alone  is  represented  as 
in  the  act  of  prayer),  and  De'  Rossi  {[mag.  Select. 
pi.  VI.),  and  is  accepted  by  the  judicious  Munter 
iSinvhilder,  tom.  ii.  p.  I'is)  and  Wharton  Mar- 
riott (w.  s.  pp.  28,  29).  (See  Bosio,  p.  471 ;  Bot- 
tari dm.)  There  is  also  a  seated  female  figure 
with  unveiled  head  giving  suck  to  a  naked  infant, 
given  by  Bosio  (p.  549),  and  Bottari  (tav.  180) 
from  the  cemetery  of  St.  Priscilla,  which  may 
be  reasonably  identified  with  the  Virgin  and 
Holy  Child.  It  deserves  remark  that  this  group 
occupies  a  subordinate  position  in  the  ri^ht-hand 
corner  of  the  lunette,  a  tall  and  stately  matron 
as  an  orante,  identified  by  Bosio  with  Priscilla 
herself,  being  the  central  object.  But  the  whole 
subject  of  this  lunette  is  obscure.  Amontr  the 
few  undoubted  pictures  of  the  Virgin,  furnished 
by  the  catacombs,  there  are  two  of  late  date 
given  by  Perret.  In  both  she  is  accompanied  by 
her  bou.  Neither  can  be  placed  earlier  than  the 
»th  century.  That  from  the  baptistery  of 
Valerian  under  the  church  of  St.  Urban  alia 
Caftarella,  a  rude  and  ignorant  work,  represents 
the  Virgin  in  a  blue  veil  over  a  red  tunic 
holding  Christ  on  her  knees  in  the  act  of  bene- 


diction.   MP  0V  is    inscribed  abov. 


group 


MARY 

(Perret,  vol.  i.  pi.  83).  In  the  other,  known 
as  the  "  Madonna  della  Stella,"  from  a  catacomb 
on  the  Appian  Way,  near  AlbaDo,  Christ  is  placed 
between  his  Mother  to  his  right,  and  St.  Sina- 
ragdus  to  his  left.  Her  hands  are  outspread  in 
prayer,  and  miter  thev  is  written  above  her 
(Perret,  ih.  pi.  84  ;  Agincourt,  Peinture,  pi.  v. 
no.  23).  A  fresco  of  the  Virgin  and  Child, 
discovered  by  Mr.  Parker  in  the  corridor,  or 
sentinel's  path,  in  the  Wall  of  Aurelian,  near 
the  Appian  Gate  (now  the  Porta  di  San  Sebas- 
tiano),  is  perhaps  one  of  the  earliest  examples  of 
the  Virgin  and  Child  extant.  From  the  style  of 
the  painting,  which  is  Byzantine  of  the  6th  cen- 
tury, it  may  probably  be  regarded  as  the  work 
of  some  Greek  artist  for  the  religious  benefit  of 
the  troops  of  Belisarius  during  the  siege  by 
Vitiges,  A.D.  538,  when  the  fortifications  of  the 
city  were  generally  repaired.  It  is  executed  on 
a  piece  of  lath  and  plaster  stretching  across 
the  corridor,  through  which  the  guards  would 
pass.  The  painting  possesses  "  a  kind  of  solemn 
grace,  characteristic  of  the  best  Byzantine  art." 
The  Virgin  is  represented  standing,  holding  her 
Son  on  her  right  arm.  She  is  veiled,  and  both 
have  the  nimbus.  (Cf  Mr.  Tyrwhitt's  remarks 
in  Mr.  Parker's  Church  and  Altar  Decorations 
and  Mosaics,  p.  157 ;  Parker's  Photographs,  no. 
1208.) 

The  second  class  of  representations,  viz.  those 
in  which  the  Virgin  appears  alone,  without  her 
Divine  Son,  while  it  supplies  a  very  large  number 
of  possible  examples,  furnishes  very  hw  that  can 
be  certainly  identified  with  the  Mother  of  our 
Lord.  No  object  is  of  more  frequent  occurrence 
in  every  form  of  early  Christian  art,  on  sarco- 
phagi and  monumental  slabs,  on  gilded  glasses, 
in  mosaics,  and  especially  in  the  catacomb  fres- 
coes, than  the  so-called  "  oranti,"  i.  e.  standing 
figures,  witli  the  arms  extended  in  what  was  of 
old  the  ordinary  attitude  of  prayer.  These 
figures  are  of  both  sexes,  but  the  females  largely 
predominate,  and  are  represented  either  alone, 
which  is  the  more  usual  practice,  or  supported  by 
a  male  figure  on  either  hand.  These  "  oranti  " 
were  generally  unhesitatingly  regarded  by  Bosio, 
Aringhi,  Boldetti,  and  the  earlier  investigators, 
as  memorial  pictures  of  the  individuals  interred 
below.  Others  consider  the  female  "  oranti  "  to 
be  symbolical  representations  of  the  Church. 
This  view  is  stated  by  Martigny  (Eglise,  p.  226, 
§  2)  as  well  as  by  Garrucci  ( Vetri,  tav.  xxxis. 
n.  3)  and  is  far  from  improbable.  One  or 
two  are  considered  by  Bosio  to  be  pictures 
of  the  Virgin,  though  it  is  difficult  to  see 
on  what  principle  he  distinguishes  them  from 
the  others.  De'  Rossi,  on  the  other  hand, 
and  his  translators,  Messrs.  Northcote  and 
Brownlow,  have  adopted  the  opposite  rule  of 
interpretation,  and  have  thus  enlarged  the  list 
of  supposed  catacomb-frescoes  of  the  Virgin  to 
an  almost  indefinite  extent,  and  certainly  far 
beyond  what  the  facts  admit.  Dr.  Northcote 
allows  that  the  female  oranti  may  possibly  in 
some  instances  have  "  denoted  some  martyr  or 
person  of  distinction  buried  in  the  principal 
tomb  of  the  cubiculum  where  the  painting  is 
found  "  (R.  S.  p.  255).  But  in  forgetfulness  of  the 
fact  that  male  oranti  and  children  are  often  found 
in  precisely  the  same  positions  and  with  the  same 
surroundings,  and  that  the  names  of  the  indivi- 
not   unfrequently    given,    he    speaks 


duals 


MAKY 

of  this  as  only  a  "  conjecture  "  which  "  may 
possibly  be  sometimes  correct,"  but  which  he 
"  feels  certain  is  inadmissible  in  the  great  majo- 
rity of  caseo"  (u.  s.).  The  combination  of  the 
figure  of  a  female  orante  in  the  same  system  of 
decoration  with  that  of  the  Good  Shepherd,  which 
is  deemed  by  Dr.  Northcote  as  evidence  that 
the  former  was  intended  for  that  of  the  Virgin, 
may  be  rather  regarded  as  a  conventional  rule 
of  ornamentation,  on  which  nothing  can  be  safely 
built.  The  example  selected  by  Dr.  Northcote  as 
one  of  his  illustrations  {Roma  Sotterran-ea,  pi. 
viii.),  m  which  a  female  orante  is  placed  side  by 
side  with  the  Guod  Shepherd,  so  as  to  form  one 
picture,  was  previously  identified  by  Bosio  (p.  387) 
with  the  Virgin.  There  is,  however,  nothing 
whatsoever  to  distinguish  this  female  figure 
from  the  countless  similar  examples  given  in  his 
work,  while  the  erroneousness  of  the  identifica- 
tion here  is  proved  by  the  occurrence  of  a  scourge 
loaded  with  lead  or  iron  (plumbata)  painted  by 
the  side  of  the  orante,  indicating  her  unmistake- 
ably  as  a  Christian  martyr.  This  attribute  of 
martyrdom  has  been  unfortunately  omitted  by  Dr. 
Northcote's  draughtsman  in  his  plate,  and  thus 
the  meaning  of  the  drawing  has  been  uninten- 
tionally misrepresented.  The  dove  which  we 
find  as  an  adjunct  to  some  oranti — e.g.  one 
from  St.  Agnes  (Bosio,  p.  461)— might  be  sup- 
posed to  indicate  the  Virgin  did  we  not  find  it 
in  precisely  the  same  combination  on  the  closing 
slab  of  ordinary  lociili,  with  the  name  of  the 
person  represented  annexed,  e.  g.  Bosio,  p.  508, 
"Constantius  Deciae  conjugi  quae  vixit  mecum 
annos  xxxiii."  Neither  are  the  supporting  male 
figures  to  the  right  and  left  of  the  orante — usually, 
and  with  great  probability,  identified  with  St. 
Peter  and  St.  Paul,  whose  names  are  often, 
especially  on  the  gilded  glasses,  inscribed  above 
them — altogether  infallible  marks.  One  from  the 
catacomb  of  St.  Cyriaca,  on  the  Via  Tiburtina, 
presenting  a  group  of  two  bearded  men  with 
extended  arms  supporting  those  of  a  matron, 
though  almost  identical  with  others  referred 
unquestioniugly  to  the  Virgin,  did  not  receive 
this  interpretation  from  Bosio,  who  simply  de- 
scribes it  as  "qualche  sagra  vergine  o  matrona  " 
(some  holy  virgin  or  matron)  (p.  405).  We  have 
other  analogous  examples  in  Bosio  (p.  381),  where 
the  supporting  figures  are  young  men,  running 
up  to  a  matron,  and  (p.  389).  In  fine  the 
result  of  a  careful  investigation  of  the  supposed 
representations  of  the  Virgin  as  an  orante  is  that 
so  far  from  "  the  majority  of  instances,"  as  stated 
by  Dr.  Northcote,  bearing  an  unquestionable  re- 
ference to  the  Mother  of  our  Lord,  the  number 
where  there  is  no  room  for  doubt  as  to  the 
subject  is  exceedingly  small.* 

There  is  no  department  of  early  Christian  art 
m  which  the  representations  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  are  more  abundant  and  more  unquestion- 

»  That  the  orantes  may  be  often  regarded  as  memorial 
reprf  sentations  of  persons  interred  in  the  cemetery  where 
they  appear  Is  proved  by  instances  in  which  a  name  is 
inscribed  over  the  figure,  the  same  name  being  found  in  the 
epiaph  below.  E.g.,  ffrato  (Perret,  vol.  iil.  pi.  7);  Ju- 
liana on  a  sarcophagus  {ih.  v.  pi.  40),  Garrucci  has  some 
wise  cautions  against  lerarding  all  orantes  as  pictures  of 
the  Virgin  (Macarius.  Ilagioglypt.  p.  170  note).  On  the 
subject  of  orantes  in  geneial,  see  Munter  (Sinnbilder,  ii. 
p.  1 H  ff.) ;  Grimouard  de  Saint-Laurent  {Art  Chretien,  vl. 
p.  328,  note  F). 


MAEY 


1151 


able  than  the  gilded  glasses  from  the  catacombs, 
which  it  is  hardly  possible  to  place  later  than 
the  first  quarter  of  the  5th  century.  [Glass.] 
But  even  here  the  difficulty  of  accurately  distin- 
guishing the  ordinary  orante  from  the  Blessed 
Virgin  is  candidly  acknowledged  by  De'  Rossi 
{Imagines  Selectae).  While  desiring  to  make  the 
number  as  large  as  possible  he  confesses  that 
it  is  never  possible  to  assert  that  the  Virgin  is 
the  person  jepresented,  except  when  the  name 
"  Maria  "  occurs,  or  when  she  is  accompanied  by 
St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul.  Even  this  last  test  is 
not  deemed  a  true  one  by  Garrucci,  who  remarks 
(  Vetri  Ornati,  pp.  26,  27)  that  other  perfectly 
similar  examples  of  a  female  figure  bearing  a 
diflerent  name,  Peregrina,  Agnes,  etc.,  standing 
between  two  apostles  (particularly  a  sarcophagus 
at  Saragossa,  where  "Floria"  is  the  central 
name)  suggest  the  doubt  whether  when  "Maria" 
occurs  it  necessarily  indicates  the  Blessed  Virgin. 
This  doubt  seems  hardly  well  grounded.  The 
frequency  with  which  the  name  Agnes  occurs  on 
these  gilded  glasses — Garrucci  gives  no  fewer 
than  fourteen  {u.  s.  tav.  xxi.  xxii.) — points  to 
the  conclusion  that  it  was  not  any  ordinary 
female  bearing  that  name,  but  the  holy  maiden  St. 
Agues,  who  was  intended.  The  same  argument 
holds  good  with  still  greater  cogency  for  the  name 
Maria,  although  the  entire  absence  of  any  conven- 
tional attributes  forbids  absolute  certainty  on 
the  point.  We  give  two  examples  from  Garrucci 
(tav.  ix.  fig.  6,  7)  of  these  gilded  glasses.  On 
both  we  have  the  Virgin,  depicted  as  an  orante 
supported  by  the  two  chief  apostles.     No.  4  was 


discovered  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes.  The 
rolls  on  either  side  of  the  Virgin's  head  are 
symbols  of  the  Holy  Scriptures.  In  No.  5,  from 
the  Borgian  Museum  at  the  Propaganda,  it  will 
be  observed  that  the  relative  positions  of  St. 
Peter  and  St.  Paul  are  reversed.  Another 
gilded  glass  (Garrucci,  tav.  ix.  fig.  10 ;  Perret, 
iv.  pi.  XX. ;  Aringhi,  ii.  p.  689)  in  the  Vatican 
Library,  gives  a  female  figure  with  the  name 
"  Maria  "  above  her  head,  standing  alone  between 
two  trees  with  birds  resting  on  pillars  by  her 
side.  Another  (Garrucci,  ib.  fig.  U)  gives  the 
name  "  Mara  "  above  the  female  figure.  It  is 
doubtful  whether  this  is  a  mistake  for  "Maria" 


1152 


MARY 


or  is  a  distinct  name.  "Mara"  is  found  in  epi- 
taphs given  by  Boldetti,  482,  547.  Some  of  tlie 
glasses  present  St.  Agnes  and  the  Blessed  Virgin 
standing  side  by  side  as  examples  of  holy  vir- 
ginity.    These  glasses  supply  one  example  of  the 


seated  Virgin  with  the  infant  Christ  on  her 
knees.  The  Holy  Child  extends  His  right  hand 
in  benediction,  and  is  attended  by  a  deacon 
holding  a  fan.  (See  the  woodcut  under  Flabel- 
LUM,  No.  5 ;  Vol.  I.  p.  676.) 

To  pass  from  glasses  to  monumental  slabs.  A 
very  curious  example,  which  can  hardly  be 
placed  later  than  the  4th  century,  is  found  in 
the  crypt  of  St.  Mary  Magdalene  at  St.  Maximin 
in  Provence  (Martigny,  art.  Vierge,  p.  660 ;  Ma- 
carius,  Hagioglypta,  36  ;  Le  Blant,  Inscr.  Chr^t. 
de  la  Gaule,  ii.  277  ;  Faillon,  Monumens  ineditssur 
I'Apostolat  de  St.  M.  Magd.  i.  p.  775).  Here  the 
Virgin  is  represented  alone,  unnimbed,  in  the 
attitude  of  pi-ayer,  with  long  hair  ilowing  down 
upon  her  breast.  The  inscription,  rudely  incised 
on  the  slab,  runs  thus,  "  Maria  Virgo  Minester 
de  Tempulo  Gerosale."  There  is  an  evident  re- 
ference here  to  the  legend  recorded  in  the  apo- 
cryphal gospels  of  the  Virgin  having  spent  her 
early  years  in  holy  ministrations  in  the  Temple. 
(Protevang.  Jacobi,  §  7,  8  ;  Evang.  Pseudo-Matth. 
§  4-6 ;  Evang.  Kativ.  Mariae,  §  6,  7.) 

The  earliest  instance  of  a  single  figure  of  the 
Virgin  in  mosaic  is  that  in  the  vault  of  the  tri- 
bune of  the  chapel  of  St.  Venantius  at  St.  John 
Lateran.  This  is  the  work  of  Byzantine  artists 
under  the  Greek  popes  John  IV.  and  Theodore, 
640-649.  The  upper  portion  of  the  mosaic  gives 
a  medallion  bust  of  Christ  supported  by  two 
angels,  immediately  below  stands  the  Virgin 
with  her  arms  outstretched  and  the  palms  ex- 
panded, as  the  central  figure,  with  six  of  the 
apostles  on  either  side  of  her.  Both  she  and 
they  have  the  same  nimbus  with  Christ  and  the 
angels.  She  is  dressed  in  a  dark  blue  tunic  and 
white  veil,  with  a  small  cross  on  her  bosom. 
(Ciampini,  ii.  p.  107,  tab.  xxxi. ;  D'Agincourt, 
Peintures,  xvii.  1.)  Similar  but  rather  later 
mosaic  pictures  of  the  Virgin  as  an  orante 
exist  above  the  altar  of  the  archiepiscopal 
chapel  at  Ravenna,  saved  from  the  wreck  of  the 
former  cathedral,  and  in  the  Capella  Ricca,  in 
the  church  of  St.  Mark,  Florence,  brought  from 


MARY 

the  old  church  of  St  Peter,  at  Rome,  dated 
A.D.  703.  There  is  also  at  Ravenna,  in  the 
church  of  Sta.  Maria  in  Porto,  a  bas-relief  of  the 
Virgin  as  an  orante  (woodcut  No.  6),  of  Greek 
workmanship,  probably  of  the  6th  or  7th  centurv. 


Her  features  are  very  regular  and  beautiful,  quite 
of  the  Greek  type.  Crosses  are  embroidered  on 
the  wrists,  shoulders,  and  knees  of  her  tunic, 
and  on  the  borders  of  the  mantle.  Her  head 
is  veiled  and  surrounded  by  a  nimbus.  The  con- 
tracted forms  of  Mr]TTip  &eov  are  inscribed  above 
on  either  side. 

The  condemnation  of  the  Nestorian  heresy  by 
the  council  of  Ephesus,  A.D.  431,  gave  a  power- 
ful impulse  to  the  production  of  pictures  of  "  the 
Mother  of  God,"  which  was  never  subsequently 
lost.  From  this  period  the  Virgin  and  Infant 
Christ  became  the  symbol  of  the  orthodox  faith, 
which  was  represented  in  every  possible  way,  in 
paintings  and  mosaics,  in  sculpture,  and  even  on 
garments,  personal  ornaments,  and  furniture. 
There  was  no  attempt  to  produce  a  portrait,  but 
simply  to  portray  the  ideal  QeorSKOs  as  a  theo- 
logical symbol.  The  type  adopted  was  probably 
not  a  new  one.  It  has  been  observed  by  Mrs. 
Jameson  (Legends  of  the  Madonna)  that  St. 
Cyril  of  Alexandria,  who  played  so  important 
a  part  in  this  controversy,  and  had  so  much  to 
do  in  fixing  the  dogma,  must  in  his  episcopal  city 
have  become  familiar  with  the  Egyptian  group  of 
Isis  nursing  the  infant  Horus,  which  may  have 
suggested  the  analogous  Christian  subject,  even  as 
at  an  earlier  date  the  Good  Shepherd  was  derived 
from  a  classical  type.  It  is  just  after  the  council 
of  Ephesus  that  we  meet  with  the  first  pro- 
fessedly authentic  portrait  of  the  Virgin— an 
interesting  instance  of  the  new  demand  creating 
a  supply.  This  is  the  famous  Hodegetria  {'OSr)- 
yrjTpia),  which  was  for  so  many  centuries  re- 
garded with  the  deepest  reverence  by  the  Greeks, 
as  an  imperial  palladium,  and  borne  in  a  superb 
car  or  litter  to  the  battle-field  when  the  emperor 
fed  the  army  in  person.  It  had  been  originally 
sent  from  Jerusalem  in  438  by  the  young  empress 
hudocia  as  a  present  to  her  sister-in-law  Pul- 
chena  and  was  placed  by  the  latter  in  the 
church  of  the  Hodegi,  'OSnyot,  erected  bv  her. 
(N.ceph  Callist.  xiv.  2,  xv.  14.)  The  picture  was 
on  panel,  ,rl  caviSi,  and  was  asserted  to  have 
been  painted  from  the  life  by  St.  Luke.     This 


MARY 

picture  held  the  first  rank  among  the  so-called 
portraits  of  the  Virgin,  and  was  repeatedly 
copied  as  an  authentic  portrait.  The  true  type 
is  given  by  D'Agincourt  (^Feinture,  pi.  87),  by 
Garrucci  {Arti  cristiane  primitive,  tav.  107,  fig. 
3,  4),  and  by  Grimouard  de  Saint-Laurent  {Art  1 
Chretien,  vol.  iii.  pi.  iv.  no.  1).  It  is  characterised 
by  the  true  Byzantine  rigidity  and  flatness.  The 
Virgin  is  standing,  and  holds  our  Lord  seated  on 
her  left  arm,  carrying  a  roll  in  His  left  hand  and 
blessing  with  His  right.  His  nimbus  is  cruciform  ; 
hers  a  plain  circle.     The  figures  are  superscribed 

MP  0V  HOAHrH^IA:  Tc  XC.  A  very  diffuse 
account  of  this  sacred  treasure,  the  veneration 
paid  to  it,  and  its  variously  reported  fortunes,  is 
given  by  Ducange  {Constantinopolis  Christiana, 
lib.  iv.  c.  24,  p.  88).''  Another  almost  equally 
celebrated  portrait  of  the  Virgin  belonging  to 
the  same  epoch  is  that  known  as  Blachernitissa, 
from  its  being  preserved  in  the  church  built  by 
Pulcheria  in  the  suburb  of  Constantinople,  known 
as  Blachernae.  The  type,  according  to  Garrucci 
(m.  s.  vol.  iii.  p.  13  ff.),  is  given  on  coins  of  Con- 
stantine  XII.,  Monomachus  (Sabatier,  slix.  12), 
and  Leo  IV.  \ih.  slv.  11).  She  appears  with  ex- 
tended arms  as  an  orante.  A  third  famous  early 
Byzantine  Virgin  is  the  0eoT($Kos  ttjs  Xltiy7]s, 
Vergine  della  Fonte  (Garrucci,  u.  s.  No.  2),  so 
called  from  the  miraculous  spring  Leo  the 
Thracian  caused  to  be  included  within  the  church 
erected  by  him  outside  the  walls  of  Constanti- 
nople, in  honour  of  the  Mother  of  God,  in  which 
it  was  treasured.  (Niceph.  Callist.  xv.  26 ;  Du- 
cange, Const.  Christ,  lib.  iv.  p.  183.)  In  this  she 
is  also  represented  as  an  orante,  but  the  Holy 
Babe  is  in  her  lap.  The  type,  according  to  Gar- 
rucci, is  given  by  Garampi  (de  Kumm.  Arg. 
Benedict  HI.  p.  50),  and  Oderici  (Dissert.  Acad. 
Gorton,  vol.  ix.  p.  282). 

All  these  pictures  and  the  coins  of  the  Eastern 
empire  exhibit  the  same  hieratic  type  which 
established  itself  in  Byzantine  art.  "  This  type," 
writes  Dean  Milman  (Hist,  of  Christianity,  iii. 
p.  394),  "gradually  degenerates  with  the  dark- 
ness of  the  age  and  the  decline  of  art.  The 
countenance  sweetly  smiling  on  the  child  be- 
comes sad  and  severe.  The  head  is  bowed  with 
a  gloomy  and  almost  sinister  expression,  and  the 
countenance  gradually  darkens  till  it  assumes  a 
black  colour.     At  length  even  the  sentiment  of 


MARY 


1163 


h  It  is  not  certain  whether  there  were  one  or  two  of 
these  sacred  pictures  of  the  Virgin  ascribed  to  St.  Luke 
preserved  at  Constantinople.  Garrucci  distinguisl)es  the 
Virgo  Hodegetria  from  the  Virgo  Nicopoeia,  regarding  the 
latter,  which  he  asserts  was  reverenced  from  the  time  of 
Justinian,  as  the  national  palladium  captured  by  the 
"Venetians  in  a.d.  1204,  and  according  to  him  still  pre- 
served at  St.  Mark's.  Ducange  (p.  89)  refers  to  the  diffi- 
culty without  pretending  to  settle  it.  If,  he  says,  It  is 
true  that  the  Hodegetria  was  preserved  at  Constantinople 
till  the  final  fall  of  the  city  in  1453  It  is  vident  that  the 
picture  taken  by  Dandolo  must  have  been  a  different  one ; 
unless  indeed,  it  may  be  added,  by  a  pious  fraud  a  copy 
was  substituted  for  the  original  to  satisfy  the  demands 
of  devotees.  A  further  uncertainty  arises  as  to  the  place 
where  the  holy  picture,  whichever  it  was,  that  was  cap- 
tured, was  deposited.  A  letter  of  Baldwin  shews  that 
it  was  promised  by  him  to  the  monks  of  Citeaux.  "  If,'' 
writes  Gibbon  (ch.  Ix.),  "the  banner  of  the  Virgin  shewn 
at  Venice  as  a  trophy  and  relic  is  genuine,  the  pious  doge 
must  have  cheated  the  monks  of  Citeaux."  (Cf.  Grimouard 
de  Saint-Laurent,  Art  Chretien,  vl.  3i7.) 


maternal  affection  is  effaced,  both  the  mother 
and  child  become  stiff  and  lifeless,  the  child  is 
swathed  in  stiff  bands,  and  has  an  expression  of 
pain  rather  than  of  gentleness,  or  placid  infancy." 
According  to  De'  Rossi  (Imag.  Sekctae,  p.  14) 
there  was  no  fixed  rule  for  the  representation  of 
the  Virgin  on  the  coins  of  the  Byzantine  empe- 
rors, on  some  of  which  she  is  represented  with 
the  Holy  Babe,  sometimes  alone,  as  an  orante. 
On  a  coin  of  Leo  VI.  Philosophus,  a.d.  886-911, 
she  stands  veiled  and  draped,  with  outstretched 
arms.  Her  head  is  noble  in  character,  and  is  not 
nimbed.  On  a  coin  of  Romanus  II.,  a.d.  959-963, 
she  is  nimbed  and  crowns  the  emperor,  an  office  she 
is  represented  as  performing  almost  constantly  on 
the  imperial  coins  of  the  two  next  centuries. 
The  earliest  coin  on  which  the  Virgin  and  Child 
appear  together  is  one  of  John  Zimisces,  a.d. 
969-976.  She  holds  against  her  bosom  a  circular 
nimbus,  within  which  is  the  bust  of  the  Infant 
Christ."     [Monet.] 

A  very  characteristic  Byzantine  picture,  placed 
by  Garrucci  {u.s.  iii.  15,  tav.  107)  in  the  first 
half  of  the  5th  century,  is  preserved  in  the 
church  of  S  a.  Maria  Maggiore  at  Rome.  It  pre- 
sents the  usual  type.  The  Virgin  stands  en  face, 
veiled,  with  the  customary  cross  on  the  veil.  She 
holds  the  Infant  on  her  left  arm.  He  has  the 
usual  book  in  His  left  hand,  and  blesses  with 
His  right.  Both  have  a  simple  nimbus.  For  a 
plate  of  this  celebi-ated  picture  see  Grimouard 
de  Saint-Laurent  {Art  chre'tien,  vol.  iii.  frontis- 
]iiece,  and  Ferret,  vol.  i.  frontispiece.  See  also 
Milochau,  La  Vierge  de  St.  Lite  a  Sainte-Marie- 
Majeure,  Paris,  1862).  In  the  early  picture 
preserved  at  the  church  of  Ara  Coeli,  Rome,  the 
child  is  absent.  The  Virgin  raises  her  right 
hand  in  benediction. 

From  the  obliteration  or  destruction  of 
Christian  mosaics  by  the  picture-hating  Mussul- 
mans, mosaic  representations  of  the  Virgin  are 
of  the  extremest  rarity  in  the  East.  We  can, 
however,  refer  to  one  in  St.  Sophia,  of  which  we 
give  a  cut  (No.  7)  from  Salzenberg's  great  work 
{Altchristliche  Baudenkmale  von  Constantinopel), 
taken  during  the  temporary  removal  of  the 
whitewash  from  the  interior  of  the  mosque. 
According  to  a  very  usual  Byzantine  type  (cf. 
the  fresco  from  St.  Agnes,  No.  3)  the  Holy  Child 


No  7.     The  Virgin  and  Child.    Salzenberg's  ■  AltohrisUloLe 
BauJeukmale  von  Coustiintm.JiJel.' 

is  represented  standing  in  front  of  His  mother, 
not  seated  on  her  lap.  The  Virgin's  flice  is 
youthful  and  characterised  by  calm  beauty,    bhe 


e  Salaticr,  vol.  ii.  pi.  xlvii.  fig.  18.  This  type  appears 
engraved  on  a  seal  of  the  priors  of  the  oonvents  of  M.mnt 
Athos  dedicated  to  the  Virgin.  U  is  given  by  Gnmouard 
de Saint-Laurent,  Art  chrelien,  vol.  il.  p.  IS,  from  Didron. 


1154 


MARY 


is  supported  by  St.  Paul  and  St.  John  the  Bap- 
tist on  either  hand.  This  beautiful  mosaic  may 
be  safely  ascribed  to  the  original  erection  of  the 
church  by  Justinian  in  the  6th  century.  The 
cupola  of  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  at  Salonica 
(Thessalonica),  ascribed  by  M.  Texier  to  the  same 
date  as  its  namesalce  at  Constantinople,  i.e.  the 
middle  of  the  6th  century,  contains  a  mosaic 
of  the  Ascension,  the  Blessed  Virgin  and  the 
Apostles  being  ranged  round  the  base  of  the 
hemisphere.  She  alone  is  nimbed,  and  wears 
the  conventional  veil  and  purple  dress.^  In  the 
semidome  of  the  apse  she  is  also  represented, 
holding  the  infant  Saviour  (Texier,  EtjUses 
hyzantines,  pp.  142-144,  pi.  xl.).  A  medallion 
portrait  of  the  Virgin  in  a  blue  veil  and  robe, 
with  her  hands  outstretched  in  prayer  to  the 
enthroned  figure  of  Christ,  which  occurs  over 
the  royal  door  in  the  narthex  of  St.  Sophia,  at 
Constantinople,  belongs  to  the  time  of  Constan- 
tine  Pogonatus,  668-685.  This  mosaic  is  very 
inferior  to  the  former  both  in  design  and  execu- 
tion. 

The  earliest  mosaic  picture  of  the  Virgin  in 
the  West  is,  as  we  have  said,  that  in  the  chapel 
of  St.  Venantius  at  the  Lateran,  which  may  be 
placed  about  a.d.  642.  She  is  entirely  absent  from 
the  early  mosaics  of  St.  Maria  Maggiore  (c.  a.d. 
433),  except  in  the  historical  scenes  of  the  An- 
nunciation, Presentation  in  the  Temple,  Adora- 
tion of  the  Magi  and  Christ  among  the  Doctors, 
as  well  as  from  those  which  decorated  the  basilica 
of  St.  Paul's-without-the-VValls  before  its  de- 
struction by  fire  ;  she  is  not  anywhere  represented 
in  the  mosaics  of  the  5th  century  at  Ravenna, 
except  as  a  member  of  the  Magi  group ;  nor  does 
she  appear  in  those  of  St.  Cosmas  and  St.  Damian, 
c.  A.D.  530,  or  St.  Lawrence,  c.  A.D.  578,  in  Rome. 
Indeed  the  absence  of  representations  of  the  Vir- 
gin in  the  earlier  Roman  churches  is  remarkable. 
The  earliest  example  in  which  we  find  her  occupy- 
ing the  position  of  chief  dignity,  formerly  reserved 
for  our  Blessed  Lord,  in  the  centre  of  the  conch 
of  the  apse,  and  exchanging  her  primitive  attitude 
of  prayer  and  adoration  for  that  of  a  throned 
queen,  is  the  mosaic  of  the  apse  of  the  cathedral 
of  Parenzo  in  Istria,  the  work  of  bishop  Euphra- 
sius,  A.D.  535-543.  She  is  throned  and  nimbed, 
and  supported  by  angels,  holding  her  Son  in  her 
lap,  rather  as  a  diminutive  man  than  as  an 
infant  (Neale,  Notes  on  Dalmatia,  frontispiece, 
pp.79,  80;  Eitelberger,  Knnstdenkmale des oster- 
reichischen  Kaiserstaates,  Heft  4,  5  ;  Lohde,  Ber 
Lom  von  Parenzo).  The  church  of  St.  Maria  de 
Navicella,  or  in  Domnica,  built  by  Paschal  I., 
c.  A.D.  820,  is  the  first  in  Rome,  in  which  this  new 
type  is  found.  The  vault  of  the  apse  is  here 
occupied  by  a  colossal  figure  of  the  Virgin  in  a 
blue  robe   sprinkled  with    crosses,    seated  on  a 


"•  A  similar  represpntation  of  the  Virgin,  in  the  scene 
of  the  Ascension,  occurs  in  the  famous  MS.  of  the  Syriac 
Gospels  (a.d.  586),  wliich  is  one  of  the  treasures  of  the 
Mediceaii  Library  at  Florence.  Below  the  ascending  figure 
of  our  Lord  appear  tlie  Apostles  (by  an  historical  error  re^ 
presented  as  twelve)  with  the  Virgin  in  the  midst,  stand- 
ing with  her  hands  ext<nded  in  the  attitude  of  prayer  and 
adcjration.  An  .mgel  on  either  side  of  her  is  addressing 
th>'  AiWBtles.  The  Virgin  and  the  angels  are  the  only 
persons  wiih  the  nimbus  in  this  lower  group,  the 
apostles  being  distitute  of  it.  (Wharton,  Marriott,  Tes- 
timony of  the  Catacombs,  p.  44;  A sscmanni,  Biblioth. 
Jtedic.  p.  1742.    See  woodcut,  art.  Angels,  Vol.  I.  p.  85.) 


MARY 

golden  and  jewelled  throne,  surrounded  by  a 
throng  of  angels  and  archangels  in  attitudes  of 
adoring  praise.  Christ  is  seated  on  His  Mother's 
lap  in  a  golden  robe,  as  at  Parenzo,  rather  as  a 
dwarfed  man  than  as  an  infant,  and  blesses  with 
His  right  hand.  The  builder,  pope  Paschal,  dis- 
tinguished by  the  square  nimljus  as  being  alive  at 
the  time  of  the  execution  of  the  work,  kneeling, 
humbly  holds  the  Virgin's  right  foot  to  kiss  it. 
The  whole  composition  is  coarse  and  tasteless, 
without  shadow,  or  any  attempt  at  grouping,  but 
the  general  effect  is  imposing.  (Ciampini,  Vet. 
Man.  ii.  p.  140  sq.,  pi.  xliv.  ;  D'Agincourt,  Pein- 
tures,  pi.  xvii.  fig.  15 ;  Vitet,  Histoire  de  I'Art, 
vol.  i.  p.  255.)  In  the  mosaics  of  the  church  of  St. 
Cecilia,  the  work  of  the  same  pope,  we  see  an- 
other significant  advance  in  the  cultus  of  the 
Virgin.  The  face  of  the  Arch  of  Triumph  is 
here  richly  decorated  with  mosaics,  recalling  the 
design  of  several  of  the  earlier  works.  Below 
are  ranged  the  four-and-twenty  elders  in  their 
white  robes,  offering  their  crowns  in  adoration. 
Above,  ten  crowned  virgins  between  palm-trees 
advance  with  their  offerings ;  an  angel  stands  on 
either  side  of  the  central  compartment.  But 
that  compartment  is  not  occupied,  as  in  earlier 
times,  by  Christ,  or  by  the  Holy  Lamb,  but  by  a 
crowned  and  throned  figure  of  the  Virgin  bearing 
the  Child  Jesus  on  her  knees.  (Ciampini,  Vet. 
Man.  ii.  p.  153,  cxxvii.  tab.  50;  D'Agincourt, 
Peinture,  pi.  xvii.  no.  14 ;  Wharton  Marriott, 
Testimony  of  the  Catacombs,  p.  49.)  We  have  a 
similar  representation  of  the  Virgin  crowned  and 
enthroned  as  Queen  of  Heaven  in  the  vault  of 
the  apse  of  St.  Francesca  Romana  (originally  St, 
Maria  Antiqua),  rebuilt  by  pope  Leo  IV.,  and 
decorated  with  mosaics  by  pope  Nicholas  I.,  A.D. 
858-868  (Ciampini,  ii.  p.  162,  c.  sxviii.  tab.  53), 
and  in  the  cathedral  of  Capua,  constructed  by 
bishop  Ugo  at  the  end  of  the  8th  or  beginning  of 
the  9th  century,  of  which  we  give  a  woodcut 
(Ciampini,  ii.  p.  165,  c.  xxix.  tab.  liv.).     It  took 


three  centuries  more  to  reach  the  climax  we 
see  in  the  mosaics  of  the  church  of  Sta.  Maria 
in  Tiastevere,  where  we  find  the  Virgin  seated 


MASS 

on  the  same  throne  with  her  Son,  and  on  His 
right  side.  He  lays  His  right  hand  on  His 
Mother's  shoulder,  and  in  His  left  is  a  book 
inscribed  with  the  words  "  Veni  electa  Jlea,  et 
ponam  in  te  thronum  Meum."  But  the  date  of 
this  is  far  beyond  our  limits,  A.D.  1130-1143, 
and  with  this  our  notices  of  the  pictorial  re- 
presentations of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary  must 
conclude. 

Authorities. — Bosio,  Homa  Sotterranea  ;  Bol- 
detti,  Osservazioni  sopra  i  cimcteri ;  Bottari, 
Scultnre  e  Pitture  Sagre;  Marchi,  Monumenti  delte 
aHi  Cristiane  primitive;  De'  Rossi,  Roma  Sotter- 
ranea —  Imagines  selectae  Virginis  Deiparae ; 
Perret,  Les  Catacombes  de  Rome  ;  Northcote  and 
Brownlow,  Roma  Sotterranea ;  Garrucci,  Vetri 
Oi-rmti  —  Arti  Cristiane  primitive ;  Macarius, 
Hagioglypta,  ed.  Garrucci ;  Munter,  Sinnhilder  ; 
Serous  d'Agincourt,  Histoire  de  I'Art  par  les 
Monuments;  Raoul-Rochette,  Cntacombes — Dis- 
cours  sur  I'Origine  et  le  Caractere  des  Types  de 
I'Art  du  Christianisme  ;  Ciampini,  Vetera  Monii- 
menta;  Salzenberg,  Alt-Christliche  Baudenkmale 
von  Constantinopel ;  Ducange,  Constantinopolis 
Christiana ;  Sabatiei-,  Monnaies  Byzantines ;  Mar- 
tigny,  Dictionnaire  des  Antiquite's  Chretiennes, 
Grimouard  de  Saint-Laurent,  ^ri  cAre'iien;  Pei- 
gnot,  Recherches  sur  la  Fersorine  de  J€sus-Christ 
et  sur  celle  de  Marie ;  Bombelli,  Raccolta 
degli  imagini  della  Beata  Vergine ;  Hemans, 
Ancient  Christianity  and  Sacred  Art  in  Italy; 
Vitet,  Histoire  de  VArt;  Milman,  History  of 
Christianity  ;  Jameson,  Legends  of  the  Madonna ; 
Wharton  Marriott,  Testimony  of  the  Catacombs  ; 
St.  John  Tyrwhitt,  Art  Teaching  of  the  Primitive 
Church.  [E.  v.] 

MASS.     [MissA.] 

MASSA  CANDIDA.  In  the  persecutions 
under  Valerius  it  is  said  that  300  Christians  in 
the  district  of  Carthage  who  refused  to  sacrifice 
t«  the  emperor  were  compelled  to  leap  into  a 
burning  lime-kiln,  whei-e  they  were  sutfocated. 
This  body  of  Christians  was  called  Missa  Can- 
dida, the  White,  or  Bright,  Mass  (Prudentius, 
Peristeph.  v.  87  ;  Sidonius,  Epit.  vi.  i.).  Augus- 
tine {Sermo  311  [al.  115])  calls  it  the  White 
Mass  of  Utica,  because  (according  to  Baronius) 
these  martyrs  were  specially  commemorated  at 
that  place,  and  {Sermo  306  [al.  112],  c.  2)  refers 
the  epithet  "  Candida  "  to  the  brightness  of  the 
cause  for  which  the  martyrs  suffered.  Compare 
Enarr.  in  Ps.  49,  c.  9  ;  Ps.  144,  c.  16.  The 
Carthaginian  calendar  places  their  commemo- 
ration in  August,  and  most  later  martyrologies 
Aug.  24.  The  Mart.  Rom.  Vet.  has  on  that  <lay 
simply  "  Massae  Candidae  Carthagini."  Usuard 
and  Ado  give  the  number  as  300,  and  the  latter 
adds  some  particulars.  The  Hieronyniian  Mar- 
tyrology  has  this  festival  on  Aug.  18.  [C] 

MASSEDUS,  two  martyrs  of  this  name  com- 
memorated Feb.  21  (Hieron.  Mart.).         [C.  H.] 

MASSILA,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Milan 
May  6  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MASSILIA,  martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa 
March  1  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MASTILLA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome 
June  2  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  11.1 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  n. 


MATHEMATICUS 


1155 


MASUTUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome 
in  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus,  May  10  (Hieron 
Mart.).  [c.  H.] ' 

MATERNA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome 
June  2  (^Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MATERNIANUS,  bishop  of  Rheims  in  the 
4th  century  ;  commemorated  Apr.  30  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.ni.7bQ).  ^c.  H.] 

MATERNUS,  bishop  of  Milan,  4th  century; 
commemorated  July  18  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  iv! 
364).  [C.H.] 

MATERUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Oct.  20  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec.  1& 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MATHANA.    [Martha,  (6).] 

MATHEMATICUS,  an  astrologer.  The 
name  was  assumed  and  popularly  conceded  from 
the  first  century  downwards,  as  masters  of  leger- 
demain are  now  sometimes  called  "  professors." 
It  is  employed  by  Juvenal  (vi.  562  ;  xir.  248, 
Nota  mathematicis  genesis  tua),  by  Tacitus  {Hist. 
i.  22),  both  about  100,  and  by  their  contem- 
porary Suetonius  {Tiber.  14).  The  last  named 
uses  "  mathematica  "  of  the  art  itself:  "Circa 
deos  et  religiones  negligentior,  quippe  addictus 
mathematicae "  {ibid.  69).  Similarly  Sextus 
Empiricus,  about  220  :  "  De  astrologia  aut  ma- 
thematica "  {Adv.  Mathem.  21).  Aulus  Gellius, 
probably  about  160,  after  explaining  the  true 
meaning  of  the  word,  viz.  one  devoted  to  the 
study  ef  the  arts  and  sciences,  proceeds  to  say^ 
"  But  the  vulgar  call  those  mathematici  whom 
they  ought  to  call  by  a  name  of  nation  Chal- 
deans "  {Noct.  Att.  i.  9).  Elsewhere  he  speaks 
of  those  who  "  call  themselves  Chaldeans  and 
genethliaci  [see  Astrologers;  Ge\ethliaci], 
and  profess  themselves  able  to  declare  the  future 
from  the  motion  of  the  stars  "  (xiv.  1).  But 
though  Gellius  and  several  others  say  expressly 
that  the  name  was  given  to  astrologers  by  the 
vulgar,  it  is  evident  from  others  that  they 
affected  it  themselves.  Thus  Sextus  Empiricus 
(m.  s.)  :  "  Genealogia,  which  the  Chaldeans  deco- 
rating with  magnificent  names  call  themselves 
mathematici  and  astrologers."  Firmicus  (about 
360),  who  wrote  on  judicial  astrology  under  the 
name  of  Mathesis  (comp.  TertuUian,  de  Idol.  91 ; 
Prudentius,  c.  Symmachum,  ii.  p.  296,  ed.  1596  ; 
etc.),  claims  the  title  for  his  fraternity.  See 
Mathes.  i.  praef.  and  c.  2. 

Among  Christian  writers,  St.  Augustine  speaks 
of  those  "who  were  called  genethliaci,  because 
of  their  observation  of  days  of  birth,  but  are 
now  commonly  (vulgo)  called  mathematici  "  {De 
Doctr.  Christ,  ii.  21,  §  32).  "  The  ancients,"  he 
says,  with  Gellius,  "did  not  call  those  men 
mathematici  who  are  now  so  termed  "  {De  Divers. 
Quaest.  xlv.  2).  Yet  he  used  the  word  freely  in 
the  later  sense,  probably  because  it  was  better 
understood  than  astrologi,  etc.  See  De  Gen.  ad 
Litt.  ii.  17,  §  36 ;  De  Civ.  Dei,  v.  1,  etc.).  This 
popular  use  of  the  term  is  also  insisted  on  by  St. 
Jerome :  "  Among  the  Chaldeans  I  think  that 
they  are  called  yeveeKici.\6yot,  whom  the  vulgar 
call  mathematici "  {Comment,  in  Dan.  ii.  2). 
Again  :  "  I'he  Astrologers  of  the  shy  {S':pt.  Isai. 
xlvii.  13),  who  are  commonly  called  Mathematici, 
and  believe  the  aifairs  of  men  to  be  controlled 
4  F 


1156 


MATINS 


bv  the  course  and  falling  of  the  stars'  {_C<mm. 
in  Isai.  M.  s.  lib.  xiii.)-  Quite  in  accordance  with 
these  authorities,  Aramianus,  probably  a  heathen, 
about  380,  says  of  Heliodorus,  whom  he  had 
described  (i7;.i.  xxix.  l),as  "  fatorum  per  geni- 
turas  interpretem,"  that  he  was  "  mathematicus 
ut  memorat  vulgus  "  (iKc?.  2). 

The  council  of  Laodicea,  however,  about  ^bo, 
appears  to  distinguish  between  astrologi  and 
mathematici,  when  it  forbids  persons  in  orders 
to  be  "  mat^i  or  enchanters,  or  mathematici  or 
astrologers  "  (can.  36).  Balsamon  explains  here 
that  "tiie  mathematici  are  those  who  think  that 
the  heavenly  bodies  have  dominion  over  the  uni- 
verse, and  that  all  our  affairs  are  regulated  by 
their  motion;"  while  "astrologers  are  persons 
who  with  the  aid  of  demons  divine  by  the  stars 
and  believe  them  "  {Comm.  in  can.).  Of  the  four 
IxaBvfxaTa,  Arithmetic,  Music,  Geometry,  Astro- 
nomy, he  therefore  thought  the  last  only  to  be 
forbidden ;  but  Zonaras  {Comm.  in  can.)  was  of 
opinion  that  the  canon  only  forbids  excessive 
addiction  to  any  of  them.  From  their  com- 
ments we  may  infer  that  the  bad  conventional 
sense  of  the  word  was  better  known  to  the 
Latins  than  to  the  Greeks. 

Mathematici  are  condemned  by  name  without 
explanation  in  laws  of  Constantius  of  the  years 
357,  358  {Codex  Tkeodos.  ix.  16;  de  Malef. 
4,  6),  of  Valens,  370  {ibid.  8),  and  of  Honorius, 
409  {ibid.  12).  The  last  consigned  them  to  per- 
petual banishment,  unless  they  burned  their 
books  before  the  bishop  and  made  a  profession  of 
Christianity.  Comp.  Ammianus  {Hist.  xxix.  1, 
2),  who  relates  the  burning  of  numberless  books 
under  Valens,  371,  on  the  pretence  that  they 
were  "  illicit!,"  and  of  whole  libraries  burnt  by 
their  owners  in  the  panic  caused  by  the  persecu- 
tion. 

From  the  opinion  that  astrologers  were  in 
league  with  demons  there  arose  at  a  later  period 
the  belief  that  the  "  mathematici,"  identified 
with  them,  practised  the  black  art  in  every 
form.  Thus,  in  a  very  ancient  penitential  pre- 
served at  Fleury :  "  If  any  one  has  been  a  mathe- 
maticus, !.  e.  has  invoked  a  demon,  and  taken 
away  the  minds  of  men  or  driven  them  mad,  let 
him  suffer  penance  five  years,"  etc.  (c.  33 ;  Mar- 
tene,  dc  Bit.  Ecd.  Ant.  i.  vi.  vii.  5) ;  in  another : 
"  If  any  one  be  a  mathematicus,  i.  e.  has  taken 
away  the  mind  of  a  person  through  invocation 
of  demons,  let  him,"  etc.  {Poenitentiale  Bom.  in 
Jlorin,  de  Poenit.  App.  566.  See  also  Cigheri, 
Ikcl.  Dogm.  x.  223,  7.)  [W.  E.  S.] 

MATINS  {Matutina  oratio,  solemnitas ;  Matu- 
tinnm  officium;  Matutinae  Laudes),  the  office 
anciently  said  at  dawn  of  day,  before  sunrise  ; 
the  nocturnal  office  being  so  arranged  that  the 
lauds,  which  formed  part  of  it,  should  be  said 
at  this  time.  There  is  an  interesting  indica- 
tion of  the  nature  of  this  office  in  Gregory  of 
Tours'  account  of  the  death  of  St.  Gall :  "  At 
ille  psalmo  quinquagesimo  et  benedictione  de- 
cantata  et  alleluiatico  cum  capitello  expleto 
cnnsummavit  ofticium  totum  tcmporis  matu- 
tini."  That  is,  he  said,  the  50th  (51st  A.V.) 
Psalm,  the  Beyiedicite  {oiten  known  as  Benedictio), 
the  148th  with  the  two  following  (alleluiatic) 
I'salms,  and  the  Capituhim.  See  further  under 
lIouRSOFPnAYER,  p.  794;  Office,  THE  Divine. 
[C] 


MATRICULAEII 

MATISCONENSIA  CONCILIA.  [MAcon, 
Councils  of.] 

MATRICIA,  wife  of  presbyter  Macedonius ; 
commemorated  at  Nicomedia  March  13  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  [G-  H.] 

MATRICULA.  A  catalogue  or  index.  In 
ecclesiastical  writers  the  word  means  : 

1.  The  roll  of  the  clergy  belonging  to  any 
church.  The  fourth  council  of  Carthage  {Cod. 
Ecd.  Afric.  c.  86)  speaks  of  the  roll  (matricula 
et  archivus)  of  the  African  church,  containing 
the  dates  of  the  ordinations  of  the  bishops,  by 
which  their  precedence  was  determined,  copies 
of  which  were  to  be  kept  by  the  primate  and  in 
the  metropolis.  The  Council  of  Agde,  a.d.  506 
(c.  2),  orders  that  contumacious  clergy  on  repen- 
tance shall  have  their  names  replaced  on  the 
"  matricula,"  and  so  be  restored  to  their  grades 
and  offices.  The  fourth  council  of  Orleans,  a.d. 
541  (c.  13),  claims  certain  privileges  as  belonging 
to  all  the  clergy  whose  names  are  inserted  in  the 
"  matricula." 

2.  The  poor  who  received  stipends  from  the 
revenues  of  the  church.  The  widows  who  re- 
ceived allowances  were  sometimes  called  "  matri- 
culae."  Gregory  the  Great  {Ep.  ii.  45)  speaks 
of  a  widow  "  de  matriculis"  who  had  been 
severely  beaten  for  some  fault.  [Matricularii.] 
Hence  3Mricu!a  came  to  mean  the  fund  from 
which  the  stipends  were  paid;  as  when  it  is 
said  that  vows  must  be  paid  either  directly  to 
the  poor  or  to  the  Matricula  {Cone.  Autissiod. 
Auxerre,  c.  3). 

3.  The  house  in  which  the  poor  were  lodged, 
often  built  at  the  door  of  the  church,  and  with 
revenues  attached  to  it.  St.  Remigius  of  Rheims 
in  his  will  (Flodoard,  ffist.  Bern.  i.  18)  leaves 
certain  funds  for  the  maintenance  of  twelve  poor 
persons,  living  in  the  "  matricula  "  and  waiting 
at  the  church  doors  for  their  allowance  ("  ante 
fores  expectantes  stipem  ") ;  and,  in  another  part 
of  the  same  will,  mentions  the  guest-houses  and 
"  all  the  matricnlae."  Ducange  {Gloss.),  quoting 
from  a  tabulary  of  the  church  of  Autun,  speaks 
of  a  "  matricula  "  built  at  the  door  of  the  church 
of  St.  Nazarius.  Gregory  of  Tours  {de  Mirac. 
ii.  37)  speaks  of  feeding  the  poor  belonging  to 
the  "  matricula  "  of  a  certain  church,  and  {Hist. 
Franc,  c.  11)  of  the  poor  belonging  to  a  matri- 
cula close  in  front  of  a  church.  Adrevaldus  {de 
Mirac.  S.  Bencdicti,  i.  20)  speaks  of  a  matricula 
as  among  the  property  of  the  church  of  Orleans. 
King  Dagobert  I.  is  said  to  have  founded  a  ma- 
tricula and  xenodochium  for  the  poor  of  either 
sex,  especially  for  those  who,  having  been  thought 
worthy  to  be  restored  to  health  by  the  grace  of 
the  saints,  wished  to  remain  there  in  the  service 
of  the  church  {Gesta  Dagoberti,  c.  29  ;  Migne, 
Patrol,  torn.  xcvi.  1395). 

4.  For  Matricula  in  another  sense  see  Mother 
Church. 

MATRICULARII.  The  poor  who  were  borne 
on  the  matricula  or  roll  of  the  church.  Gregory 
of  Tours  {Hist.  Franc,  vii.  29)  speaks  of  the  ma- 
tricularii and  other  poor.  Aldhelm  {de  Laud. 
Virgin,  c.  51)  relates  that  certain  women  gave 
their  necklaces  and  other  ornaments  to  the 
maimed  and  the  matricularii.  Hincmar  of  Rheims 
{Capitul.  de  Bcb.  Mag.  c.  17)  enjoins  that  matri- 
cularii should  be  fittingly  selected,  not  swineherds 


3IATEIM0NY 

nor  herdsmen,  but  from  among  the  sick  and 
poor  ;  and,  according  to  Flodoard  {Hist.  Rem.  vii. 
26),  complained  that  the  matricularii  had  been 
driven  away  from  the  matricula  which  he  had 
founded,  and  the  house  itself  sold  for  the  price  of 
an  ass.  Again  {Capit.  dat.  in  Synod.  Bern.  c.  2), 
he  forbade  presbyters  to  exact  any  kind  of  service 
at  harvest  or  any  other  time  from  the  matricularii 
in  return  for  their  place  in  the  matricula,  and 
orders  that  they  should  receive  as  their  stipend 
the  allotted  portion  of  the  tithes  which  believers 
paid  as  fine  or  weregeld  for  their  crimes.  In  the 
Gesta  Dagoherti  (c.  34)  a  mediety  of  certain 
revenues  is  left  to  the  matricularii  and  those 
who  served  the  church,  and  (c.  42)  certain  sums 
of  money  are  left  to  the  matricularii  belonging 
to  the  church  of  the  Blessed  Martyrs.  Isidorus 
Mercator,  in  his  note  on  the  eleventh  canon  of  the 
■Council  of  Laodicea  (Bruns,  Canones,  i.  74) 
says  that  the  women  whom  the  Greeks  called 
presbyterae  were  among  the  Latins  called  matri- 
culariae,  as  maintained  by  the  church.  Certain 
definite  rules  appear  in  later  years  to  have  been 
made  for  their  direction,  probably  differing  in 
<litferent  churches.  Chrodegang  (Begula  Metensis, 
last  chapter)  says  that  in  the  church  of  Metz  the 
matricularii  were  made  to  come  to  church  twice 
a  month  in  the  early  morning,  and  remain  there 
till  the  bell  sounded  for  the  thii-d  hour,  when 
the  bishop,  if  at  leisure,  was  to  come  to  them, 
and  cause  them  to  read  edifying  books.  If  the 
bishop  did  not  attend,  then  the  presbyter  who 
was  "custos"  of  the  church  of  St.  Stephen  was 
to  teach  them,  and  to  hear  their  confessions  twice 
a  year.  On  these  conditions  they  were  to  receive 
a  certain  allowance  of  food.  Those  who  refused 
to  comply  with  these  regulations  were  ejected 
from  the  matricula.  Each  matricula  was  to 
have  a  primicerius,  whose  duty  was  to  exercise 
a  general  supervision  over  the  inhabitants,  and 
to  whom,  or  to  the  archdeacon,  was  entrusted 
the  distribution  of  the  food.  In  later  years 
■distinct  duties  appear  to  have  been  allotted  to 
them.  A  History  of  the  Church  of  Autun  (in 
Labbe's  A^ova  Bibliotheca  MS.  Librorum,  vol.  i. 
p.  487),  says  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  sacrist 
to  provide  one  matricularius  in  holy  orders,  and 
others  who  should  be  able  to  ring  the  bells  and 
perform  other  duties  connected  with  the  church. 
The  bishop  was  also  to  institute  three  matricu- 
larii, one  of  whom  was  to  be  in  holy  orders  and 
serve  the  altar  of  the  Holy  Cross  in  the  church. 
To  that  office  was  assigned  as  a  stipend  half 
the  revenues  of  that  altar  for  ever  and  a  hundred 
pieces  of  gold.  The  two  others  were  to  be  lay- 
men, and  had  also  certain  revenues  allotted  to 
them.  See  Thomassin,  Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl.  Discip. 
i.  2,  c.  33,  §§  14,  15.  [P.  0.] 

MATEIMONY.    [Marriage.] 

MATRINAE.    [Sponsors.] 

MATRIX  ECCLESIA.  [Mother  Church.] 

MATRONA  (1)  Ancilla,  martyr;  com- 
memorated at  Thessalonica  March  15  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Mar.  ii.  39G).  Mar.  27  (Cat.  Byzant. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturj.  W.  256);  Mar.  28  (Basil. 
Menol.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Milan  May  6 
(^Hieron.  Mart.). 


MATTHEW,  ST. 


1157 


(3)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome  in  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus,  May  10  {Hier on.  Mart.). 

(4)  One  of  eight  virgins  martyred  with  Theo- 
dotus ;  commemorated  May  18  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(5)  Two  martyrs  of  the  name  commemorated 
at  Thessalonica  June  1  {Hicron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Two  martyrs  of  the  name  commemorated 
at  Rome  June  2  {Hicran.  Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Asia  Sept.  10 
{Hieron.  Mai't.). 

(8)  Solitary,  sought  to  pass  for  a  monk  ;  com- 
memorated Nov.  8  (Basil.  MenoL). 

(9)  Commemorated  with  Theoctiste  of  Lesbos, 
'Soy.  ^  {Cal.  Byzant). 

(10)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Asia  Nor.  17 
{liieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Nov. 
21  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(12)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Dec.  1 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(13)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec.  5 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MATRONDA,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Antioch  Nov.  16  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MATRONEUM.  The  place  reserved  for 
women  in  ancient  basilicas.  The  word  occurs 
frequently  in  the  Lives  of  the  Popes  in  the 
Liber  Fontificalis,  in  descriptions  of  the  buildings 
erected  by  various  popes.  See  Galleries,  p. 
706.  [c.] 

MATRONIOA,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Constantinople  May  8  (Hieron.  Mart.).    [C.  H.] 

MATTHAEUS  (1)  [Matthew,  St.] 
(2)  Martyr  with  Gusmaeus  at  Grabedona,  by 
Lake  Larius,  perhaps  under  Maximian ;  comme- 
morated Sept.  11  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  iii.  774). 
[C.  H.] 

MATTHEW,  ST.,  LEGEND  AND  FES- 
TIVAL OF.  Of  the  history  and  labours  of  St. 
JIatthew,  as  of  so  many  of  the  apostles,  but 
little  is  known  beyond  the  brief  notices  of  him 
in  the  New  Testament.  The  question  as  to  his 
identity  with  Levi  fills  within  the  province  of 
the  Bible  Dictionary,  and  we  shall  therefore  not 
dwell  on  it  here ;  and  for  the  history  and  special 
characteristics  of  his  gospel,  and  for  the  question 
as  to  its  original  language,  reference  may  be 
made  to  the  article  in  that  Dictionary. 

We  may  here,  however,  allude  briefly  to  some 
points  of  tradition  resjiecting  him.  As  regards 
the  scene  of  his  labours,  Eusebius  tells  us  that 
he  first  preached  to  his  Hebrew  fellow-country- 
men and  then  went  to  other  nations  (^Hist.  Eccles. 
iii.  24).  Eusebius  merely  gives  the  locality  ge- 
nerally as  e^'  erepovs.  The  region,  however,  is 
by  Socrates  (Hist.  Eccles.  i.  19)  styled  Ethiopia, 
whatever  that  term  may  be  supposed  to  mean. 
Some  light  may  be  thrown  upon  it  by  noticing 
that  the  Ethiopia  of  St.  Matthias  was  in  western 
Asia,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Colchis,  with  wliich 
agree  generally  the  notices  of  martyrologies 
mentioned  below,  which  place  the  apostle's  death 
in  Persia  (cf.  also  Ambrose,  Enarr.  in  Psal.  xlv. 
10;  Patrol,  xiv.  1198).  The  Mat-t.  Hiero7i>/mi 
gives  in  its  prologue,  "in  Ethiopia,  civitate 
Thartium,"  and  on  September  21,  "  in  Persida 
(sic),  civitate  Tarrium."  Paulinus  of  Nola  speaks 
4  F  2 


1158 


MATTHEW,  ST. 


of  Parthia  as  the  scene  of  St.  Matthew's  labours 
(Poema  xix.  81,  where  see  Muratori's  note; 
Patrol.  ]xi.  514),  and  Venantius  Fortunatus 
(Poemata,  lib.  viii.  6;  Patrol.  Ixxxviii.  270)  spe- 
cifies the  name  of  the  town,  "  Matthaeum  exi- 
mium  Naddaver  alta  virum."  This  place  is 
mentioned  by  the  Pseudo-Abdias  (  Vita  S.  Matth.) 
as  in  Ethiopia,  probably  used  in  a  very  vague 
way.  On  the  other  hand,  Isidore  {de  ortii  et  obitu 
Patnun,  c.  76  ;  Patrol.  Ixxxiii.  153)  says  that  St. 
Matthew,  after  preaching  in  Judaea,  went  into 
Macedonia,  and  at  last  died  "  in  montibus  Par- 
thorum." 

It  cannot  be  definitely  said  whether  St.  Mat- 
thew suffered  a  martyr's  death.  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  quoting  Heracleou  the  Gnostic,  seems 
to  acquiesce  in  the  statement  that  he  died  a 
natural  death  (Strom,  vi.  9).  Later  writers 
generally  take  the  other  view,  in  accordance 
with  the  natural  tendency  to  amplify.  Not  to 
allude  at  present  to  the  martyrologies,  we  find 
Nicephorus  {Hist.  Eccles.  ii.  41)  describing  tlie 
work,  sufferings,  and  death  of  St.  Matthew  in 
Myrmene,  the  city  of  the  Anthropophagi.  We 
meet  with  this  also  in  the  Apocryphal  Acts,  to 
which  we  shall  again  refer.  One  other  tradition 
about  St.  Matthew  may  be  mentioned  here,  whicli 
we  are  told  by  Clement  of  Alexandria  {Pacdog. 
ii.  1),  that  the  apostle  abstained  altogether  from 
flesh,  and  lived  on  berries,  fruits,  and  herbs. 

We  need  not  do  more  than  allude  in  the  most 
passing  way  to  the  story  of  the  translation  of  the 
body  of  St.  Matthew  to  Brittany  (where  it  was 
conveyed  from  EthiopLi  in  the  9th  century  !),  and 
thence,  at  the  expense  of  a  startling  anachronism, 
to  Lucania  by  the  emperor  Valentinian.  In  or 
about  the  year  a.d.  954,  it  was  removed  to 
Salernum  (Leo  Ostiensis,  in  Acta  Sanctorum, 
infra),  where  May  6  is  observed  as  the  comme- 
moration of  the  translation.  Strangely  enough, 
a  second  finding  at  Salernum  is  recorded  in  the 
time  of  Gregory  VII.  about  A.D.  1080. 

When  a  festival  of  St.  Matthew  first  arose, 
distinct  from  the  collective  festival  of  all  the 
apostles,  it  is  impossible  to  say  definitely,  but 
it  is  certainly  late.  It  is  absent  from  many 
forms  of  Western  liturgies,  which  we  shall  men- 
tion below,  and  it  would  appear  that  there  are 
scarcely  any  sermons  or  homilies  found  for  this 
day,  even  in  writers  of  the  9th  and  10th  cen- 
turies, among  the  few  being  one  by  Nicetas 
Paphlago  (Combefis,  Auctarium,  p.  401).  The 
•lay  specially  associated  with  St.  Matthew  in  the 
Western  church  is  September  21.  This  festival, 
however,  is  wanting  in  the  Leonine,  Gelasian,  and 
Oallican  liturgies,  and  in  tha  Orationale  Gothicum. 
It  is  found  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  in  the 
edition  of  Menard  (col.  130),  but  is  obelised  as 
lir.ubtful  in  that  of  Pamelius,  and  omitted  in 
that  of  Muratori.  Menard's  edition  also  gives  a 
mass  for  the  vigil,  but  it  cannot  be  doubted  that 
both  masses  are  a  later  addition.  Menard  him- 
;^(iif  remarks  (not.  in  he.)  that  both  masses,  espe- 
riaily  that  for  the  vigil,  arc  wanting  in  some  of 
Ihe  best  MSS.  On  the  other  hand,  the  festival 
is  recognised  in  the  Ambrosian  Liturtiy,  as  we 
now  have  it  (Pamelius,  Liturgg.  Latt^'i.  423) 
and  in  the  Mozarabic  Liturgy  and  Breviary 
(Patrol.  Ixxiv.  861,  Ixxxvi.  1205).  We  also  tiud 
it  in  the  Latin  martyrologies  generally,  as  in  the 
M'rt.llieronymi,  Romanum,  Bede,  Ado,  Usuard, 
-ad  Xotker.     The  notice  iu  the  metrical  niar- 


MATTHEW,  ST. 

tyrology  of  Bede  is,  "  Undecimas  capit  at  Mat- 
thaeus   doctor   amoenus"   (Patrol,   xciv.   605);. 
that  of  Wandalbert  (Patrol,  cxxi.  611):— 
"  Deseruit  Christo  niundi  qui  lucra  vocante 
Undecimum  Matthaeus  evangelico  ore  sacravit." 

Besides,  however,  the  commemoration  on  Sep- 
tember 21,  the  Mart.  Hicronymi,  as  edited  by 
D'Achery  (Spicllegitan,  vol.  iv.  pp.  617  sqq.),  gives 
the  name  of  St.  Matthew  several  times.  Thus 
we  have  on  May  1,  "Nat.  Matthaei  et  Jacobi ;" 
on  May  6,  "  In  Persida,  nat.  S.  Matthaei  apostoli 
et  evangelistae ;"  on  May  21,"  "  S.  Matthaei' 
apostoli;"  on  September  21  (supra);  and  on  Oc- 
tober 7,  "  Nat.  S.  Matthaei  evangelistae."  What 
these  multiplied  commemorations  mean,  it  is  very 
hard  to  say ;  possibly  they  point  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  we  have  here  a  collection  of  various 
partial  and  local  commemorations.  It  may  be 
noted  here  that  the  Cdd.  Hagenoyensis  and  Va- 
ticanus,  cited  by  Soller  among  the  various  auc- 
taria  to  Usuard's  Martyrology,  associate  May  6 
with  the  traditional  translation  of  the  apostle's 
body  to  Salernum  (Patrol,  cxxiv.  29).  With 
this  statement,  however,  though  found  in  Baro- 
nius's  Mart.  Horn.,  we  need  not  concern  ourselves,, 
for  the  alleged  date  of  this  translation  is,  as  we 
have  seen,  very  late. 

The  calendars  of  the  Greek  and  Russiaa 
Churches  commemorate  St.  Matthew  on  Novem- 
ber 16  (Neale,  Eastern  Church;  Int.  p.  784). 
The  notice  for  this  day  in  the  Greek  metrical 
calendar  prefixed  by  Papebroch  to  the  Acta  Sanc- 
torum for  May  (vol.  i.  p.  liii.)  is,  aKafxaTov 
UlarQatov  irvp  SeKaTT]  Krivtv  fKr-rj.  The  Ethiopic 
and  Egyptian  calendars  published  by  Ludolf  put 
tlie  festival  of  St.  Matthew  on  October  9  (Comm. 
ad  Hist.  Aeth.  p.  394).  The  same  is  also  the 
case  in  the  Egyptian  calendars  published  by 
Selden  (de  Sijnedriis  veterum  JEbraeorum,  pp.  212^ 
222,  ed.  Amsterdam,  1679),  one  of  which  also 
gives  another  commemoration  on  August  30  (ib.. 
p.  210).  Ludolf 's  Egyptian  calendar  has  also  a 
commemoration  of  St.  Matthew  on  November  16 
(p.  394) ;  and  in  the  list  of  commemorations  of 
saints  in  the  Armenian  Church  this  last  day  is 
associated  with  St.  Matthew  (Assemani,  Bibl.  Or. 
iii.  1.  648). 

As  regards  the  pseudonymous  literature  attri- 
buted to  St.  Matthew,  we  may  mention  (1)  the 
apocryphal  Latin  gospel  of  Matthew,  on  the 
birth  of  the  Virgin  and  the  infancy  of  the  Saviour, 
edited  in  part  by  Thilo,  and  fully  by  Tischendort 
(Evangelia  Apocrypha,  pp.  ixv,  50).  A  majority 
of  the  MSS.  of  this  gospel  prefix  two  letters,  ac- 
cording to  which  it  is  a  translation  by  Jerome 
from  the  Hebrew.  It  is  on  the  authority  of  this 
preface  that  the  gospel  is  referred  to  St.  Matthew. 
It  is  impossible  to  say  whether  we  are  to  connect 
this  with  the  reference  made  by  Innocent  I. 
(Epist.  vi.  ad  Exuperium  Tolosanum,  c.  7  ;  Patrol. 
IX.  502)  to  sundry  apocryphal  writings  professing 
to  be  due  to  some  of  the  apostles,  among  them 
perhaps  being  Matthew.  The  reading,  however, 
varies  between  Matthew  and  Matthias,*"  the  latter 
being  apparently  to  be  preferred.  (2)  The  acts 
ot  Andrew  and  Matthew  [Greek]  in  the  city  of 

"  This  only  occurs  in  some  MSS. ;  the  Cdd.  Corbeiensis, 
Eptcrnaceusis  (Acta  Sanctorum,  September,  vol.  vt  p. 
194). 

I*  This  statement  as  to  the  various  reading  is  given  on 
the  authority  of  Tischendorf  (op.  cit.  p.  xxvi.). 


MATTHIAS,  ST. 

the  Anthropophagi,  first  published  separately  by 
Thilo  and  since  by  Tischeniloi-t\Acta  Apostolorum 
Apocrypha,  pp.  xlvii,  132).  Here,  as  in  the  pre- 
vious case,  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  we  are  to 
read  Matthew  or  Matthias.  Tischendorf,  follow- 
ing his  oldest  Greek  MS.,  gives  Matthias ;  but 
the  other  Greek  MSS.  and  the  Latin  give  Mat- 
thew ;  so  also  do  the  Syriac  acts,  published  by 
Dr.  Wright  [Matthias].  (3)  We  have  also 
another  book  of  the  acts  and  martyrdom  of  St. 
Matthew,  first  published  by  Tischendorf  (op.  cit, 
pp.  'x,  167);  the  passage  we  have  already  cited 
from  Nicephorus  gives  an  account  closely  resem- 
bling that  of  these  acts.  (4)  There  is  extant  a 
Svro-Jacobite  liturgy,  bearing  the  name  of 
llatthew,  a  Latin  translation  of  which  is  given  by 
Fabricius  (Codex  Pseudepigr.  N.  T.  iii.  211  sqq.) 
and  Renaudot  (Liturg.  Orient.  CoUectio,  ii.  346, 
ed.  1847).  By  a  curious  carelessness,  some  have 
spoken  of  this  liturgy  as  associated  with  the 
name  of  the  apostle,  the  professed  name  of  the 
author  being  really  "  Matthew  the  Shepherd," 
and  the  date  of  its  composition  being  probably 
■the  end  of  the  11th  century  (Neale,  op.  cit.  p. 
330).<^  (5)  Lastly,  with  the  name  of  Matthew  is 
associated  the  regulation  for  the  ecclesiastical 
order  of  readers,  given  in  the  Apostolical  Consti- 
tutions (viii.  22).  [R.  S.] 

MATTHIAS,  ST.,  LEGEND  AND  FES- 
TIVAL OF.  Of  this  apostle  the  New  Testament 
tells  us  nothing  beyond  the  fact  of  his  election  to 
iill  the  place  of  the  traitor  Judas,  and  that  pre- 
viously he  had  been  a  follower  of  our  Lord  through- 
out the  whole  of  his  ministry.  Nor  is  there  any 
great  amount  of  trustworthy  tradition  concern- 
ing him.  It  is  indeed  asserted  that  he  was  one 
of  the  seventy  disciples,  and  this  is  by  no  means 
improbable.  (Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccles.  i.  12;  So- 
phronius,  in  the  Appendix  to  Jerome  de  Viris 
Illust.  [vol.  ii.  958,  ed.  Vallarsi];  Epiphanius,  i. 
20 ;  Dorotheus,  Synopsis  [in  Magn,  Bibl.  Pair. 
iii.  148,  ed.  1618]  ;  Rabanus  Maurus,  infra.) 

According  to  Isidore  (de  Vita  et  Ohitu  Patrum, 
c.  79 ;  Patrol.  Ixxxiii.  153),  Judaea  was  the 
scene  of  St.  Matthias's  labours.  The  same  state- 
ment also  is  generally  found  in  the  Latin  mar- 
tyrologies  (see  e.g.  those  of  Bede  [^Patrol,  xciv. 
848],  Rabanus  Maurus  [i6.  cs.  1133],  Usuard  [ib. 
cxxiii.  791],  and  Notker  lib.  cxxxi.  1048]).  The 
general  tenour  of  the  language  of  the  above  would 
seem  to  imply  that  the  apostle  died  a  natural 
death. 

Other  witnesses,  again,  speak  of  St.  Matthias 
as  labouring  in  Ethiopia  (Sophronius,  I.e. ;  Doro- 
theus, I.  c. ;  Nicephorus,  Hist.  Eccles.  ii.  40  ;  see 
also  the  Martyrology  of  Sirletus  in  Canisius, 
Thesaurus,  iii.  456).  We  must  assume,  however, 
that  we  have  here  an  exceptional  use  of  the  word 
Ethiopia,  for  the  locality  is  further  defined  (see 
e.  g.  Sophronius,  I.  c,  Dorotheus,  I.  c.)  as  being  by 
the  mouth  of  the  Apsarus  (which  flows  into  the 
Euxine),  and  the  haven  of  Hyssus,  which  would 
identify  the  country  with  Cappadocia.  Here  he 
died  and  was  buried  (eojs  rf/s  (TTj/jLepof,  Sophro- 
nius), the  more  minute  statement  being  given  by 
Dorotheus  that  he  died  in  Sebastopolis,  and  was 


MATTHIAS,  ST. 


1159 


=  Assemani  (Bibl.  Or.  iii.  1,  637)  mentions  a  MS.  of 
this  Liturgy  in  the  Vatican,  at  the  end  of  which  it  Is 
styled  the  "Liturgy  of  Matthew  the  Shepherd,  who  is 
called  Hennas,  one  of  the  Seventy." 


buried  there  near  the  temple  of  the  sun.  It 
maybe  noted  here  that  the  Etliiopia  is  differently 
named  by  the  above  writers  ;  Sophronius  speaks 
of  71  SeuTfpa  AlOioTTia,  Nicephorus  of  ■}]  Trpwrrj 
Ai6.,  and  the  Jlenaea  of  tj  e|a)  Aid. 

It  is  uncertain  when  a  festival  of  St.  Matthias 
first  came  to  be  celebrated.  It  does  not  occur  in 
the  Gelasian  Sacramentary,  or  in  the  Comes 
Hieronymi,  but  is  found  in  some  forms  of  the 
Gregorian  Sacramentary  (col.  29,  ed.  Menard), 
under  the  heading  Katalis  S.  Matthiae  ApostoU, 
and  is  doubtlessly  to  be  viewed  as  one  of  the 
later  additions  to  this  sacramentary."  The  His- 
pano-Gothic  calendar  does  not  give  the  festival, 
but  we  find  it  in  the  Mozarabic  Missal  and  Bre- 
viary. The  day  associated  with  St.  Matthias  in 
the  Western  church  is  February  24,  and  his  fes- 
tival on  that  day  is  recognised  in  most  Western 
martyrologies  and  calendars  (see  e.  g.  in  addition 
to  those  specified  above,  the  Mart.  Hieronymi 
\_Patrol.  XXX.  445],  the  Mart.  Rom.  Yet.,  and  the 
St.  Gall  MS.  of  the  Mart.  Gellonense  [D'Achery, 
Spicilegiuni,  xiii.  422]).  Henschenius,  however 
(Acta  Sanctorum,  May,  vol.  liL  436),  mentions 
an  ancient  MS.  Mart.  Hieronymi,  which  omits 
the  festival  altogether. 

In  consequence  of  February  24  having  been 
chosen  as  the  day  for  the  festival,  it  followed 
that  in  leap-years  it  would  fall  on  February  25.'' 
The  reason  of  this  is,  that  a  day  was  intercalated 
in  such  years,  so  that  the  "  vi.  Kal.  Mart."  came 
twice  over,  whence  the  name  bissextile.  Thus  in 
a  leap-year,  the  real  "  vi.  Kal.  Mart."  would  be 
February  25,  the  preceding  day  being  viewed  as 
the  supernumerary  one."^ 

It  may  be  noted  that  in  one  MS.  of  the  Murt. 
Hieronymi  (the  Cod.  Lucensis),  May  21  is  marked 
"  alibi  Matthiae  apostoli."  As  all  other  MSS., 
however,  read  Matthaei,  this  must  be  viewed  as 
evidently  a  mistake  (Patrol,  cxxiii.  791). 

In  the  calendar  of  the  Greek  Church,  the  fes- 
tival of  St.  Matthias  falls  on  August  9.<^  The 
notice  for  this  day  in  the  Greek  metrical  Ephe- 
merides,  prefixed  by  Papebroch  to  the  Acta  Sanc- 
torum for  May  (vol.  i.  p.  xxxix.),  is  ^^07j  a^^)' 
ivarri  ^vXu  IvQeos  MaTdias.  The  epistle  and 
gospel  in  the  Greek  Church  are  Acts  i.  12-17, 
21-26,  and  Luke  x.  16-21.     The  Ethiopia  calen- 

"  Some  writers  have  appealed  to  the  calendar  of  Athel- 
stan's  Psalter  as  proving  that  the  festival  of  St.  Matthias 
existed  in  England  by  a.d.  703.  It  has  been  shewn, 
however,  by  Heurtley  {Harmonia  Symbolica,  pp.  74  sqq.) 
that  this  calendar  is,  in  all  probability,  to  be  referred  to 
the  period  a.d.  901-1008. 

•>  A  curious  instance  is  mentioned  by  South ey  (The 
Doctor,  c.  90),  in  whicli  the  emperor  Maximilian  failed  in 
an  enterprise  against  Bruges  through  forgetfulness  of 
this  fact.  Soulhey  himself,  however,  would  seem  not  to 
have  been  aware  of  the  true  explanation. 

«  In  the  English  Prayer  Books  of  1549,  1552,  1559,  it 
is  ruled  that  on  Feb.  25,  which  in  leap-years  counts  as 
two  days,  the  same  Psalms  and  Lessons  shall  serve  for 
the  two  daj's.  The  Calendar  of  1561,  followed  by  the 
Prayer- Book  of  1604,  reverts  to  the  old  plan,  and  so  the 
Psalms  and  Lessons  of  the  23rd  are  read  again  the  fol- 
lowing day,  except  this  latter  be  Sunday.  In  1662,  the 
intercalated  day  was  taken  as  the  29  th,  according  to  the 
present  plan. 

d  In  tha  Menology  of  Cardinal  Sirletus,  already  referred 
to,  the  name  of  St.  Matthias  occurs  at  the  end  of  the 
entry  for  Aug.  S,  which  is  doubtless  due  to  a  mere  error 
of  the  transcriber,  who  should  have  put  It  at  the  head  of 
the  following  day. 


1160 


MATTHIAS 


dar  published  by  Ludolf  (Comm.  ad  Hist.  Aeth. 
p.  4-10)  fixes  the  festival  on  March  4  [Maga- 
bit  8]. 

A  certain  amount  of  pseudonymous  literature 
is  associated  with  the  name  of  this  apostle.  An 
apocryphal  gospel  under  the  name  of  Matthias  is 
mentioned  by  Origen  (Hoin.  i.  in  Luc.  vol.  v.  87, 
ed.  Lommatzsch)  and  Eusebius  (Hist.  Eccles.  iii. 
25)  ;  and  in  the  acts  of  a  council  held  at  Rome 
in  the  episcopate  of  Gelasius  (a.D.  49-i),  we  find 
"  Evangelium  {al.  Evangelia)  nomine  Blatthiae 
apocryphum"  {Patrol,  lix.  162, 175).  This  may, 
perhaps,  be  the  same  as  the  -jrapaZScTiis  of  St. 
Matthias  referred  to  several  times  by  Clement 
of  Alexandria.  From  him  it  would  appear  that 
the  work  was  written  in  the  interests  of  some 
Gnostic  sect,  for  he  speaks  of  the  followers  of 
Valentinus,  Marcion,  and  Basilides,  boasting  that 
they  quoted  the  opinion  of  Matthias  (Strom,  vii. 
17).  Clement  several  times  quotes  this  book 
(Strom,  ii.  9,  iii.  4,  vii.  13).°  Besides  this,  there 
are  apocryphal  acts  of  Andrew  and  Matthias, 
published  by  Thilo  in  a  separate  form,  and  also 
by  Tischendorf  (Acta  Apostolorum  Apocrypha,  pp. 
slvii,  132).  Thilo  refers  the  origin  to  Leucius, 
and  speaks  of  the  book  as  used  specially  by  the 
Gnostics  and  Manichaeans.  it  should  be  added, 
however,  that  it  seems  very  doubtful  whether 
we  should  read  the  name  Matthias  or  Matthew. 
Tischendorf,  following  the  oldest  Greek  MS., 
gives  Matthias,  but  the  other  Greek  MSS.  and 
the  Latin  give  Matthew.  So  also  do  the  Syriac 
acts  recently  published  by  Dr.  Wright.  We  may 
add  here  that  Innocent  I.  (Epist.  ad  Exuperium 
Tolosahum ;  L&hhe,  ii.  1256)  condemns  sundry 
writings  ascribed  to  Matthias  and  other  apostles, 
but  referred  by  him  to  Leucius.  Besides  these, 
we  have  Acts  of  St.  Matthias  extant  in  Latin, 
professing  to  be  translated  from  the  Hebrew  by 
a  monk  of  Treves,  it  would  seem  in  the  12th 
century  (Acta  Sanct.  supra,  p.  447).  Finally, 
the  name  of  St.  Matthias''  is  connected  in  the 
Apostolic  Constitutions  with  the  regulations  as  to 
the  blessing  of  oil  and  wine,  and  firstfruits  and 
tithes  (Apost.  Const,  viii.  28  sqq.).  [R.  S.] 

MATTHIAS,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  and  con- 
fessor ;  commemorated  Jan.  30  (Usuard.  Mart.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  1025).  [C.  H.] 

IMATULTJS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Ni- 
coniedia  March  12  (Ilicron.  Mart.).         [C.  H.] 

]\IATUEINUS,  confessor,  in  Gatinois ;  com- 
memorated Nov.  1  (Usuard.  Mart.).         [C.  H.] 

MATURUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Lyon 
June  2  (Ilicron.  Mart.;  Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MATUTINA,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  March  27  (Ilierun.  Mart.).  [C.  H.l 

MATUTINUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
at  Thessalonica  April  4  (Ilicron.  Mart.). 

(2)  One  of  the  eighteen  martyrs  ofSaragossa- 
commemorated  Apr.  16  (Usuard.  Mart.)  ;  at  Va- 
lencia in  Spain  Jan.  22  (Ilieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

•  This  passage  is  not  distinctly  referred  to  the  -napa.- 
Sdo-eit,  but  it  is  probably  to  be  connected  therewith. 

<■  .Some  MSS.  here  read  Matthew,  but  this  is  an  obvious 
error,  Blnce  the  name  of  this  latter  aposlle  has  already 
boon  given. 


MAUNDY  THUESDAY 

MAUNDY  THURSDAY  {Dies  Mandati)^ 
the  Thursday  in  Holy  Week,  the  day  of  the  in- 
stitution of  the  Last  Supper  and  of  our  Lord's 
betrayal,  so  called  with  reference  to  the  anti- 
phon  "  Mandatum  novum  do  vobis,  ut  diligatis 
invicem  "  (Joh.  xiii.  34)  appi-opriated  to  it.  The 
name,  which  is  not  a  very  early  one,  probably 
contains  also  an  allusion  to  the  other  command 
of  our  Lord  in  the  same  chapter  (Joh.  xiii.  14- 
16),  as  well  as  to  the  tovto  iroiuTf  of  Luke  sxii. 
19  ;  1  Cor.  xi.  24.  The  collect  at  the  giving  of 
the  Kiss  of  Peace  in  the  Gothic  missal  (Muratori, 
Liturg.  Roman.  Vetm,  ii.  578)  speaks  of  "com- 
mands "  in  the  plural  "  inter  praecipua  man- 
datorum  tuorum  Patribus  nostris  Apostolis  re- 
liquisti."  In  later  times  "  Mandatum  "  by  itself 
stood  for  the  "  Footwashing,"  which  had  been 
instituted  on  this  day,  and  even  for  the  apart- 
ment in  a  monastery  appropriated  to  it  (Ducange, 
sub  voc).  Other  names  for  this  day  are  t}  fi.eyd\ij 
TrefiiTTT],  T)  ayia  ireVraj,  feria  quinta  pascliae  ,- 
also,  as  the  day  of  the  institution  of  the  Eucharist, 
Coena  Domini,  dies  coenae  Domini,  fcria  quinta  in 
coena  Dominica,  dies  natalis  Eucharistiae,  natalis 
calicis,  dies  panis,  lucis,  mijsterioriim  ;  also,  with 
reference  to  the  other  ceremonials  belonging  to 
the  day,  dies  competentium,  dies  indulgentiae,  die» 
pedilavii.  The  more  recent  title,  dies  viridium,  to 
which  the  German  name  Griindonnerstag  corre- 
sponds, is  of  uncertain  origin.  The  relerences  to 
a  supposed  introit  (Ps.  xxii.  2),  and  to  our  Lord's 
words  (Luke  xxiii.  31),  are  purely  conjectural 
(Herzog,  Beal  -  Encycl.  xviii.  223 ;  August!, 
Christ.  Archaol.  i.  549). 

The  ceremonials  specially  belonging  toMauudy 
Thursday  which  call  for  notice  are  those  relating 
to  the  candidates  for  Baptism,  the  Reconciliation 
of  Penitents,  the  Consecration  of  the  Chrism, 
and  the  Administration  of  the  Eucharist. 

(a)  Catechumens. — In  some  churches  the  reJ- 
ditio  symboli  took  place  this  day  ;  i.  e.  the  cate- 
chumens were  required  to  repeat  the  creed  which 
had  been  given  them  by  the  bishop  and  presby- 
ters to  learn  by  heart  (traditio  symboli).  We 
find  this  ceremony  fixed  for  Maundy  Thurs- 
day in  the  canons  of  Laodicea  (can.  46  ;  Labbe, 
i.  1504),  and  in  the  "  capitula "  of  Martin, 
bishop  of  Braga  (cap.  49  ;  ib.  v.  911),  and  in  the 
canons  of  the  Quinisext  or  Trullan  council  (can. 
78 ;  ib.  vi.  1175).  The  more  usual  time  for  this  re- 
petition was  Easter-even  (Martene,  de  liit.  Ant. 
Eccl.  i.  116,  lib.  i.  c.  i.  art.  13,  §  2).  The  pedila- 
vium  or  washing  of  the  feet  of  the  catechumens, 
of  which  some  traces  appear  in  the  ritual  of  the 
early  church,  was  in  some  cases  performed  on 
this  day,  the  washing  of  the  head,  capitilavium, 
having  taken  place  on  Palm  Sunday.  There  is  a 
reference  to  this  ceremony  in  two  letters  of 
Augustine  to  Januarius  (Epist.  cxviii.  cxix.  c. 
18) ;  but  in  the  former  he  speaks  of  the  custom 
of  the  catechumens  bathing  the  whole  body  and 
not  only  of  washing  the  feet  on  this  day,  and  that 
merely  for  purposes  of  cleanliness  "  quia  baptiz- 
andorum  corpora  per  observationem  quadra- 
gesimae  sordidata  cum  ofifensione  sensus  ad 
fontem  tractarentur,  nisi  aliquo  die  lavarentur, 
Istum  autem  diem  potius  ad  hoc  electum  quo 
coena  Domini  anniversarie  celebratur,"  and  adds 
that  this  liberty  being  granted  to  the  catechu- 
mens, many  others  claimed  it  also,  and  bathed 
with  them  on  this  day— a  luxury  forbidden  dur- 
ing  Lent.     In  the  second  letter  he  makes  parti- 


MAUNDY  THURSDAY 

f  ular  mention  of  washing  the  feet  of  the  catechu- 
mens on  the  day  when  our  Lord  gave  this  lesson 
of  humility  "quo  ipsa  commendatio  religiosius 
iahaereret,"  but  adds  that  lest  it  should  appear 
to  be  in  any  way  essential  to  the  sacrament  many 
churches  had  never  admitted  the  custom  at  all ; 
others  had  discontinued  it,  while  some  had  post- 
poned it  till  a  later  day.  Although  this  custom 
was  never  received  by  the  church  of  Rome 
(Ambros.  de  Sacram.  iii.  1),  it  prevailed  for  a 
time  widely  among  other  churches,  as  those  of 
Gaul,  Milan,  and  Spain,  but  it  soon  fell  out  of 
favour,  and  was  expressly  prohibited  by  the 
canons  of  the  council  of  Elvira,  a.d.  306  (can.  48; 
Labbe,  i.  976),  which  prohibition  passed  into  the 
"  Corpus  Juris  canonici "  (c.  civ.  causa  i.  q.  1, 
lib.  i.  c.  i.  art.  13,  §  1 ;  Bingham,  bk.  xii.  c.  iv. 
§  10 ;  Herzog,  vol.  iv.  p.  630 ;  Martene,  torn.  i. 
pp.  116,  141).    Baptism,  vol.  i.  p.  164. 

(6)  Eeconciliation  of  Penitents. — At  a  very 
early  time  Maundy  Thursday  was  appointed  as 
the  day  for  the  public  absolution  of  penitents. 
The  letter  of  Innocent  I.  to  Decentius,  bishop  of 
Eugubium  (c.  7)  (if  indeed  it  is  rightly  given  to 
him  and  is  not  to  be  assigned  to  a  later  period) 
states  that  the  custom  of  the  Church  of  Rome 
was  to  grant  absolution  either  of  venial  or  mortal 
sins  only,  "  quinta  feria  ante  Pascha,"  unless  the 
penitent  was  attacked  by  severe  sickness  (Labbe, 
ii.  1247).  St.  Ambrose,  writing  to  his  sister 
Marcellina,  names  this  day  as  the  usual  one  for 
the  relaxation  of  penance,  "  erat  dies  quo 
Dominus  sese  pro  nobis  tradidit,  quo  in  ecclesia 
poenitentialia  relaxantur"  {Epist.  33  ad  Mar- 
cellin.  cf.  Hexaemeron,  lib.  v.  c.  25),  and  St. 
Jerome  speaks  of  Fabiola  as  standing  in  public 
penance  on  this  day,  "  quis  hoc  crederet  .  .  .  ut 
tota  urbe  spectante  Romana  ante  diem  paschae 
staret  in  ordine  poenitentium  ?  "  (Hieron.  Epist. 
30,  Epitaph.  Fahiol.').  The  same  custom  is  evi- 
denced by  the  various  homilies,  "  ad  reconcilian- 
dos  poenitentes,"  delivered  "  in  Coena  Domini," 
referred  to  by  Martene  {Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  lib.  1. 
cap.  vi.  art.  5,  §  10,  tom.  ii.  p.  31  ;  tom.  i.  p. 
284).  A  letter  of  Gilbert  "  Lunicensis  Episcopus," 
contained  in  Ussher's  Epistolae  Hibemicae  (^Ep. 
30,  p.  86),  states  the  custom  of  the  Irish  church 
to  be  that  venial  sins  were  absolved  "  in  capite 
jejunii,"  mortal  sins  "  in  Coena  Domini."  The 
penitents  first  assembled  outside  the  church 
doors,  where  they  heard  a  sermon  from  the 
bishop  ;  they  were  then  admitted  into  the  church 
and  heard  the  "missa  pro  reconciliatione  poeni- 
tentium," absolution  being  granted  them  before 
the  offertory.  In  the  "  Ordo  agentibus  publicam 
poenitentiam,"  assigned  in  the  Sacramentary  of 
Gelasius  to  this  day,  the  deacon  pleads  the  cause 
of  the  penitents,  which,  after  certain  collects,  is 
followed  by  the  "  ordo  ad  reconciliandum  poeni- 
tentem,"  and  the  "  oratio  post  reconciliationem" 
when  the  penitent  has  communicated  (Muratori, 
Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  i.  548-551). 

(c)  Consecration  of  Chrism. — The  sacred  oil 
being  needed  in  large  quantities  for  the  anointing 
of  the  newly-baptized  at  Easter,  it  naturally 
became  the  custom  to  consecrate  it  shortly  before 
that  festival.  Gradually  the  consecration  was 
limited  to  one  day,  and  by  the  5th  century  it 
had  become  the  rule  that  the  whole  of  the  chrism 
that  was  required  for  the  use  of  the  year  should 
be  consecrated  on  Maundy  Thursday.  In  the 
Conies Ilieronymi  we  find  under  this  day  "Chrisma 


MAUNDY  THURSDAY 


1161 


conficitur,"  and  in  the  sacramentary  of  Gregory 
(Pamel.  ii.  251)  is  the  rubric  "  in  ipso  die  item 
conficitur  chrisma,"  followed  by  the  proper  col- 
lects and  exorcism,  and  the  "  benedictio  chris- 
matis  principalis."  The  Gelasian  Sacramentary 
supplies  a  "  missa  chrismalis "  for  Maundy 
Thursday,  containing  the  "  benedictio  olei,"  and 
the  *'  olei  exorcizati  confectio,"  con-esponding 
very  closely  with  those  in  the  Gregorian  rite 
(Muratori,  Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  i.  554  sq.).  A  similar 
form  appears  in  the  Missa  Ambrosiana  given  by 
Pamelius  {Liturgicon,  i.  340).  The  fullest  direc- 
tions for  the  ritual  relating  to  the  consecration  of 
the  Chrisma  on  Maundy  Thursday  are  to  be  found 
in  the  Ordo  Romanus  i.  (Muratori,  Lit.  Rom. 
Vet.  ii.  991  sq.).     [Chrism.] 

(d)  Eitcharist. — Maundy  Thursday  was  the 
only  day  in  the  year  when,  throughout  the  whole 
Christian  world,  the  Eucharist  was  celebrated  in 
the  evening  and  partaken  of  after  a  meal,  and 
that,  as  far  as  we  know,  only  in  the  African 
church.  The  29th  canon  of  the  third  council 
of  Carthage,  a.d.  397,  specially  excepts  this  day 
from  the  rule  that  the  sacrament  of  the  altar 
should  be  celebrated  fasting,  "  ut  sacramenta 
altaris  nonnisi  a  jejunis  hominibus  celebrentur 
except©  uno  die  anniversario  quo  coena  Domini 
celebratur"  (Labbe,  ii.  1171),  St.  Augustine 
also,  while  insisting  on  fasting  communion  gene- 
rally, mentions  that  some,  to  make  the  com- 
memoration more  striking,  were  accustomed  to 
offer  and  receive  the  Body  of  the  Lord  after  meat 
on  the  day  when  the  Lord  Himself  gave  His 
supper.  We  learn  from  him  also  that  in  some 
places  there  was  on  this  day  a  double  celebration, 
"  in  the  morning  for  the  sake  of  those  who  dine, 
and  in  the  evening  for  the  sake  of  those  who 
fast "  (Augustine,  Epist.  cxviii.  ad  Januar.  c.  7). 
The  practice  of  an  evening  celebration  on  this 
day  was  regarded  with  increasing  disfavour,  and 
was  distinctly  prohibited  by  the  Quinisext  or 
Trullan  Council  (can.  29),  a.d.  692,  with  ex- 
press reference  to  the  above-mentioned  canon  of 
the  council  of  Carthage  (Labbe,  vi.  1155).  At 
the  ordinary  celebration  on  Maundy  Thursday 
a  portion  of  the  consecrated  bread  was  reserved 
for  the  communions  on  Good  Friday  and  Easter 
Eve,  Missa  Praesanctifcatorum.  "  Pontifex  ser- 
vat  de  Sancta  usque  in  crastinum "  (Orc^o  Ro- 
manus, i.  Muratori,  ii.  993). 

(e)  Other  Observances. — The  bells  of  the 
churches  were  silent  from  midnight  on  Wednes- 
day till  matins  on  Easter  Day  (On/o  Roman,  i. 
M.S.).  The  altars  were  stripped  after  vespers  (j6(c?.). 
There  was  no  chanting,  and  the  salutation  ^'Bo- 
minus  vobiscum,"  etc.,  was  intermitted,  as  well  as 
the  Kyrie  Eleison,  and  Et  ne  nos  inducas,  etc., 
after  matins  (Muratori,  u.  s.  i.  548,  ii.  992).  At 
3  P.M.  a  light  was  struck  outside  the  church, 
and  a  candle  lighted  from  it,  which  was  borne 
on  a  reed  in  procession  through  the  congregation 
to  the  sacristy,  where  a  lamp  was  kindled  and 
kept  burning  till  the  Saturday  morning,  when 
the  Paschal  taper  was  lighted  from  it  (Ordo 
Roman,  u.  s. ;  cf.  Zacaria,  Epist.  xii.  ad  Boni- 
f actum,  Labbe,  vi.  1525).  There  are  canons  of 
several  councils  forbidding  the  Jews  to  appear 
in  public,  or  to  mix  with  Christians  from  this 
day  till  Easter  Monday:  e.  g.  the  third  council  of 
Orleans,  a.d.  538  (can.  30,  Labbe,  v.  303),  and  the 
first  council  of  Macon,  A.D,  581  (.can.  14,iWJ.960), 
(Hospinianus,  do  Festis,  pp.  48,  49.)         [E.  V.] 


1162 


MAURA 


MAURA  (1)  Commemorated  with  Britta, 
virgins,  at  Tours  Jan.  15  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i. 
1018). 

(2)  Martyr  with  her  husband  Timotheus  a 
reader,  A.d.  280 ;  commemorated  May  3  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant.).  [C  H.] 

MAURELIUS  (1)  Bishop  of  Imola,  cir.  a.d. 
532,  martyr ;  commemorated  May  6  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  May,  ii.  106). 

(2)  Bishop,  martyr  in  the  7th  century,  patron 
of  Ferrara ;  commemorated  May  7  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
May,  ii.  154). 

(3)  Presbyter  in  the  diocese  of  Troyes,  6th 
century  ;  commemorated  May  21  (Boll.  ActaSS. 
May,  V.  43).  [C  H.] 

MAURELLA,  martyr  ;  commemorated  May 
21  in  Africa  {Hicron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAURELLUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Rome  in  the  cemetery  of  Praete.xtatus,  May  10 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAURENTIUS,  martyr  with  others,  under 
Diocletian,  at  Fossombrone  in  Italy;  comme- 
morated Aug.  31  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  vi.  665). 
[C.  H.] 

MAURICILIUS,  archbishop  of  Milan,  cir. 
A.D.  670;  commemorated  March  31  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Mar.  iii.  910).  [C.  H.] 

MAURICIUS,  MAURITIUS,  MAURICE 

(1)  One  of  the  forty-five  martyrs  of  Nicopolis 
under  the  emperor  Licinius ;  commemorated 
July  10  (Basil.  Menol.) ;  at  Alexandria  (Hicron. 
Mart.). 

(2)  Commemorated  with  John  Palaeolauritas 
July  26  (Basil.  Meiiol.). 

(3)  One  of  the  Thebaean  martyrs  ;  commemo- 
rated at  Agaunum  (St.  Maurice)  Sept.  22  {Hieron. 
Mart.  ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Bed. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  vi.  308).  His  nata- 
lis  is  in  the  Antiphonarium,  but  on  what  day  is 
not  stated,  and  he  is  named  in  the  Liber  Eespon- 
salis  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sacr.  710,  810). 

(4)  Martyr  with  Photinus  his  son  and  others ; 
commemorated  Feb.  21  at  Apamaea.  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Feb.  iii.  239.) 

(6)  Martyr  with  Georgius  and  Tiberius  at 
Pignerol,  under  Diocletian;  commemorated  Apr 
24  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii.  266).  [C.  H.] 

MAURILIUS,  bishop  and  confessor ;  his  de- 
positio  commemorated  at  Angers  Sept.  13  {Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  iv.  62) ;  Maurilio 
(Usuard.  Mart.).  tq_  jj  -i 

MAURILUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  April  28  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H."] 

MAURINA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Tomi 
May  27  {Hieron.  Mart.).  m  H."l 

MAURINIANUS,  martyr;  commemorated 
in  Africa  Feb.  1  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAURINUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
Jlay  26  at  Tuscia  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Abbat,  martyr  at  Cologne  ;  commemorated 
June  10  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii.  279).    [C.  H.] 

MAURITANUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Mauritania  Oct.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.).        [C.  H.] 


MAUSIMAS 

MAURONTUS  (1)  Abbat  of  Broylus  (Bruel) 
in  Belgium,  a.d.  701  ;  commemorated  May  5 
(Bed.  Mart.'Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  ii.  53). 

(2)  Bishop  and  confessor,  of  Marseilles,  per- 
haps a.d.  786;  commemorated  Oct.  21  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Oct.  ix.  362).  [C.  H.] 

MAURUS  (1)  Abbat  of  Glannafolium,  a.d. 
584  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  1039),  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Angers  (Usuard.  Mart.)  ;  commemorated 
Jan.  15. 

(2)  or  MORTUUS-NATUS,  hermit  in  Bel- 
gium in  the  7th  century  ;  commemorated  Jan. 
15  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  1080). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Cesena  in  Italy  ;  commemorated 
Jan.  20  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  333). 

(4)  Martyr  with  Papias,  soldiers ;  commemo- 
rated at  Rome  on  the  Via  Nomentana  Jan.  29 
(Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  ;  Vet.  Bom.  3Iart.). 

(5)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Campania  Mar. 
18  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(6)  Martyr;  commemorated  Apr.  12  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Apr, 
27  ;  another  elsewhere  on  the  same  day  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(8)  Libycus,  Roman  martyr  under  Nurnerian, 
buried  at  Gallipolis  ;  commemorated  May  1  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  May,  i.  40). 

(9)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  5 
{Hieron.  3fart.). 

(10)  Presbyter  and  his  son  Feli.x,  in  the  6th 
century ;  commemorated  at  Spoletum  June  16 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  iii.  112). 

(11)  Bishop,  martyr  with  Pantaleemon  and 
Sergius  at  Biseglia ;  commemorated  July  27 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  vi.  352). 

(12)  Martyr,  with  Bonus,  Faustus,  and  seven 
others ;  commemorated  on  the  Via  Latina  Aug.  1 
(Usuard.  Mart.). 

(13)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  Aug.  12 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(14)  Martyr  with  fifty  others  at  Rheims  in 
the  3rd  century;  commemorated  Aug.  22  (Bed. 
Mart.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  515). 

(15)  Confessor,  with  Salvinus  and  Arator  at 
Verdun  ;  commemorated  Sept.  4  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  ii.  221). 

(16)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Placentia  about 
A.D.  430 ;  commemorated  Sept.  13  (Boll.  Acta 
SS  Sept.  iv.  79). 

(17)  Martyr  in  the  province  of  Histria ;  com- 
memorated Nov.  21  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.). 

(18)  Martyr  at  Rome  under  prefect  Celerinus  ; 
commemorated  Nov.  22  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(19)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Nov.  29 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(20)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Nov.  30 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(21)  Martyr  with  his  brother  Jason  and  their 
parents,  Claudius  the  tribune  and  Hilaria,  at 
Rome ;  commemorated  Dec.  3  (Usuard.  Mart. : 
Vet.  Rom.  Mart.). 

(22)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  Dec.  10 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  rQ_  jjt 

MAUSIMAS,  priest  in  Syria ;  commemorated 
Jan  23  {Cal.  Byzant. ;  Boll.  ActaSS  Jan.  ii. 
^^^)-  [C.  H.] 


MAVILUS 

MAVILUS,  martyr,  cir.  a.d.  203,  at  Adru- 
metum :  commemorated  Jan.  4  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  i.  164).  [C  H.] 

MAVORUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome 
June  2  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAVEONTUS,  abbat  of  old  St.  Florence  in 
*he  7th  century  ;  commemorated  Jan.  8  (Boll. 
'Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  505).  [C.  H.] 

MAXELLENDIS,  virgin   and  martyr,  cir. 
A.D.  660;  commemorated    Nov.   13  (Surius,  de 
Froh.  Sand.  Vit.  Col.  Ag.  1G18,  Nov.  p.  317). 
[C.  H.] 

MAXENTIA,  widow  of  Trent,  cir.  a.d.  400 ; 
commemorated  Apr.  30  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii. 
772).  [C.  H.] 

MAXENTIUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
at  Nicomedia  Feb.  24  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Presbyter  and  confessor  in  Poitou;  com- 
memorated June  26  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  June,  V.  169).  [C.  H.] 

3IAXENTUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
at  Rome  May  22  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Milan  May  6 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAXIANUS,  martyr  with  Julianus  and  the 
presbyter  Lucianus  at  Beauvais ;  commemorated 
Jan.  8  (Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAXIMA  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  at 
Nicomedia  Feb.  16  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Slartyr  ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Feb. 
22  {Hieron.  3Iart.). 

(3)  Wife  of  the  presbyter  Montanus,  martyrs  ; 
commemorated  at  Sirmium  March  26  (Usuard. 
Jfart.;  Bed.  Mart.).  The  husband  is  called  Mu- 
natus  in  Hieron.  Mart. 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Mar. 
26  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
April  6  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Apr.  7 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr;  commemorated  Apr.  12  {Hieron. 
3Iarf.). 

(8)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Constantinople 
Jlay  8  {Hiero7i.  Mart.). 

(9)  Two  of  the  name  commemorated  at  Rome, 
in  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus,  May  10  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(10)  Virgin  ;  commemorated  at  Fi'iuli  May  16 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  iii.  579). 

(11)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
May  17  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(12)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  on  Via 
Aurelia,  May  31  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(13)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Thessalonica 
June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(14)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(15)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Antioch  July 
10  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(16)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
July  10  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(17)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Laodicea  July 
26  '{Hieron.  Mart.). 


MAXIMUS 


1163 


(18)  Martyr,  with  Donatilla  and  Sccunda,  at 
Lucernaria  in  Africa  under  Gallienus  ;  comme- 
morated July  30  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.  ; 
Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  vii.  146). 

(19)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Aug.  1  with  Do- 
natula,  Secundula,  and  others  at  the  30th  mile 
from  Rome  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(20)  Martyr  at  Rome  under  Diocletian ;  com- 
memorated Sept.  2  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  i.  357). 

(21)  Martyr  with  her  sister  Julia  at  Olisepona 
in  Lusitania;  commemorated  Oct.  1  (Usuard. 
Mart.). 

(22)  Virgin,  martyred  in  Africa  with  Marti- 
anus  and  Satirianus ;  commemorated  Oct.  16 
(Usuard.  Mart.). 

(23)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Mauritania 
Dec.  1  {Hiero7i.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAXIMIANUS  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemorated 
Jan.  2  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  80). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Ravenna ;  commemorated  Feb. 
22  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  294). 

(3)  Patriarch  of  Constantinople ;  commemo- 
rated April  21  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Apr.  ii.  847). 

(4)  Bishop  of  Syracuse,  a.d.  594 ;  commemo- 
rated June  9  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii.  241). 

(5)  One  of  the  Seven  Sleepers  of  Ephesus ; 
commemorated  July  27  (Usuard.  Mart.) ;  Oct.  23 
(Basil.  Menol). 

(6)  Martyr  with  Bonosus;  commemorated 
Aug.  21  (Usuard.  Mart). 

(7)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Bagaia  in  Africa 
in  the  5th  century  ;  commemorated  Oct.  3  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Oct.  ii.  160).  [C.  H.] 

MAXIMILIANUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemo- 
rated at  Rome  Aug.  26  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Bishop  and  Martyr  at  Cilli,  cir.  a.d.  308 ; 
commemorated  Oct.  12  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  vi. 
52).  [C.  H.] 

MAXIMINUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
May  14  in  Africa,  the  same  or  another  in  Asia 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Syria  May 
24  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Treves ;  com- 
memorated May  29  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard. 
Ifart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  May, 
vii.  19). 

(4)  Bishop  of  Tongres,  cir.  A.D.  300;  com- 
memorated June  20  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  iv.  7). 

(5)  Commemorated  in  the  territory  of  Orleans, 
Dec.  15  (Usuard.  Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

MAXIMUS  (1)  Abbat  and  Martyr  in  Gaul 
cir.  A.D.  625  ;  commemorated  Jan.  2  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Jan.  i.  91). 

(2)  I.  and  II.,  bishops  of  Pavia ;  commemo- 
rated Jan.  8  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  471). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Taormina  in  Sicily,  in  the  first 
century;  commemorated  Jan.  12  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  i.  720). 

(4)  Confessor;  commemorated  .Ian.  21  {Cal. 
Bijzant.;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  251). 

(5)  Propraetor,  martyr  with^  Fausta  and 
Evilasius;  commemorated  on  Feb.  6  ^Basil. 
Menol.) 


1164 


MAXIMUS 


(6)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
Feb.  14  (JHieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Two  martyrs  commemorated  in  Africa 
and  one  elsewhere,  Feb.  IG  {Eieron.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  864). 

(8)  Martyr  with  Claudius  and  his  wife  at 
Ostia;  commemorated.  Feb.  18  (Usuard.  Mart. 
Vet.  Horn.  Mart.). 

(9)  Martyr  with  Theodotus ;  commemorated 
Feb.  19  (Basil.  MenoL);  apparently  the  same  as 

(10)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
March  12  {Eieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Mauritania 
April  1 1  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(12)  Martyr  with  Quintilianus  and  Dada 
under  Diocletian ;  commemorated  April  13  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii.  127). 

(13)  Martyr  with  Tiburtius  and  Valerianus ; 
commemorated  April  14  at  the  cemetery  of  Prae- 
textatus,  on  the  Via  Appia  {Hieron.  Mart. ; 
Usuard.  3Iart. ;  Vet.  Mom.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.). 
His  natalis  on  this  day  in  Gregory's  Sacramen- 
tary,  and  his  name  in  the  collect  (Greg.  Mag. 
Lib.  Sacr.  83). 

(14)  Martyr,  with  Optatus  and  others ;  com- 
memorated April  14  {Ilieron.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Ap.  ii.  212). 

(15)  Soldier  and  martyr,  one  of  the  Thebaean 
legion,  cir.  A.D.  297  ;  commemorated  April  14  at 
Milan  (Boll.^cte  SS.  Ap.  ii.  212). 

(16)  Martyr  with  Olympiades,  noblemen,  at 
Cordula  in  Persia,  under  Decius  ;  commemora- 
ted April  15  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. ;  Vet. 
Horn.  Mart). 

(17)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  the  cemetery 
of  C'alixtus  on  the  Via  Appia  April  21  {Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Avx:t.). 

(18)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Ap.  26 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(19)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Egypt  Apr. 
27  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(20)  Martyr,  with  Dadas  and  Quintilianus,  at 
Dorosterum ;  commemorated  April  28  (Basil. 
MenoL).  ^ 

(21)  Martyr  in  Asia,  circ.  A.D.  250;  com- 
memorated April  30  (Florus,  ap.  Bed.  Mart; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii.  732);  May  14  by  the 
Greeks  (BasW.  MenoL);  by  others  on  April  21 
under  the  name  of  Marcellinus,  and  on  April  25 
as  Marcellus.  For  another  Maximus  comme- 
morated on  April  30  by  the  Greeks,  see  Boll. 
ut  sup.  p.  733. 

(22)  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  confessor,  after  A.D. 
355;  commemorated  May  5  (Boll.  Acta  Ss' 
May,  ii.  7). 

(23)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Milan  May  6 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  •' 

(24)  Two  martyrs;  commemorated  in  Africa 
May  7  {Hieron.  Mart.);  another  at  Nicomedia 
the  same  day  {Hieron.  Mart  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Aicct.). 

(25)  Presbyter;  commemorated  at  Constan- 
tinople May  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(26)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
May  13  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(27)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  on  the 
Via  Nomentana,  May  28  {Hieron.  Mart.). 


MAXIMUS 

(28)  Bishop  of  Verona,  4th  century;  com- 
memorated May  29  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  vii.  36). 

(29)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Thessaloaica 
June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(30)  Or  MAXIMINUS,  bishop  of  Aquae- 
Sextiae  in  1st,  4th,  or  6th  century ;  commemo- 
rated June  8  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii.  53). 

(31)  Presbyter  ;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
June  9  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii. 
170). 

(32)  Martyr;  bishop  of  Naples,  before  A.D. 
360;  commemorated  June  12  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
June,  ii.  517). 

(33)  Bishop  of  Turin  after  A.D.  460;  com- 
memorated June  25  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  v.  50). 

(34)  Martyr  at  Alexandria  with  Leontius  and 
others;  commemorated  July  10  {Hieron.  Mart.; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  iii.  53). 

(35)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Syrmia  July 

15  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(36)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  July 

16  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(37)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Asia  July  17 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(38)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Dorostorum 
July  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(39)  Martyr,  with  Sabinus  and  others ;  com- 
memorated at  Damascus  July  20  {Hieron.  Mart.  ; 
Usuard.  Mart.). 

(40)  Martyr;  commemorated  with  Cyriacus 
and  others  at  Corinth  July  20  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(41)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Patavium,  2nd 
century ;  commemorated  Aug.  2  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Aug.  i.  109). 

(42)  Confessor,  "  our  holy  father ;"  transla- 
tio  Aug.  13  (Basil.  MenoL  ;  CaL  Byzant. ;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  266). 

(43)  Youthful  martyr  in  Africa  under  Hunne- 
ric ;  commemorated  Aug.  17  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(44)  Abbat  and  confessor;  commemoi-atcd 
Aug.  20  at  Chinon  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  55). 

(45)  Martyr,  with  Gaianus  and  others ;  com- 
memorated at  Ancyra  Aug.  31  and  Sept.  4 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(46)  Martyr  with  Theodotus  and  Asclepiodotes 
in  Thrace  ;  commemorated  Sept.  15  (Basil.  MenoL 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  v.  31).     See  (9). 

(47)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Nuceria 
Sept.  16  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(48)  Martyr  with  Juventinus;  commemo- 
rated Oct.  9  (Basil.  MenoL). 

(49)  Martyr  at  Cordova  ;  commemorated  Oct. 
14  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(50)  Levita,  martyr  under  Decius;  comme- 
morated Oct.  19  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  viii.  417); 
Oct.  20  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(51)  Martyr  with  120  other  soldiers;  com- 
memorated at  Eome  Oct.  25  {Hieroii.  Mart.). 

(52)  Bishop  of  Mentz  in  the  4th  century; 
commemorated  Nov.  18  (Surius,  de  Frob.  SS. 
Hist  t.  iv.  p.  401,  Colon.  1618). 

(53)  Presbyter  and  martyr,  under  Maximian  ; 
commemorated  at  Rome  on  the  Via  Appia  Nov. 
19  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Usuard.  Mart.;  Vet.  Eonu 
Mart.)  ;  Maximinus  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 


MAYENCE,  COUNCIL  OF 

(54)  Presbyter ;  commemorated  in  Spain  Nov. 
20  (Eieron.  3Iart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(55)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Aussig  in 
Bohemia  Nov.  21  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(56)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  Nov. 
22  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(57)  Two  martyrs;  commemorated  at  Rome, 
Nov.  23  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(58)  Martyr  witli  Chrysogonus  and  Eleu- 
therius ;  commemorated  at  Aquileia  Nov.  24 
{Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Arict.). 

(59)  Eegiensis,  bishop,  confessor ;  commemo- 
ratsd  Nov.  27  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.). 

(60)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec. 
15  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(61)  Presbyter  and  confessor;  commemorated 
at  Orleans  Dec.  15  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

(62)  Bishop;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
Dec.  27  (Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAYENCE,  COUNCIL  OF  {Moguntinum 
Concilium),  A.D.  753,  at  which  Lullus  was  sub- 
stituted for  St.  Boniface,  who  was  going  back 
to  Friesland,  in  the  see  of  Mayence.    [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MEALS  (in  Art).     The  arrangements  of  a 
Christian  table  do  not  seem  to  have  been  very  dif- 
ferent from  the  current  habits  of  the  time,  except 
in  greater  care  for  moderation,  sobriety,  and  gra- 
vity of  conversation.     The  guests  sat  at  table ; 
so  at  least  they  are  represented  in  all  the  repre- 
sentations of  agapae,  or  other  meals,  which  are 
found  in  the  catacombs.     The  classic  example  of 
an  apparently  secular  or  ordinary  meal  is  the 
well-known  fresco  from    the    catacomb   of   SS. 
Marcellinus  and   Peter   (Bottari,    tav.   cxxvii.), 
given   in   Martigny,    p.    579.      Raoul  Rochette 
{Discours  sur'  P  Urigino  et  le  Caractere  des  Types 
imitatifs  qui  constituent  FArt  dn  Christianisme) 
selects  this,  with  two  others,  as  representative 
examples.      They    are    found    in  Bottari,  tav. 
cviii.  and  cxxvii.,  and  at  vol.  iii.  p.  218;  and 
Rochette  has  no  doubt  of  their  relation  to  pic- 
tures in  Herculaneum  and  Pompeii.      Nor  can 
this  be  wondered  at,  if  we  consider  the  at  times 
inconvenient  and  awkward  connexion    between 
the  Christian  love-feast  and  the  heathen  funeral 
banquet.     It  is  acknowledged  on  all  hands  that 
the  former  reminded  untaught  or  recent  converts 
too  strongly  of  the  ancient  hearth-worship,  and 
of  past   banquets  to  the  lares  of  their  families. 
It  is  a  sign,  not  yet  fully  appreciated,  of  the 
great  vitality  of  the   faith,  that  it  was  able  to 
withdraw  the  population  of  Italy  (even  so  far  as 
it  did)  from  Etrurian  or  Greco-Etrurian  habits 
of  sepulchral  worship,  and  teach  them  to  com- 
memorate the  death  of  One  only.   See  Fergusson's 
History  of  Architecture  (bk.  iv.  c.  i.  p.  281,  and 
c.  ii.  p.  293,  ed.  1874)  and  Coulange's  La  Cite' 
Antique  (Introd.   and  chapters  i.  ii.).      On  this 
subject    the    student    should    compare    Bottari 
(taw.  cviii.  cxxvii.)  with   the  Pitture   d'Erco- 
laneo  (i.  tav.  xiv.) ;    B.  Museo   Borbonico  (t.  i. 
tav.   xxiii).     The  chief  difference  is  that  in  the 
Christian   picture,    of   which    the  Gentile    one 
is    a   type  (Bott.    tav.    cviii.),    a    round    bowl 
is   substituted  for  the   horn  or    rhyton  (drunk 
from  at  the  small  end).     It  seems  quite  clear, 
that  except  for  inferior  painting,  and  the  decent 
dress  of  persons  represented.  Christian   pictures 
of  the  same  subject  greatly  resemble  these.     In 


MEDIATORS 


116& 


the  S.  Marcellinus'  example  (known  also  as 
that  of  the  Via  Labicana,  and  of  the  catacomb 
Inter  duas  Lauros),  men  and  women  sit  at  meat 
together.  The  provisions  and  wine  appear  to  have 
been  handed  by  servants,  and  are  not  placed  on 
the  table  ;  and  the  requests  of  two  of  the  guests 
are  strangely  painted  above  their  heads,  "  Irene 
da  cal(i)da(m)  "  "  Agape,  misce  mi."  (Compare 
Juv.  Sat.  V.  63.)  The  names,  as  Rochette  ob- 
serves, are  probably  significant.  The  semicir- 
cular table  was  called  sigma  from  the  C  form  of 
that  letter.  The  sigma  may  have  been  consi- 
dered an  improvement  on  the  ordinary  triclinium. 
Within  a  semicircle  there  is  a  smaller  three- 
legged  table  with  a  large  amphora.  There  are 
two  or  three  knives,  a  large  goblet,  two  little 
loaves,  apparently,  and  a  small  animal,  resem- 
bling a  squirrel,  is  being  carved.  Athenaeus 
(iv.)  describes  a  table  of  this  kind,  and  Varro 
(iv.  25)  calls  it  sibilla  ;  others  mensa  escaria.  A 
young  man,  apparently  the  carver  or  structor 
dapis,  stands  by  in  a  long  tunic  with  purple 
stripes.  The  two  seated  female  figures  at  the 
ends  of  the  semicircle  are  directing  him,  and 
may  be  the  servants  named  by  the  guests ;  they 
would  act  as  carptores,  or  praegustatrices. 
(Seneca,  Epist.  xlvii.)     See  woodcut. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 


MECEONUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Ap.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.);  Meconus  (Bed. 
3Iart.  Auct.).  [C.  H.] 

MEDACUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  N\- 
comedia  Sept.  18  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEDANUS  or  MELDANUS,  Irish  bishop 
at  Peronne  about  tlie  end  of  tke  6th  cent.;  com- 
memorated Feb.  7  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  66). 
[C.  H.] 

MEDAEDUS,  bisnop  and  confessor ;  depo- 
sitio  commemorated  at  Soissons  June  8  {Hieron. 
3Lirt.)  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii.  72 ;  his  festival 
(Bed.  3Iart.);  his  natalis  {Usuard.  Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

MEDATULUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  July  20  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEDERICUS,  presbyter  and  abbat  at  Paris, 
cir.  A.D.  700 ;  commemorated  Aug.  29  (Usuard. 
3Iart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  vi.  518).       [C.  H.] 

MEDIATORS  (Priests).  The  Greek  writers, 
when  they  speak  of  Christian  priests,  frequently 
call  them  jxialrai,  i.e.  mediators  between  God 
and  man.  St.  John  Baptist  is  styled  mediator 
by  Gregory  of  Nazianzum,  'O  iraXaias  koI  vtas 
fjLeaiTijs,  as  coming  between  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments  {Orat.  xxxiv.  p.  633).  Others  repeat 
the  same  idea. 

The  author  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutiom 
applies  this  title  to  the  priesthood  (lib.  ii.  c.  25), 


1166 


MEDICUS 


as  does  also  Origen,  St.  Chrysostom,  St.  Basil, 
.and  others  of  the  Greek  fathers.  But  by  this 
they  seem  to  have  intended,  not  that  the  priest 
was  properly  a  mediator  independently  and  by 
his  own  inherent  authority,  but  merely  and  by  a 
figure  of  speech  as  an  internuncius  or  medium  of 
communication.  In  this  sense  St.  Basil  {de 
Spiritu  Sancto,  c.  14)  andTheodoret,  commenting 
on  Gal.  iii.  19,  20  (where  the  word  /ueo-tTTjs  is 
repeatedly  employed),  teach  that  Moses  was  a 
mediator 'between  God  and  the  people  of  Israel. 
The  true  mediator  is,  of  course,  the  Lord  Jesus. 
The  article  /aeffiTTjs  in  Suicer's  Thesaurus  may 
be  consulted  with  great  advantage.  He  has  col- 
lected a  large  mass  of  quotations  from  the  Greek 
fathers,  shewing  that  they  constantly  and  uni- 
formly applied  the  term  ^€0-it7js,  in  all  its 
varieties  of  meaning,  to  Jesus  Christ. 

The  Latin  Withers  avoid  the  use  of  mediator 
in  this  sense  (as  applied  to  the  priesthood).  St. 
Cyprian  uses  it  "discurrant  ad  judices,  blan- 
•diantur  mediatoribus "  (de  Cardinal.  Operib. 
Ghristi  Frolog.— the  authorship  is  uncertain), 
but  not  of  priests.  St.  Augustine  strongly  pro- 
tests against  it  in  his  treatise  against  Parmenian, 
3.  Donatist  bishop,  who  had  said  that  the  bishop 
was  a  mediator  between  God  and  the  people, 
"  Si  Johannes  diceret  .  ,  .  mediatorem  me  habetis 
apud  Patrem,  et  ego  exoro  pro  peccatis  vestris 
(sicut  Parmenianus  quodam  loco  posuit  episco- 
pum  mediatorem  inter  populum  et  Deum)  quis 
eum  ferret  bonorum  atque  fidelium  Christian- 
orum  "  (contra  Faniien.  lib.  ii.  c.  8). 

[S.  J.  E.] 

MEDICUS  (St.  Mie),  confessor  at  Huisseau, 
believed  to  have  lived  in  the  8th  or  9th  cent. ; 
commemorated  May  23  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  vii. 
■842).  [C.  H.] 

MEDIOLANUM.    [Milan.] 

MEDION,  martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa 
May  14  (I/ieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEDRANUS,  with  his  brother  Odranus, 
■confessors  in  Ireland ;  commemorated  July  7 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  ii.  477).  [C.  H.] 

MEDULA  or  MEDULLA  and  her  compa- 
nions ;  commemorated  Jan.  25  (C'al.  Byzant. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  616).  [C.  H.] 

MEFOMUS,  martyr;  commemorated  June  3 
Olicron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEGETIA,  martyr.     [Migetia.] 

MEGGINUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Mauritania  Dec.  2  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEGINUS,  'martyr ;  commemorated  at  Pe- 
rusia  Ap.  29  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEL,  Irish  bishop  in  the  5th  cent. ;  comme- 
morated Feb.  6  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  i.  778). 

[C.  H.] 

MELANIA  ROMAN  A,  "Our  Mother-" 
commemorated  Dec.  31  (Col.  Bi/zant. ;  Basil. 
Jfenol. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  278).     [C.  H.] ' 

MELANIUS  (1)  bishop  and  confessor ;  com- 
memorated at  Rennes  Jan.  6  (Usuard.  Mart  ■ 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  327). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Troyes  in  the  4th  cent. ;  com- 
memorated Ap.  22  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii.  29) 
[C.  H.] 


MELITO 

MELANTUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Dijon  Nov.  1  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELANUS,  martyr  in  Africa;  commemo- 
rated Dec.  9  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  II.] 

MELANUS,  martyr  in  Africa;  commemo- 
rated Dec.  2  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELAS  or  MELANES,  bishop  of  Ehino- 
colura,  confessor  in  the  5th  cent. ;  commemo- 
rated Jan.  16  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  15). 

[C.  H.] 

MELASIPPUS  (1)  martyr;  commemorated 
at  Lano^res  Jan.  17  (Hieron.  Mart.;  Usuard. 
Mart.).  ■  [C.  H.] 

(3)  Martyr  with  his  wife  Casina  and  son  An- 
tonius ;  commemorated  Nov.  7  (Basil.  Menol.). 
[C.  H.] 

MELCHIOR,  Magian  king;  commemorated 

Jan.  6  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  323).  [Epiphany.] 

[C.H.] 

MELCHUS,  Irish  bishop,  of  5th  century  ; 
commemorated  Feb.  6  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  i. 
778).  [C.  H.] 

MELCIADES  (1)  bishop  and  confessor ;  de- 
positio  commemorated  at  Rome  in  the  cemetery 
of  Calistus  on  the  Via  Appia  Jan.  10  (Hieron. 
Mart.)  ;  Melchiades  (Bed.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
Aug.  9  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELDANUS.    [Mkdanus.] 

MELDEGASUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Terracina  Nov.  1  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELETIUS  (1)  Bishop  of  Antioch,  "  Our 
father,"  a.d.  381;  commemorated  Feb.  12  (Cal. 
Bi/zant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  253 ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  585  ;  Aug.  23  (Basil.  Mend.). 

(2)  Dux,  martyr  with  1250  companions;  com- 
memorated May  24  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(3)  Commemorated  with  Isacius,  bishops  of 
Cyprus,  Sept.  21  (Basil.  Menol). 

(4)  Bishop  and  confessor ;  commemorated  in 
Poutus  Dec.  4  (Usuard.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MELEUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria July  13  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  3Tart. 
Auct.).  [C.  H.] 

MELISIUS,  bishop  and  martyr;  commemo- 
rated Ap.  22  (Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELISUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Nov.  26  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
Nov.  27  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELITENE,  COUNCIL  OF  (Melitenense 
Concilitim),  one  of  the  synods  at  which  Eusta- 
thius,  bishop  of  Sebaste,  was  condemned,  and 
held,  consequently,  befoi-e  A.D.  359,  by  when  he 
had  ceased  to  be  possessed  of  that  see.  (Mansi, 
iii.  291.)  Melitine  lay  on  the  frontiers  of  Ar- 
menia Minor  and  Cappadocia.  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MELITINA,  of  Marcianopolis,  martyr  under 
s ;  commemorated  Sept.  15  (Basil.  Mc- 


Anto 


nol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  v.  29).         '    [C.  H.] 

MELITO,  bishop  in  the  1st  or  2nd  century; 

commemorated  Ap.  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  i.  10). 

[C.  H.] 


MELITUS 

MELITUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria July  10  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELLITUS,  bishop  in  Britain ;  depositio 
Ap.  24  (Bed.  Mart.  ;  Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Ap.  iii.  280).  [C.  H.] 

MELOEUS  or  MELIOR,  martyr  in  Bri- 
tain, cir.  A.D.  411  ;  commemorated  Jan.  3  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  136).  [C.  H.] 

MELOSA,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Thes- 
salouica  June  1  (^Hieron.  3fart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELOSUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Thes- 
salonica  June  1  {Hkron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELOTES  (firtKwrii  from  /xiiXof,  a  sheep). 
The  /uTjAcoToi  of  Heb.  xi.  37  are  probably  indi- 
cations of  distress  rather  than  of  asceticism  ; 
but  when  monasticism  arose,  a  sheepskin  gar- 
ment, hanging  down  on  one  side,  came  to  be  the 
usual  dress  of  monks  in  Egypt  and  elsewhere. 
Thus  Eucherius  says:  "  Melote,  in  Regum  libro, 
pellis  simplex  qua  monachi  Aegyptii  etiam  nunc 
utuntur,  ex  uno  latere  dependens."  This  word 
also  denotes  an  upper  garment  of  goatskin ;  thus 
Cassian  says  {Instit.  i.  8)  that  the  outer  garb  of 
monks  is  a  goatskin,  which  is  called  melotcs;  and 
Aelfric,  "  Hircinus  vel  fractus  roccus ;"  or, 
indeed,  of  any  kind  of  skin  (Macri  Hkrolex.). 
Gregorius  Monachus  makes  the  melotes  to  have 
been  a  hood  or  cowl  of  sheepskin.  (Ducange, 
Glossary.)  [S.  J.  E^] 

MELTIADES,  pope ;  depositio  commemo- 
rated at  Kome  July  2  {Hieron.  Mart.).     [C.  H.] 

MELVIUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa 
June  28  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEMFIDUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  Sept.  5  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEMMA,  martyr;  commemorated  in  Mau- 
ritania Oct.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [0.  H.] 

MEjVIMERUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Ap.  24  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEMMIA,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome 
on  the  Via  Salaria,  Aug.  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 

MEMMIUS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated 
Feb.  16  {Hicron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Carthage  May 
31  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martvr ;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
June  28  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Bishop  and  confessor,  in  the  3rd  century  ; 
commemorated  at  Chalons-sur-Marne  Aug.  5 
(Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Usuard.  3fart. ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii.  4).  [C.  H.] 

MEMNOX  THAUMATURGUS,  "  Our 
father ;"  commemorated  Ap.  28  (Basil.  Mcnol.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii.  578).  [C.  H.] 

MEMORIA,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Mi- 
lan May  6  (^Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEMORIUS,  martyr,  with  his  companions ; 
commemorated  at  Troyes  Sept.  7  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  iii.  68).  [C.  H.] 

MENAEA  (to.  unvala).  These  are  office 
books   of  the  Greek  church  which  contain  the 


MENDICANCY 


1167 


variable  parts  of  the  offices  for  fixed  festivals. 
Thus  they  contain,  together  with  other  less 
prominent  matter,  the  Stichera  and  other  similar 
hymns,  the  Lections,  and  the  other  variable  parts 
of  vespers  ;  the  Canons,  with  all  that  depends  on 
them,  of  Lauds,  the  Synaxaria,  or  Lections 
from  the  Lives  of  the  Saints,  the  rubrical  direc- 
tions from  the  Typicum ;  and  on  a  few  great 
festivals,  such  as  the  Epiphany,  the  Antiphons  of 
the  Liturgy,  and  the  order  of  the  three  lesser 
hours  (the  3rd,  6th,  and  9th),  called  on  these  days 
ai  fjLeydXai  Sypai.  The  Menaea  are  usually  bound 
in  twelve  volumes,  each  containing  the  Menaeum 
for  a  month,  and  they  correspond  approximately 
to  the  Fropriiim  Sanctorum  of  a  Western  bre- 
viary. The  word  is  met  with  both  in  the 
singular  and  the  plural,  with  the  same  signifi- 
cation. The  office  books  however  use  the  sin- 
gular to  denote  the  compilation  for  a  single 
month,  and  the  plural  (to  prifaia)  to  denote 
the  entire  series  of  those  for  the  several  months. 
[H.  J.  H.] 
MENALIPPUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Asia  Feb.  23  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MENANDER  (1)  Martyr  with  Acacius  and 
Polyaenus;  commemorated  May  19  (Basil.  Me- 
nol.) 

(2)  or  MINANDER,  martyr  with  others  ; 
commemorated  at  Philadelphia  in  Arabia  Aug. 
1  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.).  Another  on 
the  same  day  at  the  30th  mile  from  Rome 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MENAS  (1)  Commemorated  Jan.  24  ((kd. 
Byzant.). 

(2)  Martyr  with  David  and  John,  three 
monks ;  commemorated  by  the  Greeks  Ap.  12- 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii.  821). 

(3)  or  MENNAS,  archbishop  of  Constanti- 
nople, "  Our  father  ;"  commemorated  Aug  24 
(Basil.  Mcnol.)  ;  Aug.  25  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  v. 
164). 

(4)  or  MENNAS,  an  Egyptian  martyr, 
spoken  of  as  "  Magnus  "  and  "  Gloriosus ;"  suf- 
fered at  Cotyaeum  in  Phrygia  under  Diocletian 
and  Maximian,  with  Victor,  Vincentius,  and 
Stephanides ;  commemorated  Nov.  11  {Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Basil.  Menol.  ;  Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Cal.  By- 
zant. ;  Cal.  Armen. ;  Bed.  Mart. ;  Daniel,  Cod. 
Liturg.  iv.  274) ;  suffered  in  Scythia,  transl.  to 
Constantinople  (  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.).  His  natalis, 
on  Nov.  11,  commemorated  in  Gregory's  Sacra- 
mentary,  and  his  name  mentioned  in  the  Collect 
(Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sacr.  140).  His  commemora- 
tion was  on  Nov.  10  according  to  Surius  {Dc 
Probat.  Sand.  Hist.  t.  iv.  p.  241,  ed.  Colon.  1618). 
A  church  at  Constantinople  was  dedicated  to 
him  (Codinus,  do  Slgnis  CP.  18  b). 

(5)  A  solitary  in  Samnium,  A.D.  583  ;  comme- 
morated Nov.  11  (Greg.  Mag.  Dial.  1.  iii.  c.  26; 
Mabillon,  Acta  SS.  0.  S.  B.  Saec.  i.  p.  255,  Venet. 
1733). 

(6)  or  MENNAS,  martyr  with  Hermogenes 
and  Eugraphus,  under  Maximian ;  commemorated 
Dec.  10  (Basil.  Menol.;  Cal.  Byzant.;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  276) ;  Dec  3  {Cal.  Armen.). 

[C.H.] 

MENDICANCY.     The  frequent  almsgiving 

inculcated  upon  Christians  not  unnaturally  led 

the    idle    and    the    worthless   to    depend    upon 

charity  rather  than  upon  their  own  labour.  That 


1168 


MENDICANCY 


the  poor  should  congregate  round  the  doors  of 
ihe  churches  to  solicit  alms  was  regarded  as  a 
laudable  custom  from  early  times.  Several  pas- 
sages in  Chrysostom  contain  strong  exhortations 
to  the  people  to  bestow  money  in  charity  before 
entering  church.  As  the  Christian  in  his  day 
had  water  standing  before  the  door  that  the 
worshippers  might  first  wash  their  hands,  so 
their  forefathers  placed  the  poor  there  that  the 
power  of  charity  might  purify  the  soul  (Chrys. 
Horn.  xxvi.  de  Verb.  Apost. ;  Bo7n.  i.  in  2  Tim. ; 
Bom.  iii.  de  Poenit.).  With  such  indiscriminate 
almsgiving  it  was  impossible  that  charity  should 
not  be  abused.  Ambrose  found  it  necessary  to 
admonish  (de  Offic.  iv.  16)  the  bishops  and  priests, 
who  had  the  treasures  of  the  church  to  dispense, 
to  be  careful  that  they  are  not  wasted  upon  im- 
portunate beggars.  Many  come  to  ask  for  alms 
out  of  mere  idleness ;  they  are  well  able  to  take 
care  of  themselves,  and  if  they  are  indulged  they 
will  soon  exhaust  the  provision  of  the  poor 
and  helpless.  Moreover,  they  are  not  content 
with  a  little,  they  dress  themselves  as  gentlemen, 
and  pretend  to  be  of  good  birth,  and  on  this 
ground  obtain  a  greater  share.  Care  and  mode- 
ration must,  therefore,  be  exercised  in  the  dis- 
tribution, that  those  who  are  really  in  want  may 
not  be  sent  away  empty,  and  that  designing 
beggars  may  not  make  a  spoil  of  the  maintenance 
of  the  poor.  Idleness  has  never  been  regarded 
in  quite  the  same  light  in  the  south  and  east  of 
Europe  as  among  the  more  industrious  nations 
of  the  north ;  and  among  the  northern  tribes 
after  their  conversion  the  conditions  of  life  were 
such  that  habitual  mendicancy  must  have  been 
rare.  Hence  disciplinary  canons  against  begging 
are  not  found  in  the  Councils  or  Penitentials. 
There  are,  however,  certain  forms  of  the  evil 
corrected  in  the  Theodosian  code.  A  law  of 
Valentinian  11.  (Cod.  Theod.  XIV.,  xviii.  1,  de 
mendicant iirus  non  invalidis)  directed  the  cases 
of  all  able-bodied  beggars  who  fled  from  their 
masters  to  Rome  in  order  to  live  on  charity  to  be 
investigated,  and  those  who  were  found  able  to 
work  were  either  to  be  returned  to  their  original 
masters  or  become  the  possession  of  the  informer 
who  discovered  them.  This  law  was  re-enacted 
by  Justinian  (Co(7.  Justin.  II.  xxv.  1. 

With  regard  to  the  clergy  themselves  the 
church  was  careful  that  they  did  not  abuse  the 
liberality  of  the  people  and  sink  into  a  life  of 
idleness  supported  by  charity.  The  term 
fiaKavTi^oi,  or  vacantivi,  applied  (Synesius,  Ep. 
67)  to  clergy  who  deserted  their  posts  and  wan- 
dered from  place  to  place,  was  a  stigma  affixed 
to  idleness.  And  it  was  probably  with  a  view 
to  check  clerical  mendicancy,  as  well  as  for  the 
sake  of  ecclesiastical  regularity,  that  the  council 
of  Agde,  A.D.  506,  decreed  (c.  52)  that  clergy 
moving  about  from  one  diocese  to  another  with- 
out commendatory  letters  were  denied  com- 
munion. The  council  of  Epaon,  A.D.  517  (c.  6), 
has  a  similar  decree  against  clerical  vagrants. 
And  the  same  rule  is  laid  down  in  the  Spanish 
council  of  Valencia,  A.D.  524  (c.  5).  The 
tendency  to  idleness,  inseparable  from  the 
monastic  life,  found  no  support  from  the  early 
church  writers.  Cassian  (do  Coen.  Instit.  x.  23) 
quotes  a  saying  of  the  Egyptian  fathers,  that  a 
working  monk  was  tempted  with  one  devil — an 
idle  one  with  a  legion.  Of  Anthony  the  cele- 
brated ascetic  of  the  Thebaid,  it  is  rel.-ited  (Vtta, 


MENESBRE 

c.  4)  that  he  laboured  with  his  own  hands,  and 
gave  away  all  he  could  spare.  The  Coenobites, 
or  ascetics,  living  in  communities,  and  of  whom 
there  were  not  less  than  50,000  in  Egypt  in  the 
4th  century,  supported  themselves  by  their  own 
industry  (Cassian,  de  Coen.  Instit.  x.  22).  They  em- 
ployed themselves  in  agriculture,  and  in  making 
baskets,  ropes  and  sandals,  their  produce  being 
sent  down  the  Nile  for  sale  in  Alexandria,  and  what 
was  not  required  for  their  own  maintenance  was 
given  to  the  poor.  In  general  it  may  be  said 
that  industrial  occupation  was  the  rule  among 
the  monks  in  the  East  (see  Robertson,  Ch.  Hist. 
ii.  6  ;  Monasticism).  Augustine  wrote  a  special 
treatise  (Do  Opere  Monachorum)  directed  against 
monks  being  exempted  from  labour.  In  some 
instances,  however,  manual  labour  was  regarded 
with  less  favour.  Martin,  who  introduced 
monasticism  into  Gaul,  discouraged  labour  in  the 
monasteries  which  he  established  about  Poitiers 
and  Tours.  The  younger  brethren  were  allowed 
to  transcribe  books,  but  this  was  the  only  manual 
work  permitted  (Sulpicius  Severus,  Vita  Martini, 
10).  In  the  great  monastic  system  established 
in  the  West  by  Benedict  in  the  first  half  of  the 
6th  century  manual  labour  was  one  of  the  dis- 
tinguishing rules  of  the  order.  Seven  hours 
daily  was  the  time  allotted  to  work  (Regula, 
c.  48).  The  manner  in  which  the  injunction  to 
work  has  been  carried  out  by  the  Benedictines, 
both  in  the  service  of  civilization  and  literature, 
is  a  matter  of  history.  In  the  great  monastery 
of  Bangor,  disciples  from  which  contributed  so 
much  to  the  evangelization  of  the  north-west 
of  Europe,  Bede  states  (Hist.  ii.  2)  that  the 
monks  supported  themselves  by  the  labour  of 
their  own  hands.  The  exaltation  of  poverty 
into  a  virtue  and  the  rise  of  the  mendicant 
friars  lie  outside  our  period.  [G.  M.] 

MENEDINA,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Etruria  May  26  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MENELAMPUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemo- 
rated in  Egypt  Jan.  15  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [G.  H.] 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Pontus  Jan.  18 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Carthage  Jan. 
19  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr;  commemorated   at  Smyrna  Feb. 

27  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr ;  commemorated   at  Tarsus    Mar. 

28  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa  July  17 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MENELANTUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Feb.  23  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MENELAUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  July  3  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.);  another  at  Tarsus  on  the  same  dav 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.]" 

MENELEUS,  abbat  and  confessor  in  Au- 
vergne  ;  commemorated  July  22  (Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Boll.  Acta  S8.  July,  v.  302).  [C.  H.] 

MENESBRE,  COUNCIL  OF  (Menesbrense 
concilium).  When  all  the  bishops  of  Brittany 
met  at  a  mountain  of  that  name,  near  St.  Pol  de 
Ldon,  to  excommunicate  Comorre,  count  of  Leon, 
A.D.  590,  or  thereabouts.     (Mansi,  x.  461.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 


MENESIDEUS 

MENESIDEUS,  martyr :  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  July  14  {_Hieron.  Mart.).         [C.  H.] 

MENEUS,  presbyter,  martyr;  commemo- 
rated July  13  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Amt.-).  [C.  H.] 

MENGENES,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Ephesus  Mav  16  {Hierm.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
May,  iii.  572).  [C.  H.] 

IVIENIGNUS  FULLO,  martyr  in  the  Helles- 
pont ;  commemorated  Mar.  16  (Basil.  Menol.) ; 
Mar.  15  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  ii.  390).     [C.  H.] 

MENNA  or  MANNA,  virgin  in  Lorraine, 
4th  century  ;  commemorated  Oct.  3  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Oct.  ii.  150).  [C.  H.] 

MENNAS.    [Menas.] 

MENNO,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Valen- 
cia in  Spain  Jan.  22  (^Hieron.  Mart.).        [C.  H.] 

MENODOKA,  virgin  and  martyr,  with  her 
sisters  Metrodora  and  Nymphodora ;  commemo- 
rated Sept.  10  (Basil.  Menol;  Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  268 ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  iii.  489).  [C.  H.] 

MENOLOGIUM  (ij.vvo\6yLov).  This  book 
corresponds  with  the  Martyrology  of  the  Roman 
church,  and,  like  it,  contains  the  lives  and  acts 
of  the  saints  and  martyrs.  The  practice  of 
reading  publicly  the  acts  of  the  saints  dates 
from  very  early  times,  and  was  confirmed  by 
the  47th  canon  of  the  3rd  council  of  Carthage 
(a.d.  397),  which  after  directing  that  nothing 
be  read  in  the  churches,  "  sub  nomine  divinarum 
scripturarum,"  except  the  canonical  sci-iptures, 
adds,  "  Liceat  etiam  legi  passiones  martyrum 
cum  anniversarii  dies  eorum  celebrantur." 

Among  early  ecclesiastical  biographers  may  be 
mentioned  Eusebius  (fA.D.  338),  who  made  one 
of  the  earliest  collections  of  the  acts  of  the 
saints,  also  Palladius  Bishop  of  Helenopolis  in 
Bithynia  (cir.  a.d.  401),  a  friend  of  St.  Chryso- 
stom,  who  wrote  lives  of  Saints  and  the  Hermits 
of  the  Desert,  the  reading  of  which  in  the 
church  was  prescribed  during  Lent. 

Many  changes  were  made  in  the  Menology, 
and  great  variations  naturally  exist  in  different 
copies.  The  emperor  Basil  the  Macedonian 
(a.d.  867-886)  caused  one  to  be  compiled :  and 
Constantine  Porphyrogenitus  (a.d.  911)  directed 
Simeon  Metaphrastes,"  the  Logothete  or  Chan- 
cellor of  the  empire,  to  compile  the  lives  of  the 
saints  and  acts  of  the  martyrs,  arranged  in  order 
according  to  the  months  of  the  year.  Selections 
from  the  menologium,  under  the  name  of  Synax- 
aria  ((ruj'o|apia)  are  inserted  in  the  Menaea, 
and  read  in  the  course  of  the  office  after  the 
sixth  ode  of  the  canon  for  the  day.  In  modern 
usage  the  term  menologium  is  often  confounded 
with,  and  used  for  menaeum.  Thus  Goar  (not. 
29  in  Laud.  Off.),  "  Volumen  singulorum  men- 
sium  officia  complectens  fjirivalov  est,  et  vulgo 
Menologium  dicunt,"  and  (not.  33)  he  uses 
Synaxarion  in  the  sense  of  Menologium,  "  Sanc- 
torum vitas  volumen  brevibus  verbis  complec- 
tens, ffvva^dptov  est:  et  Martyrologio  corre- 
spondet,  fitque  in  Laudibus  ex  eo  lectio,  etc.  .  .  ." 

=  Card.  Bellarmine  charges  this  author  with  giving  too 
much  play  to  his  imagination. 


MEROBIUS 


1169 


Correctly,  /j.7ivo\6yiou   is   the  entire  book,   and 
(Tvva^dpiov  the  extract  from  it.  [H.  J.  H.] 

MENSA  MYSTICA,  Etc.    [Altar.] 

MENSURUA  DIVISIO.     [Dmsio  Mek- 

SURUA.] 

MENTIUS,  martyr  with  Eusebius  and  others ; 
commemorated  May  30  (Basil.  Menol.).    [C.  H.] 

MEONIS,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Langres 
Jan.  17  (Hierm.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEORTIUS  (Mertius),  martyr  under  Dio- 
cletian ;  commemorated  Jan.  12  (Jja.s,{\.  Menol.; 
Cal.  Byzant. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  724). 

[C.  H.] 

MERCIA,  COUNCIL  OF  (_Synodm  Mer- 
ciana),  a.d.  705,  or  thereabouts ;  at  which  St. 
Adhelm,  then  a  presbyter  only,  was  enjoined  to 
write  against  the  errors  of  the  British  com- 
munion, especially  that  of  celebrating  Easter, 
which  he  did  with  so  much  effect,  that  many 
were  gained  over  to  orthodoxy  by  reading  his 
work  (Mansi,  sii.  167).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MERCURIA,  martyr  with  Ammonaria  at 
Alexandria ;  commemorated  Dec.  12  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MERCURIUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
at  Nicomedia  Mar.  6  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Salona  Aug. 
26  (^Hicron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  under  Decius ;  commemorated  Nov. 
25  (Basil.  Menol;  Cal.  Bgzant. ;  Surius,  de 
Frobat.  Sanct.  Hist.  t.  iv.  p.  524,  ed.  Colon. 
1618).  [C.  H.] 

MERIADOCUS,  bishop  of  Vannes  in  the  7th 
century ;  commemorated  June  7  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
June,  ii.  36).  [C.  H.] 

MERIDA,  COUNCIL  OF  (^Emeritense  con- 
cilium), held  A.D.  666,  at  Merida  in  Estremadura. 
Twelve  bishops,  including  Proficius  bishop  of 
that  see,  their  metropolitan,  subscribed  to  its 
twenty-three  canons  or  chapters.  In  the  first 
of  these  the  creed  of  Constantinople,  with  the 
"  Filioque  "  clause,  is  rehearsed,  and  followed  by 
heavy  denunciations  against  all  who  recede  from, 
or  will  not  assent  to  it.  By  the  second,  the  in- 
vitatory,  or  "  Venite  "  (sonus),  is  directed  to  be 
sung  at  vespers  in  the  place  assigned  to  it  in 
other  churches.  By  the  third,  the  sacrifice  is 
directed  to  be  offered  daily  for  the  king  and  his 
army  when  engaged  in  war.  By  the  ninth,  fees 
are  forbidden  to  be  taken  either  for  giving  the 
chrism  or  for  administering  baptism.  By  the 
tenth,  every  bishop  of  the  province  is  directed 
to  have  an  archpresbyter,  an  archdeacon,  and  a 
chief-clerk  (primiclerum)  in  his  cathedral  church. 
By  the  sixteenth,  the  third  part  of  the  revenues 
of  parish  churches,  anciently  due  to  the  bishop, 
is  to  be  spent  on  repairs  (Mansi,  xi.  75  sq.). 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

MERIUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Oct.  16  (Hieron.  Mart.).  C<^-  H.] 

MEROBIUS,  martyr  with  Felix  and  others  ; 
commemorated  in  the  East  Dec.  3  (Hieron.  Mart.); 
with  Felix  and  others,  but  different  from  the 
preceding,  at  Laodicea  Dec.  4  (^Hieron.  Mart.; 
Bed.  Mart.  Auct.).  [C  H.] 


1170 


MEKOBUS 


MEROBUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Tomi  I 
Sept.  15  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEROLA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  An- 
tioch  Kov.  30  (Jlieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H,] 

MERONA,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Tomi 
July  5  iHkron.  Mart.).  [C  H.] 

MEROVAEUS,  monk  of  Bobbio,  cir.  a.d. 
626  ;  commemorated  Oct.  22  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct. 
i.-c.  614).  [C.  H.] 

MERTIUS.   [SlEORTius.] 

MESHACH.   [MisHAEL.] 

MESIPPUS,  martyr  with  his  brothers  Peu- 
sippus  or  Speusippus  and  Elasippus  or  Eleusippns ; 
commemorated  Jan.  16  {Cal.  Byzant.).    [C.  H.] 

MESNE  PROFITS.    [Vacancy.] 

MESROP,  commemorated  Oct.  12  {Cal.  Ar- 
men.).  [C  H.] 

MESSALLINA,  virgin  martyr,  under  Decius, 
at  Fuligno ;  commemorated  Jan.  23  (Boll.  Acta 
S3.  Jan.  ii.  453).  [0.  H.] 

MESSENGER.  Polycarp  is  desired  in  the 
Ignatian  epistle  to  him  (c.  7)  to  choose  some  one 
who  may  be  worthy  to  bear  the  name  of 
BeSSpofjiOS,  to  carry  to  Syria  the  tidings  of  his 
(Polycarp's)  love  of  Christ.  The  word  OeoTrpea- 
^uTTjs  is  used  in  a  precisely  similar  sense  in  the 
Ignatian  epistle  to  the  Smyrnaeans  (e.  11)  ;  and 
similarly  Polycarp  (ad  Fhilipp.  13)  speaks  of 
sending  one  to  be  an  ambassador  (TrpetrjSsuo'oi/Ta). 
These  emissaries  were  probably  in  most  cases 
deacons  of  the  church.  Baronius  (Aim.  A.D.  58, 
c.  108)  wrongly  supposes  these  fledSpo/iot  to  be 
CuRSORES  (p.  521)  for  the  summoning  of  assem- 
blies.    (Bingham's  Antiq.  VIII.  viii.  15.)     [C] 

MESSOR  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Jan.  14  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Picenum  Ap. 
15  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

METATOR.  An  officer  sent  before  the 
sovereign  when  on  a  journey  to  take  care  that 
proper  preparations  were  made  for  his  reception. 
[See  Metatus.]  Cyprian  (Ep.  81,  al.  6,  §  4) 
applies  the  word  to  Rogatian,  the  first  martyr 
sent  to  prison  in  the  Decian  persecution,  who,  he 
says,  went  before  the  rest  as  a  harbinger(metator) 
to  prepare  their  place  in  the  dungeon.  See  also 
Optatus,  de  Schism.  Donat.  iii.  4,  §  61.    [P.  0.] 

METATORIUM  {pLiTo.T<ipiov,  ixirariipiov, 
txeaaTiLpwv)  one  of  the  subordinate  buildings  of 
an  oriental  church,  usually  regarded  as  identical 
with  the  diaconicum  [Diaconicum].  Thus,  in 
the  Euchologia  we  read  of  the  patriarch  going 
down  "  into  the  metatorium  or  diaconicum,"  and 
passing  from  it  to  the  altar  from  the  right-hand 
side.  Cedrenus  records  that  when  the  emperor 
Leo  the  Philosopher  was  forbidden  by  the 
patriarch  Nicolas  to  enter  the  church,  on  ac- 
count of  his  having  contracted  a  fourth  mar- 
riage, he  performed  his  devotions  in  the  meta- 
torium, on  the  right  side  of  the  altar  (Cedren. 
JUstor.  p.  483,  ed.  Par.  p.  602).  The  metatorium 
erected  by  Justinian  at  the  church  of  St.  Sophia, 
was  used  by  him  and  his  successors  as  a  place  of 
retirement  and  repose,  in  which    the   emperors 


METATUS 

also  sometimes  partook  of  a  meal  (cf.  Theodor. 
Lect.  Eclog,  ii.  p.  165,  and  the  other  references  to 
Byzantine  historians  given  by  Ducange,  Con- 
stantinopoUs  Christiana,  lib.  iii.  No.  84).  Gear 
is  of  opinion  that  the  metatorium  was  also  used 
by  the  ministers  of  the  church  for  rest  and  re- 
freshment, and  that  they  there  partook  of  a 
slight  repast.  He  regards  the  word,  as  does 
Suicer  {sub  voc.)  as  a  corruption  of  /xivcraTdpiov, 
derived  from  n'tvaos,  ferculum,  or  from  riwnsa, 
"  a  table."  But  Ducange  is  probably  right  in  re- 
garding it  as  a  Graecized  form  of  the  low-Latin 
"  metatum  "  frequent  in  Gregory  of  Tours,  Gre- 
gory the  Great,  and  contemporaneous  writers,  in 
the  sense  of  "a  dwelling."  The  Greek  form 
fjurarov,  or  fjLfrdrov,  is  of  not  unfrequent  occur- 
rence: e.g.  vofxi^ovTfs  Ka\  iv rif  fjurdTcf  avrov  iv 
(fi  iraAai  KaTefxetvfv  ivpiffKiadai  ai/rhv  e|r)Ti7cro- 
/xiv  (Concil.  Constantinop.  sub  Mama,  act.  ii. 
Labbe,  v.  57  ;)  eVef^Trjffe  ixWarov  (aliter  KfWiov) 
jueifoc  6  XpiffTiavhs  (Athanas.  de  Imag.  Beryt.). 
Augusti,  with  far  less  probability,  considers  it 
another  form  of  "  mutatorium,"  in  the  sense  of 
"  a  vestry,"  camera  paramenti,  where  the  mini- 
sters of  the  church  changed  their  habits  (Au- 
gusti, Hand'juch  der  Christ.  Archiiol.  i.  390; 
Binterim,  Denkwiirdigheit,  Tol.  iv.  i.  p.  140). 

[E.  v.] 
METATUS.  The  duty  of  providing  food 
and  lodging  for  the  sovereign  and  his  retinue 
when  on  a  journey,  or  for  the  judges  and  others 
travelling  on  public  business.  Under  the  Ilo- 
man  law  the  clergy  were  exempted  irom  this 
obligation  Cod.  Theodos,  xvi.  tit.  2,  leg.  8). 
According  to  Gothofred  (Com.  in  Cod.  Theodos. 
vii.  tit.  8 ;  de  Onere  Metatus)  this  exemption 
was  given  to  the  clergy,  to  senators,  to  Jewish 
synagogues,  and  all  places  of  worship.  The 
capitularies  of  the  Frank  kings,  on  the  other 
hand,  appear  to  lay  the  burden  chiefly  on  the 
clergy.  One  reason  of  this  undoubtedly  was  to 
be  found  in  the  frequent  bestowal  of  fiefs  upon 
the  church,  to  be  held  by  this  and  other  feudal 
tenures.  Thomassin  (  Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl.  Discip. 
iii.  1,  c.  48,  §  3)  says  that  under  the  Roman  law 
the  obligation  was  considered  to  be  a  badge  of 
servitude,  but  among  the  Franks  such  exercise 
of  hospitality  was  esteemed  an  honour  and  a 
token  of  the  alliance  between  church  and  state. 

Bishops  especially  appear  to  have  been  ex- 
pected to  receive  the  sovereign.  Thomassin  (ih. 
iii.  1,  c.  39,  §§  1,  2)  gives  instances  of  farms 
bestowed  by  Charles  the  Great  on  bishops  who 
had  received  him  with  such  hospitality  as  was 
in  their  power,  and  of  punishments  inflicted  by 
him  on  certain  bishops  and  abbats  who  had 
neglected  to  receive  some  ambassadors  from 
Persia  on  their  way  to  his  court.  This  custom 
appears  to  have  brought  with  it  certain  incon- 
veniences. A  curious  canon  of  the  Council  of 
Meaux,  a.d.  845  (c.  26),  reminds  the  reign- 
ing monarch,  Charles  the  Bald,  that  women 
were  strictly  forbidden  to  enter  the  houses  of 
any  of  the  clergj-,  and  that  especially  the 
dwelling  of  bishops  should  be  free  from  their 
presence,  and  implores  them  not  to  compel  bi- 
shops to  turn  their  palaces  into  lodging  houses 
for  women  during  a  royal  progress. "  The  right 
w.as  also  claimed  for  those  who  were  travelling 
on  public  business.  A  capitulary  of  Louis  the 
Pious  (ii.  tit.  16,  ed.  Baluz)  sets  forth  that 
certain  places    had  been  appointed   bv  himself 


METELLUS 

and  his  father  for  the  special  exercise  of  hospi- 
tality, and  ordains  that  officers  should  be  ap- 
pointed to  these  places  to  see  that  this  duty  was 
carefully  discharged.  Special  mention  is  made 
of  the  reception  of  embassies,  and  those  who 
neglect  to  provide  with  fitting  entertainment 
^nd  provision  for  the  way  (paravereda)  are 
threatened  with  deprivation  of  any  offices  that 
they  may  hold.  The  second  council  of  Rheims, 
A.D.  813  (c.  42),  entreats  the  emperor  to  enforce 
by  statute  that  no  one  should  dare  to  deny 
lodging  (mansionem)  to  those  travelling  on  his 
service,  or  on  any  duty  enforced  on  them  by  law 
^quibus  incumbit  necessitas). 

It  appears  that  this  right  was  often  abused. 
Sometimes  by  the  sovereign  using  it  more  than 
was  equitable.  Thus  Hincmar  of  Rheims,  in  his 
Instruction  to  Louis  the  Stammerer  {0pp.  ii. 
p.  182),  e.xhorts  him  not  to  harass  the  church 
by  continual  progresses  ("  circadas  ")  and  other 
exactions  which  were  not  customary  in  the  time 
of  his  predecessors.  Sometimes  by  bishops 
making  it  a  pretext  for  illegal  claims  upon  the 
presbyters  of  their  dioceses.  A  form  of  instruc- 
tion delivered  by  the  metropolitan  to  the  French 
bishops  on  their  institution  (Sirmond,  Gall. 
Cone.  ii.  p.  660),  especially  forbids  them  to  de- 
mand rights  of  lodging  from  their  presbyters  for 
their  friends  or  attendants,  or  to  extort  under 
the  name  of  free  gifts  ("  accipiat,  id  est  rapiat ") 
any  supplies  of  horses  or  carriages  on  pretence  of 
making  provision  for  the  sovereign  or  his  em- 
bassies. Sometimes  this  was  claimed  by  those 
who  had  no  title  to  it,  or  from  persons  who 
were  exempt.  An  edict  of  Charles  the  Great 
<^Sirmond,  Gall.  Cone.  ii.  242)  prohibits  a 
practice  which  had  sprung  up  among  the  officers 
of  the  empire,  of  demanding  lodging  and  convey- 
ance ("  mansionaticos  et  paravereda  "),  not  only 
from  free  men,  but  from  monasteries,  convents, 
guest-houses,  and  other  ecclesiastical  corporations. 
Exemptions  appear  to  have  often  been  given  to 
monasteries.  An  edict  of  Charles  the  Bald,  quoted 
by  Thomassin  ( Fei.  et  Nov.  Eccl.  Biscip.  iii.  1, 
c.  39,  §  12),  forbids  his  judges  to  claim  any  rights 
of  lodging  or  provision  for  the  way  from  certain 
monasteries.  Flodoard  {Hist.  Bern.  ii.  11)  says 
that  Rigobert,  arclibishop  of  Rheims,  asserted 
that  all  church  property  in  his  diocese  was  free 
from  the  rights  of  entertainment  claimed  by  the 
judges  on  the  ground  of  exeinptions  granted  by 
the  Frank  kings.  This  exemption  was  some- 
times extended  to  the  rights  of  the  bishops 
themselves.  A  charter  given  by  pope  Marinus, 
A.D.  885,  to  the  monastery  of  Solognac  (Sir- 
mond, Cone.  Gall.  iii.  521)  provides  that  no 
bishop  or  count  should  claim  from  the  monks 
any  right  of  lodging  or  provision  for  the  way, 
but  that  they  should  be  left  free  to  exercise  the 
duty  of  hospitality  to  all  Christians  at  their  own 
will.  For  the  duties  expected  from  monastic  in- 
stitutions in  the  way  of  receiving  travellers,  as 
distinct  from  the  law  of  '  metatus,'  see  Hospi- 
tality ;  HOSPITIUM.  [P.  0.] 

METELLUS,  martyr,  with  Mardonius  and 
others,  at  Neocaesarea ;  commemorated  Jan.  24 
(Usuard.  Mart.).  [0.  H.] 

METENSE  CONCILIUM.    [Metz.] 

METHODIUS  (1)  Patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople, "Our  holy  father;"  commemorated  June 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


METEOPOLITAN 


1171 


14    (Basil.    Menol.;    Daniel,    Cod.    Liturq.     iv. 
261).  -^ 

(2)  Bishop  of  Patara,  martyr  under  Diocle- 
tian ;  commemorated  June  20  (Basil.  Menol.  ; 
Cal.  Bi/zant. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  iv.  5). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Olympus  in  Lycia  and  after- 
wards of  Tyre,  martyr  at  Chalcis ;  commemo- 
rated Sept.  18  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  v.  768).  [C.  H.] 

METRAS  or  METRANUS,  martyr  at 
Alexandria  ;  commemorated  Jan.  31  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Jan.  ii.  1079).  [C.  H.] 

METROBIUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Phrygia  Oct.  27  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart, 
^uct.)  [C.  H.] 

METEODORA  (1)  Virgin  martyr  ;  comme- 
morated at  Nicomedia  Aug.  8  {Hicron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  with  her  sisters  Menodora  and 
Nymphodora;  commemorated  Sept.  10  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Litnrg.  iv. 
268).  [C.  H.] 

METRODORUS,  presbyter,  martyr  at  Nico- 
media ;  commemorated  Mar.  12  (Florus  ap.  Bed. 
Mart.)  ;  Metrodus  {Hleron.  Mart.).       [C.  H.] 

METRONA,  virgin ;  commemorated  at  Pe  ■ 
rusia  Ap.  29  {Ilieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

METROPHANES,  patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople,  "  Our  holy  father,"  cir.  A.D.  325  ;  comme- 
morated June  4  (Basil.  3Ienol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Litunj.  iv.  260 ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  June, 
i.  384).  The  Cal.  Annen.  mentions  Metrophanes 
and  Alexander,  patriarchs,  under  Nov.  7. 

[C.  H.] 

METROPOLITAN  (m7,Tpo7ro\lrr,s,  Metro- 
politanus).  Bishop  Beveridge  {Cod.  Can.  lib.  ii. 
c.  5)  considers  that  meti-opolitans  are  either 
of  apostolical  institution,  or  that  at  least  the 
Apostles  founded  the  church  on  such  a  system 
as  to  put  matters  inevitably  in  train  for  the 
erection  of  metropolitan  sees,  and  must  therefore 
be  supposed  to  have  contemplated  the  result  to 
which  their  acts  naturally,  if  not  necessarily, 
led.  In  support  of  this  view  stress  is  laid  on 
the  fact  that  the  apostles  in  going  into  any  pro- 
vince of  the  empire  chose  out  the  civil  metropolis 
of  that  province  in  which  to  fix  their  head- 
quarters, and  to  found  a  church.  Thus,  for 
example,  Antioch  was  the  metropolis  of  Syria, 
Corinth  of  Achaia,  Ephesus  of  Asia,  Thessalonica 
of  Macedonia  ;  and  when  from  thence,  as  from  a 
centre,  other  churches  had  been  formed,  they 
are  collectively  spoken  of,  and  grouped  together, 
in  reference  to  the  Roman  province,  and  there- 
fore to  its  metropolis.  Thus  we  hear  in  the 
New  Testament  of  the  churches  of  Judea,  the 
churches  of  Macedonia,  the  churches  of  Asia.  An 
inference,  therefore,  is  drawn  that  a  certain 
ecclesiastical  connexion  between  the  church  of 
the  chief  city  and  the  churches  throughout  the 
province,  which  had  derived  their  origin  from 
it,  was  to  be  expected,  and  was  intended.  And 
this,  it  is  urged,  is  precisely  what  is  found  to 
prevail  at  an  early  period.  It  is  further  con- 
tended that  Titus  and  Timothy  in  fact  acted  as 
metropolitans  in  Crete  and  Ejihesus,  for  which 
Chiysostom  is  cited  {Horn.  i.  in  Tit.),  who  says,  tl 
fii]  yap  iiv  Sdnt/xos,  ovk  av  avrw  Tr)v  vrjffov 
b\6KXT)pov  firerpe^fv  .  .  .  oiiic  &v  Toa-ovTaiv  (iri- 


1172 


METEOPOLITAN 


ffKoircev  Kplffiv  iirerpexliev.  (Comp.  Eus.  ffist.  Ecd. 
lib.  iii.  c.  4,  lib.  v.  c.  23,  lib.  iv.  c.  23,  which 
passages  however,  it  may  perhaps  be  said,  do  not 
seem  necessarily  to  mean  more  than  that  the 
whole  was  one  bishopric.)  Barrow,  however, 
while  admitting  as  a  fact  that  the  chief  cities 
were  usually  selected  as  the  first  seats  of  churches, 
yet  considers  that  "  all  ecclesiastical  presidencies 
and  subordinations,  or  dependencies  of  some 
bishops  on  others  in  administration  of  spiritual 
affairs,  were  introduced  merely  by  human  ordi- 
nance, and  established  by  law  or  custom,  upon 
prudential  accounts,  according  to  the  exigency 
of  things."  "  At  first,"  he  says,  "  every  bishop, 
as  a  prince  in  his  own  church,  did  act  freely 
according  to  his  will  and  discretion,  with  the 
advice  of  his  ecclesiastical  senate,  and  with  the 
consent  of  his  people  (the  which  he  did  use  to 
consult),  without  being  controllable  by  any 
other,  or  accountable  to  any,  further  than  his 
obligation  to  uphold  the  verity  of  Christian  pro- 
fession, and  to  maintain  fraternal  communion  in 
charity  and  peace  with  neighbouring  churches 
did  require."  But  "  because  little,  disjointed, 
and  incoherent  bodies  were  like  dust,  apt  to  be 
dissipated  by  every  wind  of  external  assault  or 
intestine  faction :  and  peaceable  union  could 
hardly  be  retained  without  some  ligature  of  dis- 
cipline :  and  churches  could  not  mutually  sup- 
port and  defend  each  other  without  some  method 
of  intercourse  and  rule  of  confederacy  engaging 
them:  therefore,  for  many  good  purposes  (for 
upholding  and  advancing  the  common  interests 
of  Christianity,  for  protection  and  support  of 
each  church  from  inbred  disorders  and  dissen- 
sions, for  preserving  the  integrity  of  the  faith, 
for  securing  the  concord  of  divers  churches,  for 
providing  fit  pastors  to  each  church,  and  correct- 
ing such  as  were  scandalously  bad  or  unfaithful) 
it  was  soon  found  needful  that  divers  churches 
should  be  combined  and  linked  together  in  some 
regular  form  of  discipline ;  that  if  any  church 
did  want  a  bishop,  the  neighbour  bishops  might 
step  in  to  approve  and  ordain  a  fit  one :  that  if 
any  bishop  did  notoriously  swerve  from  the 
Christian  rule,  the  others  might  interpose  to 
correct  or  void  him :  that  if  any  en-or  or  schism 
did  peep  up  in  any  church,  the  joint  concurrence 
of  divers  bishops  might  avail  to  stop  its  progress, 
and  to  quench  it,  by  convenient  means  of  in- 
struction, reprehension,  and  censure;  that  if 
any  church  were  oppressed  by  persecution,  by 
indigency,  by  fection,  the  others  might  be  en- 
gaged to  afford  effectual  succour  and  relief;  for 
such  ends  it  was  needful  that  bishops  in  certain 
precincts  should  convene,  with  intent  to  delibe- 
rate and  resolve  about  the  best  expedients  to 
compass  them,  and  that  the  manner  of  such  pro- 
ceeding (to  avoid  uncertain  distraction,  con- 
fusion, arbitrariness,  dissatisfaction,  and  muti- 
nous opposition)  should  be  settled  in  an  ordinary 
course,  according  to  rules  known  and  allowed 
by  all." 

He  then  goes  on  to  shew  that  as  in  each 
political  province,  there  was  a  metropolis  or 
head  city,  to  which  great  resort  was  had  for  the 
dispensation  of  justice  and  other  important 
affairs,  and  which  usually  possessed  a  Christian 
church  which  excelled  the  rest  in  opulency  and 
in  ability  to  promote  the  common  interest ;  and 


as  also  in  all  meetings 


some  one  person  must 


preside,  this  duty  would  naturally  devolve  in 


METEOPOLITAN 

meetings  of  bishops  upon  the  prelate  of  the 
metropolis,  "  as  being  at  home  in  his  own  seat  of 
presidence  and  receiving  the  rest  under  his 
wing,"  as  well  as  on  account  of  his  "  surpassing 
the  rest  in  all  advantages  answerable  to  the 
secular  advantages  of  his  city."  Accordingly 
the  metropolitan  bishop  became  the  president  of 
the  episcopal  meetings,  which  soon  developed 
into  provincial  synods.  "  Thus,"  he  concludes, 
"  I  conceive  the  metropolitan  governance  was 
introduced,  by  human  considerations  of  public 
necessity  or  utility.*  There  are,  indeed,  some 
who  think  it  was  instituted  by  the  apostles,  but 
their  arguments  do  not  seem  convincing ;  and 
such  a  constitution  doth  not  (as  I  take  it)  well 
suit  to  the  state  of  their  times  and  the  coursie 
they  took  in  founding  churches"  {Treatise  on  the 
Pope's  Supremacy,  Suppos.  v.). 

Dr.  Cave,  quoted  by  Bingham,  and  apparently 
Bingham  himself,  appear  to  take  substantially 
the  same  view  as  Barrow. 

Thomassin  lays  stress  on  the  fact  that  the 
principal  towns  being  first  evangelized  by  the 
apostles,  Christianity  would  radiate  thence,  and 
daughter-churches  spring  up  around  the  original 
church  in  the  mother  city,  owing  it  a  filial  obe- 
dience as  sprung  from  it.'' 

Such  obedience,  however,  if  taken  in  a  strict 
sense,  though  well  established  in  later  days,  was 
at  first  of  somewhat  gradual  growth.  Soon  after 
the  middle  of  the  2nd  century,  synods  were  ren- 
dered peculiarly  necessary  by  the  diversities  of 
opinion  which  then  sprang  up.  And,  as  Barrow 
states,  these  would  naturally  be  held  in  the  chief 
city  and  under  the  presidency  of  its  bishop.° 

The  more  frequently  such  synods  were  held, 
the  better  defined  would  the  dignity  of  the  me- 
tropolitan become,  especially  as  it  would  be  his 
duty  to  convene  them.  When  they  came  to  b& 
convened  at  regular  intervals,  it  would  assume 
an  established  character  as  an  integral  part  of  a 
permanent  institution. 

Nor  is  it  difficult  to  suppose  that  in  the  inter- 
vals between  synods  the  president  would  probably 
be  referred  to,  when  the  decrees  needed  either 
explanation  or  enforcement.  What  at  first  was 
only  the  influence  due  to  his  superior  position 
would  thus  by  degrees  become  acknowledged  as 
an  actual  authority.     Other  occasions  on  which 

»  Accordingly  we  find  that  the  civil  metropolis  wa» 
also  the  ecclesiastical  metropolis,  even  when  it  might 
have  been  expected  to  be  otherwise.  Thus  Caesarea,  not 
Jerusalem,  was  the  seat  of  the  metropolitan  in  Palestine. 
Compare  canons  12  and  17  of  Chalcedon. 

b  "  Ex  quibuscoUigitur,  si  civiles  metropoles  in  metro- 
poles  etiam  ecclesiasticas  evasere,  id  eo  maxime  factum 
esse,  quod  metropoleon  ecclesiae  ceteras  quoque  peperc- 
rint  fundarintque  provinciae  ecclesias ;  eo  prorsus  modo, 
quo  urbis  cujusque  cathedralis,  ceteris  vicinorum  oppi- 
dorum  ecclesiis  ortum  dedit,  atque  adeo  maternam  in 
eas  dominationem  jure  est  consecuta  "  (Part.  i.  1.  1,  c.  3). 

<=  Such  at  least  was  the  general,  though  not  at  first  perhaps 
the  invariable  rule.  For  Eusebius  (//.  E.  5.  c.  23)  speaks  of 
a  synod  of  the  bishops  of  Pontus  at  which  the  senior 
bishop  appears  to  have  presided.  In  Africa  the  rule  as 
to  metropolitans  was  peculiar.  With  the  exception  of 
Carthage,  which  seems  to  have  been  the  standing  metro- 
polis for  the  province  of  Africa  properly  so  called,  the 
senior  bishop  for  the  time  being  of  the  province  was 
metropolitan,  whatever  his  see.  Such  was  the  custom 
in  Numidla  and  Mauretania.  It  is  to  be  observed,  how- 
ever, that  Carthage  seems  to  have  had  a  kind  of  primacy 
over  them.    See  Gieseler,  1st  period,  }  66. 


METROPOLITAN' 

the  Christian  inhabitants  of  a  Roman  province 
might  unite  together,  such  as  a  solemn  thanks- 
giving for  the  cessation  of  persecution,  would 
conduce  to  the  same  result.  The  bishop  of  the 
chief  city,  at  which  such  assemblies  would  pro- 
bably take  place,  would  direct  the  solemnities, 
and  perhaps  conduct  them.  (See  Bickell,  Gesch. 
des  Eirchenrechts,  part  2,  p.  176,  who  refers  to 
lo-nat.  ad  Fhilad.  c.  10,  adSmyrn.  c.  11,  ad  Folyc. 
C.7). 

Again,  the  custom  that  when  a  bishop  died, 
the  neighbouring  bishops  should  assemble  for  the 
consecration  of  his  successor,  would  afford  another 
case  of  solemn  action  in  which  some  one  must 
take  the  lead.  And  it  would  naturally  devolve 
on  the  metropolitan  who  had  taken  such  lead  to 
certify  the  churches  in  other  parts  of  the  world 
as  to  the  validity  of  the  election  and  consecra- 
tion, and  as  to  the  person  whom  they  were  to 
regard  and  deal  with  as  the  true  and  regular 
bishop,  in  case  any  other  claimants  appeared. 
This  would  easily  pass  into  a  right  to  ratify 
what  was  done  in  the  matter,  and  to  authorize 
the  consecration,  so  that  without  such  authori- 
zation it  would  not  be  regular.** 

It  will  now  be  proper  to  give  some  authorities 
in  order  to  afford  the  means  of  judging  how  far 
the  above  sketch  is  warranted  by  the  facts  of 
the  case.' 

On  the  one  hand,  as  to  the  stress  laid  in  early 
times  on  the  inherent  eqliality  of  all  bishops,  we 
have  the  statement  of  Cyprian : — "  Xeque  enim 
quisquara  nostrum  episcopum  se  esse  episcoporum 
constituit,  aut  tyrannico  terrore  ad  obsequcndi 
necessitatem  collegas  suos  adigit,  quando  habeat 
omnis  episcopus  pro  licentia  libertatis  et  potes- 
tatis  suae  arbitrium  proprium,  tanquam  judicari 
ab  alio  non  possit,  cum  nee  ipse  possit  alterum 
judicare.  Sed  expectemus  universi  judicium 
Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi ;  qui  unus  et  solus 
habet  potestatem  et  praeferendi  nos  in  ecclesiae 
suae  gubernatione,  et  de  actu  nosti-o  judicandi  " 
{Alloctttio  in  Cone.  Carthag.  a.d.  256).  And 
again  : — "  Manente  concordiae  vinculo  et  perse- 
vei-ante  catholicae  ecclesiae  individuo  sacramento, 
actum  suum  disponit  et  dirigit  unusquisque  epi- 
scopus, rationem  propositi  sui  Domino  redditu- 
rus."  Ep.  bb,ad  Antonianum(^Ep.  52,  ed.  Pam.). 
So,  again,  he  speaks  of  it  as  a  rule,  "  ut  singulis 
pastoribus  portio  gregis  sit  adscripta,  quam  regat 
unusquisque  et  gubernet,  rationem  sui  actus 
Domino  redditurus  "  {Ep.  55,  ad  CorncUam). 

It  may  indeed  be  said  that  Cyprian  was  him- 
self in  some  sense  a  metropolitan,  but  Bickell 
remarks  that  passages  like  these  shew  that  his 
office  was  rather  that  of  presiding  and  taking 
the  lead  than  such  as  implied  any  actual  subor- 
dination of  the  other  bishops  to  him  {Gesch.  dcs 
Eirchenrechts,  part  2,  181). 

On  the  other  hand  we  read  in  the  apostolic 
canons    (can.    33),    toi/s    i-KiffK6irovs    kKaarov 

d  Such  right,  however,  did  not  necessarily  amount  to 
.in  arbitrary  negative.  If  there  was  a  diversity  of  opinion 
in  tlie  synod  the  metropolitan  was  directed  by  the  coun- 
cil of  Aries  to  side  with  the  majority,  and  there  are 
other  councils  to  the  same  effect.    [Bishop.] 

'  These  authorities  are  principally  found  in  the  East 
and  in  North  Africa.  In  the  AVest  the  development  of 
metropolitan  authority  was  apparently  of  later  date.  But 
indications  of  it  in  Gaul,  in  connexion  with  the  council  of 
Aries,  and  in  Spain  at  the  council  of  Elvira  (can.  58)  are 
given  by  Bickell  (part  2,  pp.  185,  186). 


METROPOLITAN 


1173 


iOvovs  elSevai  XPV  "rbv  eV  ouToty  irpSirov,  Kal 
rjyela-dai  avrhv  ois  Ki<pa\}]v,  koX  fi-qSev  irpaTreii' 
Trfpirrby  &vev  ttjs  eKeivov  yvtifiris,  which  seems 
to  indicate  something  more  than  mere  precedence. 

Whether  or  not  this  can  be  relied  on  as  a  more 
ancient  authority  than  those  we  are  about  to  cite 
will  of  course  depend  on  the  date  and  origin 
assigned  to  this  collection  of  canons.  [See  Apo- 
stolic Canons.]  Beveridge  argues  for  their 
antiquity  because  the  term  metropolitan  is  not 
used.  This  title,  it  is  admitted  on  all  hands,  did 
not  come  into  recognised  use  until  the  4th  cen- 
tury. Bickell  and  others,  however,  consider  that 
the  stress  thus  laid  on  metropolitan  authority 
(no  matter  by  what  title)  proves  of  itself  that 
the  apostolic  canons  belong  to  the  4th  century. 
One  thing,  at  all  events,  is  clear,  namely,  that 
the  council  of  Nice  speaks  of  the  existence  of 
metropolitans  as  no  new  thing  at  that  period. 
In  fact,  it  treats  the  still  more  extensive  autho- 
rity of  the  bishops  of  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and 
Rome  as  established  by  ancient  custom. ' 

The  Nicene  decrees  also  recognise  it  as  perfectly 
clear  {KadoAov  Se  ■7rp65r]\ov  eKeiro),  that  no  one 
is  to  be  made  a  bishop  without  the  metropolitan 
(xwpls  yvufjLTjs  ix7)rpo-KO\irov'),  and  if  otherwise, 
he  is  not  to  be  held  rightly  a  bishop  (can.  vi. ; 
see  also  can.  iv.). 

The  council  of  Antioch  (can.  ix.)  has  explicit 
decrees  as  to  the  precedency  of  the  bishop  of  the 
metropolis,  and  as  to  the  necessity  for  his  pre- 
sence when  questions  of  a  general  nature  are 
discussed,  but  with  a  strong  reservation  as  to  the 
powers  of  each  bishop  in  matters  affecting  merely 
his  own  diocese.? 

The  same  council  also  insists  that  no  one  be 
made  a  bishop  without  a  synod  and  the  presence 
of  the  metropolitan  of  the  province  (can.  xix.), 
and  the  council  of  Laodicea  repeats  the  injunc- 
tion (can.  xii.).'' 


''  TO.  apxata  I6rj  KpaTeirui,  To,  iv  AiyuffTo)  Kal  Aip-uri 
KoX  JlevTaTT6\ei.,  iliart  tov  iv  'A\e^avSpeia  inLiKonov  nav- 
Toiv  TouTwt'  ex^iv  •nji'  i^ovcCav'  ineiSyj  Koi  Tw  iv  rjj  'Pw/jltj 
iTriaKOTToi  tovto  avvr)9i<;  i<TTLv,  6jtAOta>5  6e  Kara  ttjv  A^rto- 
Xei-av  Kal  iv  tois  oAAais  eJrapx'oi!  to.  npea-^tia  aui^tadai 
Tttis  cKxAijo-iais  (can.  6).  Even  at  this  time,  however 
metropolitans  were  not  universal  in  the  West  (Bickell, 
2,  187). 

S  Tous  Ka6'  iKaarqv  inapx^av  cTrto-xoTrovs  etSeVat  XPT 
70V  iv  Trj  jUTjTpoTrdAet  TrpoecTwra  iTTLCKonoVt  Kal  ttji' 
(f)povTiSa  avaSex((TOai.  ffaoT)!  T^;  eiropx'as*  5ia  TO  iv  rfj 
fiijTpoTToXei  iravTax66ev  cruiTpe'xeiv  iravra^  Toiis  Ta 
Trpdy^ara  ex^'''''^^*  "^^c*'  iSo^e  Kal  Tjj  Tipijj  TrpoTjyeca^at 
avTor,  piijSiv  T€  TTpaTTCiv  rrepiTTOv  tous  Aotn-ou?  ejrttrKd- 
irous  avev  avTOV,  Kara  rbi/  apxaiov  KpixTTrjcravTa  tuv 
naripiav  7}ixwv  Kavova  rj  ravTa  fxova  b<ra  ryj  tKaarov 
iTTL^dWd  napoiKia  Kal  rais  in'  avri]V  x^pai!.  'E/cao-TOf 
■yap  i-aicTKQirov  i^ovaiav  exeir  T^s  iavToxi  TrapoLKia^ 
SioiKelv  T€  Kara  Tqv  iKa(nw  iTri.pa.\\ov(rav  eiiXd^eiav, 
Kal  n-povotav  TroLeicrOai  Trao-Tjs  rij?  x*"?"^  '^1^  ""'''  ■")" 
tauToO  noKiV  (i?  Kal  x^po^oveiv  npea^vTipovi  Kal 
Siaicdrou!,  icai  p-CTa  KpCcreui':  tVacTTa  StaAa^^areii'.  jre- 
paiTc'pio  Se  iJ.r)Sev  npaTTeiv  en-ixetpcTi'  ^I'xa^  Tou  T>f? 
^rjTpOTroAeus  iTncTKovov,  fiTjSc  avTov  avev  r^s  TUf  Aotwuv 
yvu>ij.rii  (C'oncil.  Jntioch.  can.  ix.). 

h  The  words  of  the  Antiochene  canon  are  :  inCtTKorrov 
/XT)  xeipOToi/eio-eai  Sc'xa  avvoSov  Kal  irapoucrias-  ToO  iv  rjj 
lj.r,Tpon6\ei  T^!  inapxU,.  These  words  are  deemed  by 
Barrow  to  interpret  the  ambiguous  plirase,  x^pi?  yv<^IJ-rii, 
in  the  Nicene  canon,  and  to  shew  that  "  it  doth  not  import 
a  negative  voice  in  him,  but  that  the  transaction  should 
not  pass  in  his  absence,  or  without  his  knowledge, 
advice,  and  suffrage."  (Burrow  On  rope's  Supreinacy, 
Supposition  vi.)  Eventually,  however  no  (loubt  the 
4  G  2 


1174 


METROPOLITAN 


The  right,  cf  personally  deciding  appeals  was 
not  vested  in  metropolitans  till  a  late  period. 

The  council  of  Sardica  may  be  thought  to 
have  a  trace  of  it,  but  the  decrees  of  this  coun- 
cil on  the  subject  of  appeals  are  perhaps  open  to 
question.' 

The  council  of  Nice  directed  that  synods 
should  be  held  twice  a  year  in  each  province,  in 
order  that  when  clergymen  or  laymen  had  been 
excommunicated  by  their  own  bishops  the  pro- 
priety of  the  sentence  might  be  examined  and 
conlirmed,  or  mitigated.     (See  canon  v.) 

The  council  of  Chalcedon  (can.  ix.)  defined  the 
course  to  be  that  when  one  clergyman  complained 
against  another,  they  should  first  go  before  their 
own  bishop,  or  before  judges  selected  by  both 
parties  with  his  sanction.  But  if  a  clergyman 
brought  a  complaint  against  a  bishop,  it  was  to 
he  determined  in  the  provincial  synod.'' 

In  like  manner  the  council  of  Antioch  (can.  vi.) 
allowed  a  party  excommunicated  by  his  own 
bishop  to  appeal  to  the  next  ensuing  synod. 

In  these  synods  the  metropolitan  would  no 
doubt  preside,  and  exercise  great  influence,  but 
there  is  no  proof  as  yet  of  his  judging  alone  in 
matters  of  importance. 

An  intermediate  stage  seems  observable  in  the 
laws  of  Justiuian  (^Cod.  i.  tit.  4,  leg.  29),  in 
which  an  appeal  is  given  to  the  metropolitan, 
with  a  further  appeal  from  him  to  a  synod,  and 
a  final  appeal  from  the  synod  to  the  patriarch.' 


power  of  confirmation  came  into  the  hands  of  the  metro- 
politan personally.  "Quoniam  inter  episcopos  ordina- 
tores,  primus  et  praeses  esset  metropolitanus :  neque 
semper  omnibus  comprovincialibus  episcopis  commo- 
dum  esset,  ad  singulas  episcoporum  ordinationes  con- 
venire,  sensim  ex  quodam  ut  minus  tacito  ecclesiae 
consensu  ad  metropolitanum,  integrum  pene  devolutum 
est  jus  electiones  discutiendi,  easque  vel  ut  canonicas 
proband!,  vel  ut  minus  canonicas  reprobandi."  (Van 
Espen,  part  i.  tit.  xiv.  c.  1.)  For  the  profession  of 
obedience  made  to  metropolitans  by  the  bishops  of  their 
province,  see  Bisnoi',  1,  5. 

'  o  eKPaWoiiivo';  ex^'^w  efouo'tai'  cttI  toi/  fTTiV/COTTOi'  t^s 
fiTjTpoTToAeu)!  T^9  avTTi';  eirapxia?  Karaijivyttv.  el  Se  6  t^s 
fii]Tpo7roXew?  aTrco-rtj',  cttI  tw  TrXrjiTioj^tiipov  KaTarpdyeLV 
Kal  ajioiri-,  'iva  /icra  d/cpi/Seta!  avTov  efera^TjTat  to 
wpSyna  (c.  14,  t.  2).  Thomassin  (part  i.  lib.  i.  c.  40) 
insists  on  the  view  that  as  metropolitans  ordained  the 
bishops  of  their  province,  they  had  a  paternal  authority 
over  them.  "  Rata  ilia  erat  juris  antiqui  regula,  ut  qui 
habet  ordinandi,  habeat  et  judicandi  potestatem." 

k  If  he  had  a  dispute  with  the  metropolitan,  it  was  to 
be  heard  before  the  exarch  or  by  the  patriarch.  (Cann 
ix.  and  xvii.). 

1  eKmC^o^cv  p.r,5h'a  riv  eiXa^eo-TaTajv  kXtjpikwk,  «It£ 
Trapa    TifO!    <ruyK\rif)i.Koi,    tire   Tropa    Tuf  KoAou/iieVcoi/ 


vev<:  Ki 


I  CK  irpwnjs  ei>  aiTiacret  yeVeo-eai 


iToparoi?  ,iaKapiwTaT0is  naTpiapxati  StoiK^o-eoo;  «d<TTi,y 
oAAa  TTpuTov  Kara.  Toi>?  lepov?  fleo-fjioi;!  Trapi  t<P  rq^ 
irdAewt  Jmo-Koffo.  Kafl'  fiv  6  KKripiKhs  Biiyu-  d  &k  {-TrdTrTws 
eXft  Tpos  eVeiror.  irapa  tw  t^?  (H)Tpo7rd\eu!  eni^TKonu, 
TOUTO  npdTT€ii-  fl  Bi  (is  eUbs)  oOtc  Ti  KaT  Uelvo'v 
avjiZ  api(TKOi,  TtivuKaZra  nph<:  ttji/  eiayq  avfoSov  rijv  rij; 
X<ipas  dyeii-  aurbi/  EiKai6fiti>ov.^  rpiiji,  ap.a.  tjJ  ^r,TpoTTO- 
Mtji  (rvviovTuiv  6eo(f)t.\ecrTdTut'  fTticrKomov  tmi'  Kara  tiji' 
Tafii^  7^9  x«'P<"'0i'i'a5  TTpioTev6vTu>v  Kal  rqu  Jikjji/  eV  rafft 
T^t  5A)j?  iTVf6Sov  e,t„ai6i>Ttav  xal  d  ^iv  iTTepxeeCr,  to. 
KeKptp.ifa,  npayiUroiv  ijnjAAdxeat-  el  «;  olr,eel,,  pe^ki^. 
Oai,  Trivi.KavTa  eniKa\etaeai.  t'ov  li.ajcapMTo.Tov  naTpi- 
apxnv  rn^  6ioi)f^'(rca)5  fKeCrrj^,  (cotTOts  wap'  aujoC  Kpivo/ii- 
PO,,  ffi,.7Ui5  W'Wir,  <ii  au  e.  .Tvxev  cf  apxi,<:  avrbj 
tipij/xtfot  «i(cao-T^?.  Kara  yap  Toiv  toioutwi'  eTnaKonuiu 
oiro*<i<r«wp  ov/c  elvai  x>^pav  iKKKr,T<f  toI^  npo  i)^v  vtvo- 
H08eT7)Tae. 


METROPOLITAN 

The  troubled  state  of  affairs  socially  and  poli- 
tically, as  well  as  ecclesiastically,  which  ensued 
during  the  breaking  up  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
and  the  growth  of  the  various  European  monar- 
chies from  its  ruins,  rendered  it  difficult  to  bring 
together  distant  bishops,  and  consequently  synods 
were  rarely  held  or  fell  into  disuse."  This  would 
largely  contribute  to  independent  action  on  the 
part  of  the  metropolitans. 

Speaking  in  relation  to  the  state  of  things  in 
Gaul  about  the  6th  and  7th  centuries,  Guizot 
says  :  "  The  civil  metropolis  was  generally  more 
wealthy,  more  populous  than  the  other  towns  of 
the  province ;  its  bishop  had  more  influence ; 
people  met  around  him  on  all  important  occa- 
sions ;  his  residence  became  the  chief  place  of 
the  provincial  council ;  he  convoked  it,  and  was 
the  president  of  it ;  he  was  moreover  charged 
with  the  confirmation  and  consecration  of  the 
newly-elected  bishops  of  the  province  ;  with  re- 
ceiving accusations  brought  against  bishops,  and 
the  appeals  from  their  decisions,  and  with  car- 
rying them,  after  having  made  a  first  examina- 
tion, to  the  provincial  council,  which  alone  had 
the  right  of  judging  them.  The  archbishops 
unceasingly  attempted  to  usurp  the  right  and 
make  a  personal  power  of  it.  They  often  suc- 
ceeded ;  but,  in  truth,  as  to  all  important  cir- 
cumstances, it  was  to  the  provincial  council  that 
it  appertained ;  the  archbishops  were  only  charged 
with  superintending  the  execution  of  it."  (^liist. 
of  Civilisation  in  France,  vol,  ii.  p.  46,  Eng. 
trans.) 

In  Spain,  in  the  6th  century,  the  council  of 
Toledo  (can.  20)  says,  "  let  the  priests,  whether 
parochial  or  diocesan,  who  shall  be  tormented  by 
the  bishop,  carry  their  complaints  to  the  metro- 
politan, and  let  the  metropolitan  delay  not  to 
repress  such  excesses."  This  seems  to  imply  a 
direct  personal  power,  but  it  may  be  observed 
that  this  canon  refers  to  unseemly  exactions  on 
the  part  of  individual  bishops  rather  than  to 
their  judicial  sentences. 

From  this  time  onward  the  authority  and 
position  of  metropolitans  in  the  West  were  sub- 
ject to  many  fluctuations,  and  varied  much  in 
different  countries.  Some  of  the  popes,  who  were 
jealous  of  all  intermediate  authority  between 
themselves  and  the  diocesan  bishops,  shewed  a 
disposition  to  weaken  the  metropolitans.  And 
the  bishops  themselves,  with  a  somewhat  short- 
sighted policy,  preferred  to  have  their  superior 
at  a  distance  in  Italy  instead  of  in  their  own 
country  and  province.  Moreover  as  the  supe- 
riority of  the  metropolitans  was  in  a  great  degree 
dependent  on  the  pre-eminence  of  .the  city  in 
which  their  see  was  fixed  and  on  its  ancient  cha- 
racter as  a  metropolis,  the  changes  which  took 
place  in  the  relative  importance  of  towns  at 
periods  of  invasion  and  social  change  materially 
affected  the  position  of  the  prelates. 

It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  in  many 
places  the  metropolitan  authority  should  decline, 
or  that  in  the  8th  century  Pepin  should  have  to 
consult  pope  Zachary  as  to  the  course  to  be 
adopted   for    procuring   respect    for   metropoli- 


■n  In  the  course  of  the  6th  century  there  were  held  in 
Gaul  fifty.four  councils  of  every  description :  in  the  Tth 
century  only  twenty,  in  the  first  half  of  the  8th  century 
only  seven,  and  five  of  these  were  held  in  Belgium  or  on 
the  banks  of  the  Rhine.  (Guizot,  Hut.  of  Civilisation 
in  France,  vol.  ii.  p.  49,  Eng.  trans.) 


METROPOLITAN 

tans  at  the  hands  of  the  bishops  and  parochial 
clergy. 

In  France,  indeed,  a  vigorous  effort  was  made 
to  restore  the  institution  to  something  like 
vigour,  and  the  legislation  of  Pepin  and  Charle- 
magne might  have  had  this  effect."  But  a  fatal 
blow  was  at  hand.  '  The  appearance  of  the 
forged  decretals  in  the  middle  of  the  9th  cen- 
tury tended  to  elevate  the  papal  power  at  the 
expense  of  that  of  the  metropolitans,  to  an 
extent  from  which  the  latter  never  completely 
recovered,  except  in  countries  like  England, 
where  patriotic  feeling  and  royal  authority  alike 
resented  direct  papal  interference,  and  supported 
the  national  prelacy."  The  later  history  of  the 
subject  lies  beyond  "the  chronological  limit  of  the 
present  work. 

It  only  remains  to  say  a  few  words  on  certain 
details. 

As  to  appointment. — When  the  position  and 
dignity  of  metropolitans  became  established,  it 
would  appear  that  the  canonical  rule  was  that 
they  should  be  elected  by  all  the  bishops  of  the 
province,  with  the  consent  of  the  clergy  and 
laity.P  Obviously,  however,  the  appointment 
of  these  superior  prelates  would  be  open  to 
the  same  disturbing  influences  which  affected 
the  choice  of  ordinary  bishops,  only  in  a  still 
greater  degree,  on  account  of  their  greater  im- 
portance.   (Comp.  Bishop  I.  i.  a.) 

When  chosen,  the  metropolitan  was  confirmed, 
and  consecrated  in  the  East  by  the  exarch  or 
patriarch  (see  Thomassin,  part  ii.  lib.  2,  cap.  8 
and  cap.  19).  In  the  West  he  was  consecrated 
by  the  other  bishops  of  the  province  (August. 
Brevic.  Gollat.  3  die,  c.  16,  and  see  Beveridge, 
Pandect.  Can.  vol.  2,  Annot.  p.  55).  When  Rome 
came  to  assert  a  patriarchal  right  over  the  whole 
West,  the  pope  put  forward  a  claim  to  sanction 
the  appointment  of  metropolitans  by  sending 
them  the  pallium  [Pallium].  As  early  as  the 
6th  century,  the  pope  appears  to  have  sent  a 
pallium  to  the  bishop  of  Aries  as  perpetual  vicar 
of  the  holy  see  in  Gaul.  And  Gregory  I.  did 
the  like  to  certain  other  metropolitans  as  well, 
but  it  was  not  then  decided  that  they  were 
bound  to  wait  for  this  before  exercising  their 
functions.  It  was  not  until  the  synod  of  Frank- 
fort in  742  that  Boniface,  as  legate  of  pope  Za- 
chary,  obtained  a  decision  that  all  metropolitans 


METROPOLITAN 


1175 


n  See  the  capitulary  of  Pepin  in  755  (Baluze,  vol.  i. 
pp.  169,  170),  and  those  of  Charlemagne  in  779  {ib.  195) 
and  789  (i6.  216).  His  Frankfort  capit.  794  says,  "  Si 
non  obedierlt  aliqua  persona  episcopo  suo  de  abbatibus, 
presbyteris,  diaconibus,  subdiaconibus,  monachis,  et  cete- 
ris clericis,  vel  etiam  aliis,  In  ejus  parochia,  veniant  ad 
metropolitanum  suum,  ct  ille  dijudicet  causam  cum  suf- 
fraganeis  suis.  Comites  quoque  nostri  veniant  ad  judi- 
cium episcoporum.  Kt  si  aliquid  est  quod  episcopus 
metropoUtanus  non  possit  corrigere  vel  paciBcare,  tunc 
tandem  venient  accusatores  cum  accusato  cum  Uteris 
metropolitanis,  ut  sciamus  veritatem  rei"  (Baluze,  i. 
264). 

»  See  Gieseler,  3rd  period,  dlv.  2,  }  25. 

Thomassin  seeks  to  defend  the  papacy  from  the  charge 
of  desiring  to  weaken  the  metropolitan  power  (part  i. 
lib.  1,  c.  48). 

P  Thus  Leo  (ffp.  88) :  "  Metropolitano  defuncto,  cum 
in  locum  ejus  alius  fuerit  subrogandus,  provinclales 
episcopi  ad  civitatem  metropolitanam  convenire  debe- 
bunt,  ut  omnium  clericornm  atque  omnium  civium  vo- 
luntate  discussa  ex  presbyteris  cjusdem  ecclesiae,  vel  ex 
diaconia  optimus  eligatur." 


should  request  the  pallium  from  the  pope  and 
obey  his  lawful  commands.?  This  was  construed 
by  the  popes  to  mean  a  promise  of  obedience 
before  receiving  the  pall.  And  this  again  was 
turned  into  a  direct  oath  of  fealty  by  subsequent 
popes. 

Finally,  it  may  be  right  to  mention  the  class 
of  honorary  metropolitans.  These  had  title  and 
precedence,  but  not  power.  Thus  Chalcedon  and 
Nicaea  each  enjoyed  the  title  of  a  metropolis,  and 
their  bishops  had  metropolitan  rank,  but  Nico- 
media  remained  the  real  metropolis  (see  council 
of  Chalcedon,  act  6  and  13,  and  compare  Tho- 
massin, part  i.  lib.  i.  cap.  39). 

This  article  may  not  unfitly  be  concluded  with 
two  short  summaries  of  the  powers  and  duties  of 
metropolitans  by  writers  of  learning. 

Bishop  Beveridge,  in  his  Annotations  on  the 
Canons  of  the  Council  of  Nice,  enumerates  their 
functions  thus : 

1.  Penes  metropolitanum  est  omnes  episcopo- 
rum ordinationes  et  electiones  in  provincia  sua 
celebratas  confirmare;  adeo  ut  sine  ejus  con- 
sensu et  confirmations  irrita  sit  episcopi  cujusvis 
ordinatio. 

2.  Omnes  provinciae  suae  episcopos  ad  synodum 
sub  se  habendum  quotannis  convocare. 

3.  In  mores  ac  opiniones  episcoporum  sibi  sub- 
jectorum  inspicere,  et  immorigeros  ac  gravioribus 
criminibus  convictos  admonere,  reprehendere,  et 
aliorura  episcoporum  communione  arcere. 

4.  Causas  inter  episcopos  litigantes  audire  et 
determinare  et  omnia  ecclesiastica  negotia,  quae 
majoris  sunt  momenti,  in  universa  sust  provincia 
administrare,  adeo  ut  nihil  magni  momenti  ab 
episcopis  eo  inconsulto  fiat.  Neque  etiam  trans 
mare  peregrinare  potest  episcopus  sine  dimissoria 
aut  formata  metropolitani  sui.'' 

(^Pandect.  Can.  vol.  ii.  Annot.  p.  59.) 

The  other  summary  is  that  of  Thomassin  (  Vetus 
et  Nova  Eccles.  Disc.  pt.  i.  lib.  i.  c.  40). 

Si  lubet  jam  brevi  gyro  paucisque  verbis  conclu- 
dere  jura  metropolitanorum  hie  perpensa;  adverte 
nihil  officere,  vel  metropolitanorum  potestati  ex- 
archarum  amplitudinem,vel  episcoporum  dignitati 
metropolitanorum  authoritatem.  Causae  omnes 
aliquanti  saltem  ponderis  in  commune  a  metro- 
politano et  episcopis  provinciae  pertractandae 
erant :  praesertim  in  concilio  provinciae  :  quod 
ille  convocabat,  qui  praeerat.  Concilio  universal! 
intererant  ex  officio  metropolitani  omnes.  Epi- 
scoporum proceres,  magistri,  judices,  audiebant. 
In  subditis  subditorum  sibi  episcoporum  juris- 
dictionem  depromebant,  vel  cum  ad  ipsos  erat 
provocatum,  vel  cum  provinciam  obambulabant. 
Sedes  metropolitani  instar  habebat,  et  imaginem 
praeferebat  sedis  apostolicae.  Observandorum 
canonum  praefecti  erant,  et  vindices ;  impune 
violatorum  in  ipsos  culpa,  in  ipsos  poena  recide- 
bat.  Dabant  literas  formatas.  Eorum  assensionc 
et  dedicabantur  ac  dotabantur  ecclesiae,  et  earum 
bona  distrahebantur,  ubi  ex  re  erat :  potestas 
ordinandorum  episcoporum,  paternam  eis  in  illos 
conciliabat  authoritatem  ;  et  hinc  fluebant  reliqua 
in  eosdem  egregiae  potestatis  jura. 

q  See  VaiTEspen,  part  i.  tit.  xix.  cap.  8;  Hallam, 
Middle  Ages,  chap.  vii.  part  i.;  Gieseler,  3rd  period.  }  25. 

r  This  last  head  refers  to  the  letters  of'  commendation 
which  in  Africa  (see  canon  28  of  the  third  council  of  Car- 
thage) and  other  places  (see  Gregory  the  Great,  Epist. 
viii.  8)  were  granted  by  the  metropolitan  to  bishops  goim; 
beyond  sea. 


1176 


METROPOLUS 


Authorities. — Beveridge,  Cod.  Canonum  Eccle- 
siae  Uhiversae ;  and  Pandect.  Canonum.  Barrow, 
Treatise  on  thePope's  Supremacy.  Bmgham,Antiq. 
of  Christian  Church.  Gieseler,  Textbook  of  Eccles. 
History.  Thomassin,  Vetus  ct  Nova  Ecclesiae 
DiscipUna.  Bickell,  Geschichte  des  Kirchenrechts. 
Van  Espen,  Jus  Eccles.  Universum.  [B.  S.] 

METROPOLUS  (1)  Bishop ;  commemorated 
Aug.  3  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Bishop  and  confessor,  perhaps  in  4th  cen- 
tury; commemorated  at  Treves  Oct.  8  (Boll. 
Acta  S3.  Oct.  iv.  210).  [C.  H.] 

METTANUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  Jan.  31  {Vet.  Bom.  Mart.).    [C.  H.] 

METUANA,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Eome  June  3  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

METURUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  Ap.  24  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  "in  Afrodiris " 
[PAphrodisiis]  Ap.  30  {Hieron.  Mart.).    [C.  H.] 

METZ,  COUNCILS  OF  (Metensia  Con- 
cilia).    Three  such  are  recorded  : 

(1)  A.D.  550,  or  thereabout,  on  the  death  of 
St.  Gall,  bishop  of  Clermont,  when  Cautinus, 
his  archdeacon,  was  consecrated  in  his  stead. 
(Mansi,  is.  151.) 

(2)  A.D.  590,  when  Aegidius,  metropolitan  of 
Eheims,  was  deposed  for  high  treason,  and  two 
nuns  who  had  been  excommunicated,  one  of 
them  a  daughter  of  king  Chilperic,  had  their 
sentence  remitted.     (Mansi,  x.  459-62.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

(3)  A.D.  755,  or  thereabouts,  but  all  the 
canons  assigned  to  it  are  embodied  in  a  capitu- 
laiy,  dated  Metz,  of  king  Pepin.  (Mansi,  xii. 
571,  and  ib.  App.  125.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MICA  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Jan.  17  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  others  read  MUCIUS 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  80). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Pontus  Jan.  18 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Pontus  Ap.  16 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  June  16 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MICAH,  the  prophet;  commemorated  with 
Habakkuk  Jan.  15  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.) ;  Ap.  21,  without  men- 
tion of  Habakkuk  (Basil.  Menol);  Aug.  14  {Cal. 
Byzant.;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  266;  Boll 
Acta  SS.  Aug.  iii.  147) ;  Aug.  15  {Cal.  Aethiop.). 
[C.  H.] 

MICHAEL  (1)  Bishop  of  Synada,  confessor, 
sat  in  the  7th  council,  "  our  holy  father ; "  com- 
memorated May  23  (Basil.  Me7wl.  ;  Cal.  Byzant.  • 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  260).  ' ' 

(2)  Abbat,  and  martyr  with  36  monks  near 
Sebastopolis  in  Armenia;  commemorated  Oct.  1 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  i.  307). 

(3)  ARAG  AWI,  monk  and  confessor  in  Aethi- 
opia;  commemorated  Oct.  11  (Boll.  Acta  SS 
Oct.  V.  606) ;  "  the  old  "  {Cal.  Aethiop.).  [C.  H.]  ' 

MICHAEL  TPIE  ARCHANGEL,  AND 
ALL  ANGELS,  FESTIVAL  OF.  It  is  not 
our  province  here  to  enter  into  the  general  ques- 


MICHAEL  THE  ARCHANGEL 

tion  of  angelolatry.  It  may  be  well,  however, 
to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  the  early 
Christian  church  a  certain  tendency  to  angel- 
worship  manifested  itself:  thus,  for  example,  it 
forms  one  of  the  points  in  the  heresy  which 
affected  the  Colossian  church,  against  which  St. 
Paul  distinctly  protests  (Col.  ii.  18  ;  cf.  also 
i.  16).  The  Essenic  character  of  this  heresy, 
whether  or  not  there  be  historical  connexion  with 
the  Essenes  of  Palestine,  must  not  be  lost  sight 
of,  inasmuch  as  angelology  formed  an  important 
part  of  the  esoteric  creed  of  the  latter,  and,  in- 
deed, entered  largely  into  the  speculations  of  the 
Jews  generally  (Josephus,  B.  J.,  ii.  8. 7 ;  cf.  Light- 
foot,  Colossians,  in  loc,  where  a  number  of  illus- 
trations are  given  of  this  point,  in  connection 
with  Jews,  Judaizing  Christians  and  Gnostics. 
Those  from  the  curious  Ophite  work,  the  Pistis 
Sophia,  into  which  angelology  enters  very  largely, 
may  be  especially  noted).  It  is  interesting  to 
observe  that  long  afterwards,  in  the  4th  century, 
we  find  a  council  of  Laodicea  (c.  A.D.  363)  in  the 
immediate  neighbourhood,  that  is,  of  Colossae, 
holding  it  necessary  to  foi-bid  the  angel-woi-ship 
then  prevalent  in  the  country  (can.  35  ;  Labbe,  i. 
1503).  The  canon  is  strongly  worded,  bidding 
men  not  to  forsake  the  church  of  God,  and  invoke 
angels  and  hold  commemorations  {kyyiKovs 
ovop.6.^iiv  /col  ffvva^ns  iroiuv),  because  those  who 
follow  this  secret  idolatry  arc  accursed,  as  having 
forsaken  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  In  the  next 
century  we  find  Theodoret  {in  Col.,  I.  c.)  referring 
to  this  prohibition  as  necessitated  by  the  spread 
of  this  worship  through  Phrygia  and  Pisidia,  and 
he  adds  that  oratories  {tvKTijpLa)  of  St.  Michael 
were  still  existing  in  the  neighbouring  districts." 
On  another  point  of  connexion  between  St.  Mi- 
chael and  this  region  we  shall  subsequently 
dwell  at  length,  his  alleged  appearance  at  Chonae, 
a  town  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  Co- 
lossae. It  may  be  added  here  th^t  the  above- 
cited  canon  of  the  Laodicene  council  was,  with 
the  rest  of  its  decrees,  repeated  centuries  after 
by  a  synod  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  (A  D.  789),  but 
with  the  reservation,  "nee  nominentur,  nisi 
illorum  quos  habemus  in  auctoritate.  Hi  sunt 
Michael,  Gabriel,  Paphael"  {Capit.  Aquisgran. 
can.  16  ;  Labbe,  vii.  973). 

Besides  such  conciliar  decrees,  strong  expres- 
sions of  opinion  are  continually  met  with  among 
the  fathers.  It  is  perhaps  hardly  fair  to  cite 
Epiphanius  as  including  the  Angelici  among  his 
different  classes  of  heretics,  because  though  he 
mentions  as  a  possible  derivation  the  view  that 
they  were  worshippers  of  angels,  he  confesses 
that  he  is  really  ignorant  on  the  point  •>  {Haer. 
60  lal.  40J ;  vol.  i.  505,  ed.  Petavius).  Augus- 
tine, however,  says  plainly  enough,  "  we  honour 
[the  angels]  through  love,  not  through  slavish 
fear,  nor  do  we  build  to  them,  temples ;  for  they 
wish  not  so  to  be  honoured  by  us,  because  they 
know  that  we  ourselves,  when  we  are  worthy, 
are  temples  of  God  Most  High  "  {de  Vera  Rclig. 
110;  vol.  i.  1266,  ed.  Gaume).  Again,  in  his 
Confessions  (x.  42,  vol.  i.  327),  he  says,  "  Whom 
could  I  find  who  should  reconcile  me  to  Thee  ? 
Should  I  have  recourse  (ambiandum  mihi  fuit)  to 


»  See  the  curious  inscription  from  the  theatre  at  Mile- 
tus, quoted  by  Dr.  Lightfoot  (p.  68  n.). 

^  Reference  may  also  be  made  to  Augustine  (_de  Uaeres. 
c.  59 ;  vol.  viii.  57,  ed.  Gaume). 


MICHAEL  THE  ARCHANGEL 

sngels?"  In  his  De  Civitate  Dei  (see  lib.  x.  cc. 
19,  25;  vol.  vii.  410,  418)  we  find  important 
jiassages  on  this  subject,  which  shew  very  clearly 
the  strong  views  of  the  great  father  on  this 
question,  wherein  he  opposes  strongly  all  idea  of 
worship  or  sacrifice  offered  to  angels."^ 

Thus,  taking  the  church  as  a  whole  (though, 
as  might  have  been  expected,  the  remark  is 
much  more  true  for  the  West  than  the  East), 
we  find  that  festivals  of  angels  enter  but  slightly 
into  the  calendar,  thus  forming  a  striking  con- 
trast with  the  ever-increasing  list  of  Saints 
Days.  Naturally,  therefore,  there  is  an  almost 
total  absence  of  recognition  on  the  part  of  the 
church  of  the  practice  before  us.  The  second 
Nicene  Council  (a.D.  787)  ordains  a  rifnjTiKr] 
irpoaKvvnffis  of  the  figures  of  angels,  as  well  as 
those  of  the  Lord,  the  Virgin  and  holy  men 
(Labbe,  vii.  556),  and  we  have  also  a  com- 
memoration of  angels  in  some  litanies  (see  e.  <j. 
Menard,  Greg.  Sacr.  497 ;  where  there  is 
special  mention  of  Michael,  Gabriel,  and 
Kaphael),  but  with  these  exceptions  the  tenor 
of  church  teaching  is  unvarying  enough.'' 

Again,  though  we  can  now  see  in  the  festival 
of  Michaelmas  a  recognition  of  the  great  truth 
of  the  joint  service  of  angels  and  men  as  sub- 
jects of  a  common  Lord,  yet  it  has  been  justly 
pointed  out  that  the  festivals  of  angels,  now 
mainly  represented,  so  far  as  the  Western 
church  is  concerned,  by  the  festival  of  St. 
Michael  and  All  Angels  on  Sept.  29,  were  not 
based  on  any  such  dogmatic  idea,  but  were 
simply  commemorations  of  [supposed]  historic 
events,  namely,  manifestations  of  the  archangel 
at  some  special  time  and  place,  or  the  dedi- 
cation of  a  church  in  his  honour. 

We  shall  confine  ourselves  for  the  present  to 
the  Western  church,  and  speak  (1)  of  the  mani- 
festation in  Monte  Gargano.  This  has  been 
variously  referred  to  the  episcopate  of  Gelasius, 
i.e.  492-6  A.D.  (so  e.g.  in  Anast.  Biblioth., 
Gelasius  [74]  "  Hujus  temporibus  inventa  ecclesia 
sancti  angeli  in  Monte  Gargano  "),  to  the  period 
from  A.D.  520-530  {Acta  Sanctorum,  Sept.  29, 
p.  57),  to  the  episcopate  of  Felix  IV.  in  A.D.  536, 
or  even  later.  The  day  specially  associated  with 
this  manifestation  is  May  8,  and  the  legend  is 
very  briefly  this.  A  bull  having  strayed  from 
the  herd,  was  found  fixed  in  the  entrance  to  a 
cave,  and  when  it  was  shot  at,  the  arrow  re- 
turned and  struck  the  archer.  A  panic  thus 
^rose,  and  the  bishop  of  Sipontum,  in  whose 
diocese  Mount  Garganus  was  situated,  enjoined, 
on  being  consulted,  that  three  days  should  be 
given  to  fasting  and  prayer.  At  the  end  of  that 
time  it  was  vouchsafed  to  the  bishop  to  see  the 
archangel  in  a  vision  by  night,  who  told  him 
that  the  place  was  under  his  special  care,  thus 
indicating  his  wish  that  worship  should  there 
be  offered  to  God  in  memory  of  St.  Michael  and 
All  Angels.     As  to  the  germ  of  this  legend,  of 


<=  Cf.  further  Augustine  (Coll.  cum  Maximino,  vol.  viii. 
1016),  "  Nonne  si  templum  alicul  sancto  angelo  excel- 
lentissimo  ....  faceremus,  anathomaremur  a  vcritatc 
Christl  et  ab  ecclesia  Dei."  Also  Contra  t'austum,  xx. 
21,  vol.  vlii.  545. 

d  It  cannot  be  considered  a  real  exception  to  this  state- 
ment that  the  Coptic  Euchologion  contains  some  direct 
.prayers  to  angels.  (See  Renaudot,  Litarg.  Orient.  Col- 
(lectio,  p.  277,  ed.  1817.) 


MICHAEL  THE  ARCHANGEL    1177 

which  we  have  given  a  r€sum€  from  the  Acta, 
it  has  been  suggested  that  it  is  to  be  connected 
with  the  fact  of  a  war  between  the  people  of 
Sipontum  and  of  Naples,  in  order  to  aid  in 
securing  the  victory  to  the  former.  It  has  also 
been  maintained,  and  apparently  on  good  grounds 
that  the  shrine  of  St.  Michael  was  "the  successor 
of  some  local  heathen  shrine.  The  belief  of 
the  archangel's  appearance  soon  became  widely 
current,  and  the  modern  town  of  Monte  St. 
Angelo,  near  Manfredonia,  owes  its  name  thereto. 
Most  martyrologies  do  not  contain  this  com- 
memoration of  May  8.  We  may  cite  a  Corbey 
martyrology,  not  much  later  than  a.d.  826. 
where  the  day  is  given  as  "inventio  sancti 
Michaelis  archangeli  in  Monte  Gargano" 
(D'Achery,  Spicilegium,  ^.  134).  On  the  ques- 
tion of  the  connexion  between  this  manifestation 
and  the  commemoration  of  September  29  we 
shall  speak  more  fully  below. 

(2)  The  archangel  is  said  to  have  appeared  in 
Monte  Tumba,  in  Normandy  (apparently  the 
Mont  St.  Michel,  near  Avranches),  about  the 
year  A.D.  710,"  to  Autbert,  bishop  of  the  district 
of  Abrincatae,  bidding  him  build  a  church  in  his 
honour  on  a  place  known  as  Tumba  on  account 
of  its  height,  and  also  as  periculum  maris.  The 
church  was  said  to  have  been  dedicated  on 
October  16  (a  Benedictine  monastery  being 
afterwards  .added),  on  which  day  it  is  mentioned 
in  some  of  the  additions  to  Usuard  (Patrol., 
cxxiv.  582);  and  the  festival  of  the  dedication 
appears  to  have  acquired  considerable  celebrity 
even  beyond  the  bounds  of  France,  for  we  find  a 
council  of  Oxford  (a.d.  1222)  ordering  that 
sundry  feasts  "  a  rectoribus  ecclesiarum  et 
capellanis  in  obsequio  Divino  et  laude  devotissime 
celebrentur,"  among  which  is  the  dedicatio  sancti 
Michaelis  in  MonteTumha  (can.  8  ;  Labbe,  xi.  275). 
On  the  whole  of  this  part  of  the  subject,  re- 
ference may  be  especially  made  to  Mabillon 
{Annates  Ordinis  8.  Benedicti,  vol.  ii.  p.  19),  and 
also  the  Acta  Sanctorum  (Sept.  29,  p.  74,  where 
the  Acta  of  this  manifestation  are  given). 

(3)  We  pass  on  now  to  consider,  in  the  third 
place,  the  commemoration  of  September  29,  the 
festival  of  Michaelmas  par  excellence.  It  does 
not  appear  at  all  certain  what  was  the  original 
special  idea  of  the  commemoration  of  this  day. 
A  large  number  of  ancient  martyrologies  and 
calendars  associate  it  with  the  manifestation  on 
Mount  Garganus,  as  being  the  anniversary  of  the 
dedication  of  the  chui-ch  there.  In  others  again 
we  find  mention  of  the  dedication  of  some  church 
to  St.  Michael  at  Rome,  so  that  on  this  latter 
view  we  should  thus  have  a  parallel  to  such 
cases  as  e.g.  Christmas  and  the  Ember  seasons, 
where  institutions  of  the  local  Roman  church 
spread  throughout  the  whole  Western  church, 
and  indeed  in  the  former  of  our  two  illustrations 
almost  through  the  universal  church.  It  is  not 
at  all  easy  to  reconcile  the  conflicting  details, 
which  we  shall  proceed  to  state  at  length.  We 
shall  first  cite  from  the  martyrologies.  The 
Mart.  Hieronymi  gives,  according  to  the  Cod. 
Epternacensis,  "  dedicatio  basilicae  S.  Michaelis  " 
{Acta  Sanctorum,  ib.  p.  4),  but  in  the  Cod.  Cor- 
beiensis  "dedicatio  basilicae  archangeli  Michaelis, 
in  monte  qui  dicitur  Garganus  "  (D'Achery,  iv. 

e  This  is  Mabillon's  date;  Stilting  (Ada  SanctomiK, 
Sept.  29,  p.  75  a)  gives  the  d.ite  as  a.d.  850-850, 


11^ 


MICHAEL  THE  AECHANGEL 


675).  The  3Iart.  Gellonense  shews  a  similar 
variation  of  MSS.,  the  shorter  forms  being  ap- 
parently those  of  the  oldest  {ib.  xiii.  413,  426, 
430).  Bede,  according  to  the  text  of  the  Bol- 
landist  edition,  has  merely  "dedicatio  ecclesiae 
sancti  angeli  Michaelis"  {Patrol,  xcir.  1057), 
but  in  some  forms  of  this  last  the  entry  runs, 
"  Romae,  via  Salaria  miliario  septimo,  dedicatio 
basilicae  sancti  archangeli  Michaelis,  vel  in 
monte.  .  .  ."  In  the  Mart.  Lucense,  as  here, 
the  Roman  commemoration  comes  first,  but 
there  is  no  mention  of  the  special  locality ;  this 
is  given  in  a  vague  way  in  a  Mart.  Corheiense 
(Leslie,  not.  ad  Liturg.  Mozarab.,  in  loc),  "  Romae, 
miliario  sexto  (septimo  ?)  .  .  .  ."  The  martyr- 
ologies  of  Rabanus  Maurus  (Patrol,  ex.  1171), 
Ado  (jb.  cxxiii.  368)  and  Usuard  (*.  cxxiv.  518) 
make  distinct  mention  of  Mount  Garganus.  The 
metrical  martyrology  of  Bede,  "Michaelis  ternas 
{_sc.  Kal.  Oct.']  tempii  dedicatio  sacrat "  {ib.  xciv. 
605)  is  quite  general,  and  also  that  of  Wan- 
dalbert  {ib.  cxxi.  612). 

"  Aetherea  virtute  potens,  princepsqne  supemae 
Militlae  Michael  temo  sibi  templa  sacravit." 

The  PiOmanum  Parvum  combines  two  notices, 
"  In  Monte  Gargano,  venerabilis  memoria  arch- 
angeli Michaelis.  Et  Romae,  dedicatio  ecclesiae 
ejusdem  archangeli,  a  B.  Bonifacio  papa  con- 
structae  in  circo,  qui  locus  inter  nvbes  dicitur  " 
(ib.  cxxiii.  170). 

We  next  refer  to  the  three  Roman  sacra- 
meutaries.  The  Leonine  (under  the  date  Sept. 
30)  gives  no  less  than  five  masses,  each  with  a 
special  preface,  with  the  heading  Katale  basilicae 
angeli  in  Salaria  '  (sc.  via).  Four  of  these  masses 
are  specially  associated  with  the  name  of  St. 
Michael,  and  the  remaining  one  with  angels  j.ud 
archangels  generally  (vol.  ii.  99,  ed.  Ballerini). 
The  Gelasian  Sacramentary  merely  gives  Ora- 
tiones  in  sancti  archangeli  Michaelis  (Patrol. 
Ixxiv.  1177),  but  in  the  Gregorian  is  dedicatio 
basilicae  sancti  Michaelis  (col.  134,  ed.  Menard). 

On  a  survey  of  the  foregoing  evidence,  we  are 
inclined  to  consider  the  most  satisfiictory  expla- 
nation to  be  that  there  was  a  Roman  commemo- 
ration originally  distinct  from  any  connexion 
with  the  commemoration  of  the  manifestation 
on  Mount  Garganus,  and  probably  of  earlier 
date  than  the  alleged  appearance  there.  This 
original  Roman  festival  might  fairly  be  asso- 
ciated with  the  church  in  the  Via  Salaria,  which, 
however,  got  thrown  into  the  shade  by  the 
increasing  fame  of  the  commemoration  on  Mount 
Garganus.  e  Subsequently  Boniface  erected  a 
church  to  St.  Michael  in  Rome,  to  the  locality 
of  which  we  shall  again  refer.  The  presence  of 
this  church  in  the  city,  and  the  distance  of  that 
on  the  Via  Salaria,  may  have  caused  the  latter 
to  be  less  frequented,  so  that  the  more  recent 
church  became  the  favourite  in  martyrologies.'' 

f  It  may  be  reraarlcd  that  twice  in  tliese  masses  are 
allusions  to  "  loca  sacrata  (dicata)"  to  God  in  honour  of 
St.  Michael,  implying,  according  to  some,  the  existence  of 
several  churches. 

g  It  is  suggested  (Leslie,  not.  ad  Liturg.  Mnzardb.,  in 
loc.)  that  Sept.  30  was  really  the  anniversary  of  the  dedi- 
cation of  the  church  in  the  Via  Salaria,  which  was  shifted 
to  Sept.  29  to  accord  with  that  of  the  dedication  of  the 
church  on  Jlount  Garganus.  In  view,  however,  of  the 
close  proximity  of  the  days,  this  seems  rather  far-fetched. 

i>  There  is  an  allusion  to  the  church  in  Via  Salaria 


MICHAEL  THE  AECHANGEL 

In  considering  the  above  view,  it  will  be  welt 
to  bear  in  mind  (1)  that  the  mention  of  the  Via 
Salaria  occurs  in  the  oldest  sacramentary  ;  (2) 
that  this  locality  cannot  at  all  be  reconciled 
with  the  notices  of  the  church  built  by  Boniface  ; 
(3)  that  in  some  of  the  martyrologies  we  have 
cited  the  Roman  commemoration  comes  first, 
whereas  we  are  told  that  Bonifitce  built  his 
church  soon  after  (non  multo  post)  the  manifes- 
tation on  Mount  Garganus ;  (4)  that  a  church  of 
St.  Michael  was  existing  in  Rome  prior  to  the 
episcopate  of  any  Boniface  except  Boniface  I. 
(ob.  A.D.  422),  who  lived  long  before  the  alleged 
date  of  the  manifestation  on  Mount  Garganus. 
This  we  know  on  the  authority  of  Anastasius  Bib- 
liothecarius  (80),  who  tells  us  that  Symmachus 
(ob.  A.D.  514)  enlarged  and  improved  the  church 
of  St.  Michael,  so  that  the  church,  and  pre- 
sumably also  the  festival,  were  existing  before 
his  time. 

On  these  grounds  we  hold  it  to  be  at  any  rate 
fairly  probable  that  the  local  Roman  festival  is 
earlier  than  the  Apulian.  To  the  inquiry,  how- 
ever, how  far  such  a  festival  is  traceable  back, 
it  must  be  admitted  that  there  is  a  scarcity  ot 
evidence.  Baronius  (Mart.  Rom.,  May  8,  not.),. 
who  argues  for  the  great  antiquity  of  the  Roman 
festival,  cites  in  evidence  the  Christian  poet 
Drepanius  Florus  ;  but  he  is  certainly  wrong  in 
supposing  him  to  be  the  Drepanius  mentioned 
by  Sidonius  Apollinaris,  and  the  poet  in  question 
is  to  be  refei-red  to  .about  A.D.  848  (Cave, 
Chartoph.  EccL,  p.  160).  Nor  need  we  attach 
much  weight  to  his  remark  that  in  a  MS.  volume 
of  sermons  in  the  Vatican  library,  bearing  the 
names  of  Augustine  and  others,  is  one  of  Gregory 
the  Great  for  the  festival  of  St.  Michael.  Still 
the  evidence  of  the  Leonine  Sacramentary  is 
indicative  of  a  decidedly  early  date,  and  we 
probably  shall  not  err  in  assuming  the  existence 
of  the  festival  in  the  5th  century. 

We  must  next  refer  to  the  church  of  St. 
Michael  built  by  Boniface.  This,  it  will  be  re- 
membered, was  spoken  of  in  the  Mart.  Eomanum 
parvum  as  being  in  circo,  in  a  place  known  as 
inter  nubes ;  and  the  martyrology  of  Ado  in  like 
manner  speaks  of  it  as  in  summitate  circi.  What 
this  locality  is,  is  very  doubtful.  Baronius  (I.  c.) 
identifies  it  with  the  Moles  Hadriana,  and 
connects  it  with  an  appearance  of  the  archangel 
in  that  place  to  Gregory  the  Great,  on  the  occa- 
sion of  the  cessation  of  a  pestilence.  The  Boni- 
face he  considers  to  be  either  the  Third  (ob.  a.d. 
606)  or  Fourth  (ob.  A.D.  615),  rejecting  the 
claims  of  Boniface  II.  (ob.  a.d.  532),  on  gi-ounds, 
however,  which  depend  for  their  validity  on  the 
acceptance  of  his  theory  as  to  the  locality.  It 
may  be  remarked  that  this  place  is  now  and 
has  been  for  centuries  known  as  Castello  di  St. 
Angelo.  Stilting  again  (Acta  Sanctorum,  p.  71), 
following  Donatus,  considers  that  the  place 
hinted  at  is  the  head  of  the  Circus  Flaminius^ 
and  that  the  church  is  that  which  still  exists  in 
the  Forum  Piscarium. '  If  this  locality  be 
accepted,  the  reason  against  Boniface  II.  falls  to 

as  still  existing  In  the  9th  century,  in  a  list  by  an  anony- 
mous writer  of  the  holy  places  about  Rome,  cited  by 
Kckhart  (de  rebu^  Franciae  Orientalis,  vol.  i.  p.  831). 

>  Another  famous  church  of  St.  Michael  in  Eome  may  be 
mentioned  here,  that  built  near  the  Vatican  by  Leo  IV. 
(ob.  A.D.  855)  In  honour  of  the  victory  over  the  Moslems, 


5IICHAEL  THE  AECHANGEL 

the  ground,  and  the  non  multo  post  of  the 
martyrologies  is  certainly  more  applicable  to 
him. 

In  the  foregoing  remarks  we  have  dwelt  on 
the  local  Roman  festival,  whether  or  not  bor- 
rowed from  the  Apulian  commemoration :  and 
doubtless  some  considerable  time  elapsed  before 
the  observance  became  a  general  one  in  the 
Western  church.  Still,  by  the  beginning  of  the 
9th  century,  it  had  obviously  become  one  of  the 
chief  festivals  of  the  church,  for  the  council  of 
Ment^  (a.d.  813),  in  ordaining  what  festivals 
are  to  be  observed,  specifies  Easter,  Ascension, 
Pentecost,  the  festivals  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul, 
St.  John  the  Baptist,  the  Assumption,  the 
"  dedicatio  S.  Michaelis,"  and  the  festivals  of  St. 
Ptemigius,  St.  Martin  and  St.  Andrew  (can.  36, 
Labbe,  vii.  1250:  see  also  Capitularia  Jieguin 
Francorum,  ii.  36 ;  vol.  i.  748,  ed.  Baluzius).  It 
must  be  added,  however,  that  the  notice  of  the 
council  of  Mentz  appears  to  be  the  first.''  There 
is  no  mention  of  the  festival  in  the  Eegula  of 
Chrodegang,  bishop  of  Metz.  Before  leaving  this 
part  of  our  subject,  we  may  call  attention  to 
the  special  prominence  given  to  the  feast  of  St. 
Michael  in  the  ecclesiastical  laws  of  Ethelred  II., 
king  of  England  (a.d.  978-1016).  The  date  of 
the  festival  is  not  mentioned,  but  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  it  is  September  29.  It  is  ordered 
that  the  Monday,  Tuesday,  and  Wednesday  before 
the  festival  shall  be  kept  as  a  fast,  and  that  men 
shall  walk  barefoot  to  church  and  make  their 
confessions.  On  these  days  all  slaves  are  to  be 
free  from  work.  A  neglect  of  the  fast  is  to 
be  punished  in  a  slave  by  stripes,  in  a  free  man 
by  a  fine  (30  pence  if  he  is  poor,  120  shillings  if 
a  thane),  which  is  to  be  given  to  the  poor  {Patrol. 
cli.  1167). 

On  turning  to  the  Eastern  church,  we  meet 
with  a  variety  of  commemorations,  assignable  to 
various  causes. 

(1.)  Most  widely  observed  of  all  is  the  festival 
of  November  8.  This  the  Greek  church  dedicates 
to  St.  Michael,  St.  Gabriel,  and  All  Angels  (^ 
ffvva^is  tSiv  -Kaixixeyia-Toiv  ra^iapxH^'^  yiixo-h^  ««' 
TajSpirjA  kolI  TraffHv  rwv  aa-wfxdrwv  Swajj-emv). 
The  notice  for  the  day  in  the  Greek  metrical 
Ephcinerides,  prefixed  by  Papebroch  to  the  first 
volume  of  the  Acta  Sanctorum  for  May  (p.  lii.), 
is  oySoaTTjv  ovpavloLO  KvSaivei  Tay^iaros  ^'Apx'^v. 
The  same  is  the  case  with  the  Russian  church  : 
reference  may  be  made  to  the  figure  in  the 
curious  pictorial  calendar  (ibid.  p.  Iv.).  In  the 
Armenian  calendar,  as  given  by  Assemani  {Bibl. 
Or.  iii.  1.  653),  the  day  is  dedicated  to  Michael  and 
Gabriel.  We  find  it  also  as  one  of  the  numerous 
feasts  of  the  Ethiopic  church,  of  which  we  shall 
again  speak  (Ludolf,  Hist.  Aeth.  p.  398);  and  in 
the  Coptic  calendar  (ibid.,  also  Selden,  dc  synod, 
vet.  Ebraeorum,  pp.  226  sqq.,  ed.  Amsterdam, 
1679)  we  find  the  day  dedicated  to  St.  Michael, 
with  a  second  and  third  festival  on  the  two  fol- 


"  The  sermon  on  the  festival  of  St.  Michael,  once  attri- 
buted to  Bed?,  is  certainly  spurious  (Patrol,  xciv.  5U2). 
In  connexion  with  Mentz  it  may  be  mentioned  that  St. 
Bonifact^  is  said  to  have  built  a  monastery  to  St.  Michael 
at  Ordorf,  in  consequence  of  a  vision  of  the  archangel. 
This  building  of  the  monastery,  however,  is  mentioned 
in  a  life  of  St.  Boniface,  written  after  the  middle  of  the 
nth  century  (Patrol.  Ixxxix.  645),  and  there  is  no  men- 
tion of  a  festival  of  St.  Michael  in  the  list  'of  festivals 
given  in  the  statutes  of  St.  Boniface  (ib.  824). 


MICHAEL  THE  AECHANGEL      1179 

lowing  days.  This  special  prominence  given  in- 
the  Coptic  church  is  interesting  in  connexion 
with  the  incident  we  shall  now  mention.  The 
original  reason  which  led  to  the  establishment  of 
this  festival  is  unknown,  but  a  curious  story  is 
told  in  the  annals  of  Said-Ebn-Batrik  or  Euty- 
chius,'  patriarch  of  Alexandria  (ob.  A.D.  9-tO). 
This  is  to  the  effect  that  the  patriarch  Alexander 
(ob.  A.D.  32G)  found  on  his  accession  a  large 
temple  existing  in  Alexandria,  which  had  been 
built  by  Cleopatra  in  honour  of  Saturn.  In  this 
was  a  large  idol  of  brass,  named  Michael,  to 
which  sacrifices  were  offered,  and  a'great  annual 
festival  observed.  The  bishop  finding  that  open 
opposition  to  this  idolatry  failed,  suggested  to 
his  people  that  they  should  change  the  festival 
into  one  to  the  archangel  Michael,  and  offer  the 
sacrifice  to  him,  so  that  he  might  intercede  for 
them  to  God.  The  advice  was  taken,  the  idol 
broken  up  and  made  into  a  cross,  and  the  temple 
became  the  church  of  St.  Michael,  whence  "  the 
Copts  in  Egypt  and  Alexandria  still  keep  the 
feast  on  that  day  to  the  angel  Michael,  and 
sacrifice  numerous  victims  "  (Annales,  vol.  i.  p. 
435,  ed.  Pocock ;  Oxford,  1658  :  see  also  Selden, 
p.  202).  It  is  sufficient  to  remark  on  this  story, 
found  in  a  writing  often  of  a  most  foolish  cha- 
racter, that  there  is  no  evidence  of  the  existence 
of  any  idol  named  Michael  [not  improbably  there 
may  have  been  in  some  earlier  document  some 
confusion  with  Moloch,  who  in  many  respects 
may  be  viewed  as  equivalent  to  Saturn,  and 
whose  name  hardly  differs  from  Michael,  save  by 
a  slight  metathesis],  and  such  a  breaking  up  of 
an  idol  was  not  a  likely  event  to  have  happened 
in  Alexandria  so  late  as  the  time  of  Constantine. 
(2.)  We  shall  next  mention  the  manifestation 
said  to  have  happened  at  Chonae,  close  to  Co- 
lossae.  The  legend  is  to  the  effect  that  there 
being  a  great  danger  of  inundation  from  the 
river  Lycus,  by  which  a  church  dedicated  to  St. 
Michael  might  have  been  submerged,  the  arch- 
angel opportunely  appeared  to  the  bishop  Ar- 
chippus,  and  opened  a  chasm  in  the  earth,  which 
carried  off"  the  water.  Dr.  Lightfoot  remarks 
that  thus  "  the  worship  of  angels  is  curiously 
connected  with  the  physical  features  of  the  coun- 
try "  (j).  71  n.),  which  is  described  by  Strabo 
(xii.  8.  16)  as  TroKvTp-qTov  Ka\  ev<Tei<Trov.  This 
event  is  commemorated  on  September  6  in  the 
Greek  [in  some  printed  editions  of  the  Menaea 
on  September  7  ;  Acta  Sanctorum,  in  loc.  §  185], 
Russian  and  Ethiopic  churches  (Ludolf,  p.  390). 
The  heading  for  the  day  in  the  Menaea  is  t) 
a.vajxvritns  rov  ■Kapa56^ou  dav^aTos  iv  Ko\acrffa7s^ 
TTJs  ^pvyia^  irapa  rov  apx'-<f'''p<'-'^h'yov  Mixar/A, 
and  the  verse  in  the  poetical  Greek  Ephemcridcs, 
which  we  have  already  once  cited,  is  "Povv  Mix"'!^ 
■noTaixoiV  xwi/euffg  v6ii)v  &yos  (KTrj  (p.  xliii.). 
Reference  may  also  be  made  to  the  quaint  figure 
in  the  pictorial  Moscow  Calendar  (p.  xlv.).  Of 
this  legend.  Acta  are  extant  both  in  Greek  and 
Latin,  It  may  be  remarked  here  that  there  was 
a  very  famous  church  to  St.  Michael  at  Chonae, 
called  by  Xicetas  Choniata,  a  native  of  the  place, 
rbv  apxayyfAiKhv  vahv.  . .  .neyfOeL  ixiyiffTov  /coJ 
KaKKei  KaWiarrov  (p.  230,  ed.  Bekkcr). 

(3.)  The  Menoloijy  of  cardinal  birletus  (Cani- 
sius,  Thesaurus,  III.  i.  438)  also  connects  June  8 

»  EutycJdus  is  merely  the  Greek  equivalent  of  the 

Arabic  Haid. 


1180    MICHAEL  THE  ARCHANGEL 

with  St.  Michael,  and  it  seems  possible,  on  the 
authority  of  a  MS.  Synaxarion,  to  associate  this 
with  the  dedication  of  the  church  of  St.  Michael 
in  Sosthenium,  near  Constantinople ;  though, 
from  the  almost  total  absence  of  allusions  to 
such  a  festival,  it  must  be  viewed  as  at  any  rate 
of  not  more  than  a  local  celebration.  Sozomen 
(^Hist.  Eccles.  ii.  3),  in  describing  the  building  of 
Constantinople  by  Constantine,  and  referring  to 
the  numerous  churches  with  which  it  was 
adorned,  mentions  as  especially  famous  one  situ- 
ated in  a  place  formerly  known  as  the  Hestiae, 
but  afterwards  as  Mixar}\ioi',  so  called  from  the 
belief  that  the  archangel  had  manifested  himself, 
and  from  the  miracles  supposed  to  have  been 
wrought  by  his  means.  It  may  be  noted  here 
that  Nicephorus  Callistus  (Hist.  Eccles.  vii.  50) 
mentions  two  churches  built  by  Constantine, 
aWa  Kol  if  tui  'AyairXcii,  Kal  t>  ^wffBffiov  6 
Xii^pos  K\7}frty  rivfio1pr\<Tiv.  It  is  not  quite  clear 
here  whether  he  is  referring  to  two  distinct 
localities  (so  Valesius,  note  to  Sozomen,  in  loc), 
or  means  that  the  title  Sosthenium  had  been 
given  to  the  Anaplus.  On  this  point  it  may  be 
noted  that  the  heading  to  the  chapter  in  Sozo- 
men, to  whomsoever  it  may  be  due,  speaks  of  the 
Sosthenium  as  though  it  were  the  same  as  the 
Hestiae  or  Anaplus,  and  that  Cedrenus  (p.  498) 
refeis  to  the  church,  rov  apxi(rTpaTi}yov  «V 
Tij)  'Avairhw  Kal  Scoo-^gci^.  Theophanes  merely 
speaks  of  the  place  as  the  Anaplus  (p.  34,  ed. 
Classen).  Nicephorus  certainly  only  describes 
one  locality,  namely,  on  the  Thracian  side  of  the 
Bosporus,  and  thirty-five  stadia  of  direct  distance 
from  Constantinople,  in  the  direction  of  the 
Euxine. 

This  will  be  the  most  convenient  place  for  re- 
ferring to  the  other  churches  dedicated  to  St. 
Michael  in  or  near  Constantinople.  The  emperor 
Justinian,  we  are  told  by  Procopius,  levelled  to 
the  ground  two  churches'  of  St.  Michael,  one  in 
the  Anaplus,  and  the  other  on  the  Asiatic  side, 
which  had  become  very  dilapidated,  and  rebuilt 
them  again  in  a  very  costly  manner  at  his  own 
expense  (de  aedificiis  Justiniani,  i.  8).  From  the 
following  chapter  we  find  that  the  same  emperor 
built  on  the  Asiatic  side  of  the  straits  another 
church  to  St.  Michael.  Besides  all  these,  Du- 
cange  {Constant inopolis  Christiana,  lib.  iv.  pp.  97, 
186)  mentions  no  fewer  than  fifteen  other  chui-ches 
dedicated  to  St.  Michael  in  or  near  Constanti- 
nople, besides  a  church  ra>v  ivvia  Tayixaroiv  (i.  e. 
of  the  nine  orders  of  angels).  Procopius  also 
tells  us  (ii.  10)  of  a  very  large  church  of  St. 
Michael  built  by  Justinian  at  Antioch. 

(4.)  In  the  Coptic  church  we  find  June  6  and 
the  two  following  days  kept  as  first,  second,  and 
third  feast  of  St.  Michael  (Selden,  p.  240;  also 
Ludolf,  p.  418).  It  may  be  observed  that  in  the 
Ethiopic  calendar,  while  the  first  of  these  three 
days  forms  one  of  the  monthly  festivals  of  St. 
Michael,  the  second  and  third  days  do  not  enter 
into  the  feast,  but  on  the  second  is  a  commemo- 
ration of  St.  Gabriel. 

(6.)  Besides  all  the  above,  the  Ethiopic  church 
commemorates  St.  Michael  on  the  twelfth  day  of 
each  month,  that  is  of  their  own  calendar,  an- 
swering in  different  months  to  a  day  varying 
from  the  ninth  to  the  fifth  of  our  own  (Ludolf, 
in  loc). 

(6.)  Thus  far  the  name  of  Michael,  either 
alone  or  in  connexion  with  the  angels  generally, 


MICHAEL  THE  ARCHANGEL 

has  entered  into  the  titles  of  the  different  festi- 
vals. We  may  add  further  that  there  are  com- 
memorations in  the  Ethiopic  church  of  Seraphim 
and  Cherubim  on  November  9  and  June  27 
(Ludolf,  pp.  398,  420),  and  on  November  4  of 
"  equi  cherubini  "  (ibid.  397,  where  see  note),  and 
on  November  30  of  Seraphim  (ibid.  399)  in  both 
the  Ethiopic  and  Coptic  calendars,™ 

In  connexion  with  this  part  of  our  subject,  we 
may  call  attention  in  passing  to  the  doctrine  of 
guardian  angels,  a  doctrine  anciently  believed  in 
by  the  Jews,  fully  ratified  by  our  Lord,  and 
always  held  more  or  loss  definitely  by  the 
church."  A  festival  of  the  "Guardian  Angel" 
seems  often  to  have  been  held,  particularly  in 
Spain,  on  various  days,  especially  March  1.  At 
quite  a  late  date,  it  was  definitely  fixed  in  the 
Koman  church  for  October  2,  by  Paul  V.  (ob. 
A.D.  1621)  and  Clement  X.  (ob.  A.D.  1676). 

In  conclusion,  one  or  two  further  remai-ks  in 
connexion  with  the  observance  of  festivals  of  St. 
Michael,  that  have  not  fitted  into  our  main  sub- 
ject, may  here  be  added. 

No  office  for  a  festival  of  St.  Michael  is  found 
in  Pamelius's  Ambrosian  or  Mabillon's  Galilean 
Liturgy ;  but  in  the  Sacramentarium  Bohianum 
is  a  mass  in  honorc  Sancti  Michaelis.  The  collect 
for  the  day  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  has 
l)assed  through  the  Sarum  missal,  with  but 
slight  modification,  into  our  own  prayer-book. 
The  epistle  in  the  Comes,  as  edited  by  Pamelius 
(Liturgg.  Lat.  ii.  47)  is  Rev.  i.  1-5,  which,  though 
also  that  of  the  Sarum  missal,  has  not  been 
retained  in  the  prayer-book.  The  gospel  in  the 
Ccnnes  and  missal  is  the  same  as  our  own.  Matt. 
xviii.  1-10.  In  the  Mozarabic  missal,  the  pro- 
phetia,  epistle,  and  gospel  are  Rev.  xii.  7-17  [this 
is  read  for  the  epistle  in  the  Sacramentarium  Bo- 
hianum, of  which  vv.  7-12  form  the  epistle  in 
our  own  church],  2  Thess.  i.  3-12,  Matt.  xxv. 
31-46.  The  gospel  in  the  Sacr.  Bohianum  is 
Matt.  xvii.  1-17  (^Patrol.  Ixxxv.  875,  where  see 
Leslie's  note). 

Several  orders  of  knighthood  claim  the  arch- 
angel as  their  patron  saint,  e.g.  the  French 
order  founded  by  Louis  XL  in  1469.  The  order 
of  the  Wing  [(lei  Ala'],  i.  e.  of  St.  Michael,  said  to 
have  been  founded  by  Alphonso,  king  of  Portugal 
(ob.  A.D.  1185),  in  memory  of  a  victory  over  the 
Moslems,  appears,  however,  a  very  doubtful  affair 
altogether. 

Literature. — For  the  matter  of  the  foregoing 
article,  I  have  to  express  considerable  obligation 
to  Augusti  (DenkicUrdigkeiten  aus  der  Christlichen 
Arch'dologie,  iii.  281  sqq.),  Binterim  (DcnkwUr- 
digkeiten  der  Christ-Katholischen  Eirche,  v.  i.  465 
sqq.),  and  Stilting  (^Acta  Sanctorum,  Sept.  29). 
Reference  may  also  be  made  to  Stengelius,  C, 
de  Michaelis  archangeli  principatu,  apparitionibus, 
templis,  cultu  et  miraculis  (Aug.  Vind.,  1629) ; 
Mains,  J.  B.,  de  Festo  Michaelis,  Kilon.,  1698 ; 


n>  It  may  be  noted  that  in  the  Calendar  as  given  by 
Selden  (p.  226),  these  days  are  noted  respectively,  as  of 
the  "  four  angelic  living  creatures,"  and  of  the  "  twenty- 
four  elders,"  probably  with  reference  to  Rev.  iv.  4. 

1  The  following  beautiful  prayer  in  connexion  with 
the  Guardian  Angel  deserves  to  bo  cited,  from  the  Alex- 
andrian Liturgy  of  St.  Basil  :—ay7tXoi'  ilpriviKou  rrj 
€/ca(7Tj)  rnxwv  fwjj  TrapaKaTacn-rfcrov,  (f)povpovvTa,  Sian)- 
povvTo.,  SLa(j>v\a.iTcrovTa,  <j)iaTL^ovTa,  bS-qyovyra.  ii/iias  eii 
nav  fpyov  ayaOov  (Renaudot,  p.  81). 


MICHOMERE 

Haeberlin,  F.  D.,  Selecta  quaedam  da  S.  Michaelis 
archanqeli  festis  et  cuUu,  etc.,  Helmstad,  1758. 
[R.  S.] 

MICHOMERE,  of  Tonnerre,  cir.  a.d.  411 ; 
commemorated  Ap.  30  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii. 
775).  [C.  H.] 

MICIO,  martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Ap.  18  {Illeron.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MIGDONUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Ni- 
comedia  Mar.  12  (Hieron.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MIGETIA,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Con- 
.stantinople  June  15  {Hieron.  Mart.) ;  Megetia 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii.  1050).  [C.  H.] 

]\nGIGNUS.     [AlAGIGNUS.] 

MIGINUS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Ap. 
12  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Ap.  17 
(^Hieron.  Ifart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Heraclea  Dec. 
14  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Dec.  10  (Hieron. 
Mart).  [0.  H.] 

MIGONE,  martyr-,  commemorated  Ap.  12 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [0.  H.] 

MILAN,  COUNCILS  OF  (Mediolanensia 
Concilia).  The  two  first  councils  of  Milan  were 
held  within  a  year  of  each  other,  with  the 
council  of  Sardica  between  them,  and  have  been 
called  the  first  and  second  under  pope  Julius. 

(1)  A.D.  346,  at  which  the  semi-Arian  pro- 
fession of  the  year  before,  called  the  Macros- 
tyche,  was  rejected  (Mansi,  ii.  1369). 

(2)  A.D.  347,  at  which  Photinus,  metropoli- 
tan of  Sirmium,  was  condemned,  and  Valens 
and  Ursacius  received  into  communion  on  ab- 
juring Arianism  (Mansi,  iii.  159-62). 

(3)  A.D.  355,  at  which  the  emperor  Constan- 
tius  was  present,  and  the  condemnation  of 
St.  Athanasius  was  once  more  decreed,  all 
who  would  not  agree  to  it  being  exiled.  Mar- 
cellus  and  Photinus  were  condemned  in  the  same 
breath.  It  is  said  to  have  been  attended  by  up- 
wards of  300  bishops,  but  as  only  thirty  seem 
to  have  subscribed  to  what  was  decreed  against 
St.  Athanasius,  the  majority  must  either  have 
remained  passive  or  withdrawn.  Foremost 
among  those  thirty  were  Valens  and  Ursacius, 
who  had  renounced  Arianism  at  the  previous 
council.  The  synodical  letter  addressed  to 
Eusebius  of  Vercelli,  who,  therefore,  could  not 
have  been  present,  though  he  had  been  invited 
to  it,  was,  in  all  probability,  their  composition. 
(Mansi,  iii.  233-50.) 

(4)  A.D.  380,  at  which  the  charges  brought 
against  a  virgin  named  Indicia  were  pronounced 
false,  and  her  accusers  condemned.  (Mansi,  iii. 
517.      Comp.  St.  Ambr.  Ep.  5  and  6,  ed.  Ben.) 

(5)  A.D.  390,  when  Jovinian  and  his  fol- 
lowers, who  had  been  condemned  at  Rome  for 
heresy  by  pope  Siricius,  had  a  similar  sentence 
passed  upon  them  by  St.  Ambrose  and  his 
suffragans.  The  subscriptions  to  their  letter, 
indeed,  hardly  bear  out  its  heading.  (Mansi, 
iii.  G89  and  663-7.) 

(6)  A.D.  451,  attended  by  Eusebius,  bishop  of 
Milan,  and  eighteen  suffragans,  their  deputies 
having  returned  from  the  East ;  when  the  letter 


MILITARY  SERVICE         1181 

of  St.  Leo  to  Flavian,  which  had  been  sent 
thither  by  them,  was  read,  and  having  been 
found  consonant  to  scripture  and  antiquity — 
above  all  to  what  had  been  written  on  the  In- 
carnation by  St.  Ambrose — was  approved. 
(Mansi,  vi.  527  and  141.) 

(7)  A.D.  679,  at  which  a  letter  was  addressed 
to  the  emperor  Constantine  Pogonatus  by  Man- 
suetus,  bishop  of  Jlilan  and  his  suffragans,  in 
anticipation  of  the  sixth  council ;  and  accom- 
panied by  a  dogmatic  profession  of  high  in- 
terest, in  connexion  with  the  creed  then  in  use. 
(Mansi,  xi.  203-7.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

BIILBURGA,  virgin,  in   England ;  comme- 
morated Feb.  23  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  388). 
[C.H.] 

MILDGITHA  or  MILDWIDA,  virgin  in 
England  ;  commemorated  Jan.  17  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  ii.  176).  [C.  H.] 

MILDRED  A,  abbess  in  England ;  comme- 
morated July  13  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  iii.  512). 
[C.  H.] 

MILES,  bishop,  martyr  with  his  disciples 
Eboras  and  Seboas,  all  Persians ;  commemorated 
Nov.  13  (Basil.  Menol.).  [C.  H.] 

MILETIUS,  patriarch  of  Antioch  ;  comme- 
morated Nov.  11  (Cal.  Annen.).  [C.  H.] 

MILETUS,  bishop  of  Treves,  cir.  a.d.  470 ; 
commemorated  Sept.  19  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  vi. 
27).  [C.  H.] 

MILEVIS,  COUNCILS  OF  (Milevitana 
Concilia).  For  what  passed  at  the  first  council 
of  Milevis,  see  canons  86-90  of  the  African  code, 
with  the  preface  to  them.  (Mansi,  iii.  783,  and 
see  also  1139.) 

The  second,  formerly  confused  with  the  first, 
was  held  A.D.  416:  for  its  eight  first  canons 
condemning  Pelagianism,  also  see  109-16  of 
the  African  code.  Of  the  remaining  nineteen, 
the  23rd  is  not  found  in  that  code  at  all ;  while 
the  20th  suggests  that  the  first  half  of  canon 
106  in  the  code  has  been  interpolated.  The 
rest  are  to  be  found  up  and  down  the  code,  dis- 
connectedly, not  always  forming  whole  canons. 
(Mansi,  iv.  325-49,  and  see  African  Coitncils.) 
[E.  S.  Ff.] 

MILIANUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Lyons  June  2  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MILIGUTUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Egypt  Feb.  9  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MILIO,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Kicopolis 
in  Armenia  July  10  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS  July,  iii.  34).  [C.  H.] 

MILISA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Nico- 
meJia  Mar.  16  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MILITANI,  THE,  or  MILITANA  accord- 
ing to  another  reading,  martyrs,  or  martyr; 
commemorated  at  Ancyra  July  22  (Hieron.  Mart.). 
[C.  H.] 

MILITARES,  martyr  in  Armenia;  comme- 
morated July  24  (Hieron.  Mart;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.).  l^-  H-] 

MILITARY  SERVICE.  Militia  in  later 
usage  appears  to  include  the  performance  of 
any    public   service,    either    civil    or    military 


1182        MILITARY  SEEYICE 

(see  Ducange,  Gloss.).  So  Augustiue  (Serm. 
82,  §  3,  de  Diversis,  vol.  v.  p.  1905;  Migne, 
Patrol.)  says  that  Holy  Scripture  in  speaking 
of  soldiers  does  not  mean  those  only  who  are 
occupied  in  active  warfare  (armata  militia), 
but  that  every  one  uses  the  weapons  of  his 
own  special  warfare,  and  thus  is  enrolled  as  a 
soldier  in  his  own  grade  (quisque  militiae  suae 
cingulo  utitur,  dignitatis  suae  miles  describitur). 
In  Latin  writers  the  word  has  a  triple  meaning: 
the  Militia  Palatinalis  belonging  to  the  officers 
of  the  palace;  Castrensis  to  military  service 
in  the  camp ;  and  Cohortalis  to  civil  service 
in  the  provinces.  (See  Vales,  Not.  in  Soz,  H.  E. 
V.  4 ;  Bingham,  Ecd.  Ant.  iv.  4,  §  1.) 

It  also  applied  to  those  who  held  lands,  pos- 
sessions, or  titles  by  tenure  of  feudal  service. 
Thus,  e.  (/.,  the  Laws  of  the  Lombards  (lib.  iii. 
tit.  8,  0.  4)  provide  that  no  "  miles  "  of  a  bishop, 
abbat,  or  abbess  shall  lose  his  fief  (beueficium) 
without  being  convicted  of  a  crime.  In  Anglo- 
Saxon  chronicles  the  title  "  miles  "  is  commonly 
used  to  describe  those  who  were  attached  in  any 
capacity  to  the  household  of  a  prince.  For  ex- 
amples see  Ducange  {Gloss.).  So  Avitus  of  Vienne, 
Ep.  83.  Sigismund,  king  of  Burgundy,  speaks  of 
the  title  of  patrician  conferred  upon  him  by  the 
emperor  Anastasius  as  "militiae  titulos,"  and 
Gregory  of  Tours  (Hist.  Franc,  iv.  c.  42)  speaks 
of  the  patriciate  which  a  certain  Mummulus 
obtained  from  king  Guntram  as  a  "militia." 
Sometimes  it  appears  to  be  used  simply  for  any 
rewards  given  in  return  for  service.  Thus  Gre- 
gory of  Tours  {Hist.  Franc,  viii.  39)  speaks  of 
the  widow  of  a  certain  Badegilsus,  bishop  of  Le 
Mans,  claiming  some  property  which  was  alleged 
to  have  been  given  to  the  see,  as  the  hire  given 
personally  to  her  husband  (haec  est  militia  viri 
mei);  and  (id.  x.  c.  19)  speaking  of  the  ti-easures 
left  by  a  cei-tain  bishop  Egidius,  says  that  those 
of  them  which  were  the  produce  (militia)  of  evil 
doing  were  carried  into  the  king's  treasury. 

Thus  in  ecclesiastical  writers  the  word  is  often 
found  expressing  any  kind  of  service  either 
civil  or  military.  The  Apostolic  Canons  (c.  82) 
provide  that  any  of  the  clergy  wishing  to  retain 
any  public  employment  (cTTpareiS.  crx'^^°-C'^'')i  ^o 
as  to  serve  both  the  emperor  and  the  church, 
were  to  be  deposed,  on  the  ground  of  the  com- 
mand, "Render  unto  Caesar  the  things  that  are 
Caesar's,  and  to  God  the  things  that  are  God's." 
(See  Beverege,  N'ot.  in  loco,  and  Bingham,  Eccl. 
Ant.  vi.  4,  §  9.)  Sozomen  (JI.  E.  iv.  24)  narrates 
that  a  council  of  Constantinople,  A.  D.  360,  de- 
posed one  Xeonas,  bishop  of  Seleucia,  because  he 
had  admitted  to  holy  orders  certain  men  who  were 
bound  to  civic  offices,  TroXnevo/xivoi  (see  Vales, 
AW.  in  loco).  A  capitulary  of  Constantine  (Cod. 
Leg.  Offic.  de  Episc.  ct  Clcr.)  speaks  of  the  curiae 
to  which  certain  men  belonged  as  "  officia  quibus 
militant."  It  is  often  also  especially  applied 
to  ecclesiastical  service.  In  the  Ordo  Romanus., 
c.  1,  the  members  of  the  procession  that  precedes 
the  pontiff  to  the  church  are  ordered  to  walk  in 
■  the  order  of  their  respective  offices  (partibus 
prout  militavit).  Gregory  the  Great  (Ep.  iii. 
11)  speaks  of  the  servants  of  the  church  as 
"militia  clericatus."  St.  Remigius  (Sirmond, 
Cone.  Ant.  Gall.  i.  205)  speaks  of  the  lectors' 
service  as  "  militia  lectorum." 

In  the  more  limited  meaning  of  warfare  it 
must  be  considered — 


MILITARY  SERVICE 

I.  As  regards  the  laity.  The  profession  of 
arms  in  the  earlier  days  of  the  church  appears 
to  have  been  considered  with  some  distrust,  as 
scarcely  compatible  with  the  Christian  character, 
since  it  necessitated  the  shedding  of  blood  and 
taking  part  in  capital  punishments.  None  of 
the  councils,  however,  venture  to  prohibit  it. 
The  first  council  of  Nice  indeed  (c.  12)  orders 
that  those  who  had  made  profession  of  the  faith 
and  cast  away  the  military  belt,  and  then  returned 
to  the  service  and  given  money  to  be  restored  to 
their  rank,  should  be  for  three  years  among  the 
hearers  and  then  for  ten  years  among  the  pro- 
strators.  But  this  canon  appears  to  have  referred 
to  some  particular  case,  very  probably  to  that  of 
soldiers  who  had  quitted  the  army  rather  than 
commit  idolatry,  and  then,  repenting  of  what 
they  had  done,  regained  their  position  on  condi- 
tion of  offering  sacrifice.  (See  Bingham,  Eccl. 
Antiq.  xi.  c.  5,  §  10.)  The  first  council  of  Aries, 
A.D.  314  (c.  3,  Bruns,  Canones,  ii.  p.  107)  appears 
to  recognise  the  fact  that  the  profession  of  Chris- 
tianity should  not  be  made  an  excuse  for  evading 
the  duties  of  citizenship,  by  excommunicating 
those  who  throw  down  their  arms  in  time  of 
peace.  Another  reading  is  "in  time  of  war." 
The  Apostolic  Constitutions  (viii.  c.  32)  provide 
that  a  soldier  who  applies  for  baptism  should 
promise  to  obey  the  injunctions  given  to  soldiers 
by  John  the  Baptist,  to  do  injury  to  no  man,  to 
accuse  no  man  falsely,  and  to  be  content  with 
their  hire.  If  he  gave  that  promise  he  was  to  be 
admitted,  if  he  refused  to  do  so,  to  be  rejected. 

Ecclesiastical  writers  treat  the  subject  very 
much  in  accordance  with  their  own  personal 
temperament,  the  ground  taken  by  those  who 
deny  that  a  Christian  can  continue  to  be  a  soldier 
being  always  that  some  of  the  duties  required  by 
a  military  profession  are  incompatible  with  the 
laws,  or  at  least  with  the  spirit,  of  Christianity, 
Tertullian,  as  might  be  expected,  is  most  out- 
spoken and  uncompromising.  In  answering  the 
question  whether  a  soldier  in  uniform  can 
be  admitted  to  the  church,  he  asks  in  return 
whether  there  can  be  a  soldier  who  is  not 
obliged  to  take  part  in  bloodshed  and  capital 
punishments,  and  again  inquires  how  a  Chris- 
tian can  possibly  fight  without  the  sword 
which  his  Lord  has  taken  from  him  {de  Idol. 
c.  19).  Again  {de  Coron.  Milit.  c.  11),  in  answer- 
ing the  question  whether  warfare  in  any  way  is 
a  lawful  occupation  for  a  Christian,  he  contrasts 
the  ordinary  duties  of  a  soldier  with  the  position 
of  a  believer.  How,  he  asks,  can  a  son  of  peace 
make  war,  or  he  whose  duty  it  is  to  cast  out 
idols  guard  an  idol's  temple  ?  How  can  one  who 
is  forbidden  to  burn  incense  submit  to  have  his 
own  corpse  burned  by  military  rule  ?  The  case 
is  different,  he  .idds,  when  those  who  were 
actually  soldiers  were  converted,  as  the  soldiers 
who  came  to  John  the  Baptist  and  the  believ- 
ing centurion.  In  such  cases  a  believer  ought 
either  to  desert  at  once,  which,  he  asserts,  is  a 
common  practice,  or  to  be  resolute  not  to  be 
compelled  to  perform  duties  which  are  forbidden 
by  the  laws  of  his  Christian  faith.  Faith, 
he  adds,  knows  not  the  meaning  of  the  word 
compulsion.  But  in  other  places  he  admits  that 
his  opinion  had  not  been  generally  acted  on  by 
Christians.  "  We  fill  your  camps,"  he  says 
{Apologet.  c.  37),  "  we  man  your  fleets,  and  serve 
In  your  armies"  (id  c.  42.)    The  well-known 


F 


MILITARY  SERVICE 

legend  of  the  Thunderiug  Legion  proves  also  that 
Christians  were  in  considerable  numbers  in  the 
army  of  the  emperor  Aurelius  (Euseb.  E.  H.  v.  5). 
Origen  (contra  Cch.  viii.  §§  73,  74),  in  answering 
the  question  of  Celsus  why  Christians  do  not 
bear  arms  and  bring  help  to  the  emperor,  admits 
the  fact  that  they  were  unwilling  to  take  up 
arms  and  slay  men,  but  alleges  that  as  priests 
they  were  ever  warring  with  their  prayers  for 
the  emperor,  and  thus  serving  him  with  better 
weapons  than  they  would  have  used  in  the  army. 
Lactintius  {Tnstitutiones,  vi.  c.  20)  considers 
any  occupation  that  implies  shedding  of  blood  is 
unfit  for  a  Christian. 

The  same  ground  is  taken  by  Paulinus  of  Nola 
(Epist.  ad  Milet.,  Ep.  25  ;  lligne.  Patrol.). 

Another  class  of  writers  take  a  milder  view, 
and  speak  with  more  hesitating  utterance. 
Basil  {Epist.  ad  Amphtloch.,  Class  2,  Ep.  188, 
■§  13;  Migne,  Patrol.),  while  admitting  that 
bloodshed  in  lawful  war  is  innocent,  says  that 
those  who  commit  it  contract  a  certain  impurity, 
and  should  abstain  from  communion  for  three 
years.  The  Greeks  used  this  canon  as  an  argu- 
ment against  the  emperor  Phocas,  when  he 
insisted  that  the  soldiei-s  who  fell  in  battle  on 
his  side  should  be  inserted  in  the  book  of  mar- 
tyrs (see  note,  iligne,  Patrol,  in  loco). 

It  is  not  clear  whether  Leo  the  Great  (Epist. 
ad  Rustic,  c.  12)  is  speaking  specially  of  military 
service  or  of  secular  business  in  general  when  he 
forbids  penitents  to  return  to  the  warfare  of  the 
world  (militiam  secularem),  on  the  ground  of 
the  apostolic  injunction,  "  no  man  that  warreth 
cntangleth  himself  in  the  aftairs  of  this  life ;"  and 
because  no  man  is  free  from  the  snares  of  the 
devil  who  involves  himself  in  worldly  warfare 
(militia  mundana),  adding  (c.  14)  though  the 
occupation  may  be  lawful  in  itself. 

A  very  different  view  is  taken  by  Augustine. 
He  says  (£>.  Class  iii.  189,  c.  4 ;  Migne,  Patrol.) 
that  it  is  wrong  to  suppose  that  no  soldier  can 
serve  God  while  engaged  in  actual  warfare, 
giving  as  examples  l)avid  and  Cornelius,  the 
soldiers  who  came  to  John  the  Baptist,  and  the 
centurion  who  came  to  our  Lord.  Again  {De 
Diversis  Quaest.  i.  4)  he  owns  there  are  many  bad 
soldiers,  but  adds  they  are  those  who  do  not  con- 
form tomilitary  discipline,  just  as  many  Christians 
become  bad  when  they  disobey  the  commands  of 
their  master  Christ,  and  {Serm.  302,  c.  16,  Migne, 
Patrol.)  it  is  not  their  evil  occupation  but  their 
evil  hearts  (non  militia  sed  malitia)  which 
makes  soldiers  evil  men ;  and  in  another  place 
asserts  that  he  is  not  guilty  of  homicide  who 
slays  men  in  lawful  battle,  "  Deo  auctore  "  (Z>e 
Civit.  Lei,  i.  cc.  21-26). 

In  later  years  all  doubt  on  the  subject  quite 
disappeared,  and  war  began  to  be  considered  even 
meritorious  when  undertaken  against  unbelievers, 
or  on  behalf  of  the  interests  of  the  church. 
Pope  Stephen  II.  {Ep.  144,  Sirmond,  Cone.  Ant. 
Gall.  ii.  10)  encouraged  the  Gauls  to  take  up 
arms  in  defence  of  the  church,  adding  that  he 
felt  quite  sure  that  St.  Peter  would  be  lenient 
to  the  sins  of  those  who  fell  in  the  service  of  his 
church.  Rabanus  Maurus  (de  Eccl.  Discip.  ii.  5) 
asserts  that  those  who  engage  in  a  just  war  are 
innocent,  since  they  are  only  obeying  the  lawful 
commands  of  their  sovereign.  Hincmar  of  Rheims 
{Epist.  ad  Car.  Calv.  cc.  9,  10)  says  that  those 
who  declare  war  and  those  who  fight  as  soldiers 


MILITARY  SERVICE 


1183 


in  a  just  cause  are  blameless,  and  (c.  11)  that  a 
soldier  who  shed  blood  in  lawful  warfare  is  inno- 
cent, the  responsibility  resting  with  the  king. 
Neither  was  any  difficulty  made  about  sending 
the  soldiers  from  church  fiefs  when  land  was 
held  by  ecclesiastical  persons  under  feudal 
tenure.  Hincmar  of  Rheims,  in  his  Epistle  to 
Hadrian  (0pp.  ed.  Paris,  164.5,  ii.  608),  urges 
very  sensibly  that  if  the  church  holds  lands  under 
the  laws  of  the  king,  they  must  render  to  the 
king  the  duties  belonging  to  them  ;  and  (Ep.  46) 
says  to  send  forces  to  the  army  of  the  king  is 
simply  to  I'ender  to  Caesar  what  is  due  to  Caesar. 
The  second  council  of  Vern  (a.D.  844,  c.  8)  pro- 
vides that  when  bishops  were  prevented  by  ill- 
ness from  bringing  their  forces  themselves,  they 
should  send  them  under  proper  leaders.  It  is 
needless  to  multiply  proofs  of  this,  as  will  be 
seen  in  the  following  section ;  the  great  difficulty 
was  to  prevent  the  clergy  from  themselves  lead- 
ing their  ti'oops  and  engaging  in  actual  warfare. 

II.  As  relates  to  the  clergy.  These  were 
always  strictly  forbidden  to  bear  arms.  The 
first  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  398  (c.  8),  forbids 
anyone  who  after  baptism  has  put  on  the  military 
belt  to  be  raised  to  the  office  of  a  deacon.  The 
council  of  Chalcedon,  a.d.  451  (c.  7),  anathema- 
tizes all  who,  having  been  once  enrolled  among 
the  clergy,  return  either  to  warfare  or  to  secular 
employment.  The  first  council  of  Tours,  a.d. 
460  (c.  5),  excommunicates  all  clergy  who  shall 
engage  in  warfare.  The  council  of  Lerida,  A.D. 
52o  (c.  1),  speaking  of  the  case  of  clergy  who 
might  be  in  a  besieged  city,  provides  that  all 
who  minister  at  the  altar  should  positively 
abstain  from  shedding  human  blood ;  those  who 
had  done  so,  even  in  the  case  of  an  enemy,  should 
be  removed  for  two  years  not  only  from  their 
office,  but  from  communion.  The  two  years 
were  to  be  spent  in  fasting,  prayers,  and  alms- 
giving. At  the  end  of  two  years  they  might  be 
restored,  but  never  promoted  to  higher  stations. 
The  penance  might  be  protracted  at  the  will 
of  the  bishop,  if  not  performed  to  his  satisfac- 
tion. The  first  council  of  Macon,  A.D.  581 
(c.  5),  provides  that  any  clergy  wearing  arms 
shall  be  kept  for.thirtv  davs  on  bread  and  water. 
The  fourth  council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  633  (c.  19), 
forbids  that  any  employed  in  secular  warfare 
or  pursuit  (militia)  should  be  ordained ;  and 
c.  44  provides  that  clergy  who  have  willingly 
borne  arms  in  any  revolt  shall  lose  their 
rank,  and  be  sent  for  discipline  to  a  monas- 
tery. The  council  of  Lestines,  a.d.  743  (c.  2), 
forbids  any  of  the  clergy  to  wear  arms  or  to 
accompany  armies,  except  one  or  two  bishops 
with  their  chaplains  in  attendance  on  the  prince, 
and  one  presbyter  attached  to  each  division  of 
the  army.  The  first  council  of  Soissons,  a.d.  744 
(c.  3),  forbids  abbats  to  bear  arms,  even  those 
who  by  their  feudal  tenure  were  obliged  to  send 
soldiers  from  their  lands.  The  council  of  Means, 
A.D.  845  (c.  37),  provides  that  clergy  who  worn 
arms  should  lose  their  offices. 

Leo  I.  (Eplst.  3,  §§  4,  5)  orders  that  if  any 
baptized  person  has  engaged  in  warfare,  he  shall 
not  be  admitted  into  holy  orders,  giving  as  a 
reason  that  soldiers  are  obliged  to  execute  the 
commands  of  their  superior  officer,  however  un- 
lawful they  may  be.  It  may  also  be  noted  that 
the  canon  of  Basil  just  given,  forbidding  any  who 
have  shed  blood  to  be  admitted  to  communion 


1184        MILITARY  SERVICE 

for  three  years,  would  effectually  prevent  the 
clergy  from  bearing  arms. 

That  the  clerical  office  was  held  to  imply  in- 
capacity for  bearing  arms  is  also  implied  in  the 
law  of  Honorius  (^Cod.  Theod.  vii.  lib.  20 ;  Do 
Veteran,  leg.  12),  which  forbids  anyone  to  enter 
the  clerical  office  in  order  to  excuse  himself  from 
serving  in  the  army  on  plea  of  being  an  ecclesi- 
astical person.     [See  Pkinces,  Consent  of.] 

In  practice,  however,  it  is  evident  that  these 
injunctions  were  occasionally  transgressed  upon 
many  pleas.  It  appears  to  have  been  not  un- 
common for  monks  and  clergy  to  accompany  an 
army  to  the  field  for  the  purpose  of  helping  it 
with  their  prayers.  Bede  (^H.  E.  ii.  2)  speaks  of 
the  slaughter  at  Westchester  of  a  great  number 
of  monks  of  Bangor  who  had  assembled  to  help 
the  army  of  the  Britons  by  their  prayers,  and 
whom  he  calls  an  army  (militia) ;  and  (i.  20, 
p.  57)  of  Germanus,  bishop  of  Auxerre,  who  took 
command,  on  an  emergency,  of  the  army  of  the 
Britons,  and  defeated  the  Picts  and  Scots  by  the 
weapons  of  prayer  and  praise.  The  ti-ansition 
from  such  weapons  to  those  of  a  more  secular 
kind  was  easy.  Theodoret  (//.  E.  ii.  30)  speaks 
of  James,  bishop  of  Nisibis,  acting  as  general 
(ffrpaTr}y6s)  of  the  forces  of  the  city  during  the 
siege  by  Sapoi-,  and  using  his  engineering  skill 
in  directing  the  working  of  the  machines  upon 
the  walls ;  but  it  is  added  that  he  himself  took 
no  personal  share  in  the  defence,  but  remained 
all  the  time  within  the  church  in  prayer :  the 
enemy  were  finally  discomfited  without  blood- 
shed by  a  plague  of  gnats  and  flies  which  arrived 
in  answer  to  his  praj'er.  Other  clergy  do  not 
appear  to  have  been  so  careful  to  observe  the 
nice  distinction  between  advice  and  action,  espe- 
cially in  cases  where  the  interests  of  the  church 
were  concerned.  Sozomen  {H.  E.  vii.  15)  speaks 
of  one  Marcellus,  a  bishop  of  Apamea,  who  led 
a  band  of  soldiers  and  gladiators  against  the 
pagans,  and  was  slain  in  the  affray.  It  is  added, 
proving  that  his  conduct  was  considered  merito- 
rious, that  the  council  of  the  province  prohibited 
his  relatives  from  attempting  to  avenge  his  death, 
ou  the  ground  that  they  should  rather  give 
thanks  that  he  was  accounted  worthy  to  die  in 
such  a  cause.  Gregory  of  Tours  {Hist.  Franc. 
iv.  43)  speaks  of  two  prelates,  Salonius  and 
Sagittarius,  who  wore  armour  and  slew  many 
men  with  their  own  hands  in  battle.  Boniface  of 
Mayence  {Ep.  ad  Zach.)  asked  the  pope's  advice 
about  certain  bishops  who  fought  armed  and 
shed  blood  with  their  own  hands  ;  the  answer 
was,  that  such  should  be  deposed.  Paul 
Warnefrid  {Hist.  Longohard.  v.  40)  applauds  the 
bravery  of  one  Zeno,  a  deacon  of  Ticcne,  who 
went  into  battle  clad  in  the  robes  of  Cunibert, 
king  of  the  Lombards,  and  was  killed  in  his 
l>lace. 

In  later  days,  when  the  church  began  to  hold 
lands  under  the  feudal  system,  it  seems  that  in 
some  cases  the  bishops  were  expected  to  come  in 
person  to  the  army  of  their  sovereign.  Charles 
the  Bald  (Sirmond,  Cone.  A7it.  Gall.  iv.  pp.  143- 
145)  brings  a  charge  against  a  bishop  named 
Vuenilo  that  he  had  not  helped  him  in  his  ad- 
vance against  the  enemy  either  in  his  own  person 
or  with  the  forces  that  it  was  his  duty  to  bring. 
Hincmar  of  Rheims  {Ep.  26),  writing  to  pope 
Nicholas,  speaks  of  himself  and  his  fellow  bishops 
as  going  with  the  king  against  the  Bretons  and 


MILK 

Normans,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  king- 
dom. See  also  Flodoard  {Vita  Hincmar.  iii.  18). 
The  second  council  of  Vern,  A.D.  844  (c.  8), 
when  providing  that  bishops  who  are  weak  of 
body  shall  send  their  forces  under  command  of 
one  of  the  king's  olficers,  indicates  that  it  was 
the  usual  custom  for  bishops  to  lead  their  forces 
in  their  own  persons. 

But  efforts  were  continually  made  to  keep  the 
clergy  as  far  as  possible  from  actually  mingling 
in  war.  A  capitulary  of  Charles  the  Great 
{Capit.  iii.  c.  141  ;  Migne,  Patrol,  -xcvii.  814) 
provides  that  no  priest  shall  accompany  the 
army,  except  two  or  at  most  three  bishops 
elected  by  the  others,  for  the  purpose  of  prayer 
and  benediction,  and  with  them  chosen  priests  of 
good  learning,  and  with  the  permission  of  their 
own  bishops,  who  should  celebrate  divine  service, 
attend  to  the  sick,  and  especially  take  care  that 
no  one  died  without  receiving  the  holy  sacra- 
ment. They  were  not  to  bear  arms,  nor  to  go 
into  battle,  nor  shed  blood,  but  to  employ  them- 
selves in  their  proper  duties.  Those  ecclesiastics 
who  held  fiefs  which  obliged  them  to  provide 
soldiers,  were  to  send  their  men  well  armed,  and 
they  themselves  to  remain  at  home  and  pray  for 
the  arm}\  Hincmar  of  Eheims,  whatever  his 
own  practice  may  have  been,  gives  very  good 
advice  upon  the  subject.  In  his  epistle  to  the 
bishops  {0pp.  ii.  159,  cc.  4,  5)  he  says  that 
the  soldiers  due  from  the  possessions  of  the 
church  were  to  be  sent  under  their  appointed 
leaders  to  the  help  of  the  prince,  but  that  the 
bishops  themselves  were  to  give  advice  and  use 
all  their  efforts  to  arrest  the  effusion  of  blood. 
The  council  of  Meaux,  A.D.  845  (c.  37),  provides 
that  clergy  are  not  to  carry  arms  on  pain  of 
losing  their  grade ;  also  (c.  47),  that  bishops 
should  send  their  forces  under  the  command  of 
some  of  the  church  vassals  (ex  subditis  et  eccle- 
siasticis  ministris),  chosen  with  the  consent  of 
the  archbishop.  A  curious  provision  follows : 
that  such  leaders  should  not  indulge  in  any  idle 
hope  of  succeeding  to  the  bishopric,  unless  in 
accordance  with  the  provision  made  by  Gregory 
the  Great,  for  which  see  Princes,  Consent  of. 

But  the  literature  of  the  period  abounds  iu 
indications  that  many  bishops  and  abbats  pre- 
ferred the  excitement  of  the  camp  to  the  seclu- 
sion of  the  cloister  or  the  monotony  of  pastoral 
duty.  [P.  0.] 

MILITO,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome 
July  11  {Hicron.  Hart.).  [C.  H.] 

MILK  or  MILKPAIL  (in  Art).  Milkpails 
are  represented  in  the  Callixtine  catacomb,  6th 
cubiculum  of  St.  Callixtus  (Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p. 
557).  In  these  two  paintings  the  Lord  seems 
to  bo  shepherd  and  lamb,  or  priest  and  sacrifice. 
The  lamb  in  any  case  is  bearing  the  mulctra,  with 
the  pastoral  staff.  It  may  be  supposed  that 
the  vessel  which  often  accompanies  the  Good 
Shepherd  is  of  the  same  kind.  (See  Buonarroti, 
vi.  2.) 

On  some  sai-cophagi  (see  Bottari,  pi.  xx. ; 
Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p.  291 ;  Maffei,  Verona  Illnstr. 
iii.  p.  54)  shepherds  are  represented  in  the  act 
of  milking  their  flocks.  On  the  whole  it  seems 
more  likely  (see  Ezekiel  xxv.  4 ;  Heb.  v.  12,  13  ; 
1  Cor.  iii.  2  ;  1  Peter  ii.  2)  that  the  mulctra 
refers  to  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  than  to 
the  Eucharist. 


The  milkpail  is  sometimes  taken  as  a  symbol 
of  spring  (Bottari,  iii.  62)  ;  and  Martigny  quotes 
a  couplet  to  this  effect  from  the  Calendarium 
Bucherianum  [Calendar,  p.  256]. 

"  Tempus  ver,  hoedus  petulans  et  garrula  hinmdo 
Indicat,  et  sinus  lactis  et  herba  virens," 

■where  the  poet's  disregard  for  the  quantity  of 
the  word  sinus  may  be  condoned,  on  account  of 
his  evident  good  will.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MILK  AND  HONEY.  A  mixture  of  milk 
and  honey  was  in  ancient  times  commonly  ad- 
ministered to  infants  immediately  after  baptism 
(Tertullian,  de  Cor.  Milit.  c.  3  ;  c.  Marcion.  i.  14), 
as  typical  of  the  heavenly  Jerusalem,  where  milk 
and  honey  descend  in  showers  (Clem.  Alex.  Pae- 
dag.  I.  vi.  §  45,  p.  125,  Potter.  [See  Baptism, 
§  6Q,  p.  164.] 

Milk  and  honey  were  also  on  certain  occasions 
offered  on  the  altar.  See  Honey  and  Milk,  p. 
783  ;  Liturgy,  p.  1021,  §  16.  [C] 

IVIIMMUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Oct.  31  {Hieron.  3Iart.).  [C.  H.] 

IMINA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Milan 
July  9  {Hkron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MINACUS,  martyr  at  Ravenna ;  commemo- 
rated Nov.  11  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MINANDER,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Feb.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MINANDUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Albua  Mar.  12  (^Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MINDINA,  martyr ;  commemorated  May  26 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MINEPTUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  Mar.  18  {Hieron.  Mart.).        [C.  H.] 

MINEEIUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Nyon  May  17  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Axict.).  [C.  H.] 

MINERMUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Isauria  May  16  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MINERUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Cor- 
thosa  May  16  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MINERVINUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at 
Kicomedia  Mar.  13  {Hieron.  Mart.).         [C.  H.] 

MINERVIUS  or  MINERVUS,  martyr  with 
Eleazar  in  the  8th  century ;  commemorated  at 
Lyon  Aug.  23  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  561).  [C.  H.] 


MINIATURE 


1181: 


MINERVUS,    martyr 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 


Autun    Aug.   2i 
[C.  H.] 


MINGINUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Con- 
stantinople June  15  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  June,  ii.  1050).  [C.  H.] 

MINIAS,  soldier,  and  martyr  at  Florence 
under  Decius ;  commemorated  Oct.  25  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Surius,  de  Proh.  Sand.  Hist.  t.  iv.  p. 
383,  Colon.  1618).  [C.  H.] 

MINIATURE  {Miniaturn).  This  term  is 
derived  from  minium,  or  red  lead,  the  pigment 
universally  made  use  of  in  the  earliest  days  of 
ornamental  writing,  in  order  to  decorate'  the 
capital  letters,  titles,   and   margins    of  various 


MSS.  Hence  also  liubric,  as  the  Service-books, 
which  employed  the  attention  of  the  most 
skilful  copyists,  were  generally  most  freely  orna- 
mented ;  and  red,  or  minium,  is  always  pre- 
ferred, where  any  single  colour  is  used  to  relieve 
black  and  white  MS. 

It  will  be  convenient  to  separate  throughout 
the  subject  of  ornamental  writing  [Liturgi- 
cal Books]  from  that  of  miniatures  proper. 
These  illustrate  the  text,  but  they  are  not  part 
of  the  writing,  or  dependent  on  it.  They  may 
illustrate  the  facts  narrated,  and  be  pictures  of 
architecture,  ceremonial,  costume,  or  action  ; 
or  may  be  actual  portraits.  Frequently  they 
involve  spirited  or  grotesque  representations  of 
birds,  beasts,  fishes,  insects,  and  reptiles,  done  in 
a  naturalistic  way,  and  purely  for  the  sake  of  the 
drawing.  In  this  case,  they  are  called  "  illumi- 
nations" in  the  12th  century,  when  naturalistic 
skill  was  prevailing  over  grotesque  fancy.  About 
the  end  of  that  century,  says  DomGueranger 
{Institutions  Liturgiques,rvo\.  iii.  p.  368),  "  begins 
the  reign  of  illuminators."  They  took  the  sub- 
jects of  their  richly  decorative  borders  from 
the  vegetable  kingdom,  and  imitated  leaves, 
flowers,  and  fruits,  with  wonderful  exactness, 
and  often  proceeded  to  insects  or  precious  stones, 
in  search  of  brilliant  and  sparkling  objects  of 
imitation. 

The  earlier  miniatures  which  come  within  our 
period  are  of  a  very  different  character.  The 
separation  between  ornamental  writing  and  illus- 
trative miniature  is  at  once  wide  and  narrow.  A 
miniature  is  of  course  always  a  part  of  the  orna- 
ment of  a  page  of  MS. ;  but  it  may  not  be  artisti- 
cally connected  with  the  written  text.  As  Pro- 
fessor Westwood  observes, "  the  earliest  MSS.  with 
miniatures  (and  they  are  among  the  oldest  which 
have  survived  to  our  times)  simply  contain  small 
square  drawings  let  into  the  text,  without  any 
ornamental  adjuncts."  He  mentions  three  of 
these  invaluable  relics,  preserved  in  the  Imperial 
Library  at  Vienna,  namely,  a  Roman  Calendar, 
described  by  Schwartz  {de  Ornainentis  Librorum, 
ed.  1756,  p.  38),  as  "egregium  vetustatis  monu- 
mentum  atque  pulcherrimum  Bibl.  Vindobon. 
cimelium."  It  contains  allegorical  figures  of 
the  months,  eight  in  number,  each  about  eight 
inches  high,  finely  draped  and  exquisitely  drawn  ; 
and  they  are  supposed  to  have  been  executed  as 
early  as  the  reign  of  Constantine  II.'  Also  the 
famous  purple  Greek  Codex  Geneseos,  witli  forty- 


The  Eipnlsion  from  Paradise.    Greek  Qoneaii.    MS.  in  Itie  Imp. 
Library.  Vienna.    4th  or  5th  cent— iD-Aginconrt,  v.  xix.) 

eight  miniatures,  and  the  Dioscoridcs  (D'Agin- 

»  Having  since  examined  this  calendar,  I  am  inclined 
to  regard  it  as  a  comparatively  modern  copy  of  a  classical 
original.— J.  0.  Westwood. 


1186 


MINIATURE 


court,  Peinture,  pi.  sxvi.),  written  for  the  em- 
press Juliana  Anicia  at  the  beginning  of  the  6th 
century,  and  ornamented  with  her  portrait  and 
many  miniatures,  and  drawings  of  plants.  These 
are  described  by  Lambecius  (Bibliotheca  Vindo- 
bonensis,  Vienna,  1665).  D'Agincourt  gives, 
tiopies  of  the  illustrations  of  the  Vatican  Virgil 
which  Westwood  says  may  go  back  to  the  time 
of  Constantino ;  and  these,  too,  are  in  simple 
rectangular  form,  and  though  both  beautiful 
and  illustrative,  are  not  decorative.  The  last 
word  will  be  confined  throughout  this  ai-ticle  to 
miniatures  which  are  connected  with  the  writing 
of  a  page  and  form  part  of  its  whole  effect.  It 
would  seem  that  in  almost  all  the  early  codices 
the  text  was  everything  to  the  scribe,  and  all 
the  ornament  belonged  to  it,  as  to  a  sacred 
thing.  Hence  the  great  attention  paid  to  gold 
and  silver  writing,  and  the  constant  habit  of  en- 
closing miniatures  in  capital  letters,  where  they 
were  brought  into  unity  with  the  rest  of  the 
page  as  a  pictorial   composition. 

It  is  curious,  further  to  distinguish  decoration 
from  illustration  and  graphic  ornament  from 
miniature,  that  they  have  by  no  means  flourished 
and  decayed  altogether  in  the  same  place  or  at 
the  same  time.  From  the  6th  to  the  9th  cen- 
turies is  certainly  a  time  of  general  collapse, 
except  in  the  Irish,  Hebridean,  and  Korthumbrian 
monasteries  ;  and  few  illuminated  MSS.  can  be 
pointed  out  as  certainly  executed  during  that 
.period,  or   until   Charlemagne's    revival   of  art 


MINIATURE 

Anglo-Saxon  MSS.  of  this  period.  Neither  can 
miniature  be  said  to  have  materially  improved 
between  the  8th  and  11th  centuries,  the  drawing 
of  the  human  figure  being  rude,  the  extremities 
singularly  and  awkwardly  attenuated,  and  the 
draperies  fluttering  in  all  directions."  (See  the 
illustrations  in  Palaeogr.  Sacra  from  the  Irish 
psalter  preserved  in  St.  John's  College,  Cam- 
bridge, and  Ruskin,  The  Two  Paths,  Lect.  I.) 

In  the  present  article  we  have  only  to  deal, 
strictly  speaking,  with  the  subject  of  ornamental 
writing  as  to  the  capital  letters  (heads  of  capi- 
tula  or  chapters),  which  may  not  only  be  rubri- 
cated or  ornamented  letters,  but  contain  pictures 
illustrative  of  the  text.  But  it  is  difficult  to 
observe  this  distinction  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Irish, 
and,  indeed,  in  Visigothic  MSS.  The  grotesques 
of  the  latter  often  mould  the  letters  themselves 
into  conventional  forms  of  birds,  flowers,  and 
animals,  often  of  great  graphic  vigour ;  and  the 
extraordinary  curves  and  interlacings  of  the  two 
former  are  full  of  serpentine  and  lacertine  forms. 
The  Irish  MSS.  are  different.  The  delicacy  and 
decision  of  their  working  is  incredible  (sec 
Palaeographia  Sacra,  Gospels  of  Moeiei  Brith 
MacDurnan,  and  Book  of  Kells),  but  the  minia- 
tures display  a  kind  of  fatuity  and  morbid  indif- 
ference to  accuracy,  beauty,  and  all  else,  which 
is  a  curious  anomaly,  and  suggests  a  somewhat 
unhealthy  asceticism.  It  is  doubtless  true  that 
their  delicacy  and  precision  of  execution  were 
unrivalled  by  continental  artists  of  their  time, 
or  indeed  of  any  other  period.  There  can  be 
no  doubt,  also,  that  missionaries  from  the  Celtic 
parts  of  Britain,  as  St,  Gall  and  Columban, 
carried  their  arts  and  religion  to  various  parts 
of  the  continent,  and  we  may  assert  with 
Professor  Westwood,  that  many  of  the  splendid 
capital  letters  of  the  Carolingian  period  were 
executed    in    imitation    of  our  earlier  codices  • 


Orucifliion,  from  Irish  Psalter,  St  John's  College,  Oxford. 

in  the  9th.  But  in  our  own  country,  in  the 
7th  and  8th  centuries,  while  miniature  paint- 
ing had  fallen  so  low  as  to  be  simply  distress- 
ing to  the  modern  observer,  extraordinary  skill 
was  manifested  in  ornamented  writing.  "It 
is  impossible,"  says  Professor  Westwood,  "  to 
imagine  anything  more  childish  than  the  minia- 
tures contained  in  the  splendid  Hibernian  and 


though  he  admits  that  the  best  Franco-Gallic 
MSS.  drew  much  of  their  elegant  foliage  orna- 
ment from  remembrances  of  classic  art. 


MINIATUKE 

But  those  who  study  such  MSS.  as  the  Irish 
psalter  above-mentioned,  and  some  English  spe- 
cimens, will  think  there  is  considerable  ground 
for  the  somewhat  ill-tempered  observations  of 
the  Benedictine  Nouveau  TraM  de  Diplomatique, 
ii.  122 :  "  Les  ornemens  des  liturgies  Anglo- 
Saxonnes  semblent  n'etre  le  fruit  que  d'imagina- 
tions  atroces  et  melancoliques.  Jamais  d'idees 
riantes,  tout  se  ressent  de  la  durete  du  climat. 
Lorsque  la  genie  ne  manque  pas  absolument,  un 
fond  de  rudesse  et  de  barbarie  caracterise  d'autant 
mieur  les  MSS.  et  les  lettres  historiees  qu'on  a 
plus  affectd  d'embellir."  It  is  possible,  however, 
that  these  lacertine  and  ophidian  forms  may 
have  vague  reference  to  Easterh  symbolisms  of 
the  serpent,  and  be  one  more  link  of  connexion 
between  the  British  and  Oriental  churches.  The 
finest  known  instances  of  animal-initial  letters  are 
perhaps  the  evangelic  symbols  of  the  four  gospels 
in  the  evangeliai-y  of  Louis-le-Debonnaire.  (See 
Count  Bastard,  Peintures  des  Manuscrits,  vol.  ii. 
and  Grotesque,  p.  750.) 

II.  Illustrative  miniatures  date  from  a  very 
early  period.  They  are  found  in  Egyptian  papyri. 
Pliny  says  (^Hu,t.  A\tt.  xxv.  c.  2)  that  certain 
physician's  painted,  in  their  works,  the  plants 
they  had  described,  as  in  the  Anician  Diosco- 
rides ;  and  in  xxsv.  c.  2  he  says  that  Cicero  gave 
Varro  great  credit  for  introducing  portraits  of 
more  than  700  illustrious  persons  into  his  works. 
Seneca  (de  Irmiquill.  Anim.  ix.)  speaks  of  books 
as  illustrated  (cum  imaginibus).  Martial  says 
(Epigr.im): 

"  Quam  brevis  immensum  cepit  membrana  Maronem 
Jpsius  vultum  prima  tabella  gerit." 

Fabricius  {BM.  Lat.  cur.  Ernesti,  i.  p.  125)  gives 
the  title  of  a  book  by  Varro  on  miniature  paint- 
ing, called  Hebdomadum,  sive  de  imaginibus 
libri. 

The  earliest  MSS.  with  miniatures  (some  of 
the  oldest  i-emaining  to  our  times)  contain,  as 
has  been  said,  only  small  square  or  rectangular 
drawings  let  into  the  text.  Those  of  the  Vien- 
nese MSS.  and  the  Vatican  Vii-gil  have  been  men- 
tioned ;  Professor  Westwood  also  names  an  Iliad  in 
the  Ambrosian  Library  at  Milan  with  miniatures 
(not  yet  published,  though  announced),  and  the 
Syriac  evangeliary  of  Rabula  at  Florence  (6th  cen- 
tury) is  another  example.  In  our  own  country  the 
gospels  of  St.  Augustine  survive,  and  are  referred 
to  the  6th  century  {Pal.  Sacra)  ;  also  the  Golden 
Greek  canons  (Brit.  Mus.  MSS.  Add.  No.  5111). 
Though  writing  still  flourished  in  the  8th  cen- 
tury in  Ireland  and  Northumbria,  pictorial  power 
seems  to  have  fallen  very  low,  or  to  have  been 
possessed  only  by  Visigoths,  or  by  the  Lombards, 
whose  early  efforts  chiefly  took  the  direction  of 
sculpture.  The  Carolingian  Revival  or  "  renais- 
sance "  was  certainly  influenced  by  Byzantine 
art,  and  a  reference  to  DAgincourt  (Peinture, 
early  examples)  will  shew  that  tlie  Greek  work- 
men had  not  lost  heart  and  skill  like  those  of 
Western  Europe,  and  that  Greece  was  to  teach 
the  world  once  more.  Greek  miniature-art,  at  all 
events,  never  fell  so  low  in  the  dark  ages  as  that 
of  the  Western  Empire,  always  retaining  a  hold 
on  classic  art.  Two  MSS.  of  the  9th  and  10th 
centuries  are  mentioned  by  Professor  Westwood 
as  containing  beautiful  allegorical  figures,  per- 
sonifying Night,  with  robes  powdered  with  stars 
and  an  inverted  torch,  and  the  Angels  of  Fire 

CHRIST.  ANT.— VOL.  U. 


MINIATUEE 


1187 


and  Cloud,  with  the  march  of  Israel  through  the 
Wilderness. 

The  beautiful  work  of  Count  Bastard  contains 
every  necessary  gradation  of  examples  of  the 
progress  made  in  the  first  eight  centuries,  from 
simple  writing  in  red  letters,  with  dotted  borders 
or  strokes,  to  highly  ornamented  letters — then  to 
letters  formed  by  gi'otesques  of  natural  objects — 
finally  to  completed  pictures  of  persons  or 
things.  Books  on  purple  or  azure  vellum  some- 
times, though  rarely,  contain  miniatures,  as  do 
the  11th  century  purple  Psalter  in  the  Bod- 
leian Library,  that  in  the  library  of  the  con- 
vent of  the  Remonstrants  at  Prague,  and  the 
splendid  chrysograph  of  St.  Me'dard  of  Soissons 
in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  (Bastard,  vol.  ii.). 
This  contains,  as  Gueranger  says,  various  "  gra- 
cieux  et  e'tonnants  e'difices."  The  Menology  of 
Basil  is  a  storehouse  of  examples  of  Byzantine 
architecture,  resembling  the  buildings  found  in 
some  of  the  earliest  Italian  paintings.  Much 
information  on  this  subject  will  be  found,  in  the 
most  agreeable  form,  in  the  earlier  chapters  in 
Curzon's  Visits  to  Monasteries  in  the  Levant. 

The  MS.  of  Rabula  is  described  by  Westwood 
and  Gueranger,  and  the  former  gives  a  beautiful 
illustration  in  colour  (Pal.  Sacra)  of  the  miracle 
of  Bethesda.  The  whole  of  the  Rabula  minia- 
tures are  given  by  Assemani,  in  his  catalogue  of 
the  Laurentian  Library.  Under  articles  AscEN- 
siox,  Crucifix,  Demoniacs,  and  Judas,  in  this 
Dictionary,  will  be  found  woodcut  outlines  of 
some  of  these. 


Interlaced  work,  GospeU  of  Durrow,  7th  century. 

Count  Bastard's  book  illustrates  the  principal 
French  MSS.  now  in  existence,  as  Professor 
Westwood's  Palaeographia  and  Irish  and  Anglo- 
Saxon  MSS.  are  our  chief  authority  for  northern 
caligraphy  and  miniature.  The  French  archae- 
ologist virtually  gives  us  access  to  all  the 
riches  of  the  Bibliothfeque  Nationale.  He  begins 
with  a  splendid  purple  page  in  gold  and  silver 
writing  from  the  6th-century  psalter  of  St. 
Germain  des  Pres.  The  interlaced  ornament 
which  prevails  over  all  northern  work  for  cen- 
turies after  has  already  begun  in  a  treatise  of 
St.  Ambrose  (7th  century,  uncial  with  capitals). 
It  is  by  no  means  confined  to  northern  art,  how- 
ever, as  a  decided  example  of  it  is  given  in  Pal, 
Sacra,  No.  8  in  the  Arabic  gospels ;  and  the 
Greeks  themselves  had  a  braided  ornament.  For 
its  use  on  Byzantine  capitals  see  Stones  of  Venice, 
vol.  ii.  pp.  136,  137.  Professor  Ruskin  considers 
it  as  decidedly  of  Arab  origin,  arising  from  the 
necessity  for  delicately  pierced  screens  and  slabs 
of  perforated  stone  to  allow  free  passage  for  air, 
but  afford  perfect  concealment.  The  Arabs  made 
these  perforations  in  the  shape  of  stars,  and  con- 
nected them  by  carving  the  intermediate  spaces 
in  the  slabs  of  stone,  in  the  semblance  of  inter- 
woven fillets,  which  alternately  sank  beneath 
and  rose  above  each  other  as  they  met.  But  its 
great  popularity  is  founded  on  the  natural  taste 
for  intricate  ingenuity  of  line  and  pattern,  which 
certainly  prevails  in  Anglo-Saxon  and  Irish  MSS. 


1188 


MINIATURE 


very  remarkably,  and,  as  has  been  said,  attains  a 
rather  morbid  pitch  in  the  latter.  The  constant 
use  of  wicker  and  interlaced  hurdles  in  northern 
life  would  give  this  turn  to  Irish  and  Anglo-Saxon 
ornament  in  particular.  But  a  very  pleasing 
proof  of  its  independent  origin  in  Ireland  was 
lately  given  by  Mr.  French,  of  Bolton.  A  cross 
had  been  ordered  to  be  made,  from  drawings, 
in  wicker  and  other  plaited  work,  by  some 
Irish  craftsman  of  great  skill,  who  at  last 
produced  one  in  all  respects  answering  the  in- 
structions sent  him,  except  that  he  had  been 
obliged  to  insert  a  circle  round  the  intersection 
of  the  limbs  as  a  foundation  for  the  other  v^ork. 
This  shews  the  origin  of  the  peculiar  Irish  cross 
with  perfect  certainty,  and  the  adoption  of  pat- 
terns from  wicker-work  is  obvious.  Professor 
Westwood's  authority  may  be  quoted  for  this 
anecdote. 

The  earliest  ornament  which  indicates  observa- 
tion of  nature  on  the  part  of  the  caligraphist  is  in 
a  MS.  of  extracts  from  St.  Augustine  of  Hippo 
(second  half  of  7th  century — the  property  in  the 
8th  century  of  Ulric  Obrecht,  of  Strasburg). 
Birds  and  flowers  are  used  here,  daffodils  being 
carefully  observed  and  di-awn,  and  here  the 
extraordinary  Frank  fancies  of  grotesque  birds, 
fishes,  and  faces  seem  to  begin  (Bastard,  vol.  i.). 
Beasts  and  human  figures  are  later,  appearing 
in  Carolingian  work.  The  colours  are  red,  green, 
and  brown,  with  purple  and  yellow ;  and  in- 
terlaced work  prevails.  Red  initials  seem  to 
have  been  used  from  the  earliest  date,  as  they 
appear  in  a  5th-century  MS.  of  Prudentius, 
The  first  architectural  ornament  is  on  a  frag- 
ment of  the  canons  of  Eusebius,  of  the  early  7th 
century. 

A  Merovingian  MS.  of  the  second  half  of  the 
7th  century  (Bast.  vol.  i.  Eecueil  des  Chroniqucs 
de  St.  Jerome,  d'Idace  de  Lamego,  Coll.  des 
Jesuites)  possesses  special  interest  from  the 
spirited  work  of  some  true  scribe-draughts- 
man. Its  capital  letters  are  drawn  brilliantly 
and  exactly  with  the  pen  and  without  colour 
(lettres  blanches  ou  a  jour),  and  point  to 
the  real  origin  and  principles  of  caligraphic 
miniature  very  admirably.  And  in  some  of  the 
best  Carolingian  MSS.  the  pen  breaks  out  vigor- 
ously in  all  manner  of  grotesques.  The  most 
amusing  triumph  of  penmanship  ever  attained,  we 
apprehend  to  be  in  an  initial  portrait  of  a  monk- 
physician.  [See  woodcut  in  Grotesque.]  No 
offensive  or  outrageous  allusion  or  idea  seems 
to  occur  in  any  of  these  records,  as  might  be 
expected,  though  in  the  sacramentary  of  the 
abbey  of  Gellone,  8th  or  9th  century,  there 
is  a  crucifixion,  with  angels,  where  much  blood 
is  used,  and  the  drawing  is  grim  and  inferior. 
It  soon  recovers,  however,  in  the  Visigothic 
MSS.,  where  many  human  and  angelic  figures 
are  represented,  and  which  may  perhaps  be 
distinguished  from  the  earliest  work  by  the 
number  of  beasts  of  chase  represented  in  them, 
boars  and  hares  in  particular.  One  of  the  former 
is  annexed.  The  northern  taste  for  distortion 
here  begins  to  appear  in  the  human  figures.  One 
example  of  an  Italian-Lombard  MS.  is  conspicuous 
for  the  absence  of  interlaced  work,  and  for  a 
tendency  to  geometrical  arrangement ;  which  is 
a  marked  feature  in  the  French-Lombard  exam- 
ples also.  They  are  more  numerous  than  the 
Italian,  but  still   dwell   on  interlacings.     The 


MINIATURE 

great  MS.  of  St.  Medard  of  Soissons  [Litur- 
gical Books],  written  for  Charlemagne  (Bastard* 
vol.  ii.),  contains  not  only  various  birds  executed 
with  naturalistic  accuracy,  but  grand  whole-page 
miniatures.     The  use  of  gold  and  scarlet  in  the 


No.  2.    From  the  Sacramentary  of  the  Abbaye  do  GeUone. 

Charlemagne  MSS.  is  very  brilliant,  and  new 
"initiales  fieuronn^es,"  with  evidence  of  fresh 
study  from  nature,  occur  in  Drogo's  Sacra- 
mentaiy. 

The  importance  of  ancient  miniature,  as  repre- 
senting architecture,  costume,  and  ceremonial, 
cannot  be  overrated,  and  the  picture  in  Count 
Vivien's  evangeliary  of  the  presentation  of  the 
work  to  Charlemagne  is  most  instructive ;  but 
actual  portraits  are  not  wanting  in  some  MSS. 
The  emperor  Lothaire  is  represented  in  his 
evangeliary  with  Emma  his  wife;  also  Henry 
III.  and  the  empress  Agnes.  A  MS.  is  said  to 
be  now  in  the  Escurial  which  contains  portraits 
of  Conrad  the  Salic  and  Gisela ;  and  the  Countess 
Matilda  is  depicted  in  her  gospels  in  the  Vatican. 
The  existing  Graeco-Latin  MSS.  before  Jerome 
and  the  Vulgate  do  not  contain  any  paintings, 
and  we  must  pass  on  to  northern  art,  especially 
for  Irish  and  Anglo-Saxon  miniatures.  Pro- 
fessor Westwood's  two  works  contain,  or  give 
references  for,  the  whole  subject  of  early  cali- 
graphy  and  drawing.  His  earlier  work  puts 
forth  an  able,  and  apparently  quite  valid,  plea 
for  the  antiquity  of  MSS.  such  as  the  Gospels 
of  Moeil  Brith  MacDurnan  and  the  Book  of 
Kells,  with  that  of  St.  Columba.  They  seem 
to  date  from  the  earlier  Irish  or  Gaelic  missions 
to  the  English  of  Northumbria.  But  the  fac 
similes  of  Irish  and  Anglo-Saxon  miniatures  and 
ornaments  constitute  an  introduction  to  the  his- 
tory of  fine  art  in  Britain,  fi-om  the  Roman 
occupation  to  the  Norman  conquest,  and  throw 
a  light  on  the  monastic  culture  of  that  period. 
The  chief  characteristic  of  the  earliest  fine  Irish 
or  English  is  the  greatly  increased  size  and  im- 
portance of  the  capitals  and  first  lines  of  the  text, 
with  their  pattern-ornament,  which  sometimes 
occupies  whole  pages,  but  is  often  enriched  with 
miniature.  They  are  certainly  enough  to  prove, 
as  Westwood  observes,  that  from  the  6th  to  the 
end  of  the  8th  century,  when  art  was  practically 
extinct  on  the  continent,  a  style  of  work,  totally 
distinct  from  any  other  in  the  world,  had  been 
originated,  cultivated,  and  brought  to  a  marvel- 
lous state  of  perfection.  Though  British,  Irish, 
and  Anglo-Saxon  pilgrims  to  Rome  and  Ravenna 
doubtless  derived  various  inspirations  of  sacred 
art  from  the  study  of  the  great  mosaics  and  of 
the  remaining  MSS.  in  churches  or  convents  ; 
they    were    taught    the    faith   first    at   home, 


MINIATUEE 

and  returned  home  afterwards  to  execute  highly 
original  works  of  art — the  Irish,  as  it  would 
seem,  with  less  feeling  for  natural  form  than  the 
English;  but  both  with  a  certain  natural  vigour 


MINIATURE 


1189 


The  Espulsic 

and  innate  force  of  character.  Their  sub- 
jects, as  Adam  and  Eve,  Abraham,  Closes,  and 
the  typical  events  of  the  Old  Testament,  with 
the  miracles  of  mercy  and  some  events  of  the 
Passion  of  the  Lord,  are  those  of  Kome  and 
Byzantium ;  in  short,  they  repeat  the  universal 
picture-teaching  of  the  early  church,  up  to  the 
6th  century.  But  their  treatment  is  their  own. 
Dots,  lines,  zigzags,  interlacings,  the  serpentine 
ornament,  and,  far  above  all,  the  trackless  in- 


Borfera.    From  the  Bil  le  <  f  St  Taul's  D'Aginconrt.  v.  41. 

tricacy  of  spiral  patterns,  entirely  distinguish 
this  school  from  all  others.*  The  differences 
between  Irish  and  English  MSS.  are  certainly 
slight,  so  that  Baeda's  assertion  that  the  early 
church  of  Britain  differed  in  no  respect  from 
the  Irish  may  include  their  fine  art  with  other 
matters. 

What  is  here  said  applies  to  works  of  earlier 
date  than  the  10th  century,  when  a  national 
style  of  more  gorgeous  character  arose,  in  emu- 


'^  The  Book  of  Durrow,  or  Gospels  of  St.  Columba,  is 
almost  to  a  certainty  written  by  the  saint's  own  band, 
whatever  doubt  may  bo  felt  as  to  the  exact  date  of  the 
book  of  Kells".  Weslwood  quotes  this  from  the  late  Dr. 
Petrie,  and  also  gives  from  him  the  usual  request  of  the 
scribe  for  the  prayers  of  the  reader,  at  the  end  of  the  Book 
of  Durrow:  "Eogo  beatitudincm  tuam,  sancte  presbyter 
Patrici,  ut  quicunque  hunc  libellum  manu  tenuerit,  me- 
minerit  Columbae  scriptoris,  qui  hoc  scripsl  ipscmet 
evangelium  per  xli.  dierum  spatium,  gratia  Domini 
nostri."  Below  is  written,  in  a  contemporary  hand, 
"  Ora  pro  mo,  frater  mi :  Dominus  tecum  6it."  All  four 
gospels  are  contained  in  the  MS. 


lation  of  Charlemagne's  great  MSS.,  and  when 
classical  ornament  (such  as  that  of  Count  Vivien's 
Bible,  or  that  of  St.  Paul  without  the  Walls, 
D'Agincourt,  Peinture,  pi.  xlv.)  had  begun  to 
affect  the  insular  artists. 

Single  figures  predominate  in  the  early  Nor- 
thern codices.  In  Westwood's  folio  illustrations 
(1868)  will  be  found  a  St.  Matthew  from  the 
Golden  Gospels  of  Stockholm  (6th  or  9th  century), 
and  a  David  from  the  7th-century  psalter  of  St. 
Augustine;  the  symbolic  evangelists  from  the 
Gospels    of    Durrow,    Trinity    College,    Dublin, 


(irresistibly  rude  and  quaint  in  figure,  framed 
in  delicate  spirals) ;  the  Temptation  of  our  Lord 
from  the  Book  of  Kells,  7th  century,  with  three 
other  splendid  illustrations ;  with  pages  from 
the  Gospels  of  Lindisfarne  or  St.  Cuthbert, 
and  two  pictures  of  David,  as  warrior  and 
psalmist,  from  the  Commentaries  on  the  Psalms 
by  Cassiodorus,  "  Manu  Baedae,"  in  the  cathe- 
dral library  at  Durham.  He  also  gives  pictures 
of  evangelists  from  the  Gospels  of  MacDurnan 
(Archiep.  Library,  Lambeth),  about  850,  and 
the  8th  or  9th  century  Gospels  of  St.  Chad. 
Those  from  the  Gospels  of  St.  Petersburg  and  St. 
Gall  are  marked  by  Irish  character,  and  the 
second  childhood  of  the  school  appears  in  the 
Irish  Psalter  at  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge.'' 
see  supra,  woodcut  of  Crucifixion.  The  great 
Bible  of  Alcuin,  and  the  psalter  of  king 
Athelstan  (end  of  9th  century),  are  certainly 
far  in  advance  of  any  of  these  as  regards  pro- 
gress, and  further  promise,  in  representative  art. 
The  Irish  school  was  simply  devotional,  and 
its  working  was  limited  by  technical  tradition. 
The  artist  spent  his  life  in  peaceful  elaboration 

b  Sec  also  the  Gospels  of  MacRcgol  O^estwood,  pi. 
xvi.),  preserved  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  where  St.  .Tuhn's 
eagle  is  in  tartan  chequers.  The  Book  of  Kolls  contams 
various  pictures  of  events  in  the  life  of  our  Saviour  m 
Irish  style,  and  also  some  well-drawn  animals,  as  dogs 
on  p.  403,  hares,  rata,  cats,  mice,  cocks  and  hens;  but 
the  style  could  never  last,  still  less  contend  with  the 
splendour  and  the  naturalistic  style  of  the  CaroUngian 

^   4  H  2 


1190 


MINIATUEE 


of  spirals  ;  but  he  forgot,  or  was  unable,  under 
the  painful  trials  of  the  time,  to  learn  fresh 
truths  from  Greek  or  Roman  sources.  Still 
worse,  he  seems  never  by  any  accident  to 
have  looked  with  hope  or  pleasure,  or  in  search 
of  fresh  subject,  on  external  nature  and  its 
beauties.  Consequently,  he  preferred  single 
images  of  evangelists,  constantly  ruder  and 
more  fantastic  as  his  cloistered  life  grew  fainter 
and  more  morbid  in  its  fancies.  But  in  the 
Nativity,  Ascension,  and  Glorification  of  our 
Saviour,  and  the  zodiacal  signs  of  Athelstan's 
psalter,  we  have  the  beginning  of  early  mediaeval 
art  in  England,  with  all  its  life  and  eagerly- 
crowded  figures,  and  yet  also  with  its  strong 
stamp  of  Classicism  or  Byzantinism.  It  seems 
in  this  most  singular  and  beautiful  picture  as  if 
a  later  hand,  more  purely  Gothic,  had  executed 
the  two  lower  subjects  of  the  Ascension  and 
Glorification,  while  the  others  retain  a  shade  of 
classical  grace  in  composition.      The  Ascension 


From  Psalter  of  Athebton.    Westwood's  PaJ.  Sacra. 

greatly  resembles  that  of  the  great  Syriac  MS. 
of  Rabula ;  so  much  so,  as  in  the  mind  of  the 
writer  to  connect  the  Eastern  and  English  schools 
of  art,  and  form  an  important  link  between  the 
ancient  English  church  and  the  East. 

The  Augustinian  or  Gregorian -Augustinian 
MSS.,  one  of  which  is  in  all  probability  now 
preserved  in  the  library  of  Corpus  Christi  College, 
Cambridge,  No.  286,  the  other  in  the  Bodleian 
Library,  Oxford,  claim  priority  in  time  to  the 
English,  though  probably  not  to  many  Irish  MSS. 
Four  miniatures,  besides  a  large  whole-page  figure 
of  St.  Luke,  are  given  from  them  in  Palaeographia 
Sacra.'^  Their  ornament  is  purely  Eomano-Byzan- 
tine.  They  are  of  the  highest  interest,  as  perhaps 
the  oldest  known  specimens  of  this  kind  of  Roman 
pictorial  art  in  this  country  or  elsewhere,  and 
probably  a  few  years  anterior  to  the  MS.  of 
Rabula.  With  the  exception  of  a  leaf  of  St.  John's 
Gospel  in  Greek,  with  miniatures  of  the  apostles. 


'  Photographs  of  the   entire    pages  containing  these 
miniatures  have  been  published  by  the  Palaeographical 

Society. 


MINIATUEE 

now  preserved  at  Vienna  with  the  illuminated 
Greek  Pentateuch  of  the  4th  century,  these  are 
held  to  be  the  oldest  existing  specimens  of  written 
or  painted  Roman-Christian  iconography.  The- 
Entry  into  Jerusalem,  the  Raising  of  Lazarus,  the 
Capture  of  our  Lord,  and  the  Bearing  of  the  Cross, 
are  four  out  of  the  twelve  subjects  of  the  Cam- 
bridge MS.  Three  of  these  correspond  to  those 
so  frequently  repeated  in  the  catacomb  paintings^ 
and  on  various  sarcophagi.  The  initials  are  plain 
red,  and  the  writing  a  fine  uncial. 

A  remarkable  characteristic,  to  a  colourist,  of 
the  Book  of  Kells  and  some  parts  of  the  Gospel 
of  Moeil  Brith  MacDurnan,  is  the  beautiful  use 
made  of  different  tones  and  appositions  of  blue 
and  green.  The  writer  can  compare  it  with 
nothing  he  has  seen,  so  well  as  with  the  azures,, 
purples,  and  blue-greens  of  many  of  the  mosaics 
of  Ravenna,  which,  with  those  of  Rome,  may 
doubtless  have  suggested  much  to  northern 
pilgrims  possessed  of  a  style  and  special  power* 
of  their  own. 

Many  curious  questions  as  to  the  distinguish- 
ing characteristics  of  Classical,  Anglo-Sa.xon, 
Carolingian,  and  even  Eastern  miniatures,  have 
been  lately  raised  by  the  celebrated  Psalter  of 
Utrecht.  The  date  of  its  extraordinary  illus- 
trations seems  very  doubtful,  whatever  may  be 
said  of  the  apparently  more  ancient  text.  There 
are  insuperable  objections  to  Herr  Kist's  view 
that  they  go  back  to  the  time  of  Valentinian  ; 
indeed  they  appear  to  the  writer  more  likely  to 
be  the  work  of  a  travelled  and  highly  educated 
penman  of  English,  perhaps  Northumbrian- 
English  birth,  employed  in  an  early  Caro- 
lingian scriptorium.  He  may  have  been  si 
pupil  of  Alcuin's,  was  possibly  a  palmer  from 
the  Holy  Land,  and  certainly  a  *'  Romeo "  or 
pilgrim  to  Rome.  The  drawings  seem  to  be  all 
by  one  hasty  but  skilful  hand,  directed  by  a 
mind  of  infinite  facility  of  idea,  and  graphic 
power  of  realising  the  idea  once  formed.  The 
illustrations  ai-e  of  two  kinds ;  caligraphy, 
strictly  speaking,  and  the  pen  and  ink  minia- 
tures. The  MS.  is  a  large  vellum  4to.  in 
admirable  preservation,  and  contains  the  whole 
of  the  Psalms,  according  to  the  Vulgate,  with  the 
Apocryphal  Psalm  '  Pusillus  eram,'  the  Pater  Nos- 
ter.  Canticles,  Credo,  and  the  Athanasian  Creed. 
All  are  written  throughout  in  triple  columns,  in 
Roman  rustic  capitals,  very  like  those  of  the  Vati- 
can Virgil  as  to  size  (iVowr.  Tr.  de  Dipl.  iii.  p.  56, 
pi.  35,  fig.  iii.  2).  Tiie  elegance  of  the  letters  re- 
sembles the  Paris  Prudentius  (ibid.  fig.  viii.).  The 
headings  and  initials  are  red  uncials,  and  the  first 
line  is  also  uncial,  and  larger  than  the  rest  of  the 
text.  By  the  writing,  in  fact,  the  MS.,  says  Profes- 
sor Westwood,  ought  to  be  assigned  to  the  6th  or 
7th  century ;  but  for  the  remarkable  initial  B ; 
of  which  this  is  certainly  to  be  said,  that  those 
who  are  acquainted  with  Count  Bastard's  Caro- 
lingian facsimiles,  and  Professor  Westwood's 
Saxon  reproductions,  will  probably  see  that  the 
letter  unites  the  rich  use  of  gold  and  scarlet  of 
the  one  with  the  unmistakable  knot-work  and 
ophidian  form  of  the  other. 

Each  psalm  has  its  pen  and  ink  drawing,  illus- 
trating its  subject  with  the  inventive  vigour  of 
the  best  Gothic  age,  and  not  altogether  devoid 
of  Scandinavian  vehemence  of  treatment.  These 
works  are  165  in  number.  Had  they  been  ex- 
ecuted with  any  degree  of  right  deliberation,  in 


MINIATUEE 

the  colours  of  any  centui-y  from  the  4th  to  the 
13th,  the  MS.  would  have  been  by  far  the  most 
valuable  in  existence.  It  is  not  that  they  are 
unskilful,  but  the  artist  seems  always  to  have 
been  distracted  by  the  effort  to  catch  fleeting 
fancies,  to  secure  one  in  any  form  before  another 
•chased  it  away.  In  several  instances  the  spaces 
allowed  him  by  the  scribe  have  not  been  suffi- 
■cient.  They  are  left  across  the  whole  page, 
cutting  the  triple  columns  of  text ;  but  the 
illustrations  sometimes  entrench  upon  it,  as 
in  the  147th  and  148th  Psalms,  given  in 
Professor  Westwood's  facsimile.  (^Anglo-Saxon 
and  Irish  MSS.  pi.  xxix.  and  text  pp.  15,  16.) 
The  present  writer,  however,  is  not  disposed  to 
infer  from  this  that  these  drawings  are  copied 
from  some  earlier  MS.  They  are  too  original, 
too  inventive,  and  too  unconventional ;  and,  to  his 
apprehension,  bear  the  stamp  of  a  single  mind 
as  decidedly  as  the  drawings  of  Rabula,  the 
Syrian,  in  the  great  MS.  of  the  Laurentian 
Library  at  Florence. 

This  MS.  was  compared,  in  the  first  instance, 
with  two  others  which  strongly  resemble  it.  All 
three  must  have  been  copied  from  some  earlier 
and  unknown  original ;  or  else,  the  other  two  from 
the  Utrecht  Psalter.  These  two  are  the  Harleian 
Psalter  and  the  Psalter  of  Eadwine ;  and  they 
possess  the  admitted  characteristics  of  Anglo- 
Saxon  work,  which  are  by  no  means  diminished 
by  the  presence  of  ideas  drawn  from  classical 
sources,  and  represented  according  to  classical 
models.  For  there  was  so  much  copying  of 
Graeco-Roman,  or  classical  work,  in  the  scrip- 
toi'ia,  that  it  would  seem  that  late  subjects  in 
the  pictures  prove  their  recent  origin  more 
forcibly  than  ancient  subjects  prove  their  an- 
tiquity. The  frontispiece  and  the  first  page 
contain  difficulties  which  are  repeated  through- 
out the  MS.  In  the  first  there  is  a  Sun  and 
Moon,  the  first  apparently  a  human  figure  seated 
within  an  oi-b,  the  other  a  crescent  only.  David 
sits  below  in  a  round  classical  temple,  with  con- 
vex vault  and  a  fleur-de-lys  finial.  An  angel 
dictates  to  him,  in  drapery  with  edges  frittered 
away  in  the  true  Anglo-Saxon  flutter  (see  plates 
xxxii.,  xlii.,  xlvi.  Anglo-Saxon  and  Irish  MSS.). 
Opposite  him  is  the  i-epresentative  of  the  Evil 
King,  or  Tyrant,  under  a  regular  pediment,  on  a 
massive  chair,  with  round  arches  carved  at  back, 
and  holding  a  decidedly  northern  double-edged 
sword.  He  has  a  toga,  with  fibula  ;  the  capitals 
of  the  columns  above  him  and  David  alike,  are 
convex  Byzantine,  like  some  in  the  Stones  of 
Venice,  evidently  variations  of  the  composite 
order.  There  is  a  well-sketched  river-god  below, 
a  tree  not  unlike  those  in  the  Paradise  of  the 
Vienna  Codex  Geneseos,  and  a  Hell,  into  which 
the  Tyrant's  guards  seem  to  be  hooked  and  driven. 
The  presence  of  about  18  hells  in  the  first  half 
of  the  MS.  is  certainly  much  against  its  pictures 
■being  of  early  date. 

The  Utrecht  Psalter  should  be  compared  with 
the  two  pages  given  in  Shaw's  Dresses  and  De- 
corations of  the  Middle  Ages,  from  the  1 1th  century 
Anglo-Saxon  Calendar  (from  Cottonian,  Julius 
A  6),  and  with  the  9th  or  10th  century  Pru- 
dentius.  The  likeness  of  the  drawing,  especially 
in  the  drapery,  and  the  Saxon  tightness  of  legs 
in  so  many  of  the  figures,  is  very  striking. 
Again,  in  our  woodcut  from  the  psalter  of 
Athelstan  will  be  observed  the  oval  or  clypeate 


MINISTER 


1191 


glory,  on  its  way  of  transition  from  the  Roman 
imago  Clipeata  to  the  Vesica  of  the  early  Re- 
naissance. This  occurs  very  frequently  in  the 
Utrecht  Psalter,  and  will  be  found  inWestwood, 
plate  xxix.,  but  it  is  rather  transitional  than 
classical.  Other  features  indicating  lateness  of 
date  are  the  Saxon  javelins,  some  with  apparent 
banderols  ;  the  absence  of  anything  like  a  laba- 
rum  or  cross-vexillum ;  the  long  northern  trum- 
pets; the  organ  at  Ps.  cl.  fol.  163;  the  extra- 
ordinary number  of  devils,  often  with  tridents, 
j)assim;  and  particularly  the  great  monster- 
mouth  of  hell,  which  is  certainly  late  in  Christian 
art,  though  it  may  possibly  be  derived,  as  an  idea, 
from  the  roaring  mouth  in  Plato's  Phaedrus. 

Some  of  the  classical  features  have  been 
noticed,  but  besides  them  there  will  be  found  an 
Atlas,  fol.  xlvii.  v ;  the  Three  Fates,  fol.  84  r, 
very  well  drawn ;  a  zodiac,  sun  and  moon,  Ps. 
65 ;  a  warrior  in  a  Phrygian  helmet,  fol.  xiii.  5  ; 
the  very  classical  representations  of  water,  fol. 
Ixxxviii.  V.  (with  griffins)  ;  the  sun  and  moon  ; 
the  double  pipes,  in  fol.  xvii.  v. ;  and  the  chariot 
of  God  with  four  horses,  seen  in  front  view, 
Ps.  Ixxii.  A  Crucifixion  occurs  at  fol.  67.  (See 
Organ  ;  Resurrection  ;  Satan  ;  Serpent.) 

The  palaeographical  controversy  places  its 
date  between  the  6th  and  9th  century,  and  ex- 
tends far  beyond  our  limits;  but  it  may  be  per- 
mitted to  the  author  of  this  article,  as  a  land- 
scapist  fairly  well  acquainted  with  the  scenery 
of  Egypt  and  Syria,  to  express  his  inability  to 
see  anything  in  the  least  resembling  it  in  the 
Utrecht  Psalter.  He  cannot  find  anything  like  a 
palm,  which  no  Alexandrian  could  have  omitted  ; 
nor  like  an  olive,  which  is  the  forest-tree  (so  to 
speak)  of  Syria. 

The  literature  of  the  Utrecht  Psalter  is  very 
extensive,  but  the  principal  works  relating  to 
the  MS.  itself  are  as  follows  :  Her  Kists,  Archief 
voor  Kerkelijke  Gesehiedcnis  van  Kcderland,  vol. 
iv.  (Leyden,  1833)  ;  the  Baron  van  Westreenen's 
Investigations,  also  in  the  Archief;  Professor 
Westwood's  account  in  Anglo-Saxon  and  Irish 
3ISS.  p.  14;  Sir  Thomas  Duffus  Hardy,  The 
Athanasian  Creed  in  Connexion  with  the  Utrecht 
Psalter,  being  a  Report  to  the  Right  Hon.  Lord 
Romilly,  Master  of  the  Rolls,  on  a  MS.  in  the 
University  of  Utrecht,  completed  Dec.  1872; 
the  Report  addressed  to  the  Trustees  of  the  Bri- 
tish Museum  on  the  Age  of  the  MS.  by  E.  A. 
Bond,  E.  M.  Thompson,  Rev.  H.  0.  Coxe,  Rev. 
S.  S.  Lewis,  Sir  M.  Digby  Wyatt,  Prof.  West- 
wood,  F.  H.  Dickinson,  and  Prof.  Swainson;  with 
a  prefoce  by  A.  P.  Stanley,  D.D.  Dean  of  West- 
minster, 1874;  Sir  Duffus  Hardy's  reply,  Fur- 
ther Report  on  the  Utrecht  Psalter,  also  in  1874 ; 
and,  finally,  the  excellent  History,  Art,  and  Pa- 
laeography of  the  Utrecht  Psalter,  by  Walter  De 
Gray  Birch,  F.R.S.L. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MINISEUS,  martyr  with  Tisicus ;  comme- 
morated at  Laodicea  July  23  {Hieron.  Mart.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  v.  389). 

[C.  H.J 

MINISTER.  1.  A  name  frequently  given 
to  inferior  clergv,  in  contradistinction  to  the 
order  or  orders  Above  them.  Thus  Lactantius 
speaks  of  « prcsbyteri  et  ministri,"  usmg  the 
latter  word  to  designate  all  ranks  of  clergy 
below   the    presbyterate.      In   the  title  of  the 


1192 


MINISTERIALIS 


18th  canou  of  Eliberis  the  words  "sacerdotes 
et  ministri "  are  used  as  equivalent  to  "  presby- 
teres  e^  diacones  "  in  the  body  of  the  canon.  In 
the  title  of  can.  33,  on  the  other  hand,  "  minis- 
tri "  are  all  the  clergy  below  the  rank  of  bishop. 
Inl.  Tours,  c.  1,  "sacerdotes  et  ministri  ecclesiae" 
are  the  whole  body  of  the  clergy  of  the  church ; 
where  we  are  probably  to  understand  by  "  sacer- 
dotes," priests,  "  ministri "  including  the  other 
orders.     Compare  Orders,  Holy. 

2.  Bishops  frequently  use  the  term  "  minister 
ecclesiae,"  in  subscriptions,  as  "  Ego  N.  Carnoten- 
sis  ecclesiae  minister,"  or  "  Ego  M.  .  .  Sanctae 
ileldensis  ecclesiae  humilis  minister." 

3.  "  Minister  altaris "  is  sometimes  used  as 
equivalent  to  "  priest." 

4.  Archdeacons  and  archpresbyters  are  some- 
times spoken  of  as  "  ministri  episcoporum."  [C] 

MINISTERIALIS  or  MINISTRALIS. 

(1)  3Iinister talis  Calix  is  the  chalice  used  for 
administering  the  conseci-ated  wine  to  the  faith- 
ful, which  was  often  distinct  from  that  used  by 
the  priest  in  the  act  of  consecration. 

(2)  Ministerialis  liber  is  an  office-book,  especially 
an  altar-book. 

(3)  Pope  Hikry  is  said  {Liher  Poniificalis  in  Vit. 
Hil.)  to  have  appointed  in  Rome  "  ministrales  qui 
circuirent  constitutas  stationes ;  "  that  is,  clergy 
who  should  perform  the  sacred  offices  in  the 
several  churches  of  Eome  where  Stations  were 
held.  [C] 

MINISTERIUM.  The  vessels  and  other 
articles  used  in  the  ministry  of  the  altar  are 
called  collectively  "ministeria  sacra."  Thus 
Pope  Si.xtus  (according  to  the  Liber  Pontificalis) 
"  constituit  ut  ministeria  sacra  non  tangerentur 
nisi  aministris  sacratis."  Pope  Urban  I.,  accord- 
ing to  Walafrid  Strabo  (de  JReb.  EccL  c.  24), 
"omnia  ministeria  sacra  fecit  argentea." 

The  word  is  also  used  for  the  Credence-table, 
on  which  the  vessels  were  set  before  they  were 
placed  on  the  altar.     (Ducange,  s.  v.)  [C] 

MINISTRA.  When  Pliny  in  his  well-known 
letter  (^Epist.  x.  97)  speaks  of  two  female  ser- 
vants or  attendants,  called  ministrae,  whom  he 
thought  it  necessary  to  put  to  torture,  we  see 
that  even  in  those  days  the  word  designated  an 
office-bearer  in  the  church;  nor  is  there  any 
reason  to  doubt  that  it  is  used  as  equivalent  to 
the  Greek  ZiaKovos  (Rom.  xvi.  1).  See  Dea- 
coness. [C] 

MINISTRALIS.    [Ministerial^.] 

MINISTRY.    [Orders,  Holy.] 

MIRACLE-WORKING.  We  find  a  great 
number  of  allusions  in  early  times  to  this 
pretension,  generally  made  by  the  founders 
of  new  sects.  Simon  Magus  (Acts  xiii.  9) 
was  apparently  the  first  of  this  class  of  persons 
to  come  into  collision  with  the  gospel.  An- 
other instance  is  recorded  in  xix.  13-16,  in 
connexion  with  the  so-called  exorcists  in 
Ephesus.  The  Clementine  Recognitions  (lib.  ii. 
n.  9),  a  work  of  the  third  century,  introduces 
him  as  describing  himself  thus:  "I  am  able  to 
disappear  from  those  who  would  apprehend  me, 
and,  again,  I  can  appear  when  I  please  ;  when  I 
am  minded  to  fly,  I  can  pass  through  mountains 
and  stones,  as  through  the  mire ;  when  I  cast 


MIRACLE-WORKING 

myself  headlong  from  a  precipice,  I  am  carried 
as  if  I  were  sailing  to  the  earth  without  harm  ;. 
when  I  am  bound  I  can  loose  myself,  and  bind 
them  that  bound  me ;  when  I  am  close  shut  up 
in  prison,  I  can  cause  the  doors  to  open  of  their 
own  accord ;  I  can  give  life  to  statues  and  make 
them  appear  as  living  men,"  etc.,  etc.  Tertul- 
lian  remarks  that  Simon  Magus,  for  these 
juggling  tricks  and  pretended  miracles,  was 
anathematized  by  the  apostles  and  excommuni- 
cated; and  that  such  was  the  invariable  rule 
with  regard  to  this  class  of  men — "ct  alter 
Magus  qui  cum  Sergio  Paulo,  quoniam  iisdem 
adversabatur  apostolis,  luminum  amissione  mul- 
tatus  est.  Hoc  et  astrologi  retulissent,  credo, 
si  quis  in  apostolos  incidisset.  Attamen  cum 
Magia  punitur,  cujus  est  species  astrologia, 
utique  et  species  in  genere  damnatur.  Post 
Evangelium  nusquam  invenias  aut  sophistas, 
aut  Chaldaeos,  aut  incantatores,  aut  conjectores 
aut  Magos,  nisi  plane  punitos "  (X'e  Idolola- 
trid,  cap.  is.).  The  whole  treatise  is  very  in- 
teresting, and  full  of  information  upon  this 
subject.  It  was  written  long  before  the  author's 
lapse  into  Montanism,  and  it  is  singular  that 
the  Montanists  were  among  the  worst  oflenders 
in  this  pretence  to  supernatural  powers. 
Euschius  {Eccles.  Hist.  lib.  v.  cap.  16)  quotes 
the  authority  of  ApoUinaris  for  his  description, 
of  their  pretended  miracles,  and  relates  that 
they  were  expelled  from  communion  as  being 
actuated  by  demons.  It  was  the  habit  in  the 
early  church  to  refer  all  this  class  of  impostures, 
even  when  recognised  clearly  as  frauds,  to  dia- 
bolical influence.  Thus  Firmilian,  bishop  of 
Caesarea,  in  Cappadocia,  writes  to  Cyprian  {Ep. 
Ixxv.),  mentioning  the  case  of  a  woman  who 
counterfeited  ecstasies  and  pretended  to  prophesy, 
performed  many  marvels — "  mirabilia  quaedam 
portentosa  perficiens " — and  boasted  that  she 
would  cause  an  earthquake.  This  woman,  he  pro- 
ceeds to  say,  after  having  deceived  a  presbyter, 
named  Rusticus,  a  deacon,  and  many  lay  people, 
was  subjected  to  exorcism,  and  so  shewn  to  be 
a  cheat,  instead  of  a  person  sacredly  inspired — 
"  ille  exorcista  inspiratus  Dei  gratia  fortiter 
restitit,  et  esse  ilium  nequissimum  spiritum, 
qui  prius  sanctus  putabatur  ostendit" — ap- 
parently regarding  the  woman  as  merely  a 
passive  agent ;  and  yet,  in  the  very  next 
sentence,  he  speaks  of  her  deceiving  by  "  prae- 
stigias  et  fallacias  daemonis,"  and  of  her  assum- 
ing to  minister  the  sacraments,  and  such  like. 
The  view  taken  by  the  church  of  such  persons 
was,  in  fact,  not  invariably  the  same.  Cases  in 
which  the  freewill  of  the  sufferer  was  apparently 
overborne  by  malign  influences  fi-om  without 
(obsessio7i),  were  classed  as  Aai/xopt^oixeyot. 
(energwnens),  i.e.  possessed,  and  placed  under  the 
care  of  exorcists.  They  were  regarded  as  ob- 
jects of  pity,  and  incurred  no  censure  from  the 
church,  being  permitted  to  receive  the  holy 
communion  as  soon  as  their  recovery  was  made 
manifest  by  a  time  of  probation  among  the 
audientes.  But  where  it  was  considered  evi- 
dent that  the  will  of  the  person  in  question  was 
in  league  and  co-operative  with  the  evil  spiritual 
influence,  i.e.  in  cases  of  the  claim  to  working 
of  miracles,  found  in  conjunction  with  dissolute- 
ness of  life,  or  with  heretical  teaching,  these 
were  treated  as  involving  the  most  grievous 
criminality,    and    punished   with    the   greatest 


I 


MIRERENDINUS 

.-0 verity.  Thus  the  canons  of  St.  Basil  appoint 
the  same  punishment  for  one  who  confesses 
himself  guilty  of  sorcery  (yoriTeia)  as  for  a 
nuirderer,  i.e.  twenty  years'  penitence.  Thy 
■yoriTiiav  e^ayopevuvra  rov  (poveais  XP^""" 
i^ofj.o\oyi1<TdaL  (can.  65).  St.  Augustine,  in 
his  treatise  on  Heresies,  adduces  various  in- 
,  tances  similar  to  that  mentioned  above  (De 
flaeres.  capp.  23,  26). 

We  find  traces  of  this  practice  in  more  than 
one  passage  of  the  New  Testament.  Thus,  in 
2  Tim.  iii.  13,  iroyripot  5e  &vdp<)nroi  koX  yorires 
•jrpoK6\f/ovcriv  eirl  rh  x^'/""'»  irXavwvTfs  Kal 
•j:\avd) fxiv 01 ;  where  we  see  the  connexion 
pointed  out  above  (1)  between  forbidden  arts 
and  moral  depravity,  and  (2)  between  the  same 
arts  and  false  teaching.  Also,  2  Thess.  ii.  9, 
where  exactly  the  same  view  is  taken,  kot' 
ivepyetau  tov  'Sarava  eV  irocTT?  Svva,fj.ei  Kai 
crj/xiiois  Ka\  Tfpaffi  xpevSovs — in  which  passage 
it  seems  probable  that  the  apostle  was  speak- 
ing of  a  future  whose  distinctive  forces  and 
tendencies  were  visible  and  powerful  even  in  his 
own  time.  Theodoret,  commenting  upon  this 
passage,  says:  Oi/K  a\7i6jj  OavfxaTa  iroiovtri  ol 
airb  Tuv  \pri<poi>v  tus  iiruivvixiai  e^oi'Tes ;  and, 
similarly,  St.  Athanasius,  Ot  XiySjxivoi  ^■r)<pa5is 
Koi  iraXiv  avrhs  6  avTixpiO'TOS  epx^ft-evos,  iv 
(pavraaia  TtKava,  rovs  d(p6aAfiovs  toov  olv- 
Bpiiirwi'  (Qiiaest.  124.  ad  Antioch.).  The 
great  number  of  laws  against  the  professors  of 
this  art  are  an  indication  of  the  favour  which 
it  met  with  among  the  masses  of  the  Roman 
population.  They  may  be  consulted  in  Cod. 
Just.  lib.  is.  tit.  18,  Dc  Maleficis ;  and  Anianus 
remarks  upon  a  law  of  Theodosius  under  tliis 
title,  "  malefici  vel  incantatores  vel  immissores 
tempestatum  ;"  and  the  Speculum  Saxonicum,  lib. 
ii.  art.  13,  par.  6,  classes  the  pursuit  of  magic 
with  apostasy  and  poisoning:  "Si  quis  Chris- 
tianus — apostataverit,  vel  veuenum  alicui  minis- 
traverit,  aut  incantaverit,"  etc.  (quoted  by  Du- 
cange).  See  further  under  Magic,  Wonders. 
[S.  J.  E.] 

MIRERENDINUS,  martyr ;  commemorated 
at  Rome  Aug.  23  {Hierm.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MIRIAM.    [Maria,  (18).] 

MISAEL.   [MisHAEL.] 

MISERERE.  (1)  The  51st  [Vulg.  50th] 
P.^alm,  from  its  first  word  in  the  Vulgate  transla- 
tion. This  psalm,  as  an  expression  of  the  deepest 
humiliation  and  contrition,  is  used  especially  in 
times  of  sadness  ;  in  the  communion  of  the  sick 
.'ind  the  burial  of  the  dead  both  in  East  and 
West,  and  also  in  the  office  for  penitents  and  in 
the  office  for  the  dying  in  the  East. 

(2)  By  Miserere  we  also  understand  a  service 
for  times  of  humiliation,  in  which  the  chanting  of 
the  51st  Psalm  foi-ms  a  prominent  part.  Suit- 
able music  for  this  office  has  been  written  by 
various  composers,  but  the  most  famous  is  that 
of  Gregorio  Allegri  (f  164-0),  which  is  sung  yearly 
at  Rome  in  the  Sistine  chapel  on  the  Wednesday 
and  Friday  in  Holy  Week.  [C] 

MISETHEUS.  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Xicaea  Mar.  13  {Ilieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MISHAEL  (Meshach),  with  his  brothers 
Hananiah  and  Azariah ;  commemorated  Ap.  24 


MISSA 


1193 


(Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.);  Dec.  16 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.);  Dec.  17  (Basil.  MenoL;  Cal.  Byzant.  ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  277).  [C.  H.] 

MISIA,  martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Mar.  27  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MISILIANUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Jan.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MISINUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  m  Spain 
Nov.  20  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MISSA,  martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Dec.  5  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MISSA,  whence  the  English  "  mass,"  in  ecclesi- 
astical usage  originally  meant  the  dismissal  ©f 
the  congregation.  In  later  Latin  this  word  was 
equivalent  to  missio,  as  remissa  to  remissio. 
Compare  ascensa  =  ascensio,  accessa  =  accessio, 
collecta  =  collectio,  confessa  =  confessio,  and  many 
others.  There  appears  to  have  been  a  custom  of 
dismissing  assemblies,  whether  civil  or  religious, 
by  proclaiming  the  words,  "  Missa  est."  Thus 
Avitus  archbishop  of  Vienne,  A.d.  490 :  "  In 
churches,  and  palaces,  and  judgment-halls  the 
dismissal  (missa)  is  proclaimed  to  take  place, 
when  the  people  are  dismissed  from  attendance  " 
(Ejnst.i.;  Migne,  lis.  189).  Two  references  in 
Ducange  shew  that  the  word  was  borrowed  by 
the  Greeks  for  the  same  use,  at  least  in  secular 
places  of  assembly.  Thus  Luitprand  (de  Beb. 
per  Europ.  Gestis,  v.  9)  says  that  at  Constanti- 
nople it  was  the  "  custom  for  the  palace  to  be  open 
to  all  soon  after  the  early  morning,  but  after  the 
third  hour  of  the  day  to  forbid  enti-ance  to  every 
one  until  the  ninth,  all  being  sent  out  by  a  sig- 
nal given,  which  is  mis."  In  the  Chronicon 
Paschale  Alex,  it  is  said  that  Justinian,  in  532, 
when  the  sedition  of  the  factions  broke  out, 
"  gave  missae  (eSoj/ce  /uitrcros)  to  those  belonging 
to  the  palace,  and  said  to  the  senators,  '  Depart 
every  one  to  guard  his  own  house  " '  (p.  624,  ed. 
Niebuhr). 

II.  Missa  Catechumenorum.  The  word  missa 
was  used  in  the  church  in  reference  to  the  dis- 
missal of  the  catechumens.  Thus,  by  the  Council 
of  Carthage,  398  :  "  That  the  bishop  forbid  no 
one  to  enter  the  church  and  hear  the  word  of 
God,  be  he  Gentile,  or  heretic,  or  Jew,  until  the 
dismissal  (missam)  of  the  catechumens"  (can. 
84).  St.  Augustine,  about  the  same  time  :  "  Take 
notice,  after  the  sermon  the  dismissal  (missa)  of 
the  catechumens  takes  place:  the  faithful  will 
remain"  (Serm.  49,  c.  8).  Cassian,  a.d.  424, 
speaks  of  one  who  was  overheard  while  alone  to 
preach  a  sermon,  and  then  to  "  give  out  the  dis- 
missal of  the  catechumens  (celebrare  catechu- 
menis  missam),  as  the  deacon  does"  (Coenob. 
Instit.  xi.    15).     The  council  of  Valentia,  524: 

"  That  the  gospels be  read  before  the  mass 

(missam)  of  the  catechumens "  (can.  1).  The 
Council  of  Lerida  in  the  same  year  decreed  that 
persons  living  in  incest  should  be  allowed  to 
remain  in  church  only  to  the  mass  (missam) 
of  the  catechumens  "  (can.  4).  The  formula  of 
dismissal  in  the  Latin  church  was  in  their  case, 
"  If  there  be  any  catechumen  here,  let  him  go 
out  "  (Scudamore's  Notitia  Eucharistica,  p.  336, 
ed.  2).  There  is  no  reason  for  thinking  that  they 
were  anywhere  warned  out  by  the  words  which 
from  the  8th  century  at  least  (Ordo  Bom.  i.  21, 


1194 


MISSA 


MISSA 


I 


24 ;  ii.  15  ;  Mus.  ItaL- ii.)  have  been  used  at  the 
dismissal  of  the  communicants,  viz.  "  Ite,  missa 
est."  In  the  Mozarabic  rite,  on  the  Wednesdays  in 
Lent,  the  priest  or  deacon  addressed  the  penitents 
after  their  last  prayer—"  Stand  in  your  places  for 
the  dismissal  (ad  niissam)  "  {Miss.  Mozar.,  Leslie, 
99).  So  long  as  there  were  catechumens  these 
words  were  doubtless  intended  for  them  also, 
each  class  was  to  remain  in  its  proper  place  until 
the  notice  to  go  was  given. 

Isidore  of  Seville,  who  used  the  Mozarabic 
liturgy,  writing  in  636,  says,  "  The  missa  is  in 
the  time  of  the  sacrifice,  when  the  catechumens 
are  sent  out;  the  Levite  crying,  'If  any  cate- 
chumen has  been  left,  let  him  go  out ; '  and 
thence  the  missa,  because  they  may  not  be  pre- 
sent at  the  sacraments  of  the  altar  "  (Orig.  vi.  19). 
The  explanation  appears  to  be  that,  the  more 
ignorant,  hearing  of  the  missa,  imagined  that  it 
meant,  not  the  dismissal  of  the  non-communi- 
cating classes,  but  the  service  from  which  they 
were  excluded.  The  popular  usage,  thus  founded 
upon  error,  though  essentially  improper,  seems 
to  have  been  early,  if  slowly,  followed  by  the 
clergy.  The  first  instance  occurs  in  a  letter 
in  which  St.  Ambrose  describes  an  event  then 
quite  recent,  which  occurred  on  Palm  Sunday, 
385 :  "  After  the  reading  [of  the  eucharistic 
lessons]  and  the  sermon,  the  catechumens  being 
dismissed,"  an  interruption  occurred,  after  an 
account  of  which  he  adds,  "  nevertheless,  I  con- 
tinued in  my  duty,  I  began  to  perform  mass 
(missam  focere).  While  I  am  offering  I  am  made 
aware,"  &c.  (^Epist.  20,  §  4).  The  next  is  in  the 
3rd  canon  of  the  council  of  Carthage,  a.d.  390, 
which  forbids  presbyters  to  reconcile  penitents 
"in  publica  missa."  Leo,  in  445,  expressed  him- 
self against  the  "  custom  of  a  single  mass "  in 
small  churches  on  festivals,  at  which  more  de- 
sired to  be  present  "  than  the  church  would  hold 
at  once  "  {Epist.  xi.  2).  Caesarius  of  Aries,  a.d. 
502,  used  the  word  freely,  but  in  the  plural,  from 
which  we  should  gather  that  the  usage  was  still 
unsettled  : — "  If  you  observe  carefully,  you  will 
see  that  the  missae  do  not  take  place  when  the 
divine  lessons  are  recited  in  church,  but  when 
the  gifts  are  offered,  and  the  body  and  blood  of 
the  Lord  are  consecrated  "  (^Serm.  80,  §  2.  Comp. 
81,  §  1).  Cassiodorus,  514,  in  Italy :  "  The  cele- 
bration of  holy  masses  "  {Expos.  Ps.  25,  v.  7) ; 
and  again,  "  Missarum  oi-do  completus  est  "  (Ps. 
33,  concL),  where  he  means  the  order  of  the 
eucharistic  office.  The  plural  is  used  by  Gregory 
of  Tours,  573,  as  "  expletis  missis  "  (Be  Mir.  S. 
Mart.  ii.  47),  "dictis  missis"  (Z)e  Glor.  Mart. 
34),  etc.,  and  by  others.  The  idiom  may  have 
arisen  from  a  rubric  in  the  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary,  in  an  early  copy  of  which  the  order  for 
Good  Friday  ends  thus — "Then  let  him  (the 
priest)  communicate,  and  all  the  clergy ;  and  let 
the  dismissals  take  place  (fiant  missae)"  (Pamel. 
Bit.  SS.  PP.  L.  ii.  257).  Gregory  I.  himself,  590, 
commonly  uses  the  phrase  solemnia  missarum 
{Epist.  iv.  44,  vi.  17,  vii.  29).  The  variety  of 
usage  continued  to  the  end  of  our  period.  E.g. 
in  the  7th  century  the  Council  of  Toledo,  a.d. 
646,  uses  both  missas  (can.  2)  and  missam  (3) ; 
that  of  Autun,  670,  has  "  a  missa  suspendere  " 
(can.  11) ;  that  of  Braga,  675,  solemnia  missa- 
rum (can.  4) ;  that  of  Toledo,  694,  missa  pro 
requie  (can.  5).  In  the  8th,  the  Ordo  Bomanus, 
about   730,  has  missarum  solemnia  (§  19,  Mus. 


ItaL,  Mabill.  tom.  ii.),  missa  (24,  25,  26,  28,  30), 
and  missae  (22,  25,  26,  28,  46).  The  Council  of 
Aix,  789,  uses  missa  (can.  6),  that  of  Frankfort, 
794,  solemnia  missarum  (can.  50).  In  the  1st 
capitulary  of  Theodulf  of  Orleans,  797,  we  have 
missa  (cc.  5,  6)  and  solemnia  missarum  (cc.  4, 
11,  46).  The  second  council  of  Chalons  (sur- 
Saone),  813,  uses  solemnitates  (can.  39)  and 
solemnia  (60)  missarum. 

III.  That  part  of  the  service  at  which  commu- 
nicants alone  were  present  has  been  long  dis- 
tinguished from  the  Missa  Catechumenorum  by 
the  name  of  Missa  Fidelium.  It  was  not  so 
called,  however,  within  the  first  nine  centuries. 
In  the  following  passage  from  Florus  of  Lyons, 
A.D.  837,  the  phrase  means  the  dismissal  of  the 
communicants :  "  Tunc  enim  (sc.  post  evangelii 
lectionem)  clamante  diacono,  iidem  catechumeni  ^^ 
mittebantur;  id  est,  dimittebantur  foras.    Missa 

ergo  catechumenorum  fiebat  ante  actionem  sacra- 
mentorum :  Missa  fidelium  fit  post  confectionem 
et  participationem"  (Expos,  missae,  §  92  in  fine). 
The  service  from  which  the  catechumens  were 
excluded  was  also  very  frequently  called  missa 
sacramentorum ;  but  we  are  unable  to  find 
examples  earlier  than  the  11th  century  (see 
Sala  in  Bona,  Per. Lit.  ii.,  viii.  1). 

IV.  The  breaking  up  of  a  congregation  of 
monks  after  their  offices  was  also  called  missa. 
Thus  Cassian  says  that  among  the  monks  of  the 
east  one  who  came  late  to  prayer  had  to  "  wait, 
standing  before  the  door,  for  the  missa  of  the 
whole  assembly  "  (Tnstit.  iii.  7).  So  again,  ii.  7. 
"  Celeritatem  missae  ; "  iii.  5,  "  Missa  canonica  ;  " 
8,  "Vigiliarum  missae."  Similarly,  St.  Bene- 
dict, when  settling  the  number  of  psalms  to  be 
said  at  each  office,  as,  e.g.  at  matins  :  "  But  after 
the  three  psalms  are  finished,  let  one  lesson  be 
read,  a  verse  and  kyrie  eleison  ;  et  missae  fiant " 
(cap.  17).  The  reader  will  observe  the  plural,  as 
in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary. 

V.  In  the  liturgy  of  Gothic  Spain  (Missale 
Mozar.,  Leslie,  8,  1 1,  et  passim)  missa  is  the  name 
of  an  address  to  the  communicants  (=  the  Gal- 
ilean Preface),  corresponding  in  position  to  our 
exhortation,  "  Dearly  beloved  in  the  Lord."  The 
origin  of  this  usage  is  clear.  The  departure  of 
the  non-communicating  classes  is  now  followed 
by  an  anthem  (sacrificium  =  the  Roman  "  offer- 
tory "),  and  that  by  the  word  missa,  which  now 
appears  as  a  heading  .prefixed  to  the  address. 
Before  the  introduction  of  the  anthem  (Notitia 
Eucharisfica,  p.  342,  ed.  2)  the  word  would  fol- 
low immediately  the  proclamation,  "State  locis 
vestris  ad  Missam,"  and  would  simply  indicate 
that  the  "  missa  "  or  dismissal  of  the  penitents 
and  catechumens  then  took  place.  When  those 
classes  of  worshippers  ceased  to  exist,  it  was 
naturally  supposed  that  the  word  was  the  name 
of  the  formulary  that  followed  it.  The  address 
now  called  missa  is  by  St.  Isidore  of  Seville,  A.D. 
610,  called  "Oratio  admonitionis  erga  populum  " 
(De  Div.  Off.  i.  15),  from  which  we  should  infer 
that  missa  retained  its  original  meaning  in  the 
Spanish  liturgy  in  his  time.  A  Galilean  preface 
in  the  sacramentary  found  at  Bobio  (which  for 
convenience  we  shall  call  the  Besan^on  Sacra- 
mentary, as  it  appears  to  have  belonged  to  that 
province)  is  inscribed,  "  Missa  Dominicalis  "  (Mus. 
ItaL  i.  373) ;  but  as  no  other  instance  occurs  in 
the  Galilean  liturgies  this  may  be  a  clerical 
error. 


MISSA 

VI.  Portions  of  the  daily  offices  were  also 
called  missae,  probably  because  at  the  end  of 
each  a  monk,  might,  on  sufficient  cause,  obtain 
leave  to  withdraw.  (1.)  Thus,  in  the  Rule  of 
Isidore,  compiled  in  620  :  "  In  the  daily  offices 
of  vigils  the  three  canonical  psalms  are  first  to 
be  said,  then  three  missae  of  psalms,  a  fourth  of 
canticles,  a  fifth  of  the  matin  offices.  But  on 
Sundays  and  feasts  of  martyrs  let  their  several 
missae  be  added,  on  account  of  the  solemnity  " 
(Reg.  7 ;  Holsten.  ii.  208).  The  missae  psalm- 
orum  here  are  psalms  sung  in  addition  to  the 
"  canonical  "  numbers.  In  another  Spanish  Rule, 
that  of  Fructuosus,  the  founder  of  the  great 
monastery  at  Alcala  (Complutum),  the  psalms 
are  called  missae  absolutely :  "  In  the  courses  for 
the  nights  of  Saturday  and  Sunday  ...  let  the 
vigils  be  celebrated  with  six  missae  each,  with 
six  responsories,  that  the  solemnity  of  the  Lord's 
resurrection  may  be  more  honoured  by  the 
greater  amount  of  psalmody  in  the  office^  "  (cap. 
3  ;  Hoist,  ii.  234).  (2.)  The  above  usage,  seem- 
ingly peculiar  to  Spain,  has  been  confounded 
with  that  of  France,  where  the  missae  of  an 
office  clearly  meant  the  lessons.  Thus,  in  the 
rule  of  Caesarius  of  Aries,  a.d.  502  :  "  Every 
Sunday  observe  six  missae.  For  the  first  missae 
let  (the  history  of)  the  resurrection  be  always 

read When  the  missae  are  finished,  say  the 

matin  (psalms)  in  monotone,  Exaltdbo  Te,"  etc. 
(cap.  21  ;  ibid.  92).  Sim.  in  the  rule  of  Aurelian, 
also  of  Aries,  550 :  "  On  Christmas  day  observe 

six  missae  from  the  prophet  Isaiah So  on 

the  Epiphany  ....  observe  six  missae  from  the 

prophet   Daniel Every    Lord's    day   after 

nocturns,  when  the  first  missa,  i.e.  the  resurrec- 
tion, is  being  read,  let  no  one  presume  to  sit, 
but  all  stand  "  (^Ordo  Regxilae  suffix,  u.s.  p.  112). 
Again :  "  On  the  feasts  of  martyrs,  let  three  or 
four  missae  be  observed.  Read  the  first  missa 
from  the  gospel,  the  rest  from  the  passions  of  the 
martyrs  "  (^Ordo  Eegulae  Virg.  suff.  Hoist,  ii.  72  ; 
Sim.  c.  38). 

VII.  The  daily  offices  were  themselves  called 
missae,  as  by  the  council  of  Agde  in  506:  "At 
the  end  of  the  morning  and  evening  missae  (i.e. 
of  matins  and  vespers,  as  Dupin  and  others 
understand  it),  after  the  hymns,  let  little  chap- 
ters from  the  Psalms  be  said  "  (can.  30).  Hence 
much  later  the  phrase  "  missal  office  "  is  used 
for  "  matins :  "  "  The  church  in  which  both  the 
evening  and  morning  or  missal  office,  is  per- 
formed "  (Z)e  Gest.  Aldrici,  xx. ;  Baluz.  Miscell. 
ed.  Mansi,  i.  90). 

VIII.  During  the  latter  part  of  the  first 
liturgical  period,  at  least,  the  prayers  to  be  in- 
serted in  the  liturgy  as  proper  to  a  given  day  or 
object  were  collected  under  the  common  title  of 
Orationes,  or  Orationes  et  Preces.  Many  in- 
stances survive  both  in  the  Gelasian  and  Gre- 
gorian sacramentaries.  For  the  former,  see  Lit. 
Eom.  Vet.  Muratori,  i.  493,  7 ;  504,  5,  8,  etc. ; 
and  for  the  latter,  ihid.  ii.  54,  65,  7,  etc.  Four 
such  groups  of  prayers  in  the  missal  of  the 
Franks  are  headed  respectively,  "  Orationes  et 
Prec.  proRegibus,"  "Orat.  et  Preces  in  Natali  S. 
Helarii,"  "  Orat.  et  Prec.  unius  Martyris,"  and 
"  Orat.  et  Preces  communes  cotidianae  cum  Ca- 
none"(ZiY.  Gall.  316-322).  At  a  later  period  these 
sets  of  proper  prayers  were  collectively  called 
missae.  The  word  is  not  used  thus  in  the  Leo- 
nian  Sacramentary,  nor  in  all  the  copies  of  the 


MISSA 


1195 


Gregorian.  In  the  former,  each  group  is  headed 
by  the  name  of  the  day  only,  or  where  there  are 
more  than  one  for  the  same  day  by  the  words, 
"  Item  alia."  In  one  of  the  earliest  of  the  Gre- 
gorian, that  published  by  Pamelius,  Missa  does 
not  occur  in  this  sense.  Sometimes  we  have 
"  ad  missam  "  after  the  name  of  the  day  (Bituale, 
SS.  PP.  ii.  250,  312,  etc.).  It  is  common,  how- 
ever, as  a  title  in  the  other  copies,  as  Missa  pro 
Regibus  (Murat.  Liturg.  Eom.  Vet.  ii.  187),  Missa 
Votiva  (ihid.  193,  etc.),  Missa  pro  Peste  anima- 
lium,  Missa  in  Contentione  (Codex  Vatic,  opp,  St. 
Greg.  V.  215,  6),  etc. ;  and  in  the  only  extant 
copy  of  the  Gelasian,  made  in  the  8th  century,  as 
Missa  in  Monasterio  (Murat.  i.  719),  Missa  contra 
Judices  male  agentes  (ihid.  732),  etc.  The  usage 
probably  came  from  France ;  for  the  word  is 
employed  in  this  sense  in  the  Gothico-Gallican 
missal  (e.g.  Missa  in  Sancto  Die  Epiphaniae,  Lit. 
Gall.  208,  Missa  in  Symboli  Traditione,  235; 
and  sim.  jMssim),  the  Prankish  (but  only  in 
"  Item  alia  Missa,"  the  equivalent  of  "  Orat.  et 
Prec."  ibid.  323-5),  and  the  Vetus  Gallicanum 
(e.  g.  Missa  de  Adventu  Domini  nostri  Jesu 
Christi,  ihid.  333,  etc.)  of  Thomasius  and  Mabillon, 
not  one  of  which  is  later  than  the  8th  century, 
and  in  the  Besan(;on  Sacramentary  (e.g.  Missa  in 
Natale  Domini,  3Ius.  Ital.  i.  290 ;  Missa  in  Epy- 
phania,  296,  etc.),  which  was  written  in  the  7th. 
The  word  is  not  once  employed  in  this  manner  in 
the  liturgy  of  Milan  (Pamel.  torn,  i.),  but  we 
find  it  in  Spain  in  the  later  parts  of  the  Moz- 
arabic  Missal  (Leslie,  428,  434,  etc.),  and  most 
probably  in  the  13th  canon  of  the  fourth  council 
of  Toledo,  A.D.  633,  when,  defending  hymns  of 
human  composition,  it  says,  "  Componuntur  ergo 
hymni,  sicut  componuntur  Missae,  sive  preces, 
vel  orationes,"  etc.  As  there  was  still  a  dis- 
missal of  penitents,  and  probably  of  catechu- 
mens, in  Spain  in  the  7th  century,  we  cannot 
think  that  the  word  had  yet  acquired  that  other 
special  meaning  peculiar  to  Spain  mentioned 
above  in  §  v.  When  Gregory  of  Tours  (Hist. 
Franc,  vi.  46)  says  that  Chilperic,  who  died  iu 
584,  attempted  certain  "  opuscula  vel  hymnos, 
sive  Missas,"  the  word  is  understood  in  the 
above  sense. 

The  composition  of  these  collective  Missae 
varies  greatly  in  the  several  liturgies. 

(1.)  The  Eoman  Missa.  This  has  (a)  the  Ora/iO, 
which  answers  to  our  collect  for  the  day :  (6) 
the  (Oratio)  super  Oblata,  or  Secreta.  This 
was  for  the  acceptance  of  the  oblations ;  but 
when  they  came  to  consist  of  the  elements  only, 
their  intended  use  often  so  coloured  this  prayer 
as  to  make  it  inappropriate  before  their  conse- 
cration. See  Notitia  Eucharistica,  412,  2nd  ed. 
It  was  called  Secreta,  "  because  said  secretly  " 
(Amalarius,  de  Off.  Eccl.  iii.  20).  (c)  The 
proper  Preface. — This  began  with  a  constant 
formulary,  Vere  dignum  et  justum  est,  aequum 
et  salutare  (whence  the  English,  "  It  is  very 
meet,  right,  and  our  bounden  duty  ").  See  Lit. 
Eom.  Vet.  Murat.  i.  293,  5,  6,  etc.  (Sacram. 
Leon.) ;  494,  5,  6,  etc.  (Sacr.  Gel.) ;  ii.  8,  9,  10, 
etc.  (Sacr.  Greg.).  Proper  Prefaces  were  very 
numerous  in  the  early  sacramentaries.  At  the 
end  of  one  MS.  printed  by  Muratori  (u.  s.  ii. 
273)  there  is  a  collection  of  72  (Codex  Vatic, 
while  in  another  we  may  count  no  less  than  220 
(Cod.  Othohon.  ibid.  291).  By  the  11th  century 
these  were  reduced  to  11  (Not.  Euch.  538).     (cT) 


1196 


MISSA 


One  division  of  the  Roman  canon  begins  thus, 
"  Communicantes  et  memoriam  venerantes  in 
primis  gloriosae  semper  Virginis  Mariae,"  etc. 
Variations  of  this  proper  for  certain  seasons 
occur  in  the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian  Sacramen- 
taries,  but  not  in  the  Leonian.  In  the  Gelasian 
they  are  generally  headed  "  Infra  Actionem  " 
(Murat.  M.  s.  i.  496,  553,  5,  572,  etc.),  but  once 
"  Infra  Canonem "  (ibid.  559).  The  following 
example  is  the  formula  for  Maundy  Thursday  in 
that  sacramentary :  "  Communicantes,  et  diem 
sacratissimum  celebrantes;  quo  traditus  est 
Dominus  noster  Jesus  Christus.  Sed  et  memO' 
riam"  etc.  (Murat.  i.  553).  Other  forms  are 
provided  for  Christmas,  Easter,  Ascension  Day, 
Whitsunday,  (e)  A  prayer  which  forms  part  of 
the  canon  begins  thus,  "  Hanc  igitur  oblationem 
servitutis  nostrae,"  etc.  This  also  is  varied  in 
the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian  sacramentaries  for 
seasons  and  occasions,  as  for  Maundy  Thursday 
(i.  553,  ii.  55),  Easter  (i.  572,  ii.  67),  Whitsun- 
tide (i.  601,  ii.  90),  for  the  dedication  of  a 
church  (i.  613),  or  font  (618),  etc.  It  is  also 
headed  "  Infra  Actionem "  (i.  553,  572,  etc.). 
In  the  Gelasian  Missae  pro  Scrutinio  this  prayer 
becomes  a  petition  for  the  Competentes,  and  is 
followed  by  the  recital  of  their  names  and 
another  act  of  intercession  for  them,  viz.,  "Hos, 
Domine,  fonte  baptismatis  innovandos  Spiritus 
Tui  munere  ad  sacramentorum  tuorum  plenitudi- 
nem  poscimus  praeparari.  Per."  (Murat.  u.  s.  i. 
522).  In  an  earlier  part  of  the  canon  ("  Infra 
Canonem  ")  a  prayer  for  the  sponsors  is  also  in- 
terpolated, viz.  after  the  words  "  Memento, 
Domine,  famulorum  famularumque  tuarum  " 
(ibid.).  A  special  "  Hanc  igitur  oblationem  " 
was  almost  an  essential  part  of  masses  for  the  dead 
(Gelas.  M.  s.  i.  752-762 ;  Greg.  ii.  218-222),  and 
was  inserted  in  many  votive  masses  (Gelas.  i. 
703,  719,  720,  4,  6,  etc.  ;  Greg.  ii.  188,  193,  5, 
200).  (/)  The  (Oratio)  ad  Compkndum,  post 
Communionem,  or  ad  Communionem  (see  the  Sacra- 
mentaries in  Lit.  Lett.  Vetus,  Murat.  passim). 
This  was  propei-ly  a  thanksgiving  after  the  re- 
ception, such  as  we  find  in  every  liturgy,  and 
probably  came  from  the  earliest  period.  "  When 
that  great  sacrament  has  been  partaken  of," 
says  St.  Augustine,  "  a  thanksgiving  concludes 
all "  (^Epist.  149,  §  16).  (g)  Ad  Fopultm  (^Sacram. 
G'efas.:  Murat.  w.  s.  i.  495,  6,  8,  etc.),  or  Super 
Fopxdum  (Sacram.  Greg.  ibid.  ii.  23,  8,  9,  etc.), 
is  the  heading  of  a  final  benediction  found  only 
in  some  missae,  especially  in  those  for  Lent. 
The  Leonian  Sacramentary  has  no  headings,  but 
several  such  benedictions  may  be  distinguished 
in  it ;  e.  g.,  Protector  (Murat.  u.  s.  i.  297),  Non 
praejudicet  (ibid.  298),  Tuere  (ibid.),  etc.  The 
following  is  one  example :  "  Super  populum 
Tuam,  Domine,  quaesumus,  benedictio  copiosa 
descendat ;  indulgentia  veniat ;  consolatio  tri- 
buatur:  fides  sancta  succrescat :  redemptio  sem- 
piterna  firmetur.  Per"  (Sacr.  Leon.  Murat.  i. 
482).  In  the  Romanizing  parts  of  the  Missale 
Francorum  this  collect  is  headed  "  Ad  Plebem  " 
(Lit.  Gall.  Mabill.  323,  5). 

(2.)  The  Milanese  Missi.  (a)  The  collect  for 
the  day  under  the  name  of  (Oratio)  Super  Popu- 
lum (Pamel.  Liturgicon,  i.  293,  et  passim).  This 
was  originally  said  before  the  Gloria  in  Excelsis 
(ibid.),  which,  followed  by  the  Kyrie,  preceded 
the  Prophecy  and  other  lessons.  It  is  now  said 
after  the  Kyrie  (Martene,  do  Ant.  Pit.  Eccl.  i. 


MISSA 

iv.  xii.  3).  (6)  The  (Oratio)  Super  Sindonem.. 
The  sindon  is  the  "  fair  white  linen  cloth  "  of  the 
English  rubric.  It  was  spread  over  the  altar 
after  the  gospel,  and  this  prayer  was  said  over 
it.  The  following  example  is  for  the  eve  of  the 
Epiphany  :  "  Adesto,  Domine,  supplicationibus 
nostris,  et  populo  Tuo,  quem  Tibi  ex  omnibus 
gentibus  elegisti,  veritatis  Tuae  lumen  ostende. 
Per  Dominum"  (ibid.  314).  (c)  The  (Oratio) 
Super  Oblata.  This  has  the  same  intention  as 
the  Roman  Secreta.  Before  the  creed  was  brought 
into  the  liturgy,  it  always  followed  the  offertory 
anthem  (offerenda),  and  this  is  obviously  its 
right  place;  but  now  on  Sundays  and  other 
feasts  the  creed  intervenes,  and  very  awkwardly. 
See  Pamel.  u.  s.  Martene,  u.  s.  (d)  The  Preface 
corresponds  closely  to  that  of  the  Roman  Sacra- 
mentaries. One  is  provided  for  every  holyday. 
(e)  In  the  Missa  pro  Baptizatis  on  Easter  Eve  a 
prayer  is  inserted  "  Infra  Actionem,"  i.  e.  in  the 
canon,  in  which  the  celebration  is  expressly  de- 
clared to  be  on  their  behalf:  "  Hoc  paschale 
sacrificium  Tibi  offerimus  pro  his  quos  ex  aqui 
et  Spiritu  sancto  regenerare  dignatus  es"  (353). 
In  the  Missa  for  Maundy  Thursday  (339)  there 
is  a  variation  of  the  Communicantes  bearing  on 
the  institution  of  the  sacrament,  and  a  prayer 
to  be  inserted  "  Post  Orationem  Sacerdotis  pro 
seipso,"  i.  e.  after  the  "  Nobis  quoque  minimis 
et  peccatoribus."  These,  if  we  mistake  not,  are 
the  only  proper  additions  infra  canonem  admitted 
by  this  liturgy.  (/)  Another  interpolation  pecu- 
liar to  the  Missa  for  Maundy  Thursday  is  the 
Oratio  post  Confractorium.  This  also  refers  to 
the  institution.  It  begins  thus:  "  Ipsius  prae- 
ceptum  est,  Domine,  quod  agimus,  in  cujus 
nunc  Te  praesentia  postulamus."  (g)  The 
(Oratio)  Post  Communionem  corresponds  to  the 
Roman  formulary,  called  Ad  Complendum  in  the 
Gregorian,  but  more  frequently  Post  Commu- 
nionem in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary. 

(3.)  The  Galilean  Missa.  (a)  In  the  Galilean 
church  the  song  of  Zacharias  was  chanted  after 
the  Kyrie  at  the  beginning  of  the  service  except 
in  Lent  (St.  Germauus,  Expos.  Prev.  in  Martene, 
de  Pit.  Eccl.  Ant.  i.  iv.  iv.  1).  It  was  called  "  the 
Prophecy  "  (Germ,  ibid.),  and  was  followed  by  a 
prayer,  Collectio  (Miss.  Goth,  in  Liturg.  Gall. 
Mabill.  190,  251,  etc.)  or  Oratio  (Sacram.  Gallic. 
in  Mus.  Ital.  i.  2^b)  post  Prophetiam,  which,  was 
generally  based  on  it,  or  contained  at  least  some 
allusion  to  it.  Three  of  those  extant  (Miss. 
Franc.  Lit.  Gall.  322,  4,  5)  do  not  exhibit  the 
connexion  with  the  canticle,  being  bon-owed 
from  the  Roman  sacramentaries.  The  first  two  are 
the  originals  of  our  Collects  for  the  6th  and  11th 
Sundays  after  Trinity.  One  example  occurs  in 
the  Reichenau  Fragment  (Neale  and  Forbes, 
Gall.  Lit.  6  ;  see  also  28).  (b)  The  Eucharistic 
litany  of  the  West  went  conventionally  by  the 
name  of  preces  (Not.  Euch.  301).  From  Ger- 
manus  (u.  s.)  we  learn  that  in  the  Galilean 
church  the  preces  were  said  after  the  lessons 
and  homily.  In  several  Missae  we  have  a  Col- 
lectio post  Precem  (after  the  Collectio  post  Pro- 
phetiam),  which  can  only  be  referred  to  the 
litany,  and  the  general  character  of  these  col- 
lects corresponds  to  that  position.  In  the  Be- 
sanfon  sacramentary  they  are  headed  "  Oratio 
post  Precem."  (Mus.  Lt.  i.  282),  ex. :  "  0  Lord 
God,  who  art  both  justly  angry  with  Thy  people 
and  merciful  to  forgive  them,  incline  Thine  ear 


£ 


MISSA 

to  our  supplications  that  we  who  confess  Thee 
with  our  entire  affections  may  obtain  not  Thy 
judgment  but  Thy  pardon"  (ibid.),  (c)  The 
Fraefatio  Missae.  This  is,  properly,  a  short 
address  to  the  communicants  on  the  sacred  event 
commemorated  in  the  Missa.  It  was  delivered 
when  the  Catechumens  had  left.  Examples  of 
such  addresses  are  found  in  the  Missale  Gothi- 
cum  {Lit.  Gall.  190,  3,  6,  204,  etc.),  Gallicanum 
Vetus  (329),  and  the  Besanij'on  Sacramentary 
(Mus.  Ital.  i.  290,  4,  5,  6,  etc.),  and  the  Reiche- 
nau  fragment  (m.  s.  20),  but  in  very  many  in- 
stances they  have  been  changed  into  or  super- 
seded by  direct  prayers  {Goth.  u.  s.  198,  225,  etc. ; 
Gall.  Vet.  333,  4,  etc. ;  Sacr.  Gall.  Mus.  It.  284, 
9,  etc. ;  Miss.  Richen.  u.  s.  21).  {d)  The  Pre- 
face was  followed  by  a  collect  which  had  refer- 
ence to  the  same  subject.  In  the  Missale  Gothi- 
cum  {n.  s.  191,  4,  7,  etc.)  this  is  generally  headed 
Collectio  sequitur.  In  the  Missal  of  the  Franks 
the  Praefatio  (itself  become  a  collect)  and  its 
collectio  appear  together  under  the  common 
heading  of  A7ite  Nomina  {Lit.  Gall.  322,  4,  5), 
which  indicates  that  they  are  said  before  the 
offertory  and  the  recital  of  the  names  of  those 
for  whom  prayer  was  made.  These  collects  are 
Gregorian  (among  them  are  ours  for  the  1st, 
4th,  7th,  and  10th  Sundays  after  Trinity),  a  fact 
which,  with  many  others,  suggests  the  influence 
under  which  the  older  Galilean  forms  were  given 
up.  (e)  After  the  recital  of  the  names  the 
prayer  Collectio  post  Nomina  was  said.  This 
properly  had  two  objects.  It  was  a  prayer  for 
the  acceptance  of  the  gifts  (so  far  corresponding 
to  the  Roman  Super  Oblata),  and  an  act  of  inter- 
cession for  both  living  and  dead.  E.  g.  "  Suscipe 
.  .  .  sacrificium  laudis  oblatum  .  .  .  Nomina 
quorum  sunt  recitatione  complesa  scribi  jubeas 
in  aeternitate"  {Got/i.  u.  s.  191);  "  Auditis 
nominibus  offerentium,  fratres  dilectissimi,  Chris- 
tum Dominum  deprecemur,  .  .  .  ut  haec  sacri- 
ficia  sic  viventibus  pi-oficiant  ad  emendationem 
ut  defunctis  opitulentur  ad  requiem  "  {ibid.  201). 
A  collect  of  this  character  is  also  found  under 
the  same  title  in  the  Missae  of  the  Missale  Gall. 
Vetiis,  u.  s.  329,  333,  4,  etc.),  and  of  the  Reiche- 
nau  Fragment  (Neale  and  Forbes,  u.  s.  2,  5,  9, 
»tc.).  In  the  Besanyon  sacramentary,  which 
.admits  the  Roman  canon,  the  name  is  re- 
tained, but  the  Galilean  collect  is  supplanted  by 
a  Roman  {Mus.  It.  i.  279,  284,  6,  7,  etc.).  In  the 
Prankish  Missal  both  name  and  thing  are  gone, 
and  the  Roman  "  Super  Oblata  "  appears  under 
its  proper  title  {Lit.  Gall.  310,  7,  8,  9,  etc.). 
(/)  The  Collectio  ad  Paccm  came  next,  a  prayer 
said  when  the  kiss  of  peace  was  given.  It  is 
properly  a  prayer  for  charity  and  peace,  and 
collects  to  this  effect  appear  under  the  name  in 
M.  Goth.  {u.  s.  188,  191,  4,  7,  etc.),  in  M.  Gall. 
Vet.  {ibid.  330,  3,  4,  365),  and  in  Miss.  Richen. 
(m.  s.  6,  10,  22,  29).  In  the  M.  Franc,  the  name 
is  suppressed  and  Roman  collects,  with  no  refer- 
ence in  them  to  charity  or  peace,  are  substituted 
{Lit.  Gall.  317,  8,  320,  etc.).  The  true  Gallican 
collect  has  almost  equally  disappeared  from  the 
Romanizing  Besant'on  sacramentary,  but  the 
name  has  been  left  {Mus.  It.  i.  279,  284,  9,  etc.). 
One  true  example  from  the  last-named  book  will 
serve  as  a  specimen  of  all :  "  Cause,  0  good  Jesu, 
Thy  peace  to  glide  into  our  hearts,  in  which  is 
the  fulness  of  love.  Grant,  O  Lord,  that  we 
may  ever   preserve   in  spiritual  affection  that 


MISSA 


1197 


peace,  which  we  now  express  with  the  mouth  '*■ 
(28G).  {g)  The  peace  and  its  prayer  were  fol- 
lowed by  the  Sursum  Corda,  leading  up  to  the 
Contestatio  or  Immolatio ;  for  these  were  the 
names  given  to  that  which  in  the  English  and 
Roman  books  is  called  the  Preface.  It  began 
with  the  words,  "  Vere  dignum  et  justum  est," 
or  "  Vere  aequum  et  justum  est "  {Lit.  Gall. 
191,  197),  and  probably  received  the  former 
name  from  the  assent  which  the  priest  gives  in 
them  to  the  witness  of  the  people,  "  Dignum  et 
justum  est."  It  probably  acquired  the  name  of 
Immolatio  (which  may  be  considered  equivalent 
to  the  ava(popa  (St.  Mark's  Lit.  Renaud.  1,  144) 
or  ■KpocTKOfiiti)  (St.  Basil  Alex.  64;  St.  Greg. 
A.  99)  of  the  Greek  liturgies  in  rubrics  immedi- 
ately preceding  or  following  the  same  formu- 
lary), from  its  forming  an  introduction  to  the 
more  sacrificial  part  of  the  service.  Contestatio 
Missae,  Immolatio  Missae,  Contestatio,  and  Immo- 
latio, are  used  indiscriminately  in  the  Missale 
Gothicum  {Lit.  Gall.  Imm.  188,  191,  7,  9,  etc. ; 
Cont.  194,  209,  212,  etc.),  and  in  the  Miss. 
Gall.  Vet.  (Cont.  ibid.  330,  3,  357,  365,  etc.; 
Imm.  334,  368,  9,  370,  etc.).  Contestatio  only 
appears  in  the  Miss.  Franc,  {ibid.  321,  4),  the 
Besan^on  Sacramentary  {Mus.  It.  i.  279,  284,  6, 
8,  etc.),  and  in  the  Reichenau  fragment  (which 
is  peculiar  in  omitting  Verfe)  (w.  s.  10,  18,  23,  6, 
7,  9).  Almost  every  Missa  had  its  proper  Con- 
testatio. When  the  Roman  canon  was  used  in 
the  Gallican  church,  the  proper  collects  of  the 
Gallican  Missae  ended  with  the  Contestation, 
which  was  immediately  followed  by  the  Te  igi- 
tur.  Hence  there  are  no  Gallican  collects  aftej" 
the  Contestatio,  in  the  Besanfon  Sacramentary 
{Mus.  It.  i.  279),  or  the  Franiish  Missal  {Lit. 
Gall.  326),  because  in  them  the  Roman  canon 
was  used  in  every  mass.  In  the  Gothic  (300), 
and  apparently  in  the  Gallicanum  Vetus,  it  was 
used  in  some  only.  Hence  in  both  these,  while 
many  end  with  the  Contestatio,  many  do  not. 
The  Reichenau  Missal  appears  to  have  been 
purely  Gallican.  (A)  The  Contestation  in- 
variably ended  with  the  Sanctus,  and  this  was 
followed  in  the  strictly  Gallican  mass  by  the 
Collectio  post  Sanctus,  which  was  founded  on  it, 
and  was  in  fact  often  a  contestatio  (so  to  speak) 
to  that  doxology :  e.  g.  "  Vere  sanctus,  vere 
benedictus,  Dominus  noster  Jesus  Christus,"  etc. 
{Lit.  Gall.  189;  comp.  195,  202,  etc.).  The 
Collectio  post  Sanctus  is  the  variable  Gallican 
prayer  of  consecration  ;  for  it  always  concludes 
with  the  account  of  the  institution  introduced  by 
the  mention  of  the  name  of  Christ,  e.  g.  "  Who 
came  to  seek  and  to  save  that  which  was  lost. 
For  He  the  day  before  "  (202) ;  "  Our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  who  the  day  before  He  suflered  "  (210); 
"  By  the  same  our  Lord,  who  the  day  before  He 
deigned  to  suffer  for  the  salvation  of  us  and  of 
all  "  (335).  The  narrative  is  never  written  out 
at  length,  (j)  The  words  of  institution  were 
followed  by  a  variable  prayer  called  the  Collectio 
post  Mysterium  (M.  Goth.  u.  s.  189,  195,  210, 
etc.),  or  post  Secreta  {M.  Goth.  192,  202,  222, 
etc. ;  Gall.  Vet.  331,  335 ;  M.  Richen.  «.  s.  15). 
This  collect  was  (at  first,  we  may  presume, 
always)  an  invocation  such  as  we  find  in  the 
Greek  and  Eastern  liturgies,  or  at  least  an  im- 
plicit invocation,  i.  e.  a  prayer  for  the  sanctifi- 
cation  of  the  gifts  by  the  Holy  Ghost :  Ex.  "  Ut 
immittere    digneris    Spiritum    Tuum    Sanctum 


1198 


MISSA 


super  haec  solemnia"  {M.  Goth.  228);  "De- 
scendat  inaestimabilis  gloriae  Tuae  Spiritus, 
.  .  .  ut  fiat  oblatio  nostra  hostia  spiritalis " 
■{Gall.  Vet.  335) ;  "  Rogamus  uti  hoc  sacrificium 
tua  benedictione  benedicas  et  Sancti  Spiritus 
rore  perfundas"  (3L  Richen.  15).  The  Spirit  is 
not  mentioned  in  many  in  which  the  effect  of 
the  prayer  is  the  same  :  e.g.  "  Ut  operante  vir- 
tute  panem  mutatum  in  carne,  poculum  ver- 
sum  in  sanguine,  ilium  sumamus,"  etc.  (J/.  Goth. 
300);  "  Descendat,  Domine,  plenitudo  majestatis, 
Divinitatis,  pietatis,  virtutis,  benedictionis  et 
gloriae  tuae  super  hunc  panem  et  super  hunc 
calicem"  (Jf.  llichen.  11).  {k)  In  the  Galilean 
rite  the  fraction  took  place  before  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  which,  as  in  other  liturgies,  came  be- 
tween the  consecration  and  communion  (Ger- 
manus.  Expos,  Martene,  i.  iv.  xii.  i.).  The 
Gothico-Gallican  Missal,  and  that  only,  gives  a 
Collectio  ad  Panis  Fractionem  for  the  mass  on 
Easter  Eve.  It  evidently  has  some  special  history 
now  unknown ;  for  in  it  the  oblation  is  offered 
"  for  the  safety  of  the  kings  and  their  army  and 
all  standing  around"  {Lit.  Gall.  251).  (0  The 
Lord's  Prayer  was  introduced  by  a  form  which 
is  always  headed  in  the  missals,  Collectio  ante 
Orationem  Doininicam.  The  following  is  a  brief 
•example :  "  Not  presuming  on  our  merit,  0  holy 
Father,  but  in  obedience  to  the  command  of  our 
Lord  Thy  Son  Jesus  Christ,  we  presume  to  say  " 
•(^M.  Goth.  192).  Another  ends  thus,  "  Suppliant 
to  Thee  we  cry  and  say,  Our  Father  "  {M.  Gall. 
Vet.  346).  Many  are  addresses  in  which  the 
people  are  exhorted  to  say  the  Lord's  Prayer, 
■e.g.  "  Let  us  beseech  the  Almighty  eternal  Lord, 
that  ...  He  permit  us  to  say  with  confidence 
the  prayer  which  our  Lord  hath  taught  us.  Our 
Father ''  (if.  Goth.  202).  (m)  The  Lord's  Prayer 
was  followed  by  a  prayer  with  the  title  Collectio 
,post  Orationem  Dominicam,  which  also  varied  in 
the  several  Missae.  It  corresponds  to  the  con- 
stant Roman  embolis,  and  like  that  is  founded 
on  the  last  petition  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  even 
beginning  as  that  does,  generally  (not  always ; 
see  M.  Goth.  223,  230,  7 ;  M.  Gall.  Vet.  346,  9) 
with  "Libera  nos."  (w)  The  Benedictio  Populi 
followed,  which  also  varied  with  the  season.  By 
the  44th  canon  of  Agde,  A.D.  506,  only  bishops 
■were  permitted  to  pronounce  this.  The  inten- 
tion of  the  decree  was,  according  to  Germanus, 
;about  50  years  later,  to  "  guard  the  honour  of 
■the  pontifex"  {Expos,  in  Mart.  u.  s.).  These 
Benedictions  are  very  uncertain  in  their  formation. 
In  the  Gothico-Gallican  Missal  they  generally 
consist  of  five  distinct  parts  {Lit.  Gall.  189, 196, 
etc.),  but  some  are  divided  into  three  (198,  219, 
etc.),  four  (223,  228),  six  (192,  208),  or  nine 
(210).  In  the  M.  Gallicanum  Vetus  {ibid.  333. 
349,  365,  etc.),  and  the  M.  liichen.  {Gall. 
Liturgies,  2,  20)  they  are  a  continuous  prayer. 
Zachary  of  Rome,  A.D.  741,  says  that  the  Galil- 
ean Benedictions  "  multis  vitiis  variantur,"  and 
that  the  bishops  were  actuated  by  "  vainglory  " 
in  making  them,  "  sibi  ipsis  damnationem  adhi- 
bentes  "  {Ep.  12  ;  Labbe,  vi.  1526).  As  no  such 
•episcopal  benediction  can  be  traced  to  Rome, 
some  French  writers  have  supposed  that  Zachary 
condemned  the  practice  altogether ;  but  the 
strength  of  his  language  would  in  that  case 
imply  a  spirit  of  intolerance  which  we  are  un- 
willing to  ascribe  to  him.  It  seems  more  pro- 
bable that  he  referred  to  the  length  and  am- 


MISSA 

bitious  character  of  the  benedictions  in  use. 
From  Caesarius  of  Aries,  A.D.  502,  we  learn  that 
in  France  the  people  were  in  the  habit  of  leaving 
church  after  the  gospel,  if  they  did  not  wish  to 
communicate  {Horn.  80,  inter  Serm.  August. 
App.  286  ;  see  also  281,  282).  The  council  of 
Agde,  in  506  (can.  47),  the  fii-st  of  Orleans  in 
511  (can.  26),  and  the  third  of  Orleans,  538 
(can.  29),  forbade  them  to  go  away  before  the 
benediction.  An  unvarying  short  blessing  was 
always  pronounced  here  by  the  priest,  if  the 
bishop  was  not  present  (German,  u.  s.).  (o)  After 
the  communion  the  priest  said  the  Collectio  iwst 
Eucharistiam  {M.  Goth.  u.  s.  196,  211,  230; 
Gall.  Vet.  331),  or  post  Communionem  {M.  Goth. 
190,  3,  8,  etc.;  M.  Gall.  Vet.  333,  5,  366,  7, 
etc.).  This  collect  is  often  a  brief  exhortation 
to  thankfulness,  perseverance,  or  prayer  (as 
M.  Goth.  190,  193,  203,  etc.;  Gall.  Vet.  331, 
347  (where  it  is  called  Praefatio  p.  Euch.),  350). 
(p)  The  last  proper  collect  is  the  Coiisummatio 
Missae,  which  name  occurs  Miss.  Goth.  196,  230, 
293,  4,  6,  7,  300).  More  frequently  it  is  headed 
by  the  words,  "Collectio  sequitur"  {3f.  Goth. 
190,  3,  8,  214;  Gall.  V.  334,  350,  365,  6,  7,  8, 
372),  or  "  Item  Collectio "  {3f.  Goth.  298),  or 
"Collectio"  simply  M.  Gall.  V.  331,  347,  371). 
Ex. :  "  That  which  we  have  taken  with  our 
mouths,  0  Lord,  let  us  receive  in  our  minds,  and 
may  an  eternal  remedy  be  made  to  us  out  of  a 
temporal  gift  "  (if.  Goth.  190). 

It  appears  probable  from  Gregory  of  Tours 
that  in  France  the  missae  for  one  or  more  great 
festivals  at  least  were  copied  out  of  the  sacra- 
mentaries,  and  used  in  that  convenient  form 
under  the  conventional  name  of  "  Libellus." 
For  he  says  of  a  bishop  that  on  a  certain  occa- 
sion, "  aidato  sibi  nequiter  lihello,  per  quam 
sacrosancta  solemnia  agere  consueverat,  ita  para- 
tus  a  tempore  cunctum  festivitatis  opus  expli- 
cuit"  {Hist,  Fr.  ii.  22).  An  aged  abbat  asked 
to  celebrate,  said,  "  Oculi  mei  caligine  obteguntur, 
nee  possum  libellum  adspicere ;  presbytero  igitur 
haec  alteri  legenda  mandate  "  (  Vit.  PF.  xvi.  2). 
As  the  canon  was  part  of  the  missa  and  always 
very  short,  everything  required  by  the  priest 
for  a  given  occasion,  or  even  for  a  longer  season, 
might  be  brought  within  the  compass  of  a 
libellus. 

(4.)  The  Mozarabic  Missa. — St.  Isidore  of 
Seville,  A.D.  610,  enumerates  seven  forms  "  in 
the  order  of  the  mass  or  of  the  prayers  by 
which  the  sacrifices  offered  to  God  are  conse- 
crated" {Dc  Eccl.  Off.  15).  His  account  of  them 
is  copied,  and  therefore  confirmed  by  Etherius 
and  Beatus,  a.d.  783  {De  Adopt.  Christi,  i. ; 
Biblioth.  V.  PP.  xWi.  354;  Colon.  1618),  and  is 
found  to  agree  with  the  Hispano-Gothic  sacra- 
mentary  known  as  the  Mozarabic  Missal.  We 
have  to  observe,  however,  that  Isidore  is  speaking 
only  of  the  Missa  Fidelium,  and  that  he  combines 
prayers  which  we  have  to  consider  separately, 
(a)  There  is  a  variable  prayer  called  the  Oratio, 
founded  on  the  Gloria  in  Excelsis  and  said  after 
it,  coming  therefore  before  the  prophecy.  It 
often  begins  with  praise  and  ends  with  prayer, 
as,  e. ^f.  that  for  Christmas :  "  Hodie  nobis  the- 
saurus natus  est  ...  .  Praesta  nobis,  Domine, 
per  gloriam  nativitatis  tuae  a  malis  propriis 
liberari  "  {Miss.  Moz.  Leslie,  u.  s.  37  ;  comp.  20, 
32,  etc.).  (6)  Referring,  as  we  said,  to  the 
prayers  in  the  Missa  Fidelium  only,  Isidore  says, 


MISSA 

"  The  first  of  them  is  the  prayer  (oratio)  of  ad- 
monition addressed  to  the  people  that  they  may 
be  stirred  up  to  hearty  prayer  to  God  "  (it.  s.). 
This  is  the  address  called  Missa,  mentioned 
above  in  §  V.  It  corresponds  to  the  Galilean 
Praefatio  ;  see  before  (3)  (c).  (c)  "  The  second  is 
of  invocation  to  God,  that  He  will  mercifully 
receive  the  prayers  of  the  faithful  and  their  ob- 
lation "  (Isid.  M.  s.)-  This  prayer  appears  in 
the  Missae  under  the  title  of  Oratio  (Leslie,  9, 
225).  Alia  Oratio  (3,  17,  19,  etc.),  or  simply 
Alia  (11,  14,  21,  etc);  the  second  being  by  far 
the  more  frequent.  The  reference  in  "  alia  "  is 
to  the  Missa.  {d)  "  The  third  is  poured  for  the 
offerers  or  the  faithful  departed,  that  through 
the  said  sacrifice  they  may  obtain  pardon " 
(Isid.).  This  prayer  corresponds  to  the  Galli- 
can  Post  Nomina  and  has  that  title  (Leslie, 
passini).  It  quite  satisfies  the  account  of 
Isidore.  E.g.  one  begins  thus:  "Nominibus 
sanctorum  martyrum,  offerentiumque  fidelium, 
atque  eorum  qui  ab  hoc  saeculo  transierunt  a 
ministris  jam  sacri  ordinis  recensitis  "  (27).  As 
these  are  in  effect  prayers  super  oblata,  it  is 
peculiar  that)  many  of  them  are  addressed  to 
Christ ;  see  pp.  4,  9,  11,  etc.  (e)  "A  fourth  is 
introduced  after  these  with  reference  to  the  kiss 
of  peace,  that  all  being  mutually  reconciled  by 
charity  may  be  associated  together  as  worthy  of 
the  sacrament  of  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ " 
(Isid.).  This  prayer,  like  the  corresponding 
Gallican,  is  headed  "Ad  Pacem."  It  is  often 
addressed  to  the  Son  (Leslie,  9,  1 1, 15,  etc.).  (f) 
"The  illation  in  the  consecration  of  the  obla- 
tion is  introduced  in  the  fifth  place,  in  which 
the  terrestrial  creation  and  all  the  powers  of 
heaven  are  called  forth  to  the  praise  of  God, 
and  Hosanna  in  the  highest  is  sung "  (Isid.). 
This  answers,  as  the  reader  will  see,  to  the  Eng- 
lish preface  and  the  Gallican  immolatio.  It 
begins  always  "  Dignum  et  justum  est  "  (Leslie, 
passim).'  In  the  Mozarabic  Missal  the  title, 
Inlatio  is  never  wanting  or  varied,  (g)  It  is 
followed  by  the  Post  Sanctus,  which  is,  as  in  the 
Gallican,  a  contestation  to  the  Sanctus.  It 
generally  begins  "  Vere  Sanctus,"  very  often  in- 
cluding some  reference  to  the  Hpsanna,  which  is 
sung  by  the  choir  after  the  Sanctus ;  but  some- 
times it  takes  up  the  Hosanna  at  first  hand,  as 
"Osanna  in  escelsis.  Quanta  nobis,  Omnipo- 
tens  Pater,  hoc  sacrificium  reverentia  metuen- 
dum  .  .  .  caelestium  voces  admonent  potesta- 
tum  "  (66);  "  Vere  benedictus  "  (120).  (A)  It 
rarely  opens  without  a  catchword  from  either  ; 
but  see  examples,  pp.  20,  153  ;  where,  however, 
the  prayers  are.  still  founded  on  the  Sanctus. 
This  prayer  is  not  mentioned  by  Isidore,  pro- 
bably because  he  regarded  it  as  a  variable  part 
of  the  prayer  of  consecration  (Adesto,  adesto, 
Jesubone,  etc.),  with  which  the  priest  proceeded 
immediately.  It  is  quite  possible,  however,  that 
it  may  have  been  borrowed  from  the  Goths  of 
Gaul,  after  the  time  of  Isidore,  (i)  The  canon 
ends  with  the  account  of  the  institution.  This 
does  not  begin  with  "  Pridie  "  like  the  Gallican, 
but  thus,  "  Dominus  noster  Jesus  Christus  in 
qua  nocte, "  etc.  (Leslie,  5).  Yet  the  invariable 
title  of  the  prayer  which  follows  it  (the  Post 
Mysterium  or  Post  Secreta  of  Gaul)  is  Post 
Pridie  (Oratio).  This  fact  suggests  that  origi- 
nally the  canon  of  Gothic  Spain  was  the  same  as 
that  of  Gaul.     The  Post  Pridie  is,  in  its  typi- 


MISSA 


119? 


cal  specimens,  a  prayer  for  the  sanctificatioa 
of  the  gifts  by  the  Spirit,  and  it  is  incredible 
that  any  liturgy,  derived  as  this  was  imme- 
diately from  the  East,  should  have  been  without 
a  prayer  deemed  essential  to  the  consecration  in 
all  the  Eastern  churches.  In  the  second  place  this 
prayer  is  clearly  described  by  Isidore,  though 
without  the  name  Post  Pridie,  which  was  pro- 
bably attached  to  it  after  his  time:  "Porro 
sexta  eshinc  succedit  confirmatio  sacramenti, 
ut  oblatio  quae  Deo  offertur  sanctificata  per 
Spiritum  Sanctum  corporis  et  sanguinis  con- 
firmetur  "  (ib.).  (/;)  The  nest  variable  prayer  is 
the  Ad  Orationem  Dominicam,  sometimes  of  con- 
siderable length.  It  leads  up  to  the  Lord's 
Prayer  thus,  "  cum  ....  proclamaverimus  e 
terris.  Pater  "  (6)  ;  "  nos  docuit  orare  semper 
et  docere,  Pater,"  etc.  (10).  It  is  not  noticed 
by  Isidore,  whose  seventh  prayer  is  the  Lord's 
Prayer  itself;  but  here  again  he  may  be  silent 
because  he  thought  that  in  mentioning  the 
prayer,  he  implied  the  preamble,  which  in  his 
day,  we  may  add,  was  probably  much  shorter- 
than  the  existing  forms.  (/)  The  Mozarabic 
embolis  "Liberati  a  malo,  etc."  does  not  vary. 
It  is  followed  by  the  "  conjunction  "  of  the  conse- 
crated elements,  (in)  After  this  a  Benediction  is- 
given,  which  varies  with  the  season.  In  all 
but  two  instances  the  Hispano-Gothic  benedic- 
tion is  divided  into  three  parts,  at  the  end  of 
each  of  which  the  people  respond  Am^n.  After 
the  third  response  the  priest  says  "  Per  miseri- 
cordiam  ipsius  Dei  nostri :  qui  est  benedictus  et 
vivit,"  etc.  This  is  occasionally  varied,  but  on 
no  principle  (see  Notitia  Eiwharistica,  699,  2nd 
ed.).  The  blessing  for  the  Epiphany  is  in  five- 
parts,  apparently  that  it  may  take  in  all  the 
subjects  of  commemoration  on  that  day  (Leslie, 
63).  The  other  exception  (440)  is  in  four.  The- 
mass  (Commune  plurium  Virginum)  is  late,  and 
the  irregularity  seems  to  arise  simply  from  the- 
division  of  one  of  the  original  members  which 
was  unusually  long.  We  hear  of  the  benedic- 
tion in  Spain  from  the  council  of  Toledo,  A.D. 
633  (can.  18)  :  "  Some  priests  communicate  im- 
mediately after  saying  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and 
afterwards  give  the  blessing  in  populo  (sic,  and 
so  Isidore,  u.  s.  c.  17)  ;  which  we  forbid  for  the- 
future ;  but  after  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  the- 
conjunction  of  the  bread  and  cup  let  the  bene- 
diction in  populum  (sic)  follow."  (n)  A  variable 
Post  Communionem  Oratio  (Leslie,  7,  35,  40,  44, 
etc.)  followed  the  reception,  which  is  often, 
like  the  Gallican  Collectio,  an  exhortation  (ib. 
63,  83,  89,  etc.).  This  oratio,  if  used  in  the- 
days  of  St.  Isidore,  would  not  be  in  his  "  Ordo 
Missae;"  for  the  mass  was  supposed  to  be  over 
before  the  communion  ;  but  it  may  be  of  later 
introduction,  for  he  does  not  mention  it  in  his 
account  of  the  later  part  of  the  service. 

For  the  variable  antiphons  in  the  several 
liturgies,  see  Antiphon,  Communio,  Gradual, 
Introit. 

IX.  In  the  Gallican  liturgies  the  prayers 
proper  to  a  saint's  day  are  often  called  the 
"missa"  of  that  saint.  Thus  in  the  Besani,^on 
Sacramentary  we  have  Missa  Sancti  Stefani, 
Missa  S.  Martini  Episcopi,  etc.  (3Tus.  Ital.  i.  292,. 
349,  etc.) ;  in  the  Gothico-Gallican,  Missa  S. 
Johannis  Apostoli  et  Evangelistae,  Missa  Sancti. 
Leudegarii  martyris,  etc.  (Lib.  Gall.  262,  283 
etc.),    and    in   the  Gallicanum  vetus,    Missa  S. 


1200 


MISSA 


Germani  Episcopi  (ib.  329).  From  this  iise  of  ] 
the  word  flowed  another,  the  festival  itself  on 
which  those  praj-ers  were  said  being  often  called 
by  the  name  of  Missa.  Thus  in  the  Eegulae 
Canonicorum  of  Chrodegang,  written  in  757, 
cap.  34,  we  have  Missa  S.  Remedii  (=  Remigii) 
Missa  S.  Martini  (Migne,  89).  A  Decretale  Pre- 
cum  of  779  directs  that  the  services  which  it 
orders  take  place,  Missa  S.  Johannis  (Cap.  Keg. 
Franc,  i.  20  ;  sim.  in  Capit.  iii.  anu,  806,  Car. 
M.  449).  In  the  third  capitulary  of  Charle- 
magne in  803,  a  general  gathering  of  the  vassals 
of  the  empire  is  ordered  to  take  place  "  on  the 
eighth  before  the  calends  of  July,  i.e.  on  the 
mass  of  St.  John  the  Baptist "  {ib.  394).  Sim. 
in  a  law  of  Pepin,  a.d.  793  {ib.  543).  St.  Mar- 
tin's principal  feast  (Nov.  11)  was  formerly 
called  St.  Martin  in  the  winter,  or  in  yeme. 
One  example  to  our  purpose  occurs  in  the  reign 
of  Charlemagne,  viz.  in  his  Capitulary  de  Villis, 
A.D.  800,  in  which  it  is  ordered  that  all  foals 
belonging  to  the  king  shall  be  brought  to  the 
palace  "  on  the  mass  of  St.  Martin  in  the 
winter"  (Missa  S.  Martini  hiemali,  c.  15,  ib. 
334).  This  use  of  missa,  which  became  very 
common  after  the  9th  century,  has  bequeathed 
to  us  such  combinations  as  Christmas,  Martin- 
mas, Candlemas  (missa  luminum),  etc. 

X.  In  this  section  we  propose  to  give  the 
various  kinds  of  missae  (in  the  sense  considered 
in  §  viii.)  that  were  in  use  before  the  9th  century, 
and  to  explain  the  terms  describing  them. 

(1.)  3Iissa  Cardinalis.  This  phrase,  which  is 
understood  to  mean  "  high  mass,"  occurs  in  the 
Mimcula  S.  Bertini,  ii.  7  ;  Acta  Beiied.  saec.  iii. 
(the  8th  century),  i.  132:  "Die  Dominico  hora  qua 
cardinalis  missae  conventus  publice  agebantur." 
(2.)  Missa  Chrismalis.  The  proper  prayers 
used  on  Maundy  Thursday  at  the  mass  at 
which  the  chrism  is  consecrated  are  so  called  in 
the  Gelasian  Sacramentaiy  (Mui-at.  i.  554),  in 
the  ancient  Rheims  use  of  the  Gregorian,  the 
extant  copy  of  which  was  written  in  the  time  of 
Charlemagne  (Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  IV. 
xxii.  §  3  in  fine,  Missa  Chrismale  {sic)  ),  and  in  the 
Anjou  pontifical  a  little  later  {ibid.  §  8,  n.  4). 

(3.)  Missa  Communis  =  publica  (as  "  common 
prayer  "  with  us)  in  Epist.  Braulionis  Caesaraug. 
A.D.  627  {Vita  S.  Aemiliani  praefixa):  "  Ut 
missa  recitaretur  communis  injunxi"  {Acta 
Bened.  saec.  i.  P.  iii.  206). 

Missa  Communis  also  meant  a  mass  said  for 
several  persons  in  common.  Thus  in  one  under 
that  title  the  priest  prays  "  for  those  for  whom 
he  has  made  up  his  mind  to  pray  "  living  or  dead, 
and  "  for  all  the  faithful,  whose  names  the  book 
of  blessed  predestination  contains  written " 
{Mon.  Liturg.  Alem.,  Gerbert,  i.  270). 

(4.)  Missa  Dccensita.  By  a  charter  dated  in 
the  year  760  a  grant  of  laud  was  made  to  the 
church  at  Brioude,  "  ut  omni  tempore  missae 
ibidem  decensitae  esse  debeant "  (App.  Acta  Vet. 
n.  14;  Cap.  Beg.  Fr.  ii.  1393);  i.e.  as  it  is 
understood,  shall  be  duly  and  properly  per- 
formed. 

(5.)  Missa  pro  Defunctis.  See  Obsequies. 
(6.)  Missa  Dominicans.  This  is  the  title  of 
missae  to  be  used  on  Sunday  (Dies  Dominicus) 
in  the  Galilean  Sacramentaries.  See  the  missae 
75-80  in  Missale  Goth.  {Lit.  Gall.  292-299),  the 
36th  in  Gallicanum  Vetus  {ibid.  375)  and  eight 
mi.ssae  in  the  Besan9on  {Mus.  Ital.  i.  365-383). 


MISSA 

(7.)  Missa  de  Exceptato  is  the  title  of  a  missa 
standing  before  that  for  Christmas  Eve  in  the 
Milanese  Missal  (Pamel.  u.  s.  i.  445).  We  are 
probably  to  understand  with  Pamelius,  that  it 
is  for  exceptional  use  ;  viz.  when  seven  Sundays 
occur  in  Advent,  which  in  the  province  of  Milan 
begins  on  the  iirst  Sunday  after  Martinmas. 
Mabillon,  however  {Lit.  Gall.  99),  reads,  Missa 
de  Expectato,  and  suggests  a  comparison  with 
the  "  Praeparatio  ad  Vesperam  Natalis  Domini  " 
in  the  Miss.  Gall.  Vet.  {ibid.  336) ;  but  the  read- 
ing in  all  the  editions,  including  Mabillon's  own, 
is  not  Praeparatio  but  Praefatio,  and  the  formu- 
lary which  follows  the  above  heading  is  a  "pre- 
face "  in  the  Gallican  sense ;  i.e.  an  address  to  the 
people.  See  Thomasius,  Liber  Sacram.  ii.  441 , 
Murat.  Lit.  Bom.  Vet.  ii.  706  ;  Forbes,  Gall.  Lit. 
158. 

(8.)  Missa  pro  Gratiarum  actione.  There  is 
no  proper  missa  in  the  old  sacramentaries  that 
is,  or  could  be,  so  described  ;  but  the  holy  Eu- 
charist was  celebrated  as  an  act  of  special 
thanksgiving  at  an  early  period.  Thus  in  a 
work  of  the  5th  century  we  read  that  when  a 
woman  had  been  healed  at  the  ordinary  cele- 
bration "  an  oblation  of  thanksgiving  was  again 
made  for  her  "  {De  Prom,  at  Praed.  Dei ;  Dim. 
Temp.  4 ;  inter  opp.  Prosperi).  A  rubric  in  the 
present  Roman  Missal  orders  that  "  for  thanks- 
giving be  said  the  mass  of  the  most  holy  Trinity, 
or  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  or  of  the  blessed  Mary  " 
certain  proper  prayers  (Oratio,  Secreta,  Post- 
communio)  "  being  added  under  the  same  end- 
ing." The  Missa  de  Trinitate  descends  from  an 
early  period,  being  found  in  the  Codex  San- 
Blasianus  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  which 
is  of  the  9th  century  (Gerbert,  Mon.  Lit.  Alcm. 
i.  260).  The  Missa  de  Spiritu  Sancto  is  only  an 
adaptation  of  the  Gregorian  missa  for  Whit- 
sunday (Murat.  M.  s.  ii.  90).  We  cannot  con- 
nect them  with  acts  of  thanksgiving  within  our 
period  ;  but  that  a  special  celebration  on  recovery 
of  health  was  then  common  may  be  inferred 
from  a  Narbonne  pontifical,  the  MS.  of  which  is 
not  much  later.  In  this  it  is  said  that  the 
patient  "restored  to  health  by  the  mercy  of 
God  ought  by  no  means  to  omit  causing  a  missa 
pro  gratiarum  actione  to  be  celebrated  "  (Mar- 
tene, u.  s.  i.  vii.  iv.  13). 

(9.)  Missa  Jejunii  is  the  title  of  four  Lenten 
missae  (22-25)  in  the  Missale  Gothico-Galli- 
canum  {Liturg.  Gall.  231,  etc.),  and  of  four  in 
the  Sacramentary  of  Besan(;on  {Mus.  Ital.  i.  304). 
See  after,  Missa  Quadragesimalis. 

(10.)  Missa  Judicii,  the  mass  said  at  an  ordeal. 
The  expression  forms  the  title  of  the  proper 
prayers  used  at  a  trial  by  cold  water,  as  ap- 
pointed by  Dunstan  of  Canterbury  (Baluz,  Cap. 
Reg.  Franc,  ii.  647).  The  missa  consists  of  a 
proper  antiphon,  collect,  three  lessons  (Lev.  xix. 
10-14;  Eph.  iv.  23-28;  St.  Mark  x.  17-21), 
gradual,  oftertory,  secreta,  preface,  benedictio 
ad  judicium,  antiphona  post  communionem,  and 
post-communio.  The  words  of  delivery  common 
(with  variations)  to  this  and  later  forms  of  the 
kind  (see  Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  iii.  vii.  3, 
5,  8,  9.  17)  are,  "  The  Body  and  Blood  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  be  unto  you  for  probation 
this  day."  Gerbert  {Disquis.  vi.  iii.  3)  gives  in  full 
the  missa  of  an  "  Ordo  ad  faciendum  judicium, 
cum  volueris  homines  judicio  probare,  vel  aquae 
frigidae  vel  ferventis,  aut  igniti  ferri,  vel  vome- 


MISSA 

rum,  aut  panis  et  casei,  vel  mensurae."  Several 
orders,  some  with  missae,  may  be  seen  in  Mar- 
tene,  u.  s. 

A  kindred  practice  among  priests  was  that  of 
celebrating  the  Eucharist  in  attestation  of  their 
own  innocence.  Thus  Gregory  of  Tours  relates 
that  in  order  to  clear  himself  of  a  charge  of 
having  slandered  the  queen,  "dictis  missis  in 
tribus  altaribus  se  de  his  verbis  exueret  Sacra- 
mento "  (^Hist.  Franc,  v.  50).  This  was  probably 
common ;  for  in  868  it  was  enforced  by  the 
Council  of  Worms,  which  ordei-ed  that  bishops 
and  presbyters  accused  of  homicide,  adultery, 
theft,  and  witchcraft  should  "  celebrate  a  mass 
for  each  charge  and  say  the  secret  publicly  and 
communicate  "  (can.  10).  So  late  as  1077  we 
find  Gregory  VII.  using  this  method  to  purge 
himself  from  simony  {Life  by  Bowden,  iii.  12). 
Nor  was  it  confined  to  the  clergy.  The  year 
after  the  Council  of  Worms,  Lothaire  the  king  of 
Lorraine  received  the  mass  from  the  hands  of 
Hadrian  in  attestation  of  his  freedom  from  the 
crime  of  adultery  (Fleury,  ffist.  du  Christ,  li. 
23). 

(11.)  Missa  Legitima  is  amass  celebrated  with 
all  due  requisites.  "  We  must  own  that  to  be 
a  missa  legitima  at  which  are  present  a  priest, 
one  to  respond,  one  who  offers,  and  one  who 
communicates,  as  the  very  composition  of  the 
prayers  clearly  shews  "  (Walafrid,  de  Eeh.  Eccl, 
22).  Compare  the  use  of  the  phrase  "  communio 
legitima."  Penitents  supposed  to  be  dying 
might  be  communicated  without  the  previous 
laying  on  of  hands  by  the  bishop ;  but  if  they 
recovered  after  that,  they  were  to  "  stand  in  the 
order  of  penitents,  that  when  they  had  shown 
the  necessary  fruits  of  repentance,  they  might 
receive  '  legitimam  communionem  '  with  the  re- 
conciliatory  imposition  of  hands  "  (can.  3,  Cone. 
Araus.  A.d.  441  ;  inserted  much  later  in  Cap. 
Beg.  Franc,  i.  138 ;  compare  Isaaci  Lingon. 
Canones,  i.  6). 

(12.)  Missa  Matutina.  The  4th  canon  of  the 
Council  of  Vaison,  held  in  529,  runs  thus  :  "  Ut 
in  omnibus  missis,  sive  matutinis,  sive  quadri- 
gesimalibus  ....  semper  Sanctus,  Sanctus, 
Sancttis  dicatur,"  etc.  The  ground  of  the  dis- 
tinction is  that  in  Lent  the  celebration  took 
place  in  the  afternoon,  whereas  generally  it  was 
at  the  third  hour  (Notitia  Euch.  31-36).  The 
third  Council  of  Orleans,  A.D.  538,  forbids  men 
to  attend  armed  "  sacrificia  matutina  missarum 
sive  vespertina"  (can.  29).  "Evening"  masses 
include  those  of  Wednesday  and  Friday  which, 
except  between  Easter  and  Whitsuntide,  were 
also  in  the  afternoon.  The  Gothico-Gallican 
{Lit.  Gall.  254)  and  Old  Galilean  (ibid.  372) 
missals  have  a  missa  matutinalis  per  totum 
Pascha  pro  parvulis  qui  renati  sunt  (mature  di- 
cenda,  Miss.  Gall.  Vet.).  At  a  later  period  the 
ordinary  daily  mass  said  in  many  monasteries 
after  Prime  in  summer  and  after  Terce  in  winter, 
was  called  missa  matutinalis ;  as  in  the  Consue- 
tudines  S.  Victoris  68,  in  Martene,  u.  s.  iii.  283 ; 
Constit.  8.  Dionys.  Rem.  ibid.  297,  301.  This 
earlier  mass  was  called  missa  minor  in  contrast 
to  the  missa  major  or  conventualis,  which  was 
celebrated  with  greater  ritual  solemnity.  See 
Martene,  dc  Antiq.  Monach.  Bit.  ii.  5. 

(13.)  Missa  Nautica  or  Navalis,  a  Missa  Sicca 
celebrated  at  sea ;  but  see  below  (No.  29). 

(14.)  Missa  Omnimoda  is  the  title  of  a  votive 


MISSA 


1201 


Missa  in  the  Sacramentary  of  Besan(;on,  which 
the  priest  offers  for  himself  (as  expressed  in  the 
praefatio)  for  sinners  by  name  (as  in  the  col- 
lectio),  for  persons  living  and  departed  whose 
names  are  presented  (in  the  post  nomina),  for 
the  sick,  naming  them,  and  generally  for  "all 
stricken  with  fear,  afflicted  by  want,  harassed 
by  ti'ouble,  brought  down  by  diseases,  consigned 
to  punishment,  bound  by  debts,  in  captivity,  and 
journeying "  (in  the  ad  pacem),  these  several 
petitions  being  summed  up  in  the  contestation 
{Mus.  Ital.  i.  359).  A  similar  missa  with  much 
in  common  occurs  in  the  Mozarabic  Missal  under 
the  title  Missa  Votiva  Omnimoda  (Leslie,  441). 
Missa  Omnimoda  is  again  the  name  of  a  late 
mass  of  general  intercession  in  the  St.  Gall 
codex  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  probably 
written  soon  after  the  death  of  Charlemagne 
(Gerbert,  Mon.  Lit.  Alem.  i.  268). 

(15.)  Missa  Omnium  Offerentium  is  a  name 
given  to  the  invariable  portions  of  the  liturgy 
of  Gothic  Spain.  The  lesser  missal  which  con- 
tains it  is  called  Liber  Omnium  Offerentium. 
The  name  is  appropriate  because  a  considerable 
part  of  the  service  to  which  it  is  applied  is 
assigned  to  the  choir,  the  representative  of  the 
people ;  so  that  all  the  worshippers  have  their 
share  in  it.  Whether  the  title  was  adopted  for 
this  reason  is,  however,  not  certain.  In  any 
case  it  may  have  been  suggested  by  the  occur- 
rence of  the  words  at  the  oblation  of  the  chalice : 
"  Omnium  Offerentium  eorum  pro  quibus  tibi 
offertur,  peccata  indulge"  (Miss.  Mozar.  223). 
The  same  words  occur  together  in  a  Collectio 
post  nomiua  of  Gothic  France  (Miss.  Goth,  in 
Lit.  Gall.  237)  ;  but  neither  there  does  the  con- 
text give  them  any  conventional  significance. 
In  early  times  the  people  were  said  to  offer  even 
in  the  commemoration  of  the  sacrifice  of  the 
cross  after  the  consecration.  Thus  Florus  of 
Lyons,  explaining  the  Unde  et  memores,  etc.,  of 
the  canon,  says,  "  Memores  igitur  Dominicae 
passionis,  resurrectionis  et  ascensionis,  tarn  sacer- 
dotes  quam  plebs  fidelis  offerunt  praeclarae  .  .  . 
majestati  Dei  non  de  suo,  sed  de  ejus  donis  ac 
datis,"  etc.  (De  Expos.  Missae,  64).  This  is 
implied  by  a  synod  held  by  St.  Patrick  and  other 
bishops,  which  order  that  a  bishop  in  the  diocese 
of  another  shall  "  on  the  Lord's  day  offer  only  by 
partaking,"  i.  e.  as  a  layman  (can.  30  ;  Migne, 
63,  col.  826). 

(16.)  3Iissa  Paschalis.  The  missae  provided 
in  the  Gothico-Gallican  Missal  for  four  days  in 
Easter  week,  viz.  from  Tuesday  to  Friday  in- 
clusively (Ztf.  Gall.  254—6),  and  those  to  be  used 
from  Monday  to  Friday  of  the  same  week  in  the 
Old  Galilean  (ibid.  367-371)  are  so  called.  There 
are  also  two  Missae  Paschales  in  the  sacramen- 
tary of  Besan^on  (3fus.  Ital.  i.  330,  2). 

(17.)  Missa  Peculiaris.  A  mass  said  on  any 
private  account,  as  e.  g.  for  the  repose  of  the 
dead,  was  so  called  in  the  8th  century.  Theodulf 
of  Orleans,  a.d.  797,  orders  that  "  Missae  Pecu- 
liares  performed  by  priests  on  Sundays  be  not  so 
publicly  performed  as  to  draw  the  people  from 
the  public  celebrations  of  masses,  which  take 
place  canouically  on  the  third  hour  "  (Capit.  c. 
45;  Labbe,  Cone.  vii.  1147). 

(18.)  Missa  Pontificalis,  a  mass  celebrated  by 
a  bishop.  We  are  not  aware  that  the  phrase  occurs 
within  our  range  of  time.  The  Ordo  Bomanus 
/.,  supposed  to  have  been  comjiiled  about  730, 


1202 


MISSA 


which  gives  directions  for  an  episcopal  mass,  is 
inscribed  in  its  earliest  extant  copy,  which  is  of 
the  10th  century,  Ordo  Ecclesiastici  Ministerii 
Romanae  Ecclesiae.  A  later  copy  has  Incipit 
Ordo  Ecclesiasticus  Romanae  ecclesiae,  qualiter 
Missa  Pontificalis  celebretur  (Mus.  Ital.  ii.  2,  3). 
(19.)  Missa   Praesanctificatorum.      See   Pee- 

SANCTIFIED,  MASS  OF  THE. 

(20.)  Missa  Privata  is  used  in  two  senses.  It 
either  means  (1)  "  A  mass  celebrated  in  private 
and  on  a  special  account  without  singing,  and 
but  one  clerk  ministering,  whether  it  be  in  a 
church  or  private  oratory  "  (Merati  in  Gavanti, 
p.  i.  in  Rvhr.  Gen.  Ohs.  Praclim.  §  46),  in  which 
case  it  is  distinguished  from  a  solemn  mass  ;  or 
(2)  "  A  mass  in  which  the  priest  alone  commu- 
nicates "  (ihid.),  in  which  case  it  is  opposed  to  a 
public  mass.  A  daily  mass  celebrated  out  of 
devotion  in  the  earlier  ages  would  come  under 
the  former  head.  An  example  (in  Cassias  bishop 
of  Narni)  is  mentioned  by  Gregory  I.  (^Dial.  iv. 
56).  In  neither  sense  does  the  phrase  appear  to 
have  been  in  use  during  our  period.  See  Missa 
Solitaria. 

(21.)  Missa  Publica  is  a  celebration  at  which 
all  may  be  present  and  communicate.  The  ex- 
•pression  is  frequent  in  the  epistles  of  Gregory  I. 
Thus  he  "  forbids  that  Public  ilaises  should  on 
any  account  be  celebrated  "  in  a  (certain)  monas- 
tery by  the  bishop  of  the  diocese,  that  the  re- 
tirement of  the  monks  might  not  be  invaded  by 
the  concourse  of  people  from  without  (iv.  43), 
and  severely  condemns  another  bishop  for  having 
placed  his  throne  in  a  monastic  church  and  cele- 
brated "  Public  Masses  "  there  (v.  46).  He  orders 
an  oratory  to  be  "  solemnly  consecrated  without 
Public  Masses  "  (vii.  72),  and  speaks  in  reproba- 
tion of  a  bishop  who  had  "  built  an  oratory  in 
the  diocese  of  another  .  .  .  and  did  not  fear  to 
celebrate  Public  Masses  there"  (xi.  21).  Another 
example  from  a  law  of  Charlemagne  in  803  will 
sutBce.  Among  other  restrictions  laid  on  the 
chorepiscopi  he  forbade  them  to  "  give  the  bene- 
diction to  the  people  in  Publica  Missi  "  (^Cap. 
Peg.  Fr.  i.  382). 

(22.)  Missa  Quadragesimalis,  a  missa  to  be  used 
in  Lent.  See  above,  Missa  Matutina,  and  Missa 
Jejunii.  A  lenten  missa  in  the  Besan9on  Sacra- 
mentary  bears  the  title  Missa  Quadragesimalis 
{Mus.  Ital.  i.  302).  One  of  those  in  the  Gothico- 
Gallican  Missal  is  headed  Missa  in  Quadra- 
gesima {Lit.  Gall.  p.  234).  In  the  last-named 
missal  there  are  in  all  only  six  proper  missae 
provided  for  Lent.  The  Gallicanum  Vetus  is 
defective  from  Christmas  to  the  great  scrutinium 
and  exhibits  none  {ibid.  338).  There  are  but 
five  in  the  Besan^on  rite.  On  the  other  hand 
the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian  give  a  missa  for 
every  day  in  the  season,  and  the  Mozarabic  one 
for  every  Sunday,  Wednesday,  and  Friday.  The 
Roman  missae  for  the  week-days  in  Lent  are 
supposed  to  have  been  chiefly  borrowed  fi-om 
those  of  Milan  (Pamel.  Bituale,  i.  328).  The 
latter  is  peculiar  in  having  none  for  the  Fridays 
(Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Pit.  iv.  xviii.  21  ;  Ger- 
bert,  Mon.  Lit.  Al.  i.  42). 

(23.)  Missa  Quotidiana  appears  to  be  a  missa 
that  may  be  used  on  any  day  that  has  no  proper 
prayers  provided  for  it.  There  is  an  example 
(Missa  Cottidiana)  in  the  Besan(;on  Sacramentary 
{AIus.  It.  i.  382).  Compare  Legendis  Cottidianis 
(379),  Lectiones  Cottidianas  (338,  381),  Lectiones 


MISSA 

Cottidianae  (382,  3),  which  are  the  headings  to 
lessons  for  similar  use.  Again,  we  have  Lectio 
libri  Daniliel  Prophetae  in  Cottidiana  (sc.  Missa) 
legenda  (278).  Two  missae  in  the  same  book 
have  the  incoherent  title  of  Missa  Cottidiana 
Dominicalis  (380,  3),  i.  e.  a  missa  that  may  be 
used  on  any  Sunday  that  has  not  its  proper 
missa.  In  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  is  Missa 
Quotidiana  pro  Rege,  i.  e.  that  might  be  said 
whenever  the  priest  chose  (Murat.  Lit.  Pom. 
Vet.  ii.  188).    See  further  under  Missa  Pomensis. 

(24.)  3fissa  Pewcata.  See  Missam  revocare  in 
§  XI.  No.  (9). 

(25.)  Missa  Pomensis,  i.  e.  borrowed  from  the 
Roman  books.  The  old  Gallican  canon  was  verv 
short,  being  nothing  more  than  the  recital  of  the 
institution,  which  was  added  to  the  variable 
CoUectio  post  Sanctus.  The  first  words  of  it 
(Ipse  enim  pridie  quam,  etc.)  are  frequently  so 
added  in  the  Gothico-Gallican  Missal  {Lit.  Gall. 
189,  192,  5,  etc.).  The  Besan^on  Sacramentary, 
however,  had  adopted  the  long  Roman  canon, 
which  it  put  after  the  contestatio  (see  Preface), 
omitting  the  post  Sanctus.  It  occurs  thus  in 
the  first  missa  in  the  book,  and  that  missa  bears 
the  title,  Missa  Romensis  Cottidiana  {Mus.  It. 
279).  As  the  missa  retains  most  of  its  Gallican 
forms  under  their  usual  names  (post  nomina,  al 
pacem,  etc.),  the  word  "  Romensis  "  must  refer 
to  the  canon  almost  entirely,  and  therefore 
"Cottidiana"  here  indicates  the  daily  use  of 
that.  The  last  missa  in  the  Gothico-Gallican 
Missal  has  the  similar  heading,  Missa  Cottidiana 
Romensis  {Lit.  Gall.  300);  but  after  the  first 
collect  the  MS.  fails  us.  That  collect,  however, 
being  identical  with  one  in  the  Besan^on  missa 
helps  the  conclusion  that  the  Roman  canon  fol- 
lowed in  that  book  also,  and  that  the  Goths 
in  Gaul,  though  retaining  throughout  their 
liturgy  their  own  mode  of  consecration,  yet  per- 
mitted an  optional  use  of  the  Roman. 

(26.)  Missa  de  Sanctis.  At  a  very  early  period 
it  became  the  custom  to  observe  the  anniversary 
of  a  martyr's  death.  On  such  occasions  the 
Eucharist  was  celebrated,  partly  as  an  act  of 
intercession  for  the  soul  of  the  deceased,  and 
partly  as  a  thankful  commemoration  of  the 
triumph  of  truth  and  grace  in  his  death.  Soon 
the  rite  was  observed  in  the  case  of  other  eminent 
Christians,  and  ere  long,  the  original  ground  of 
it  becoming  obscured,  the  celebration  was  sup- 
posed to  be  in  honour  of  the  person  (in  honorem 
ipsorum, — in  ejus  honore ;  Greg.  Tur.  Mirac.  i. 
47,  75).  The  story  of  Polycarp  (a.d.  147)  gives 
us  the  earliest  example  of  such  commemoration  : 
"  We  deposited  his  remains  where  it  was  fitting, 
where  gathered  together  as  opportunity  serves 
with  joy  and  gladness  the  Lord  will  grant  unto 
us  to  celebrate  the  natal  day  of  his  martyrdom, 
both  in  memory  of  those  who  have  fought  the 
good  fight  (for  twelve  sutfered  with  him),  and 
for  the  training  and  preparation  of  those  who 
will  be  called  to  it "  (Eccl.  Smyrn.  Epist.  18). 
Tertullian,  A.D.  192:  "We  make  oblations  for 
the  departed  on  one  day  in  the  year,  for  birthday 
gifts  "  {De  Cor.  3).  Cyprian  in  250  orders  his 
clergy  to  inform  him  of  the  days  on  whjch  any 
were  put  to  death,  "  that  he  might  be'able  to 
celebrate  their  commemorations  among  the  Me- 
morials of  the  Martyrs  .  .  .  that  oblations  and 
saci'ifices  in  commemoration  of  them  might  be 
celebrated  "  where  he  was  {Epist.  12  adPreshyt.). 


MISSA 

-Again  :  "  As  ye  remember,  we  never  f;iil  to  offer 
sacrifices  for  them  as  often  as  we  celebrate  the 
passions  and  days  of  the  martyrs  by  an  annvial 
commemoration"  (^Ep.  39  ad  Presbyt.).  Sixty- 
two  sermons  ascribed  with  confidence  to  St. 
Augustine,  who  died  in  430,  were  preached 
on  martyrs'  days  (^Class.  iii.  ed.  Ben.).  In  the 
course  of  time  proper  Missae  were  written  for 
these  occasions,  such  as  are  now  known  under 
the  name  of  Missae  de  Sanctis. 

The  titles  of  such  missae  in  the  ancient  sacra- 
xnentaries  are  variously  constructed.  In  the  Mis- 
sale  Gothicum  we  have,  e.g.  Missa  in  Natale  Agnes 
.{sic)  Virginis  et  Martyris  (Lit.  Gall.  215),  Missa 
S.  Saturnini,  Episcopi  et  Martyris  (^ibid.  219), 
Missa  de  pluris  Martyris  (sic)  (287),  etc. ;  in  the 
Besan9on  Sacramentary,  Missa  Sancti  Stefani 
{Mtis.  It.  3,  i.  292),  Missa  in  Sanctorum  Infantum 
,(293),  Missa  de  uno  Confessore  (347),  etc.  In 
the  Milanese  Missal  all  run  thus,  In  Festo  S. 
Thomae  (Pamel.  i.  444),  etc. ;  in  that  of  Gothic 
Spain  thus.  In  Natale  SS.  Innoceutium  (Leslie, 
48),  or  In  Sancti  Stephani  Levite  et  Martyris 
.(41),  or  In  Festo  Sancti  Luciani  Presbyteri  et 
Martyris  (289).  The  Roman  sacramentaries  use 
commonly  the  word  Natale,  as  Natale  Sancti 
Andreae  Apostoli  (^Sacr.  Leon.  Murat.  i.  464),  In 
Natali  Sancti  Johannis  Evangelistae  (474),  In 
Natal.  Innocent.  (Gelas.  ibid.  499),  but  In  Nativi- 
tate  Sanctae  Euphimiae  (643).  The  Gregorian 
has  Natale  Sanctae  Priscae  (ii.  19),  and  so  gene- 
rally ;  but  (of  a  preface).  Item  alia  Specialis  in 
Festivitate  S.  Cypriani  (335). 

Some  of  the  Missae  de  Sanctis  retained  their 
original  intercessory  character  for  a  long  time. 
Jn  the  Leonian  Sacramentary  there  is  one  headed 
"  Sancti  Silvestri,"  in  which  are  prayers  both 
for  bim  (dec.  A.d.  336)  and  Simplicius  (dec.  483) ; 
-for  the  former  in  separate  prayers,  that  "  he  may 
rejoice  for  ever  in  the  society  of  the  saints  "  of 
God,  and  that  "  endless  beatitude  may  glorify 
him  "  (Murat.  i.  454)  ;  for  the  latter,  that  "  his 
soul  being  freed  from  ail  things  which  from  the 
nature  of  man  it  hath  brought  on  it,  may  have 
its  portion  in  the  lot  of  holy  pastors  "  {ibid.). 
This  Missa  is  not  found  in  the  Gelasian  or  Gre- 
gorian books.  Another  instance  is  the  Gregorian 
Super  Oblata  in  the  missae  of  St.  Leo  and  St. 
Gregory :  "  Vouchsafe  to  us,  0  Lord,  that  the 
.{Greg,  this)  oblation  by  the  immolation  of  which 
Thou  hast  granted  that  the  sins  of  the  whole 
world  should  be  forgiven  may  profit  the  soul  of 
Thy  servant  Leo  (Gregory)"  (ibid.  ii.  25,  101). 
An  archbishop  of  Lyons  observing  that  the  last 
•clause  had  been  altered  into,  "  may  profit  us 
through  the  intercession  of  the  blessed  Leo  (Gre- 
gory)," wrote  to  Innocent  III.,  a.d.  1198,  for  an 
.explanation.  The  pope  justified  the  change  by 
quoting  as  Scripture  a  sentiment  of  St.  Augustine 
{Serm.  159,  c.  1,  and  Tract.  84  in  S.  Johan.  xv.): 
"  Since  the  authority  of  Sacred  Writ  says  that 
*  he  who  prays  for  a  martyr  wrongs  a  martyr,' 
the  same  should  by  parity  of  reason  be  thou2;ht 
of  the  other  saints  ''  (Deer.  Const,  iii.  130).  the 
earlier  and  the  mediaeval  grounds  are  combined 
in  a  passage  of  Gregory  of  Tours,  who  tells  us 
that  persons  stricken  with  ague  who  "  devoutly 
celebrated  masses  in  honour  of  St.  Sigismund 
.and  offered  the  oblation  to  God  for  his  repose  " 
were  immediately  healed  (Mirac.  i.  75). 

(27.)  Missa  pro  Scrutinio.     Those  masses  were 
€0  called  which  were  said  on  the  3rd,  4th,  5th, 

CHBIST.   ANT.— VOL.   II. 


MISSA 


1203 


and  6th  Sundays  in  Lent  on  behalf  of  the  cate- 
chumens preparing  for  baptism  on  Easter  Eye. 
"  Scrutinium,"  says  Amalarius,  "  proprium  syn- 
tagma habet  et  propriam  missam  "  (De  Eccles. 
Ojf.  i.  8).  Four  Missae  pro  scrutiniis  electorum 
are  assigned,  one  to  eacli  of  the  Sundays  above- 
named,  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary  (Murat.  i. 
521,  5,  9,  533).  The  Galilean  church  had  only 
one  such  Missa,  which  was  said  on  Palm  Sunday, 
until  Charlemagne  ordered  the  observance  of  the 
Koman  system  of  scrutinia  (Capit.  Reg.  Franc. 
v.  372).  It  is  called  Missa  in  Symboli  Traditione 
(Mus.  It.  i.  314  ;  Lit.  Gall.  235,  346).  At  Milan 
the  creed  was  delivered  to  the  competentes  on 
the  day  before  Palm  Sunday  (Sabbato  in  Tradi- 
tione Symboli)  and  a  similar  mass  said  (Pamel. 
i.  336). 

(28.)  Missa  Secunda.  Anastasius  Bibliothecarius 
(Vit.  Pont.  R.  69)  states  that  Deusdedit  of  Rome, 
614,  "  instituted  a  Second  Mass  in  c/ero ; "  i.e. 
among  monks  (see  Clerus  and  above  Missa 
Matutina).  A  second  public  celebration  had 
long  been  the  custom  when  a  church  open  to  all 
could  not  contain  at  one  time  all  who  desired  to 
communicate.  Leo,  A.D.  440,  says  that  this  was 
the  practice  at  Rome,  and  begs  the  pope  of 
Alexandria  to  sanction  it  in  his  patriarchate, 
"  that  their  observance  might  in  all  things  ac- 
cord" (Ep.  11  ad  Diosc.  2). 

(29.)  Missa  Sicca.  Dry  Masses  are  not  heard 
of  before  the  13th  century.  We  refer  to  them 
here  because,  owing  to  an  oversight  in  regard  to 
the  pontifical  of  Prudentius  of  Troye,  they  have 
been  put  by  some  four  hundred  years  earlier. 
See  Notitia  Eucharistica,  816  n.  ed.  2. 

(30.)  Missa  Singularis.  A  special  Mass  on 
behalf  of  one  person.  The  phrase  occurs  in  the 
life  of  Wilfrid  of  York  by  Heddius,  a.d.  720  : 
"  Omni  die  pro  eo  Missam  Singularem  celebrare  " 
(cap.  62  in  Gale,  Script,  xv. ;  i.  78).  In  the  Moz- 
arabic  Missal  (Leslie,  446)  is  a  Missa  Votiva 
Singularis,  in  every  prayer  of  which  the  name 
of  the  person  (everywhere  supposed  to  be  one)  is 
to  be  inserted. 

(31.)  Missa  Solitaria.  We  do  not  find  the 
expression  in  use  before  the  Middle  Ages,  but  by 
the  beginning  of  the  9th  century  priests  had 
certainly  begun  to  celebrate  without  attendants. 
This  is  forbidden  by  the  council  of  Mentz,  813  : 
"  No  presbyter,  as  it  seems  to  us,  can  sing  masses 
alone  rightly,  for  how  will  he  say.  The  Lord  be 
with  you.  .  .  when  there  is  no  one  with  him  ?  " 
(can.  43).  The  council  of  Paris,  829  :  "  A  repre- 
hensible practice  and  worthy  of  meet  correction 
has,  partly  through  neglect,  partly  through 
avarice,  crept  in  in  most  places ;  viz.  that  some 
of  the  presbyters  celebrate  the  solemn  rites  of 
masses  without  ministers  "  (i.  can.  48).  Comp. 
Cap.  Reg.  Fr.  v.  159  ;  Add.  ii.  9 ;  Herard,  cap.  i.  9. 

(32.)  Missa  Specialis,  a  private  mass  in  the 
more  ancient  sense,  i.e.  for  a  special  object.  Thus 
in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  a  missa  to  be 
used  when  a  priest  says  a  mass  for  the  forgiveness 
of  his  own  sins  is  entitled  Missa  Specialis  Saccr- 
dotis  (Murat.  ii.  190;  compare  two  \yith  the 
same  heading  among  those  ascribed  to  Grimoldus, 
Pamel.  ii.  428).  "Special,"of  a  preface,  mentioned 
above  in  (26),  means  that  it  commemorates  St. 
Cyprian  alone,  and  not  Cornelius  also,  as  anethor 
does,  their  feasts  falling  on  the  same  day.  The 
expression  occurs  also  in  an  epistle  of  Ch.Tle- 
magne  to  Fastrada.     "Et  sacerdos  unusquisque 


1204 


MISSA 


Missam  Specialem  fecisset,  nisi  infirmitas  impe- 
disset  "  {Ep.  de  Vict.  Avar,  in  Hist.  Franc.  Script. 
187,  or  Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  i.  257).  He  is  speaking  of 
the  litanies  and  other  services  prescribed  for  a 
public  fast. 

(33.)  Missa  in  SymboU  traditione.  See  Missa 
■pro  Scrutinio. 

(34.)  Missa  de  Tempore  ;  i.e.  adapted  to  some 
sacred  day  or  season  of  the  Christian  year.  Such 
masses  are  in  all  the  ancient  missals,  though  the 
phrase  is  late.  The  Gregorian,  Milanese,  and 
Mozarabic  provide  missae  for  every  Suaday  in 
the  year,  as  well  as  for  the  great  days  of  Christ- 
mas, Epiphany,  Ash  Wednesday,  Good  Friday, 
Easter,  etc.  In  some  cases  also  for  the  feriae 
connected  with  them.  The  Galilean  rites  having 
been  suppressed  by  Pepin  and  Charlemagne 
towards  the  close  of  the  8th  century  (Lebrun, 
Dissert,  iv.  art.  i.)  are  less  methodised  and  full, 
but  they  are  framed  on  the  same  principle. 

(35.)  Missa  Vespertina.  See  above  under  Missa 
Matutina. 

(36.)  Missa  Votiva.  By  this  is  now  meant  any 
mass  not  of  the  day,  even  though  prescribed,  as, 
e.g.  the  masses  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  on  the  first 
two  Saturdays  in  Advent  (Merati  in  Gavanti,  P.  i. 
Rvhr.  Gen.  Obs.  Prael.  66).  Originally,  however, 
it  meant  a  celebration  at  which  some  special 
blessing,  temporal  or  spiritual,  was  sought, 
whether  for  the  celebrant  or  others.  This  is 
the  character  of  two  Missae  Votivae  (omnimoda, 
singularis)  already  cited  from  the  Mozarabic 
Missal  (see  (14)  and  (30)).  Other  examples, 
though  not  so  inscribed,  occur  in  the  same  book ; 
as  Missa  de  Itinerantibus,  de  Tribulationibus, 
pro  alio  Sacerdote  fratre  suo  vivo,  de  uno  Infirmo, 
pro  Infirmis  (pp.  447-454).  The  Besan^on  Missal 
has  four  headed  "  Missa  Votiva  "  for  blessings  on 
a  single  person  to  be  named  in  the  office  (^Mus. 
Ital.  360-2)  ;  and  two  others,  one  of  which,  pro 
Vivis  et  Defunctis  (363),  speaks  of  brothers, 
sisters,  and  benefactors.  In  the  other,  entitled 
Missa  in  domo  cujuslibet  (364),  the  names  of  the 
family  are  to  be  introduced.  There  are  no  missae 
of  the  kind  in  the  other  Galilean  missals  with 
the  exception  of  one  entitled  Orationes  et  Prec. 
pro  Regibus  in  that  of  the  Franks  (^Lit.  Gall. 
316).  If  we  except  some  masses  for  the  dead, 
there  are  no  Missae  Votivae  in  the  Ambrosian 
Liturgy,  nor  does  the  phrase  appear  in  it.  The 
collections  under  the  names  of  Grimoldus  (Pamel. 
ii.  388)  and  Alcuin  {ihid.  517)  contain  votive 
missae,  but  they  are  not  so  described.  This  is 
the  case  also  with  the  Leonian  (Murat.  i.  434, 
etc.)  and  Gelasian  (ji)i"(i.  725,  etc.)  Sacramentaries. 
In  the  ancient  copy  of  the  Gregorian  printed  by 
Pamelius  (tom.  ii.)  we  find  neither  the  name  nor 
thing ;  but  both  in  those  printed  by  Muratori 
(ii.  193,  etc.),  Gerbert  {Mon.  Vet.  Lit.  Alem.  279 
etc.),  the  editors  of  the  works  of  Gregory  pub- 
lished in  1615  (tom.  v.  221,  etc.)  and  others. 

We  find  an  early  instance  of  a  votive  celebration 
of  the  Eucharist  in  St.  Augustine.  His  presbyters 
were  requested  to  send  one  of  their  number  to 
pray  in  a  haunted  house.  "  One  went,  offered 
there  the  sacrifice  of  Christ's  body,  praying  to 
His  power  ibr  the  cessation  of  that  trouble. 
Through  the  mercy  of  God  it  forthwith  ceased  " 
{De  Civ.  Dei,  xxii.  8,  6). 

XI.  The  Eucharist  had  acquired  the  name  of 
missa  a  long  time  before  any  one  phrase  (such  as 
missam  celebrare,  aiidire)  was  generally  accepted 


MISSA 

to  denote  the  celebration  of  the  sacrament  or 
lay  attendance  at  it.  The  following  list  is 
thought  to  contain  all  in  use  within  our  limit  of 
time. 

(1.)  Missam  agere,  peragere.  The  Gelasian 
Sacramentary :  "  Si  fuerit  oblata,  agendae  sunt 
missae,  et  communicet  "  (Murat.  i.  596).  Sim. 
in  two  edicts  of  Hunneric  the  Vandal,  A.D.  484 : 
"  In  ecclesiis  vestris  missas  agere"  (Hist.  Perscc. 
Yand.  Vict.  Vit.  ii.  2),  "  Reperti  sunt  contra 
interdictum  missas  in  sortibus  Vandalorum 
egisse  "  (ibid,  in  c.  xiii.).  We  find  also  missam 
peragere  ;  e.g.  Ordo  Bom.  I.,  after  prescribing 
the  consecration  of  the  oil  for  the  sick  before 
the  end  of  the  canon,  adds,  "  et  deinceps  per- 
agitur  missa  ordine  suo "  (c.  30 ;  Mus.  It.  ii. 
20). 

(2.)  Missam  audire.  We  have  not  noticed  this, 
afterwards  common,  phrase  in  the  writers  of  the 
first  eight  centuries.  It  occurs,  however,  early 
in  the  9th  ;  viz.  in  the  19th  canon  of  the  council 
of  Chalons-sur-Saone,  813:  "Let  families  give 
their  tithes  in  the  place  in  which  their  children 
are  baptized,  and  where  they  hear  masses  through 
the  whole  course  of  the  year."  The  council  of 
Paris,  829  :  "  Satins  igitur  est  illis  missam  non 
audire,  quam  earn  ubi  non  licet  nee  oportet 
audire  "  (i.  47).  It  is  instructive  to  observe 
that  when  Gratian,  A.D.  1131,  professes  to  give 
the  47th  canon  of  Agde  (a.d.  506),  for  "Missas 
a  saecularibus  totas  teneri. . .  .praecipimus,"  he 
substitutes  "Missas. . .  saecularibus  totas  audire 
. . .  .praecipimus"  {De  Consecr.  i.  64). 

(3.)  Missam  cantare,  decantare.  Bede  says  of 
Ceolfrid  that  from  the  day  he  left  his  monastery 
to  go  to  Rome  to  the  day  of  his  death  "  quotidie 
missa  cantata  salutaris  hostiae  Deo  munus 
oSeret"  {Hist.  Abbat.  Wirem.  §  16,  sim.  §  13). 
In  803  a  petition  was  presented  by  the  people  to 
Charlemagne,  praying  that  when  the  king  and 
his  lay  subjects  went  against  the  enemy  the 
bishops  might  stay  at  home  and  attend  to  their 
proper  duties,  among  which  are  mentioned 
"Missas  cantare  et  letanias  atque  eleemosynas 
facere  "  {Capit.   Reg.  Franc,  i.  405 ;    sim.  470, 

5,  730,  etc.).  The  council  of  Mentz,  813: 
"  NuUus  presbyter,  ut  nobis  videtur,  solus  mis- 
sam cantare  valet  recte  "  (can.  43).  We  must 
suppose  that  originally  the  use  of  the  word  can- 
tare  implied  that  the  mass  was  sung  or  chanted. 
That  this  meaning  was  lost  sight  of  in  the  9th 
century  is  evident  from  the  language  of  Ama- 
larius  and  others  respecting  the  canon :  "  In  eo 
videlicet  quod  ista  oratio  specialiter  ad  sacerdo- 
tem  pertinet. . .  .secreto  earn  decantat  "  (Amal. 
Eijloga,  21).  Remigius  of  Auxerre  :  "  Consue- 
tudo  venit  in  Ecclesia,  ut  tacite  ista  obsecratio 
atque  consecratio  cantetur  "  (in  the  chapter  De 
Celebr.  Miss,  of  Pseudo-Alcuin,  Hittorp.  284). 

(4.)  Missam  celebrare.  This  is  in  very  com- 
mon use  from  the  6th  century  downwards,  and 
sometimes  even  of  the  laity ;  as  of  the  sick 
seeking  to  be  healed,  "Si. .  .missas  devote  cele- 
brant "  (Greg.  Tur.  Mirac.  i.  75)  ;  even  of  a 
woman,  "  Celebrans  quotidie  missarum  solem- 
nia  "  {De  Glor.  Confess.  65).  The  Capitulary  of 
Aix,  789:  "Auditum  est  aliquos  presbyteros 
missam  celebrare,  et  non  communicare  "  (c.  6, 
Labbe,  vii.  970).  Theodulf  of  Orleans,  A.D. 
797  :    "  Missam  sacerdote  celebrante"  (Capit.  i. 

6,  ibid.  1138),  "  Sacerdos  missam  solus  nequid- 
quam  celebret "  {ibid.  c.    7).     See   C'cyji^.   Reg 


MISSA 

Franc,  i.  409,  417,  956,  1206.  "  Missarum 
mysteria,  solemnia,  celebrare  "  are  also  frequent, 
as  Greg.  Tur.  Mirac.  i.  90,  87. 

(5.)  Missam  consccrare.  Gregory  of  Tours: 
"  Ejus  elerici  concinaat  qui  consecrat  missas " 
(  Vitae  Patr.  5). 

(6.)  Missam  dicere.  Dictis  missis  (^Hist.  Franc. 
iy.  20  ;  Mirac.  i.  34,  90).  The  council  of  Macon 
581 :  "  Ut  archiepiscopus  sine  pallio  missas  dicere 
non  praesumat "  (can.  6). 

(7.)  Missam  facere.  St.  Ambrose :  "  Missam 
facere  coepi"  [Epist.  xx.  4);  the  council  of  Toledo, 
646 :  "  Missas  facere  "  (can.  2),  "  faciendi  mis- 
sam "  (3)  ;  Ordo  Rom.  I. :  "  Quando  (presbyter)  in 
statione  facit  missas  "  (c.  22;  Mus.  Ital.  ii.  17); 
Charlemagne  in  303  :  "  Ipsi  pro  nobis  et  cuncto 
exercitu  nostro  missas,  letanias,  oblationes, 
eleemosynas  faciant "  (jCapit.  Beg.  Fr.  i.  405  ; 
sim.  in  Epist.  ad  Fastradatn,  ibid.  257). 

(8.)  Missam  peragere.     See  Missam  agere. 

(9.)  Missam  recitare.  "  Ut  missa  recitaretur 
communis  injunxi  dilecto  filio  meo"  (Braulio, 
A.D.  627,  in  £p.  Vitae  S.  Aemiliani  praef.  Acta 
Bened.  saec.  i.  iii.  206). 

(10.)  Missam  revocare  meant  to  celebrate  a 
mass,  but  the  ground  of  the  usage  is  obscure  and 
doubtful.  Mabillon  thinks  that  there  is  in  the 
expression  an  allusion  per  antiphrasim  to  the 
original  sense  of  missa,  "  the  people  having  been 
dismissed  before  are  again  called  back  to  the 
sacrifice  "  {Lit.  Gall.  57).  But  from  what  have 
they  been  dismissed  ?  It  is  used  when  no  pre- 
vious service  is  implied  as  by  Gregory  of  Tours, 
who  says  of  a  queen  of  the  Franks  that,  after 
passing  a  night  watching,  she  in  the  morning 
"  missas  expetiit  revocari  "  '  (Ilirac.  S.  Mart.  i. 
12).  He  relates  also  of  his  own  mother,  that, 
being  warned  by  a  vision  that  an  epidemic 
would  attack  her  house,  she  heard  a  voice  at 
the  same  time  saying,  "  Vade  et  vigila  totam 
noctem  in  honore  (S.  Benigni)  et  revoca  missas  " 
{Mirac.  i.  51).  Similarly  Venantius  Fortunatus : 
*'  Vigiliis  in  honore  Sancti  celebratis,  ac  missd 
revocatd,  de  praesenti  curata  est  "  {Vita  S.  Ger- 
mani,  60 ;  Migne,  88,  col.  472) ;  and  again  of 
queen  Radeguud:  "  Missi  revocata. ..  .sacrum 
componit  altare  "  {Vita,  14  ;  u.  s.  col.  503).  It 
will  be  observed  that  in  all  these  cases  a  special 
mass  performed  at  request  is  implied,  for  which 
without  doubt  the  person  mentioned  supplied 
the  materials  directly  or  indirectly.  In  the  first 
instance  it  is  said  that  the  queen  "  offered  many 
gifts."  The  original  notion  is,  therefore,  pro- 
bably, to  supply  or  furnish  a  mass  ;  for  "  revo- 
care "  often  =  "  reddere."  Thus,  "  Eulogias 
rcvocans  Domino  rerum "  ( Vita  Frontonii  in 
Eosweyd,  240);  and  (completely  to  our  pur- 
pose) St.  Aridius  in  his  will  directs  that  several 
persons  benefited  by  it,  "  singulis  mensibus 
eulogias  vicissim  ad  missas  nostras  revocent  " 
(ad  calc.  0pp.  S.  Greg.  Tur.  1312).  "  Missam  re- 
vocare "  means,  therefore,  we  conceive,  to  cause  a 
mass  to  be  celebrated,  supplying  the  means. 
The  same  Aridius,  ordering  matins  and  a  mass 
to  be  maintained  by  his  monks  for  ever,  expresses 


MISSAL 


1205 


a  This  alone  would  disprove  an  earlier  conjecture  of 
Mabillon,  that  "  missam  revocare  "  means  to  celebrate  a 
recurring  festival  (see  above.  No.  IX.).  AVhen  he  off.red 
this  (in  note  to  Fortunatus,  Vita  Germani,  c.  60)  he 
thought  that  the  phrase  was  "  peculiar  to  Fortunatus." 
The  suggestion  is  reprinted  by  Migne,  without  comment, 
though  withdrawn  by  Mubilloo  'n  Lit.  Uall.  57 


himself  thus:  "  Ut maturius   matutina   et 

missa  sanctorum  domnonim  a  monachis  ibidem 
revocetur  "  {ibid.  1314). 

(11.)  Missam  spectare.  The  Council  of  Or- 
leans, 538  :  "  Sacrificia  matutina  missarum  sive 
vespertina  ne  quis  cum  armis  pertinentibus  ad 
bellorum  usum  spectet "  (can.  29).  Gregory  of 
Tours :  "  Rex  ecclesiam  ad  spectanda  missarum 
solemnia  petit"  {Hist.  Franc,  viii.  7);  "Ad 
basilicam. .  .properavit,  quasi  spectatura  mis- 
sas "  {ibid.  ix.  9  ;  see  also  x.  8,  and  S.  Mart.  Mir. 
iii.  19).  This  phrase  was  so  familiar  to  Gregory 
that  he  falls  into  the  use  of  it  even  when  speak- 
ing of  a  blind  man:  "Cum  reliquo  populo  mis- 
sarum solemnia  spectaret"  {S.  Mart.  Mir.  ii. 
13). 

(12.)  Missam  tenere.  This  idiom  is  clearly 
distinguished  from  missam  facere  by  the  council 
of  Agde,  A.D.  506  :  "  Si  qui  in  festivitatibus. , . 
in  oratoriis,  nisi  jubente  aut  permittente  epi- 
scopo,  missas  facere,  aut  tenere,  voluerint,  a 
communione  pellantur  "(can.  21).  Here  missam 
tenere  is  evidently  said  of  the  lay  attendant. 
In  canon  47  this  is  expressed :  "  Missas  Die 
Dominico  a  saeculai-ibus  totas  teneri  speciali 
ordinatione  praecipimus."  So  Gregory  of  Tours 
of  a  layman  :  "  Procedens  nobiscum  ad  ecclesiam 
missarum  solemnia  tenuit "  {Hist.  Franc,  vi. 
40).  But  the  second  council  of  Bracara,  560 
or  563,  appears  to  use  it  of  priest  and  people 
both :  "  Si  quis  quinta  feriS.  paschali,  quae  est 
Coena  Domini,  hora  legitimai,  post  nonam  jejunus 
in  ecclesia  missas  non  tenet. ..  .anathema  sit" 
(can.  16).  In  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  it  is 
also  used  of  the  celebrant,  as  when  providing 
for  the  reception  of  a  priest  into  his  monastery 

he  says,  "  Concedatur  ei post  abbatem  stare 

et  benedicere,  aut  missas  tenere,  si  tamen  jus- 
serit  ei  abbas  "  (c.  60  ;  Hoist,  ii.  55). 

(13.)  Missam  tractare.  "  Non  licet^presbytero 
aut  diacono,  aut  subdiacono  post  acceptum 
cibum  vel  poculum  missas  tractare "  (Cone. 
Autiss.  A.D.  578,  can.  19).  Ducange  finds  the 
expression  in  an  edict  of  Hunneric  already  cited 
in  (1)  :  "  Missas  agere,  vel  tractare  ";  but  this 
is  a  mistake.  The  context  ("quibus  voluerint 
Unguis  populo  tractare  ")  shews  that  "  tractare  " 
must  be  taken  by  itself,  and  that  it  means,  as  in 
other  authoi-s,  to  expound  the  Scriptures. 

[W.  E.  S.] 

MISSAL  {Liber  Missalis,  Missalis,  Missale). 
I.  The  later  missal  contains  the  lessons  and 
antiphons,  as  well  as  the  canon,  proper  prayers 
or  collects  and  prefaces,  to  be  used  at  the  cele- 
bration of  the  Eucharist  throughout  the  year. 
Originally,  however,  the  book  so  called  did  not 
contain  either  the  lessons  or  antiphons.  This  is 
evident  from  the  fact  that  the  lectionary  and 
antiphonary  are  often  spoken  of  as  books  distinct 
from  the  missal,  and  that  we  have  independent 
examples  of  both  remaining.  [See  Antiphon- 
ARiUM ;  Lectionaricm.]  Egbert  of  York,  A.D. 
732,  who  is,  we  think,  the  earliest  writer  who 
speaks  of  a  Liber  Sacramentorum  under  the 
name  of  missal,  says,  "  Our  master  the  blessed 
Gregory  in  his  antiphonary  and  missal  book 
(Missali  libro)  "  {De  Instit.  Cathol.  xvi.  1).  We 
have  that  "  missal  book  "  (the  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary),  and  find  in  it  neither  antiphons  nor 
lessons.  Again  :  "  Not  our  antiphonanes  only 
bear  witness,  but  those  very  copies  which  we 
have  seen  with  their  missals  at  the  thresholds 
4  1  2 


1206 


MISSAL 


of  the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul "  (ibid.  2).  He 
ordered  that  all  who  desired  to  be  ordained 
priests  should  previously  provide  themselves 
with  "  a  psalter,  lectionary,  antiphonary,  missal 

(missale),  baptismal  office,  martyrology and 

computus  with  cycle  "  (Can.  de  Remediis  Pecca- 
torum,\.).  Charlemagne  in  789:  "If  there  be 
occasion  to  write  out  a  gospel  {i.e.  a  book  of  the 
gospels)  or  psalter  and  missal,  let  men  of  full 
age  write  them  "  (Capit.  i.  70 ;  in  Capit.  Eeg. 
Franc,  i.  68  ;  vi.  371).  Alcuin  in  796  :  "  Missas 
quoque  reliquas  de  nostro  tuli  missali  ad  quoti- 
diana  et  ecclesiasticae  consuetudinis  officia" 
(_Ep.  46,  ad  Monach.  Vedast.  i.  59,  ed.  1777); 
"Misi  chartulam  missalem  vobis"  {Ep.  192,  ad 
Mon.  Fuld.  256).  Ludovicus  Pius,  816  :  Bishops 
are  to  "  take  care  that  the  presbyters  have  a 
missal  and  lectionary  or  other  books  necessary 
for  them  well  corrected  "  {^Capit.  28  ;  sim.  Cap. 
R.  Fr.  i.  103 ;  vi.  229).  A  copier  of  books, 
writing  about  826  to  an  old  friend  who  had 
become  archbishop  of  Mentz,  says,  "  Send  me 
some  good  parchment  for  writing  out  one 
lectionary  and  one  Gregorian  missal "  (latto 
Otkero,  inter  Epist.  Bonifacianas,  138;  ed. 
Wurdtw.).  Amalarius,  827:  "The  authors  of 
the  lectionary  and  antiphonary,  and  of  the  missal 
of  which  we  believe  the  blessed  Pope  Gregory  to 
be  the  author "  {De  Eccl.  Off.  iv.  30) ;  "It  is 
found  written  in  the  ancient  books  of  missals 
and  antiphonaries  "  {ibid.  iii.  40).  There  were 
in  831  in  the  monastic  library  of  St.  Riquier  at 
Centule  several  books  known  as  missals  :  "  Tres 
missales  Gregoriani,  missalis  Gregorianus  et 
Gelasianus  modernis  temporibus  ab  Albino 
(Alcuino)  ordinatus. ..  .missales  Gel'asiani  xix." 
(Chron.  Centul.  iii.  in  Dach.  Spicil.  ii.  311 ;  Par. 
1723).  The  Gelasian  Sacramentary  (and,  we 
may  add,  the  Leonian)  resembled  the  Gregorian 
in  consisting  of  prayers  and  prefaces  only.  Had 
Alcuia  inserted  the  lessons  and  antiphons,  a 
circumstance  so  unusual  would  certainly  have 
been  noticed.  They  were  probably  distinct 
books  for  a  century  at  least  after  his  time. 
Thus  Walter  of  Orleans,  a.d.  867,  orders  his 
clergy  to  "  have  the  church  books,  to  wit  the 
missal,  gospel  (evangelium  =  evangeliarium,  as 
in  the  law  of  Charlemagne),  lectionary  (  =  episto- 
larium),  psalter,  antiphonary,  martyrology  and 
homiliary,  by  which  to  instruct  himself  and 
others  "  {Capitula,  7).  An  episcopal  charge  of 
that  period  says,  "  Let  your  missals,  graduals, 
lectionaries  and  antiphonaries  be  complete  and 
perfect  "  {App.  ad  Eeginonis  Discipl.  Eccl.  505  ; 
ed.  Baluz.). 

II.  We  do  not  read  of  Missalia  Plenaria  (or 
Plenaria)  before  the  9th  century,  but  they  are 
then  spoken  of  in  such  a  manner  as  to  shew  that 
they  were  neither  new  nor  of  recent  introduc- 
tion. A  will  is  extant,  written  about  the  year 
840,  which  bequeaths  "  a  plenary  missal  with 
the  gospels  and  epistles  "  ( Testam.  Heccardi  in 
Pe'rard,  Pieces  servant  a  I'Histoire  de  Bourgogne, 
26).  We  gather  from  this  that  a  plenary  missal 
of  those  days  did  not  contain  the  eucharistic 
lessons.  Leo  IV.,  A.D.  847,  in  some  instructions 
to  his  clergy :  "  Let  every  church  have  a 
plenary  missal  and  lectionary  and  antiphonary  " 
j{De  Curd  Past. ;  Labbe,  Cone.  viii.  36  ;  sim. 
Ratherius  of  Verona,  ibid.  ix.  1271 ;  and  again 
Admonitio  Synodalis,  App.  ad  Regin.  u.  s.  503). 
The  question  was  asked  at  visitations  whether 


MISSI  DOMINICl 

all  the  clergy  were  possessed  of  those  several 
books,  "  Missalem  plenarium,  lectionarium,  anti- 
phonarium"  {Tnquisitio  10,  apud  Regin.  u.  s.  7). 
The  missale  plenarium  of  a  later  age  contained 
the  lessons  and  antiphons  as  well  as  the  collects 
and  prefaces  (Merati  in  Gavanti ;  Observ.  Prae- 
lim.  i.  4) ;  but  it  is  clear  from  the  foregoing 
testimonies,  though  the  fact  has  escaped  Du- 
cange,  Bocquillot,  and  others,  that  they  were 
not  included  in  the  volume  to  which  that  name 
was  originally  given.  Gerbert  appears  to  be 
right  in  thinking  that  at  first  the  plenary 
missal  was  a  sacramentary  which  gave  the 
missae  for  every  day,  and  not  those  for  Sundays 
and  other  chief  festivals,  or  for  other  special 
use,  alone  {Disquis.  ii.  i.  29,  p.  108  ;  ii.  1,  p.  116). 
There  was  a  missal  of  the  latter  kind  written  in 
the  8th  century  in  the  library  of  St.  Gall,  and 
later  examples  are  extant  {ibid.  108).  The 
missal  which  Alcuin  mentions  in  his  epistle  to 
the  monks  of  St.  Vedast  cited  above  was  ap- 
parently one  of  this  sort.  It  may  well  be 
doubted  whether  plenaiy  missals  in  the  other 
and  later  sense  existed  within  our  period.  Ger- 
bert (116)  says  that  he  never  saw  a  MS.  of  that 
description  belonging  to  the  9th  century.  No 
Roman  missal  of  that  age  contains  even  the 
epistles  and  gospels.  In  France,  however,  the 
lessons  without  the  antiphons  had  occasionally 
been  incorporated  with  the  missae  long  before  ; 
for  we  find  them  in  the  Besan9on  Sacramentary, 
which  is  assigned  to  the  7th  century  (Mabill. 
Mhs.  Ital.  i,  275),  though  not  in  the  other 
Gallican  missals,  which  date  from  the  eighth 
{Liturg.  Gallic.  Mabill.  175),  or  in  the  Prankish 
which  Mabillon  ascribes  to  the  seventh  {ibid. 
178).  A  very  ancient  Tabularium  or  Polypty- 
chon  preserved  at  Rheims,  the  exact  date  of 
which,  however,  is  not  given,  also  points  to 
France  as  the  country  in  which  the  amalgama- 
tion began ;  for  it  mentions  as  one  book,  "  a 
missal  of  Gregory  with  the  gospels  and  lessons 
(  =  epistles)  "  (in  Notis  Baluz.  Capit.  Beg.  Fr.  ii. 
1155). 

Other  information  respecting  missals  will  be 
given  under  Sacramentary. 

The  works  named  after  LITURGY  supply  in- 
formation on  this  subject ;  but  the  reader  is 
especially  referred  to  Bona,  Berum  Liturgicarum, 
lib.  i.  cc.  1,  2,  13-16,  ed.  Sala,  Aug.  Taurin. 
1747 ;  to  Merati,  Observationes  ad  Gavanti 
Comment,  in  Eubr.  tom.  i.  P.  i.  Obs.  Praelim.  33- 
104,  Aug.  Vind.  1740  (who  gives  several  kinds 
of  missae,  as  above  under  X.,  not  within  our 
period) ;  Mabillon  de  Liturgia  Gallicana,  lib.  i. 
cc.  4-6,  Par.  1729  ;  and  Le  Brun,  Explication  de 
la  Messe,  Dissert,  ii.-v.  in  tome  3,  Par.  1777. 
[W.  E.  S.] 

MISSI  DOMINICl.  The  word  missus  is 
frequently  found  in  Capitularies,  designating  a 
messenger,  ambassador,  or  deputy.  Commis- 
sioners named  by  the  king,  with  a  kind  of 
vice-regal  power  within  certain  limits,  were 
called  missi  regis.  Of  these  there  were  in  the 
Carolingian  period  two  classes :  (1)  the  ordinary 
missi  dominici  or  dominicales,  regales,  fiscales, 
palatini  principales,  often  called  missi  simply  ; 
and  (2)  extraordinary  missi  (legati  or  nuncii) 
appointed  for  special  emergencies.  It  is  with 
the  first  that  we  are  here  concerned. 

Pepin  {Capit.  Aquitan.  A.D.  768,  c.  12, 
Pertz,  2Ion.  Germ.  iv.  14)  ratifies  the  decisions 


MISSI  DOMINICI 

of  "  niissi  nostri "  whether  in  relation  to  church 
or  state ;  but  the  more  complete  development  of 
the  system  belongs  to  the  age  of  Charles  the 
Great.  Probably  with  a  view  of  diminishing 
the  excessive  power  of  the  dukes,  who  exercised 
both  judicial  and  administrative  functions  in 
their  territories,  he  transferred  to  missi  dominici 
the  charge  of  taking  account  of  any  complaints 
that  might  be  made  against  bishops,  abbats,  or 
counts,  or  other  holders  of  similar  offices  {Capit. 
an.  779,  c.  21 ;  Capit  Papiense,  an.  789-790, 
c.  10 ;  Capit.  Generale,  an.  789,  c.  11  ;  in  Pertz, 
iii.  38,  71,  69).  After  Charles  became  Roman 
emperor,  he  named  secular  and  spiritual  persons 
together  on  these  commissions.  In  a  capitulary 
of  Aachen  (^Cap.  Aquisgran.  an.  802,  Pertz  iii. 
91  f),  he  declares  that  he  has  chosen  from  his 
nobles  as  well  archbishops  as  bishops,  abbats 
and  religious  laymen,  and  given  them  charge 
over  the  whole  of  his  kingdom  ;  he  grants  to  all 
his  subjects  to  live  according  to  right  law  by 
their  means ;  and  he  requires  the  commissioners 
to  note  any  points  in  which  the  law  appeared 
defective,  and  report  them  to  him,  that  he  may 
amend  them.  For  the  purposes  of  this  super- 
vision, the  empire  was  divided  into  circuits 
(missatica,  legationes),  coinciding  generally  with 
the  province  of  a  metropolitan,  unless  where  the 
great  extent  of  the  province  rendered  a  sub- 
division necessary ;  thus  Mentz  is  said  to  have 
contained  four  circuits  and  Rheims  two.  In 
general  two  commissioners,  an  archbishop, 
bishop  or  abbat,  and  a  count,  were  named  for 
each  circuit  (Pertz,  iii.  97,  98),  but  occasionally 
three  or  four.  The  missi  received  written  in- 
structions, and  the  emperor  frequently  gave 
them  oral  directions  also  (Pertz,  iii.  121).  As 
they  were  the  immediate  instruments  of  the 
central  power,  no  part  of  the  administration  lay 
entirely  beyond  their  sphere.  They  were  (1)  to 
enforce  the  due  execution  of  the  laws,  both  in 
church  and  state  {Capit.  an.  802,  cc.  25,  26; 
cf.  cap.  missorum  an.  806,  c.  2,  &c.  Pertz,  iii. 
137,  164).  (2)  Suits  not  decided  by  the  counts 
or  their  deputies  they  might  themselves  judge, 
for  which  purpose  they  were  to  hold  assizes 
four  times  a  year,  in  January,  April,  July,  and 
October  {Capit.  Aquisgran.  an.  812,  c.  8 ; 
Pertz,  iii.  174).  (3)  They  were  especially  to 
look  to  the  due  maintenance  of  the  arrange- 
ments for  levying  troops  {Brev.  Capit.  an.  803, 
Pertz,  iii.  119).  (4)  They  were  to  have  the 
oversight  of  public  lands,  whether  belonging  to 
the   state   or    to    the    church.      Registers    or 

terriers"  of  all  landed  estates  were  conse- 
quently required  by  them.  Not  only  were  the 
benefices  of  bishops,  abbats,  abbesses,  and  counts 
or  vassals  of  the  king  to  be  described,  but  also 
;e  belonging  to  the  Use  {Capit.  Aquisgr,  an. 
812,  c.  7  ;  Pertz,  iii.  174). 

To  facilitate  the  carrying  out  of  their  several 
duties,  the  missi  held  provincial  courts,  to 
which  were  summoned  the  higher  dignitaries  of 
the  clergy,  the  counts  and  other  officials,  the 
king's  vassals,  &c.  Those  who  did  not  appear 
were  reported  to  the  general  court  of  the  king 
{Cap.  misso  data  an.  803,  c.  5 ;  Pertz,  iii.  122). 

The  missi  were  to  report  to  the  king  the 
results  of  their  mission,  both  orally  and  in 
writing  {Cap.  ad  leg.  miss.  an.  817,  c.  13 ; 
Pertz,  iii.  217).  Cases  of  special  difficulty  were 
referred  to   the   decision  of  the   king  himself 


MISSIONS 


1207 


{Capit.  an.  803  ;  Pertz,  iii.  121).  The  decisions 
of  the  missi  in  any  case  required  the  king's  con- 
firmation {Capit.  an.  812,  c.  10;  Pertz,  iii. 
174,  &c.),  so  that  in  practice  an  appeal  lay  from 
the  missi  to  the  king. 

These  missi  dominici  continued  in  full  activity 
until  the  dissolution  of  the  Frank-Carolingian 
empire.  As  the  central  power  declined,  the 
functions  of  the  missi  were  partly  absorbed  by 
the  dukes  in  their  several  dominions,  partly 
supplanted  by  new  offices.  In  several  dioceses 
the  bishops  acquired  the  rights  once  enjoyed  by 
them  (see  e.g.  Conventus  Ticinensis,  an.  876, 
c.  12,  in  Pertz,  iii.  531).  (Jacobson  in  Herzog's 
Real-Encyklop.  ix.  549  ff. ;  Gengler,  Germanische 
Bechtsdenkmiikr,  Glossary,  s.  v.  Missus.)       [C] 

MISSIONS.  1.  Though  Christian  Missions 
had  their  origin  in  the  example  and  command  of 
our  Lord  Himself  (Matt,  xxviii.  19,  20),  yet,  as 
has  been  often  noticed,  the  church  can  tell  but 
little  of  her  earliest  teachers.  Three  only  of  the 
Saviour's  immediate  followers  hold  any  imme- 
diate place  in  the  apostolic  records.  We  are 
told,  indeed,  of  the  labours  of  St.  Andrew  in 
Scythia  (Euseb.  H.  E.  iii.  1),  of  St.  Thomas  in 
India,  of  St.  Matthew  in  Aethiopia  (Fabricii 
Lux  Evang.  pp.  92-115),  but  the  very  scantiness 
of  these  notices  proves  how  little  that  is  reliable- 
has  come  down  to  us  respecting  the  work  of  the 
founders  of  the  earliest  churches. 

2.  Moreover,  this  comparative  silence  extends 
to  the  records  of  the  succeeding  centuries.  We 
know  that  the  church  gradually  extended  her 
conquests  through  Asia  Minor,  Greece,  Italy, 
Southern  Gaul  and  Northern  Africa  (Justin, 
Dial.  c.  117;  Tertull.  Apol.  37;  Adv.  Jud.  7), 
the  very  centre  of  the  old  world  and  of  its 
heathen  culture,  but  there  is  little  infonnation 
to  be  found  which  bears  upon  the  exact  pro- 
cesses adopted  in  securing  these  triumphs. 

3.  Prayers,  indeed,  for  the  conversion  of  the 
heathen  were  early  recognised  as  proper  to 
Christian  devotion,  and  are  to  be  found  in  the 
liturgies  alike  of  Eastern  and  Western  churches 
[Heathen,  p.  761],  but  we  look  in  vain  for  any 
traces  of  actual  organisations  for  this  end. 

4.  In  the  first  instance,  as  we  might  expect, 
the  diffusion  of  Christianity  proceeded  from  the 
evangelising  labours  of  individual  bishops  and 
clergy.  It  was  naturally  regarded  as  part  of 
their  duty  to  win  over  to  the  faith  the  heathen 
that  dwelt  around  them.  Thus  Ulphilas,  A.D. 
325,  the  "Apostle  of  the  Goths,"  devoted  him- 
self, heart  and  soul,  to  the  conversion  of  his 
countrymen,  and  of  the  populous  colony  of  shep- 
herds and  herdmen,  which  he  had  fonned  on  the 
slope  of  Mt.  Haemus.  (See  The  Life  of 
Ulphilas,  by  bishop  Auxentius,  published  by 
Waitz,  of  Kiel,  1840.)  Thus,  also,  Eusebius, 
bishop  of  Vercelli,  a.d.  370,  made  his  cathedral 
church  the  centre  of  a  wide  mission  field,  and 
St.  Chrysostom  founded,  at  Constantinople,  A.D. 
404,  an  institution,  in  which  Goths  might  be 
trained  and  qualified  to  preach  the  gospel  to 
their  own  people  (Theodoret,  //.  E.  v.  30) ;  nor 
even  during  the  years  of  his  exile  amongst  the 
ridges  of  Mt.  Taurus,  did  he  forget  those  toil- 
ing in  far  distant  mission-fields.  In  several  ex- 
tant epistles  we  find  him  advising  the  dispatch  of 
missionaries  to  various  places,  consoling  some 
under   persecution,    animating    others    by    the 


1208 


MISSIONS 


example  of  the  great  apostle  St.  Paul,  and  so- 
liciting funds  for  supporting  mission  stations. 
(St.  Chrysost.  0pp.  iv.  pp.  729,  747,  748,  750, 
799 ;  Le  Quien,  p.  1099,  §  14.) 

5.  But  missionary  zeal  is  "  essentially  the 
child  of  faith,"  and  has  depended,  in  all  ages,  on 
the  varying  spirituality  of  the  several  branches 
of  the  church.  The  great  evangelising  efforts  of 
the  early  church  were  mainly  those  of  the  West. 
The  Thebaid,  it  is  true,  sent  forth  its  hosts  of 
monastic  missionaries,  who  penetrated  the 
country  districts  of  the  East,  which  still  re- 
mained sunk  in  idolatry,  even  when  Christianity 
had  been  acknowledged  and  protected  by  the 
state,  and  sowed  the  seeds  of  knowledge  in  the 
region  of  Phoenicia,  on  the  one  side,  and  beyond 
the  Euphrates  on  the  other.  But  even  before 
the  famous  churches  of  the  East  had  become  the 
prey  of  the  anti-Christian  armies  of  Mahomet, 
lethargy  and  inaction,  as  regards  Christian  mis- 
sions, crept  over  them,  and  the  work  either 
ended  altogether  or  notoriously  declined.  "  One 
by  one,  that  glorious  centre  of  light,  knowledge, 
and  life,  which  the  Anthonys,  the  Hilarions,  the 
Basils,  the  Chrysostoms  had  animated  with  their 
celestial  light,  were  extinguished,  and  disap- 
peared from  the  pages  of  history.  Eastern 
monachism  could  neither  renovate  the  society 
which  surrounded  it,  nor  take  possession  of  the 
pagan  nations,  which  snatched  away,  every  day, 
some  new  fragment  of  the  empire."  (Montalem- 
bert,  Monks  of  the  West,  i.  376,  377 ;  Stanley, 
Eastern  Church,  p.  34;  Milman,  Latin  Chris- 
tianity, ii.  163.) 

6.  And  even  when  we  pass  to  the  West,  we 
must  not  expect  speedy  or  immediate  results. 
Herself  scarcely  recrvering  from  the  shock  of 
change,  the  church  found  herself  confronted 
with  strange  nations,  of  strange  speech,  and  still 
stranger  modes  of  life,  who  poured  forth  to  fill 
the  abyss  of  servitude  and  con  iiption,  in  which 
the  empire  had  disap[^ared.  They  overran 
Gaul,  Italy,  Spain,  lllyria,  all  the  provinces  in 
their  turn.  Chaos  seemed  to  have  come  back  to 
earth,  and  the  agitations  of  society  needed  to  be 
allayed,  before  mission  work  could  be  organized, 
or  even  effectually  commenced. 

7.  But  even  now  efforts  were  not  wanting  to 
deal  with  the  inveterate  paganism  of  the  old 
world  and  the  torrent  of  the  northern  invaders. 
From  the  islet  of  Lerius,  oflt  the  roadstead  of 
Toulon,  where,  in  a.d.  410,  a  Roman  patrician, 
Honoratus  (S.  Hilarii  Vita  S.  Honorati,  ap. 
Bolland,  t.  ii.  Januar.),  found  a  monastic  home, 
went  forth  an  influence,  which  created  numerous 
missionary  centres  in  Southern  and  Western 
Gaul,  and  sent  bishops  to  Aries,  Avignon,  Lyons, 
Troyes,  Metz,  Nice,  and  many  other  places,  who 
proved  themselves  at  once  the  lights  of  their  own 
dioceses,  and  the  leading  missionaries  of  their 
day  amongst  the  outlying  masses  of  heathendom. 

8.  WhenClovis,  in  a.d.  493,  became  the  single 
sovereign  of  the  West  who  adhered  to  the  con- 
fession of  Nicaea,  it  might  have  been  expected 
that  the  work  of  the  numerous  emissaries  from 
Lerins  would  have  been  supplemented  by  the 
newly  kindled  ardour  of  the  Prankish  church." 

a  On  the  conversion  of  the  Burgundians  see  Socrates, 
Ji.  JT.  vii.30  ;  Ozanam,  Civilisation  chez  les  Francs,  p.  51. 
For  the  labours  of  Severinus  in  Bavaria  and  Austria,  see 
Vita  S.  Severini,  Acta  SS.  Bolland.  Jan.  8. 


MISSIONS 

And  for  a  time  orthodoxy  advanced  side  by  side 
with  Prankish  conquests.  But  the  wars  and 
dissensions  of  the  successors  of  Clovis  were  not 
favourable  to  the  development  of  Christian  mis- 
sions. Avitus  of  Vienne;  Caesarius  of  Aries, 
and  Paustus  of  Riez,  proved  what  might  be 
done  by  energy  and  self-devotion.  But  the 
rapid  accession  of  wealth  more  and  more 
tempted  the  Prankish  bishops  and  abbats  to 
live  as  mere  laymen,  and  so  the  clergy  de- 
generated, and  the  light  of  the  Prankish  church 
grew  dim.  Not  only  were  the  masses  of  heathen- 
dom lying  outside  her  territory  neglected,  but 
within  it  she  saw  her  own  members  tainted 
with  the  old  leaven  of  heathenism,  and  relapsing 
in  some  instances  into  the  old  idolatries. 
(Perry's  Franks,  p.  488.) 

9.  A  new  influence  was,  therefore,  needed 
if  the  heathen  tiibes  of  Europe  were  to  be 
evangelised,  and  He  who  had  said,  "  Behold,  I 
am  with  you  alway,  even  unto  the  end  of  the 
world  "  (Matt,  xxviii.  20),  did  not  foil  Kis 
church.  He  called  the  men  who  were  to  do  the 
work,  fi-om  two  sister  isles,  high  up  in  the 
northern  seas,  which  had  almost  been  forgotten 
amidst  the  desolating  wars  of  the  Continent.  It 
was  in  the  secluded  Celtic  churches  of  Ireland 
and  the  Scottish  Highlands  that  the  beacon 
was  kindled,  which,  in  the  words  of  Alcuin, 
"caused  the  light  of  truth  to  shine  to  many  parts 
of  the  earth." 

10.  Three  well-marked  stages  distinguish  the 
missionary  history  of  the  fifth  and  three  follow- 
ing centuries : — 

(a)  A.D.  430-650. — While  continental  Europe 
was  still  agitateil  by  the  inroads  of  swarming 
tribes  of  barbarians,  Ireland,  unvisited  by 
strange  invaders,  drew  from  its  conversion  by 
St.  Patrick  an  energy  which  was  simply  mar- 
vellous. A  burst  of  popular  enthusiasm  wel- 
comed his  preaching,  and  Celtic  Christianity 
flung  itself,  with  a  zeal  that  seemed  to  take  the 
world  by  storm,  into  battle  with  the  mass  of 
heathenism  which  was  rolling  in  upon  the 
Christian  world.  Columba,  the  founder  of 
lona,  and  the  Apostle  of  the  Albanian  Scots  and 
Northern  Picts ;  Aidan,  the  Apostle  of  the 
Northumbrian  Saxons  ;  COLUMBANUS,  the 
Apostle  of  the  Burgundians  of  the  Vosges  ; 
Callich,  or  Gallus,  the  Apostle  of  North- 
Eastern  Switzerland  and  Alemannia ;  Kilian,  the 
Apostle  and  Martyr  of  Thuringia ;  ViRGiLiUS, 
the  Apostle  of  Carinthia,  are  but  a  few  out  of 
many,''  who  were  raised  up  to  pour  back  with 
interest  upon  the  Continent  the  gifts  of  civilisa- 
tion and  the  Gospel.  "  Armies  of  Scots  "  crowded 
to  the  shores  of  Europe.  Prom  the  Orkneys  to 
the  Thames,  from  the  sources  of  the  Rhine  to 
the  shores  of  the  Channel,  from  the  Seine  to  the 
Scheldt,  the  missionary  work  of  the  "  Scot  "  ex- 
tended, nor  did  it  hesitate  to  brave  the  dangers 
of  stormy  and  icy  seas,  in  bearing  the  message 
of  the  Gospel  to  the  Faroe  Isles,  and  even  to  far 
distant  Iceland. 

(6)  A.D.  596-690.— Again,  when  the  conquest 
of  Britain  by  the  pagan  English  had  "  thrust  a 


•>  Thus  Fridolin  (Acta  SS.  March  6)  laboured  in  Suabia 
and  Alsace ;  Magnoald  (Acta  SS.  April  26)  founded  a 
monastery  at  Fingen ;  Trudpcrt  penetrated  as  far  as  the 
Black  Forest,  where  he  was  murdered.  See  A.  W.  HaJ- 
dan's  Scots  on  the  Continent,  Remains,  p.  265. 


t 


MISSIONS 

wedge  of  heathendom"  into  the  heart  of  the 
great  Christian  communion  of  the  West,  and  the 
British  church  failed  to  evangelise  her  pagan 
invaders,  Gregory  the  Great  sent  Augustine 
to  the  "  men  of  Kent."  Thus,  in  the  very  year 
that  Columba  breathed  his  last,  the  Roman 
missionaries  landed,  and  slowly  but  surely  won 
their  way.  Any  ground  they  lost  was  more 
than  recovered  by  the  missionaries  from  lona, 
who  planted  churches  in  the  wilds  of  Sufiblk 
(Bede,  //.  E.  iii.  19),  and  on  the  coast  of  Essex, 
converged  Mercia  (Bede,  H.  E.  iii.  21),  and 
made  Lindisfarne  to  Northumbria  (Bede,  H.  E. 
iii.  13)  what  Luxeuil  was  to  Switzerland.  The 
disciples  of  Columba  and  the  disciples  of  Bene- 
dict met  in  the  land  of  the  fair-haired  Saxon 
boys,  whom  Gregory  encountered  in  the  forum 
of  Rome  (Bede,  H.  E.  ii.  1),  and  between  them 
not  only  won  it  over  to  the  faith,  but  prepared 
its  sons  to  transmit  the  light  they  had  received 
to  the  heathen  tribes  of  still  pagan  Germany. 

(c)  A.D.  620-755.— For,  thirdly,  when  the 
Teuton  of  the  Continent  was  crying  from  his 
native  forests,  like  the  Macedonian  of  old, 
"  Come  over  and  help  us  "  (Acts  xii.  9),  eminent 
Anglo-Saxon  missionaries  flocked  forth  to  rival 
the  zeal  of  the  followers  of  Columbanus  in  seek- 
ing the  conversion  of  their  kinsmen  according  to 
the  flesh.  Ground  was  first  broken  by  the 
enterprising  Wilfrith,  who  in  his  flight  from 
his  English  diocese,  in  A.D.  678,  was  flung  by  a 
storm  on  the  coast  of  Friesland,  where  he  was 
hospitably  received  by  the  native  chief,  Aldgis, 
and  appears  to  have  reaped  a  harvest  of  conver- 
sions. (Bede,  v.  1 9 ;  Vita  S.  Wilfridi  Episcopi, 
in  Acta  SS.  Bened.  saec.  iii.)  His  work  was 
taken  up  about  twelve  years  afterwards  by 
Willebrord,'=  a  native  of  Northumbria,  who, 
having  been  a  student  in  one  of  the  Irish 
monastic  schools  under  Ecgberht,  agreed,  at  his 
suggestion,  to  select  eleven  companions,  and 
made  the  neighbourhood  of  Wilteburg,  Utrecht, 
the  chief  scene  of  his  labours  (Vita  S.  Willi- 
hrordi,  in  Acta  SS.  Bened.  saec.  iii. ;  Annates 
Xanteses  in  Pertz,  ii.  220;  Bede,  E.  E. 
T.  10).  His  mission  attracted  many  English 
helpers  from  their  native  land.  Two  brothers, 
named  Hewald,  attempted  to  preach  the 
word  to  the  "  old  "  or  continental  Saxons 
(Bede,  H.  E.  v.  10),  and  sealed  their  de- 
votion with  their  blood;  Swithbert,  having 
been  ordained  a  missionary  bishop  by  Wilfrith 
{Acta  SS.  Bened.  iii.  586),  laboured  amongst 
the  Boructuarians,  whose  territory  lay  between 
the  Ems  and  the  Yssel ;  Adelbert,''  a  prince  of  the 
royal  race  of  Northumbria,  selected  the  north 
of  Holland  as  the  scene  of  his  toils  ;  Werenfrid 
made  Elste  his  headquarters ;  Plechelm,  also, 
Otger  and  Wiro,  came  forth  to  labour  amongst 
the  natives  of  Gueldres  (Lingard,  Anglo-Saxon 
Church,  ii.  334) ;  while  Wursing,"  a  native  of 
Friesland,  and  other  pupils  of  Willebrord,  en- 
larged materially  the  sphere  of  his  operations. 

«  •'  De  natione  Anfc'lorum,  qui  in  Hibemladlutius  exula- 
verat  pro  Christo,  eratqiie  et  docti^simus  in  Scripturis  et 
longae  vitae  perfectione  eximius."  (Bede,  H.  E.  iii.  4 ; 
Chronicon  ITyense,  Reeves,  Adamnan,  p.  383.) 

d  He  also  wns  a  Northumbrian  (Bede,  v.  11). 

e  See  the  account  of  him  in  the  Vila  S.  Liudgeri,  c.  1-4, 
in  Pertz,  Mon.  Germ.  ii.  405,  406.  Willibrord  was  also 
-assisted  by  Walfram,  bishop  of  Sens.  ( Vita  S.  Waif- 
irammi.  Acta  SS.  Bened.  saec.  iii.  i.  342.) 


MISSIONS 


1209 


But  the  vast  Teutonic  pagan  world  had  as  yet 
been  but  partially  assailed.  The  task  of  en- 
countering German  idolatry  in  its  strongholds 
was  reserved  for  a  man  of  Devonshire,  the  well- 
known  Winfrith,  or  as  he  was  afterwards  called 
Boniface  (Pertz,  Mon.  Germ.  ii.  334  sq. ;  cf. 
Bonifacius,  der  Apostel  der  Deutschen,  Seilleurs, 
Mainz,  1845).  He  came  forth  first  to  help 
Willebrord  at  Utrecht,  then  to  labour  in 
Thuringia  and  Upper  Hessia,  then  to  do  for 
Germany  what  Theodore  had  done  for  England, 
consolidate  the  work  of  earlier  missionaries,  and 
impart  to  the  churches  new  stability  and  life. 
From  England  he  attracted  numerous  and  en- 
thusiastic helpers.  His  kinsmen  Wunibald  and 
Willibald  {Acta  SS.  Bened.  III.  ii.  176),  their  sister 
Walpurga,  with  thirty  companions,  and  many 
others,  crossed  the  sea,  and  shared  the  work  in 
Germany,  where,  even  before  Boniface  fell  a 
martyr  on  the  shores  of  the  Zuyder  Zee,  the 
church  had  advanced  beyond  its  first  missionary 
stage.  Monastic  seminaries,  as  Amoneburg  and 
Ordruf,  Fritzlar  and  Fulda  had  risen  amidst  the 
Teutonic  forests.  The  sees  of  Salzburg  and 
Friesingen,  of  Regensburg  and  Passau,  testified 
to  his  care  of  the  church  of  Bavaria  ;  the  see  of 
Erfurt  told  of  labours  in  Thuringia,  that  of 
Buraburg  in  Hesse,  that  of  Wiirzburg  iu  Fran- 
conia ;  while  his  metropolitan  see  at  IMainz 
had  jurisdiction  over  Worms  and  Spires,  Tongres, 
Cologne,  and  Utrecht.  (Willibald,  Vita  S. 
Bonifacii,  §  22  ;  comp.  Vita  S.  Columbae,  Reeves, 
Adamnan,  pp.  245,  299  ;  Vita  S.  Willibrordi,  Acta 
SS.  Bened.  saec.  iii.  p.  354 ;  Bede,  v.  10.) 

11.  Two  classes  of  missionaries  were  thus  en- 
gaged in  the  conversion  of  Europe.  The  one 
laid  the  foundations,  the  other  raised  the  super- 
structure. The  first  were  mostly  hermits  and 
ascetics,  the  second  disciples  of  Benedict,  gifted 
with  greater  power  of  practical  organisation, 
and  a  deeper  knowledge  of  human  nature. 

(a)  The  Celtic  pioneers.— Strange,  indeed, 
to  heathen  Suevians  and  Alemannians  must  have 
appeared  the  Irish  and  Caledonian  missionaries. 
Travelling  generally  in  companies' — their  outfit 
a  short  pastoral  staff  (Cambuta  Jonae,  Vita  S. 
Columbani;  Reeves,  Adam7ian,  p.  324),  a  wallet 
containing  food,  a  leathern  bottle  for  water  or 
milk  {Vita  S.  Columbae,  ii.  38),  a  case  for 
the  service  books,s  they  took  ship  and 
landed  either  at  one  of  the  ports  along 
the  mouths  of  the  Loire,  or  one  of  the 
harbours  of  Flanders.  Thus,  after  paying 
their  devotions  at  the  shrine  of  St.  Martin  of 
Tours,  or  St.  Hilary  of  Poitiers,  they  would 
hurry  on  to  the  nearest  frontier  of  heathendom 
from  the  Vosges  mountains  along  the  Rhine  to 
the  lake  cf  Constance,  or  in  the  Jura.  Before 
long  the  scene  under  the  oaks  of  Derry  or  in 
sea-girt  Hy  was  reproduced  in  the  heart  of 
Europe.''  At  Annegraz  and  Luxeuil,  the  huts 
were  of  willow,  switches,  and  brushwood;  the 


f  Generally  of  twelve,  after  the  example  of  the  apostles. 

g  Reeves,  Adamnan.  ii.  8.  In  the  VUter  Journal  of 
Archaeology,  vii.  p.  303,  it  is  stated  that  "the  Irish  an- 
chorets were  in  the  habit  of  painting  their  eyelids. 
Stigmata,  signa,  pictura  in  corporo,  quales  Scoti  plngunt 
in  palpcbrls."  (Hattener,  VenkmdUr,  i.  227,  237  ;  see 
also  a  curious  paper  on  the  Chronicon  Jocelini  de  Brake- 
londa,  printed  by  the  Camden  Society,  1840.) 

h  On  the  similarity  of  the  oratoria  erected  abroad  by 
the  Irish  ecclesiastics  to  those  in  their  native  country,  see 


1210 


MISSIONS 


little  chapel,  with  the  round  tower  or  steeple  by 
its  side  ;'  the  refectory,  the  kitchen,  the  byre  for 
the  cattle,  the  barn  for  the  grain,  and  other 
buildings.  Here  these  "  soldiers  of  Christ,"^  as 
they  loved  to  style  themselves,  settled  down, 
and  lived  and  prayed  and  studied  and  tilled  the 
waste.  Men  of  learning,  devotion,  and  singular 
missionary  zeal,  they  soon  impressed  the  hearts 
of  wild  heathen  tribes.  Hundreds  flocked  to 
listen  to  their  religious  instruction.  Hundreds 
more,  encouraged  by  their  example,  took  to 
clearing  and  tilling  the  land.  Luxeuil  became 
the  missionary  capital  of  Gaul,  and  sent  out  its 
colonies  into  Burgundy,  Rauracia,  Neustria, 
Brie,  Champagne,  Ponthieu ;  reproduced  the 
Scottish  Brechin  and  Abernethy  at  St.  Gall  and 
Bobbio,  and  forced  the  careless  Prankish  church- 
men for  very  shame  to  rouse  themselves  to  the 
duties  of  missionary  work. 

(6)  The  English  missionaries. — Thus  these 
Celtic  pioneers  laid  the  foundations.  Exactingly 
ascetic,  they  awed  the  heathen  by  their  in- 
domitable spirit  of  self-sacritice,  and  the  stern- 
ness of  their  rule  of  life.  The  singular  success 
of  their  missions  in  Northumbria  and  Mercia, 
Essex  and  Suffolk,  was  even  more  completely 
realised  on  the  continent ;  Luxeuil  began  with 
thatched  hovels,  poverty,  and  hunger  ;  it  ended 
by  becoming  the  University  of  Burgundy  and 
France.  But  the  work,  great  as  it  was,  lacked 
the  element  of  permanence,  and  it  became  clear 
that  if  Europe  was  to  be  carried  through  the  dis- 
solution of  the  old  societ}-,  and  missionary  opera- 
tions consolidated  and  united,  the  rigours  of  the 
rule  of  Columbanus  must  be  softened,  and  a 
milder  and  more  practical  system  must  be  in- 
augurated, before  the  Teuton  of  the  German 
forests  could  be  effectually  evangelised.  The 
crisis  was  a  momentous  one,  but  it  had  already 
produced  a  Benedict.  With  his  marvellous 
genius  for  orgiinisation,  he  arose  to  inaugurate  a 
new  missionary  era,  and  to  give  to  missionaries 
a  more  definite  unity  of  plan.  [Benedictine 
Rule  and  Order.]  And  now,  just  when  they 
were  most  wanted,  his  disciples,  the  sons  of  the 
new-planted  English  churches,  came  forth  to  their 
Teutonic  kinsmen.  Teutons  themselves,  they 
were  fitted,  like  no  others,  to  be  the  apostles  of 
Teutons.  The  monastic  missionary  became  the 
coloniser.''  The  labours  of  Wilfrid  and  Willi- 
BRORD,  in  Frisia,  were  quickly  supplemented  and 
absorbed  by  the  work  of  the  great  Apostle  of 
Germany.  What  Boniface  did  at  Fulda  is  a 
type  of  what  the  English  Benedictines  did  every- 
where. With  practised  eye  they  sought  out  the 
proper  site  for  their  monastic  home ;  saw  that 
it  occupied  a  central  position  with  reference  to 
the  tribes,  amongst  whom  they  proposed  to 
labour,  that  it  possessed  a  fertile  soil,  and  was 
near  some  friendly  water-course.      (Comp.  the 


Petrie's  Round  Towers,  pp.  347,  418 ;  also  Skene's  Cdtic 
Scotland,\\.  ^.  100. 

■  Which  served  as  a  place  of  refuge  in  times  of  need. 
On  the  Irish  monasteries  in  Germany  see  Dr.  Watten- 
bach.  Die  Kongregation  der  Schotten-Kloster  in  Deutsch- 
land,  translated  in  the  Ulster  Journal  of  Archaeology, 
July  and  August,  1859. 

j  Each  professed  his  willingness  to  enter  the  world  only 
as  an  athleta  Christi  in  the  propagation  of  the  gospel 
(Reeves,  Adamnan,  p.  341). 

k  See  Kiugsley,  Roman  and  Teuton,  pp.  209-244; 
ililman,  Latin  Christianity,  ii.  306. 


MISSIONS 

foundation  of  the  monastery  of  Fulda,  so  graphic- 
ally described  in  the  Vita  S.  Stumii,  Pertz,  Mon. 
Germ,  ii.)  These  points  secured,  the  word  was 
given,  the  trees  were  felled,  the  forest  was 
cleared,  the  monastic  buildings  rose.  The  voice 
of  prayer  and  praise  awoke  unwonted  echoes  in 
the  forest  glades.  The  brethren  were  never 
idle ;  while  some  educated  the  young,  whom 
they  had  often  redeemed  from  death  or  torture, 
others  copied  manuscripts,  illuminated  the 
missal,  or  transcribed  a  gospel.  Others,  again, 
cultivated  the  soil,  guided  the  plough,  planted 
the  apple-tree  or  the  vine,  arranged  the  bee- 
hives, erected  the  water-mill,  opened  the  mine, 
and  thus,  with  wonderful  practical  aptitude  for 
the  work,  presented  to  the  eyes  of  men  the 
kingdom  of  Christ,  as  that  of  One  who  had  re- 
deemed the  bodies  no  less  than  the  souls  of  His- 
creatures.'  No  wonder  that  the  efforts  of  St. 
Boniface  and  of  his  enthusiastic  followers  at- 
tracted the  hearts  of  the  heathen  tribes. 
"  The  experience  of  all  ages,"  it  has  been  re- 
marked, "  teaches  us  ihat  Christianity  has  only 
made  a  firm  and  living  progress,  where  from 
the  first  it  has  brought  with  it  the  seeds  of  all 
human  culture,  although  they  have  only  been 
developed  by  degrees  "  (Neander,  Light  in  Dark 
Places,  p.  417). 

12.  Thus  the  prominence  of  the  monastic  or- 
ders in  the  missionary  work  of  this  period  is 
clearly  marked.  Monasticism  founded  the 
Celtic  churches  in  Ireland  and  Scotland ;  fled 
with  the  British  churches  to  the  fastnesses  of 
Wales  and  Cumberland,  from  the  Saxon  in- 
vaders ;  returned  with  Augustine  to  the  coast 
of  Kent ;  with  Aidan  peopled  the  Fame  Islands  ; 
with  Columbanus  penetrated  the  forests  of 
Switzerland  ;  with  Boniface  civilised  Thuringia 
and  Frisia ;  with  Sturmi  cleared  the  forests  of 
Buchonia,  and  made  Fulda  an  outpost  of  civilisa- 
tion for  the  Teuton  tribes,  with  its  dom-church 
and  schools,  library  and  farmsteads,  the  influences 
of  which  were  felt  for  years  and  years  after- 
wards. But  however  the  seeds  of  the  gospel 
may  have  been  sown  in  any  place,  whether  by 
the  influence  of  a  Christian  queen,  or  the  faith- 
fulness of  Christian  captives,  uniformly,  in  con- 
formity with  apostolic  practice,  the  manage- 
ment of  the  infant  churches  was  entrusted  to  a 
local  episcopate.  Sometimes  a  bishop  headed, 
from  the  first,  the  body  of  voluntary  adven- 
turers. More  often,  as  soon  as  any  considerable 
success  had  been  achieved,  one  of  the  energetic 
pioneers  was  advanced  to  the  episcopal  rank, 
and  in  this  capacity  superintended  the  staff  of 
clergy  accompanying  him,"  and  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible ordained  a  native  ministry  from  amongst 
the  newly  converted  tribes,  and  established  a 
cathedral,  or  corresponding  ecclesiastical  founda- 
tion. (Comp.  the  consecration  of  Swithbert 
by  Wilfrid  for  the  mission  in  Friesland, 
Bede,  H.  E.  v.  11.)  Such  a  provision  had 
recommendations  of  a   most   practical   charac- 

I  See  the  E.\cursu8  do  Cultu  Soli  Germanici  per  Bene- 
dictines, Slabillon,  Acta  SS.  Bened.  iii. ;  Prof.  Palgrave's 
Normandy  and  England,  ii.  262. 

m  Even  in  the  Columbian  monasteries  there  were 
always  bishops  connected  with  the  society,  subject  to  the 
abbat's  jurisdiction,  who  were  assigned  their  stations,  or 
called  in  to  ordain,  being  looked  upon  as  essential  to  the 
propagation  of  the  church.  (Ueevcs,  Adamnan,  p.  341  i 
Todd,  St.  Pa<n"cA-,4-10.) 


MISSIONS 

ter.  Already,  before  the  inroad  of  the  new 
races,  the  bishops  had  become  not  only  a 
kind  of  privy  council  to  the  emperor,  but 
were  regarded  in  well  nigh  every  town  as  the 
natural  chiefs.  They  governed  the  people  in 
the  interior  of  the  city  ;  they  alone  stood  bravely 
by  their  flocks  when  the  barbarous  host  ap- 
peared before  the  defenceless  walls  ;  they  alone, 
while  the  civil  magistrate  and  military  leaders 
often  sought  refuge  in  flight,  were  found  able 
and  willing  to  mediate  between  their  people  and 
the  heathen  conqueror.  It  is  no  wonder,  then, 
that  on  the  conversion  of  any  district,  the 
native  king  or  chieftain  was  glad  to  have  near 
him  one  who  could  assume  the  functions  of  the 
pagan  high  priest,  and  was  bound  by  the  duties 
of  his  office  to  stand  between  the  noble  and  the 
serf,  and  defend  the  helpless  and  distressed,  and 
intercede  for  the  criminal.  [Bishop.]  Nor 
were  the  bishops'  diocesan  synods  unimportant 
agents  in  developing  missionary  work.  We  find 
them  from  time  to  time  not  only  settling  eccle- 
siastical questions,  but  grappling  with  grave 
moral  and  social  evils.  We  find  them  forbidding 
the  sacrifice  of  men  and  animals  in  honour  of  the 
heathen  gods ;  the  exposure  of  weak  or  de- 
formed infants ;  the  worshipping  of  groves  and 
fountains;  the  practice  of  idolatry  and  witch- 
craft ( Vita  S.  Bonifacii,  c.  8  ;  Cone.  Turon.  c. 
22;  Cone.  Germ.  c.  v.).  We  find  them  incul- 
cating a  due  regard  for  the  sacredness  of  human 
life,  striving  to  abolish  slavery,  to  elevate  the 
peasant  classes,  and  to  secure  regular  forms  of  law 
(Greg.  Ep.  ii.  10,  vi.  12 ;  Bede,  H.  E.  iv.  13 ; 
Thorpe,  Anglo-Saxon  Institutes,  ii.  314). 

13.  It  is  true  that  the  converts,  in  whose  in- 
terest these  enactments  were  made,  were  too 
often  admitted  into  the  church  by  national  and 
seemingly  indiscriminate  baptisms.  Still  it  is 
to  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  missionaries  of  the 
period  had  unusual  difficulties  against  which  to 
contend.  Not  only  was  society  generally  relaxed, 
not  only  were  the  recipients  of  the  rite  bound 
by  peculiar  ties  to  their  native  chiefs,  but  they 
were  in  a  position  very  dili'erent  from  the  con- 
verts of  the  apostolic  age.  No  preparatory 
dispensation  had  made  monotheism  natural  to 
them,  or  taught  them,  "  line  iipon  line,"  those 
elementary  truths,  which  appear  to  us  so  easy 
to  apprehend,  because  we  have  lived  in  an  at- 
mosphere permeated  with  their  influence.  They 
were  not  "  proselytes  of  the  gate,"  but  infants 
in  knowledge  and  civilisation,  and  they  were  ad- 
mitted to  "  infant  baptism  "  by  teachers  often 
themselves  imperfectly  educated,  but  who  were 
"faithful  in  the  few  things"  they  did  know, 
and  were  so  made,  in  time,  "  rulers  over  many 
things." 

14.  We  have,  however,  traces  of  a  system  of 
missionary  instruction  which  is  well-deserving 
of  attention.  From  first  to  last  it  was  pre- 
eminently objective.  It  dealt  mainly  and  simply 
with  the  great  facts  of  Christianity,  with  the 
incarnation  of  the  Saviour,  His  life,  His  death. 
His  resurrection.  His  ascension,  His  future 
coming,  and  then  it  proceeded  to  treat  of  the 
good  works  which  ought  to  flow  from  a  vital 
reception  of  these  truths.     Thus — 

(a)  To  the  Celtic  worshippers  of  the  powers  of 
nature,  and  especially  of  the  Sun,  the  Apostle  of 
Ireland  proclaimed  the  existence  of  one  God,  the 
Creator  of  all  things,  and  then  went  on  to  dwell 


MISSIONS 


1211 


upon  the  life,  death,  resurrection,  and  ascension 
of  His  only  begotten  Son  Jesus  Christ,  who  is 
the  true  iSun,  who  was  in  the  beginning  before 
all,  unbegotten,  and  from  whom  all  things  take 
their  beginning,  both  visible  and  invisible.  (S. 
Patricii  Cunfessio ;  O'Connor,  Script.  Hibem.  i. 
pp.  cviii.,  cxvii. ;  comp.  also  what  is  known  as 
St.  Patrick's  Hymn,  Todd,  pp.  426-428.) 

(b)  Similarly,  Augustine,  in  Kent,  directed 
the  attention  of  the  royal  worshippers  of  Woden 
and  Thor  to  the  picture  of  the  Saviour  on  the 
cross  (Bede,  H.  E.  i.  25  ;  Vita  S.  Augustini,  ii. 
16),  and  then,  according  to  subsequent  tradition 
(recorded  by  Alfric  and  expanded  by  Jocelin, 
Wigne,  Patrologia,  saec.  vii.  61),  went  on  to 
tell  him  of  such  events  in  His  wondrous  life 
as  were  likely  to  make  an  impression  on  his 
mind;  how  for  us  men,  and  for  our  salvation.  He 
became  incarnate  ;  how  at  His  birth  a  star  ap- 
peared in  the  East ;  how  He  walked  upon  the  sea 
and  calmed  the  storm  ;  how  at  His  death  the 
sun  withdrew  his  shining;  how  He  rose  from 
the  dead,  and  ascended  into  heaven,  and  will 
come  again  to  judge  the  quick  and  the  dead." 

(c)  The  arguments  of  Oswiu,  king  of  Northum- 
bria,  in  his  exhortation  to  Sigeberct,  king  of 
Essex,  are  mainly  directed  to  the  strain  of  the 
old  Hebrew  prophets  against  the  absurdities  of 
idolatry,  and  the  folly  of  a  system  which  taught 
the  worship  of  deities  that  might  be  broken, 
absent,  or  trodden  under  foot.  From  the  adora- 
tion of  such  gods  he  bids  his  royal  brother  turn 
to  the  true  God,  the  Creator  of  all  things,  who 
is  invisible,  omnipotent,  eternal,  who  will  judge 
the  world  in  righteousness,  and  reward  the  good 
with  everlasting  life. 

(d)  The  correspondence  of  Daniel,  bishop  of 
Winchester,  with  his  friend  and  fellow-country- 
man, the  martyr  Boniface,  is  very  remarkable. 
While  deprecating  any  violent  and  useless  de- 
clamation against  the  native  superstitions,  he 
suggests  to  the  great  missionary  that  he  should 
put  such  questions  as  would  tend  to  suggest  the 
contradictions  of  heathenism,  especially  in  refer- 
ence to  the  genealogy  of  the  gods,  the  temporal 
disadvantages  which  pagan  superstitions  entailed 
upon  those  who  held  them,  and  so  lead  on  his 
hearers  gently  to  Christian  truth.  (See  Migne, 
Patrologia,  saec.  viii.  p.  707.) 

(e)  The  fifteen  sermons  of  the  great  Apostle 
of  Germany  shew  that  he  required  of  his  con- 
verts something  far  more  real  than  a  merely  su- 
perficial form  of  Christianity.  The  subject  of  the 
first  is  the  "  right  Faith,"  in  which  he  expounds 
the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  the  relation  of 
baptism  to  the  remission  of  sins,  the  resurrection 
of  the  dead,  the  future  judgment,  and  the  ne- 
cessity of  repentance.     The  second,  preached  on 


n  With  this  sermon  of  Augustine  compare  (I.)  a  sermou 
of  St.  Eloy,  Vita  S.  Eligii,  ii.  c.  15;  Surius,  Acta  SS. 
Nov.  30.  (ii.)  A  sermon  of  Gallus,  Canisius,  Antiq.  Lect. 
i.  784  ;  Pertz,  Mon.  Germ.  ii.  14,  Vita  S.  Galli.  (iii.)  Tho 
Ijrst,  ninth,  and  tenth  of  the  'Instructions'  ofColum- 
banus,  Migne,  Patrologia,  suec.  vii. 

°  Bede,  H.  E.  iii.  22.  Though,  during  the  mission  of 
Paulinus  in  Northumbria,  Coifi,  the  chief  priest,  regards 
the  new  faith  as  merely  worthy  of  a  trial,  like  the  systems 
of  heathenism,  and  a  quecHon  of  temporal  advanUige,  yet 
it  is  counterbalanced  by  the  parable  of  the  thane  on  tho 
briefness  and  uncertainty  of  life,  which  strikes  a  deeper 
chord  and  betrays  a  yearning  for  the  gospel  of  a  life  be- 
yond the  grave.    (Bede,  a.  E.  ii.  13.) 


1212 


MISSIONS 


Christmas  Day,  is  concerned  with  the  creation  of 
man,  his  fall,  the  promise  of  a  Saviour,  His 
advent,  and  the  story  of  Bethlehem.  The  fourth 
treats  of  the  "  Beatitudes  ;"  the  fifth,  of  "  Faith 
and  the  Works  of  Love ;"  the  sixth,  seventh, 
eighth,  and  ninth,  of  "Deadly  Sins  and  the 
Chief  Commandments  of  God ;"  the  tenth  and 
eleventh  treat  more  fully  of  Man's  Fall,  of  the 
Redemption  wrought  by  Christ,  His  Suiferings, 
Death,  Resurrection,  and  Future  Coming.  (/6. 
saec.  viii.  813.) 

(/)  Further  information  on  the  same  point  is 
supplied  in  the  correspondence  of  Alcuin  with 
the  emperor  Charlemagne.''  In  teaching  those 
of  ripe  years,  he  says  that  order  should  be 
strictly  maintained,  which  the  blessed  St. 
Augustine  (de  Catechizandis  Rudihus)  has  laid 
down  in  his  treatise  on  this  subject.  (1.)  A 
man  ought  first  to  be  instructed  in  the  immor- 
tality of  the  soul,  in  the  future  life  and  its  re- 
tribution of  good  and  evil.  (2.)  He  ought, 
secondly,  to  be  taught  for  what  crimes  and  sins 
he  will  be  condemned  to  suffer  hereafter,  and 
for  what  good  works  he  will  enjoy  eternal  glory. 
(3.)  He  ought  most  diligently  to  be  instructed 
in  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  in  the  advent  of 
the  Saviour,  His  life,  passion,  resurrection,  as- 
cension, and  future  coming  to  judge  the  world. 
Strengthened  and  thoroughly  instructed  in  this 
faith,  let  him  be  baptized,  and  afterwards  let  the 
precepts  of  the  gospel  be  further  unfolded  by 
jmblic  pi-eaching,  till  he  attain  to  the  measure 
of  the  stature  of  a  perfect  man,  and  become  a 
worthy  habitation  of  the  Holy  Ghost. "^ 

15.  Of  vernacular  translations,  indeed,  of  the 
Scriptures  and  Liturgy,  except  in  the  Eastern 
church,  we  find,  naturally,  little  trace  in  the 
missionary  annals  of  this  period."'  Ulphilas,  in- 
deed, composed  an  alphabet  for  his  Gothic 
converts,  and  translated  for  them  the  Scriptures 
into  their  own  language,  but  it  does  not  seem  to 
have  occurred  to  the  missionaries  of  the  West  that 
this  was  one  of  the  most  important  requisites  for 
following  up  oral  instruction. «  All  languages  be- 
sides Latin  and  Greek  they  deemed  barbarous,  and 
shrank  from  giving  them  a  place  in  the  sacred 
services  of  the  church.  It  is  with  misgiving  that 
we  think  of  Augustine  at  the  court  of  Ethelbert, 
addressing  his  hearers  through  "  the  frigid  me- 
dium of  an  interpreter."  It  is  easier  to  imagine 
how  Boniface  and  his  disciples,'  coming  forth  from 


p  Comp.  Ep.  xxxvii.  Ad  Dominum  Regem,  de  sub- 
.  jectione  Hunnorum,  et  qualiter  docendi  sint  in  fide,  et 
quis  ordo  sit  servandus. 

"J  This  doubtless  in  his  school  at  York  Alcuin  himself 
taught  Alubert  and  Liudger,  when  Ihey  returned  from 
their  labours  in  the  Frisian  mission  field.  (  Vita  S.  Ziud- 
geri,  Pertz,  Mon.  Germ.  ii.  407.) 

f  The  Eastern  church  acted  as  if  by  Intuition  from  the 
beginning,  on  the  principle  that  the  language  of  every 
nation,  not  one  peculiar  to  the  clergy,  is  the  proper 
vehicle  for  public  worship  and  religious  life.  (Stanley, 
Lectures  on  the  Eastern  Church,  p.  309.) 

s  Gibbon,  iv.  33;  Muller,  Lectures  on  the  Science  of 
Language,  p.  175  ;  Davidson,  Biblical  Criticism,  p.  676. 
This  same  feeling  led,  also,  in  the  East  to  the  Coptic,  Ar- 
menian, and  Ethiopic  versions  of  the  Scriptures. 

»  The  a)urse  of  instruction  preparatory  to  missionary 
work  which  Sturmi  underwent  is  worthy  of  notice : 
"  Psalmis  tenaci  memoriae  traditis,  lectionibusque  quam 
jilurimis  perenni  commemoratione  functis,  sacram  coepit 
Christi  per  Scripturam  spirituali  intelligere  sensu,  qua- 
tuor  Evangeliorum  Christi  mysteria  Btudiosiseime  curavit 


MISSIONS 

the  first  Teutonic  church,  which  remained 
Teuton,  found  access,  through  their  own  tongue, 
to  the  hearts  of  the  tribes  of  Germany.  Still, 
even  in  the  English  church,  the  mother-tongue 
was  never  entirely  banished  from  the  services. 
The  Synod  of  Cloveshoo  (a.d.  747)  enacted  that 
the  priest  should  learn  to  translate  and  explain 
in  the  native  language  the  Creed,  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  and  the  sacred  words  used  at  the  cele- 
bration of  the  mass,  and,  in  the  office  of  baptism, 
while  individual  pi-elates  insisted  on  the  need  of 
clergy  able  to  instruct  their  people  in  the  ele- 
ments of  Christian  knowledge.  (Spelman,  Con- 
cilia, p.  248 ;  Johnson,  English  Canons,  i.  247  ; 
comp.  Bede,  Ep.  ad  Ecgberctum,  §  3  ;  and  Charle- 
magne, CapituL  §  14;  i.  505.)  A  short  form 
of  abjuration  of  idolatry  and  declaration  of 
Christian  faith  in  the  vernacular  language  is 
preserved  among  the  works  of  Boniface  (Migne, 
Patrologia,  saec.  viii.  810),  and  the  work  of 
Ulphilas  for  the  Goths  was  followed  up  in  some 
measure  by  Aldhelm's  version  of  the  Psalter 
(Wright,  Biog.  Brit.  Lit.  i.  222),  and  Bede's 
version  at  least  of  the  Gospel  of  St.  John, 
while  Caedinon's  Metrical  Paraphrase  was  an 
earnest  of  the  new  grandeur,  depth,  and  fervour 
which  the  German  race  was  to  give  to  the  re- 
ligion of  the  East.  (Bede,  //.  E.  iv.  24; 
Caedmon's  Paraphrase,  ed.  Thorpe,  p.  47.) 

16.  One  point  more  remains  to  be  noticed.  It 
is  impossible  to  pass  in  review  the  missionary 
history  of  the  church  from  the  sub-apostoli£ 
age  to  that  of  Charlemagne,  without  being 
struck  with  the  shw  and  gradual  steps  by  which 
each  important  triumph  of  the  faith  was  won. 
The  conversion  of  Europe,  for  instance,  is  some- 
times spoken  of  as  though  it  was  an  event  of 
speedy  accomplishment.  It  requires  an  eflbrt  to 
realise  the  fact  that  the  close  of  the  eighth 
century,  to  which  our  review  has  brought  us, 
did  not  see  even  the  half  of  Europe  won  over, 
even  in  the  most  nominal  form,  to  the  Cross  of 
Christ.  The  whole  of  the  great  Scandinavian 
peninsula,  all  Bulgaria,  Bohemia,  Moravia, 
Russia,  Poland,  Pomerania,  Prussia,  and 
Lithuania  remained  to  be  evangelised.  In  most 
of  the  countries  no  missionary  had  ever  set  foot, 
or  if  he  had,  was  obliged  to  retire  at  once  before 
the  furious  opposition  of  heathen  tribes.  Even 
at  the  close  of  the  fourth  century,  after 
Christianity  had  enjoyed,  during  more  than 
sixty  years,  the  sunshine  of  imperial  favour, 
the  Christians  at  Antioch,  a  city  which  had 
well-nigh  greater  spiritual  advantages  than  any 
other,  constituted  only  about  half  of  the  popu- 
lation (Chrysostom,  Op.  tom.  ii.  567 ;  vii. 
810),  and  more  than  fifty  years  after  the  con- 
version of  Constantine,  the  cultivated  and  in- 
fluential classes  of  old  Latin  Rome  still  remained 
heathen,"  while  the  word  "  peasant,"  synony- 
addiscere.  Novum  quoque  ac  Vetus  Testamentum,  in 
quantum  sufficiebat,  lectionis  assiduitate  in  cordis  sui 
thesaurum  recondere  curavit."  (  Vitis  S.  Sturmi  Abbatis, 
Pertz,  Mon.  Germ.  ii.  366.) 

"  In  the  5th  century  Leo,  bishop  of  Rome,  deplores  the 
deep  corruption  even  of  Christian  society,  and  adjures  his 
flock  not  to  fall  back  into  heathenism.  The  old  heathen 
cultus.  particularly  that  of  the  sun  (Sol  invictus)  had 
formally  entered  itself  into  the  Christian  worship  of  God. 
Many  Christians,  before  entering  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter, 
were  wont  to  mount  the  platform  in  order  to  make  their 
obeisance  to  the  rising  luminary.  (Merivale,  Conversion 
of  the  Northern  Nations,  p.  179.) 


MISSIS 

mous  with  "  unbeliever,"  tells  its  own  tale. 
Slow,  however,  as  was  the  actual  rate  of  pro- 
gress (Jlilman,  Latin  Christianity,  ii.  225),  there 
never  was  a  period  during  these  centuries  when 
the  flood  was  not  really  rising,  though  the  un- 
observant eye  might  not  detect  it.  Periods  of 
marvellous  acceleration  are  followed  by  periods 
of  no  less  singular  retardation,  and  in  the 
darkest  times  there  were  ever  some  streaks  of 
light,  and  the  leaven  destined  to  quicken  the 
mass  of  society  was  never  wholly  inert  or  in- 
effectual. Who,  in  the  fifth  century,  would 
have  believed  that  in  the  wild  destroyers  and 
supplanters  of  the  ancient  civilisation  of  Eome 
were  the  fathers  of  a  nobler  and  grander  world 
than  any  that  history  had  yet  known  ?  This 
wonderful  transition  is  now  a  thing  of  the  past. 
It  is  an  accomplished  fact.  But  it  was  a  transi- 
tion which,  as  we  have  seen,  was  slowly  and 
gradually  brought  about.  Shall  we  be  sur- 
prised if,  in  this  matter  of  slow  development, 
the  history  of  Christian  missions  should  repeat 
itself?  [G.  F.  II.] 

MISSIS,  martyr;  commemorated  in  Cyprus 
Feb.  20  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MISSORIUM.  Gregory  of  Tours  (^Hist. 
Franc,  vi.  2)  tells  us  that  Chilperic  shewed  him 
''  missorium  magnum  quod  ex  auro  gemmisque 
fabricaverat  in  quinquaginta  librarum  poudere." 
Flodoard  also  {Hist.  Eemen.  ii.  5)  speaks  of  a 
silver-gilt  missorium  given  to  the  church  of  St. 
Remi  at  Reims.  A  missorium  is  defined  by 
Macro  {Hierolex.  s.  v.)  to  be  "  vas  sen  theca ;  " 
by  Ducange  {Gloss,  s.  v.)  to  be  "lanx  seu  discus." 
The  weight  of  50  pounds  seems  excessive  for  a 
plate  or  paten,  and  suits  better  the  notion  of  a 
shrine  or  reliquary.  Dom  Bouquet  (on  Gregory, 
I.  c.)  says  that  some  take  missorium  to  be  an 
"  abacus  cum  omni  suppellectile."  [C] 

MISSURIANUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
in  Africa  Jan.  27  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Jan.  27 
{Hieron.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  2.  769). 

[C.  H.] 

MISTRIANUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Jan.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MITISORUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  Sept.  8  {Hieron.  Mart.).         [C.  H.] 

MITRE  {KiSapts;  Mitra,  Tiara,  Infula). 
The  allusions  to  a  head-dress  of  any  description 
worn  by  Christian  ministers  as  part  of  their 
■official  dress,  which  we  meet  with  during  our 
period  of  800  years,  or  indeed  before  A.D.  1000, 
are  decidedly  rare ;  and  as  a  rule  must  be  con- 
sidered of  very  doubtful  character.  These  we 
shall  presently  discuss  at  length,  but  we  shall 
speak  briefly  first  of  the  head-dresses  worn  by 
Jewish  priests  and  high-priests,  since  some  would 
maintain  that  there  is  a  distinct  continuity 
between  the  Jewish  and  Christian  churches  in 
the  matter  of  vestments. 

The  cap  worn  by  ordinary  Jewish  priests 
is  called  ny23?p  (Exod.  xxviii.  40,  xxix.  9, 
xxxix.  28  ;  Lev."  viii.  13),  for  which  the  LXX 
gives  KiSoptj,"   a  word  which  we  shall  have  to 


MITRE 


1213 


consider  subsequently  in  its  Christian  connection. 
It  was  made  of  fine  linen  folded  together  several 
times  and  fitting  closely  to  the  head  (Josephus, 
Antiq.  iii.  7.  3,  where  see  Havercamp's  nete)*". 
Josephus  speaks  of  it  as  irl\os  i.Kaivos,  and  com- 
pares it  to  a  cxTs(pdyri ;  but  the  exact  shape  is 
not  certainly  known,  whether  it  be  a  high 
conical  cap,  rounded  off'  at  the  top  (so  Bock, 
Liturg.  Gewiind.  vol.  i.  p.  346  and  plate  ii. 
[which  is  reproduced  in  Marriott,  Vestiarium 
Christianum,  plate  viii.],  following  Braunius,  de 
habitii  sacerdotum  Hebraeorum,  p.  518,  who,  how- 
ever, does  not  speak  very  definitely :  also  Hefele, 
Beitrdge,  vol.  ii.  p.  225),  or,  as  Marriott  (p.  234), 
more  like  a  skull  cap,  fitting  to  the  shape  of  the 
head,  "  like  a  sphere  divided  in  twain." 

The  cap  of  the  high  priest  is  styled  flQ^VO 
(Exod.  xxviii.  4,  37,  39  ;  xxix.  6  ;  xxxix.  28,  '31 ; 
Lev.  viii.  9 ;  xvi.  4),  for  which  the  LXX  gives 
/xirpa  or  sometimes  KiSapis.  The  meaning  of  the 
root  verb  is  to  wind,  the  cap  being  doubtless 
akin  to  what  we  should  call  a  turban.  This, 
like  the  cap  of  the  high-priest,  was  made  of  fine 
linen,  but  differed  from  it  (to  say  nothing  of  a 
difference  in  general  shape),  in  that  on  the  front 
of  it  was  a  plate  of  gold  {f'ii  ;  in  the  LXX 
iriraXov ;  in  the  Vulgate  lamina)  attached  to  a 
band  of  blue  lace,  whereby  it  was  fastened  to 
the  mitre.  On  this  plate  was  engraved  Holiness 
to  the  Lord.  The  description  of  Josephus  {Ant. 
iii.  7.  7 ;  see  also  Bell.  Jud.  v.  5.  7)  refers  to  a 
triple  crown  worn  over  the  linen  cap,  doubtless 
a  later  addition  to  the  original  form,  and  pro- 
bably implying  a  quasi-royalty  on  the  part  of 
the  wearer. 

We  now  pass  to  the  Christian  church. 
Here  the  two  most  commonly  found  terms  for 
the  ecclesiastical  head-dress  are  7nitra  and  infula, 
though,  as  we  have  already  implied,  early  satis- 
factory instances  of  their  use  are  hardly  forth- 
coming. The  general  history  and  usage  of  the 
two  words  is  curiously  unlike.  The  Greek  word 
fx'iTpa  is  connected  with  filros  a  thread,  and  has 
the  two  meanings  of  a  girdle  and  a  head-dress. 
Confining  ourselves  to  the  latter  sense,  we  find 
the  mitra  as  a  cap  worn  by  women.  Thus  Isidore 
of  Seville  {Etymol.  xix.  31,  4)  says  of  it  "est 
pileum  Phrygium  caput  protegeas,  quale  est 
ornamentum  capitis  devotarum.  Sed  pileum 
virorum  est,  mitrae  vero  feminarum."  •=  It  was 
worn  also  by  Asiatics  without  distinction  of  sex, 
and  seems,  as  we  may  infer  from  Isidore,  to  have 
been  specially  characteristic  of  the  Phrygians 
(see  e.g.  Virg.  Aen.  ix.  QIQ).^  We  have  already 
referred  to  the  use  of  ixlrpa.  in  the  LXX,  and  in 
the  Vulgate  we  find  mitra  as  one  of  the  ren- 
derings   of    nSn'D    {e.g.    Exod.   xxix.   9),   the 


"  In  oae  passage  (Exod.  xxxix.  28  [xxxvi.  36,  LXX] ) 

it  would  seem  at  first  sight  that  /itVpa  was  their  rendering, 
but  It  seems  to  us  that  in  the  expression  Ta<;  /ccSopf  is  .  • . 


Ka\  T^v  iiCrpav  it  is  more  probable  that  the  order  of  the 
two  words  has  morely  been  interchanged,  for  it  will  be 
noticed  that  the  first  is  plural  and  the  second  singular, 
instead  of  tiice  re«a.  ti,-    i      <• 

b  Josephus  speaks  of  it  as  /ua(ri'atn<J>fliy.  This  Is  ot 
course  the  Hebrew  HQ^VP,  '^^''^^  "«  ^®  '^^  ^°''  *^® 
mitre  of  the  high-priest.'  Probably  by  the  time  of  Jose- 
phus the  word  was  used  in  a  wider  sense,  and  so  we  find 
it  in  Rabbinic  Hebrew. 

e  A  mitra,  in  addition  to  a  veil,  was  placed  en  the 
head  (if  a  virgin  when  she  was  consecrated  to  a  "  re- 
ligious "  life  (.^Uute^.^  dc  Kit.  KccL  II.  iv.  13). 

d  This  cap  will  be  remembered  by  Its  revival  during  the 
first  French  revolutioa. 


1214 


MITRE 


other  words  put  for  it  being  cidaris  and 
tiara. 

Totally  different  in  its  origin  from  the  mitra, 
the  cap  of  women  and  effeminate  men,  is  the 
infula,  the  fillet  which  decked  the  head  of  heathen 
priests  and  sacrificial  victims.  It  is  thus  defined 
by  Servius,  "  fascia,  in  modum  diadematis  a  quo 
vittae  in  utraque  parte  dependent,  quae  plerum- 
que  lata  est,  plerumque  tortilis  de  albo  et 
cocco"  (in  Virgil.  Aen.  x.  538  ;  see  also  Isidore, 
Etym.  xix.  30,  4,  where  the  above  definition 
is  cited).  We  several  times  find  Virgil  speaking 
of  the  saci-ificing  priest  as  wearing  the  infula 
(e.g.  Aen.  ii.  430,  x.  538).  Again,  the  victims 
about  to  be  sacrificed,  whether  beasts  or  men, 
were  decked  with  the  infula  (Virg.  Georg.  iii.  487  ; 
Lucretius  i.  87 ;  Suet.  Calig.  27).  In  the  last 
cited  passage,  the  case  is  that  of  a  gladiator, 
who,  having  been  guilty  of  cowardice,  was  "  ver- 
benatus  et  infulatus"  prior  to  execution. 

We  shall  now  proceed  to  consider,  seriatim, 
the  cases  adduced  of  the  use  of  some  kind  of 
head-dress  as  part  of  the  official  dress  of  the 
Christian  ministry  in  primitive  times.  The  earliest 
instance  is  one  which  can  perhaps  hardly  be  strictly 
called  a  head-dress,  but  is  sufficiently  near  to 
justify  its  presence  here,  and  concerns  no  less  a 
person  than  the  apostle  St.  John.  The  passage 
in  question  occurs  in  a  letter  sent  by  Polycrates, 
bishop  of  Ephesus,  to  Victor,  bishop  of  Rome 
(a.D.  192-202),  on  the  subject  of  the  Eastern 
controversy  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccles.  v.  24 ;  also 
cited  in  part,  iii.  31 :  cf.  also  Jerome,  de  Viris 
illustribus,  c.  45),  in  which  he  cites  the  names  of 
different  Asiatic  bishops  and  martyrs  who  are 
claimed  as  having  held  to  the  Asiatic  practice. 
Amid  this  enumeration  we  read,  "  Yea  moreover 
John  too,  he  who  lay  on  the  Lord's  breast,  who 
became  a  priest  wearing  the  golden  plate  (os 
iyevriOrj  iepevs  rh  irira'Kov  ■Ki<popiKws').,  and  a 
witness  and  a  teacher — he  sleepeth  in  Ephesus." 
Before  expressing  any  opinion  as  to  the  meaning 
of  this  passage,  we  shall  cite  a  somewhat  parallel 
instance  from  a  later  writer,  Epiphanius.  The 
reference  has  here  been  to  Christ,  as  heir  of  the 
throne  of  David,  which  is  a  throne  not  only 
of  royalty  but  also  of  priesthood.  The  Saviour 
thus  stands  at  the  head  of  a  line  of  high-priests ; 
James,  the  Lord's  brother,  being,  as  it  were, 
successor,  in  virtue  of  his  apparent  relationship, 
and  thus  becoming  bishop  of  Jerusalem  and 
president  of  the  church.  "Moreover  also  we 
find  that  he  exercised  the  priestly  office  after  the 
manner  of  the  old  priesthood ;  wherefore  also 
it  was  permitted  to  him  once  in  the  year  to 
enter  into  the  Holy  of  Holies,  as  the  law 
commanded  the  high-priests,  according  to  the 
Scripture.  For  so  many  before  our  time  have 
related  concerning  him,  as  Eusebius*,  and  Clement 
and  others.  Further,  it  was  permissible  for  him 
to  wear  the  Golden  Plate  '  upon  his  head  (aWh. 


«  This  allusion  is  perhaps  to  be  referred,  considering  the 
mention  of  the  TreToAoi'  tliat  follows,  to  the  above-cited 
letter  of  Polycrates.  The  passage  of  St.  Clemeut,  however, 
does  not  appear  to  be  extant. 

f  binterim  (Denkw.  i.  2.  352)  cites  from  the  proceedings 
of  the  eighth  general  council  (fourth  of  Constantinople, 
A.D.  869),  from  a  letter  of  I'heodosius,  patriarch  of  Jerusa- 
lem, to  Ignatius,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  ia  which  the 
writer  says  that  he  sends  as  a  present  the  long  robe  and 
aupsrhumeral  and  mitre  (jnitra  in  Anastasius's  Latin), 
adding  that  his  predecessors  had  been  successively  decked 


MITKE 

^ipeiv),  as  the  above-mentioned  trustworthy 
writers  have  testified."  (Haer.  xxix.  4 ;  vol.  i. 
119,  ed.  Petavius.) 

The  word  TriraXov,  it  will  be  remembered,  is 
that  employed  by  the  LXX  to  designate  the  }*'V 
worn  on  the  high-priest's  forehead,  and  there  can 
be  no  doubt,  therefore,  when  we  consider  that 
the  LXX  would  be  the  ordinary  Bible  of 
Polycrates  and  Epiphanius  if,  that  the  meaning 
intended  to  be  conveyed  is  either  that  these 
apostles  actually  wore  on  their  foreheads  a  gold 
plate,  in  direct  imitation  of  that  of  the  Jewish 
high-priesf",  or  that  the  language  is  distinctly  and 
wholly  metaphorical,  meaning  that  each  of  these 
two  apostles  occupied  in  his  turn  the  same 
position  to  the  Christian  church  that  the  Aaronic 
high-priest  had  to  the  Jewish  church.  The 
question,  it  is  evident,  must  mainly  turn  upon 
the  words  of  Polycrates,  whose  position,  both  in 
date  and  locality,  would  make  him  an  important 
witness  as  to  St.  John.  Here,  though  it  is 
impossible  to  feel  positive  and  maintain  that  St. 
John  certainly  wore  no  such  ornament,  we  feel 
that  it  is  far  more  likely  that  the  language  is  to 
be  viewed  as  allegorical — (1)  because  of  the 
allegorical  character  of  the  passage  generally 
[cf.  e.g.  fieydXa  (TToix^'ia  KeKoiixriTai,  etc.],  on 
which  see  Lightfoot,  Galatians,  p.  345  n.  (ed.  4)  ; 
and  (2)  because  the  perfect  participle  seems  very 
strange,  if  it  were  merely  meant  to  indicate 
that  St.  John  was  in  the  habit  of  wearing  the 
ireraAov.  If  that  participle  points  rather  to  "  a 
state  or  condition  resulting  from  a  past  act,"  then 
the  statement  becomes  simple  enough  if  we 
assume  that  Polycrates  aims  at  bringing  out  the 
fact  of  "  the  supreme  apostolic  authority  of  St. 
John,  whose  office  in  the  Christian  church  was. 
to  bear  rule  in  spiritual  things  over  the  spiritual 
Israel,  even  as  the  high-priest  of  old  over  Israel 
after  the  flesh"  (Marriott,  p.  39  n.).  One 
thing,  at  any  rate,  is  plain  enough :  if  St.  John 
and  St.  James,  or  either  of  them,  did  wear  this 
ornament,  it  was  an  ornament  special  to  them- 
selves, and  ceased  with  them,  affecting  in  no 
sense  the  further  use  of  the  church. 

The  next  instance  we  shall  cite  is  from  the 
oration  delivered  by  Eusebius'  on  the  consecra- 
tion of  the  great  church  at  Tyre  (Hist.  Eccles. 
X.  4).  This  highly  rhetorical  discourse  begins 
with  an  address  to  Paulinus,  bishop  of  Tyre,  and 
his  assembled  clergy,  as  "friends  of  God  and 
priests  (ifpels),  who  are  clad  in  the  holy  robe 
that  reacheth  to  the  feet,  and  with  the  heavenly 
crown  (ffTe<pavov)  of  glory,  and  with  the  unction 
of  inspiration  (rh  xp^'^l^"-  """^  ivQiOv)  and  with 
the  priestly  vesture  of  the  Holy  Ghost."     Here 


•with  this  sacred  garb  (Labbe,  vlil.  987).  In  any  case, 
however,  a  late  9th-century  tradition  such  as  this  need 
not  detain  us. 

s  It  may  be  noted  that  in  translating  the  extract  from 
Polycrates,  Jerome  renders  TreVaAov  by  lamina,  the  word 
he  had  used  in  the  Vulgate  for  the  gold  plate  of  the  high- 
priest. 

k  Hefele  (p.  225)  remarks  that  though  we  are  to  take 
the  TreTaXoi/  of  St.  John  in  its  technical  sense,  neither 
Polycrates  nor  Eusebius  asserts  it  to  have  been  of  gold. 
This,  however,  seems  needless  quibbling ;  if  the  word  is 
supposed  to  be  used  technically  the  rest  wiU  follow. 

i  There  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  by  the  tk 
wapeKeiov  Eusebius  simply  means  himself.  Hefelo 
(Beitriige,  p.  226)  strange'y  makes  Paulinus  the  speaker. 


MITEE 


1215 


the  rhetorical  character  of  the  whole  discourse 
suggests  that  the  above  words  are  by  no  means 
improbably  used  in  quite  a  figurative  sense,  and 
have  reference  to  the  spiritual  characteristics  of 
the  new  covenant,  in  contradistinction  to  the 
externals  of  the  old.  Hefele  too,  who  argues 
strongly  for  the  early  use  of  the  mitre,  is  not 
disposed  to  claim  this  passage  in  support  of  his 
view,  but  is  evidently  inclined  to  explain  the 
ffT4<pai'os  of  the  tonsure,  which  often  goes  by 
that  name.  At  any  rate,  it  is  clear  that 
no  very  certain  conclusions  can  be  built  upon 
this  example.  Our  next  passage  is  in  some 
respects  similar.  It  occurs  in  one  of  the 
discourses  of  St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzum  (ob.  A.D. 
389),  where  he  addresses  his  father,  then 
bishop  of  Nazianzum,  who  sought  to  associate 
his  son  with  him  in  the  duties  of  his  office.  In 
the  course  of  this  he  remarks,  "  therefore  thou 
anointest  the  chief  priest,  and  clothest  him  with 
the  robe  reaching  to  the  feet,  and  settest  the 
priest's  cap  [_Tbv  KiSapiv  ;  one  of  the  LXX  words, 
it  will  be  remembered,  for  the  priestly  and 
high-priestly  head-dresses]  about  his  head,  and 
bringest  him  to  the  altar  of  the  spiritual  burnt- 
oflering,  and  sacrificest  the  calf  of  consecration, 
and  dost  consecrate  his  hands  with  the  Spirit, 
and  dost  bring  him  into  the  Holy  of  Holies." 
(^Orat.  X.  4;  Patrol.  Gr.  xxxv.  829.)  This 
■citation  may  perhaps  be  assumed  as  evidence  for 
the  use  of  some  kind  of  clerical  head-dress  in  St. 
Gregory's  time,  but  of  what  kind,  or  under  what 
conditions  worn,  or  whether  the  whole  passage 
is  to  be  viewed  as  allegorical,  must  remain 
doubtful.  Much  certainly  in  the  passage  is 
highly  figurative,  as  the  allusion  to  the  calf,  and 
to  the  Holy  of  Holies ;  which,  so  far  as  it  goes, 
would  be  distinctly  in  favour  of  the  latter  view. 
Some  writers  cite  as  evidence  for  the  early 
use  of  some  kind  of  mitre,  a  passage  from 
Ammianus  Marcellinus  (xxix.  5),  where  he 
describes  the  outbreak  of  an  African  chief,  named 
Firmus  (A.D.  372).  Against  him  was  sent 
Theodosius,  afterwards  emperor,  by  whom  the 
rising  was  completely  crushed,  and  Firmus  com- 
pelled to  sue  for  peace.  The  historian,  a  heathen, 
speaks  of  the  sending  of  "  Christian!  ritus  anti- 
stites,  oraturos  pacem."  Two  days  after,  Firmus 
restored  "  Icosium  oppidum  ....  militaria 
signa  et  coronam  sacerdotalem  cum  caeteris  quae 
interceperat."  When  Hefele  (p.  227)  can  remark 
on  this  that  thereby  "  is  plainly  meant  the 
Infula  of  that  bishop  whom  the  heathen  Africans 
had  shortly  before  slain  in  the  regions  of  Leptis 
and  Ona"  (op.  cit.  xxviii.  6),  it  may  most 
decidedly  be  objected — (1)  that  the  connecting  of 
the  two  events,  and  indeed  the  assumption  that 
the  person  slain  (Rusticianus  sacerdotalis)  was  a 
Christian,  or  that,  if  a  Christian,  he  would  have 
a  "  crown  "  at  all,  is  a  distinct  begging  of  the 
whole  question ;  and  (2)  that  it  is  far  more 
reasonable  to  understand  by  the  corona  sacer- 
dotalis (the  phrase  used,  it  will  be  remembered, 
by  a  heathen)  the  golden  crown,  which  abundant 
illustrations  shew  to  have  been  worn  by  heathen 
priests.  (See  e.g.  Tertullian,  de  Spectaculis,  c.  23  ; 
de  Idololatria,  c.  18  [where  see  Oehler's  note] ; 
de  Corona  Militis,  c.  10.  We  may  also  appeal 
to  a  canon  of  the  council  of  Elvira,  which  is 
sutTiciently  curious  to  be  given  at  length : 
"  Sacerdotes  qui  tantiim  coronam  portant,  nee 
sacrificant,  nee  de  suis  sumptibus  aliquid  ad  id 


praestant,  placuit  post  biennium  accipere  com- 
munionem."  Concil.  Illih.  can.  55;  Labbe,  i.  976.) 
Equally  inconclusive,  in  our  opinion,  is  the 
series  of  passages  quoted  by  Hefele  and  others, 
in  which  the  infula  is  mentioned  in  connexion 
with  Christian  vestments.  In  classical  usage, 
the  word  infula  was  not  confined  to  the  more 
special  meaning  we  have  already  dwelt  on,  but 
drifted  into  the  meaning  of  ornaments  and 
insignia  of  magistrates,  or  even  into  that  of  a 
magistracy  itself.  [See  examples  quoted  from  the 
imperial  codes  and  elsewhere,  in  Forcellini  s.r.] 
In  later  ecclesiastical  Latin  again,  we  find  the 
word  distinctly  used  for  a  chasuble  (see  e.g.  Hugo 
de  S.  Victore  Spec.  Eccl.  6,  Patrol,  clxxvii.  353 ; 
see  also  Ducange  «.».),  apparently  as  being  the 
official  vestment  par  excellence.  We  should  thus 
be  prepared  to  argue  that,  in  the  absence  of 
evidence  pointing  the  other  way,  the  natural 
explanation  to  give  to  these  earlier  allusions  to 
a  Christian  infula  is  that  the  word  betokens,  in 
a  half  poetic  sense,  the  official  dress,  and  indeed 
hardly  more  than  the  quasi-official  position  of 
ordained  persons.  The  allusions  cited  are  the 
following.  The  Christian  poet  Prudentius,  when 
dwelling  on  the  names  of  famous  martyrs  con- 
nected with  the  city  of  Saragossa,  says  (Peristeph. 
iv.  77  sqq.) — 

"  Inde,  Vincenti,  tua  palma  nata  est, 
Clerus  hie  tantum  peperit  triumphvun, 
Hie  sacerdotum  domus  infulata 

Valerlorum," 

where  the  concluding  reference  is  to  Valerius, 
bishop  of  Saragossa.  The  whole  poem,  however, 
is  written  in  a  highly-wrought  strain  of  meta- 
phor, and  is  a  palpable  imitation  of  classical 
imagery.  This  is  quite  sufficient  to  shew  that 
no  special  stress  can  be  laid  here  on  the  word 
infulata. 

About  a  century  later  Gelasius  (ob.  A.D.  496) 
speaks  of  certain  characteristics  in  a  person 
rendering  him  "  clericalibus  ^  infulis  [where  the 
plural  is  noticeable]  reprobabilem"(Zi>wi.  ix.  ad 
episcopos  Luomiae,  §  9 ;  Patrol,  lix.  51).  Again 
in  a  biography  [Hodoeporicon]  of  Willibald,  a 
disciple  of  St.  Boniface,  written  by  a  contem- 
porary nun  of  Heidenheim,  it  is  remarked  on 
the  consecration  of  Willibald  as  a  bishop,  that 
"  sacerdotalis  infulae  ditatus  erat  honore  "  (c.  11  ; 
in  Canisius,  Thesaurus  ii.  116).  In  a  biography 
of  Burckhard  of  Wiirzburg,  another  disciple  of 
St.  Boniface  [probably  written  two  hundred 
years  after  the  time  of  St.  Boniface,  but  before 


k  Hefele  dwells  on  the  adjective  clericalibus,  as  imply- 
ing a  head-dress  distinct  from  that  worn  by  laymen,  and 
cites  Ducange  {Glossarium,  s.  v.  infula)  who  quotes  the 
order  of  a  synod  which  prohibits  clerics  from  wearing  an 
infula  "  de  seta  sive  serico  more  lalcali."  Again,  an  an- 
cient statute  ordains  that,  except  in  case  of  necessity, 
cleries-are  not  to  wear  "  vestes  saeculares,"  or  "Infulam 
sen  pileum  de  die  in  Ciipite,"  and,  in  case  of  disobedience, 
beneficed  clergy  are  to  be  fined  a  year's  income.  On  this 
it  may  be  remarked  that  (1)  the  date  of  the  above  men- 
tioned synod  Is  given  by  Du&inge  as  a.d.  1311,  and  the 
statutes  are  of  the  date  A.D.  1289  (Miulene,  Anecd.  iv. 
671),  and  therefore  are  not  relevant  to  the  present  matter; 
(2)  the  prohibition  in  the  former  citation  evidently  refers 
to  the  material  of  the  infula;  and  (3)  to  allow  that  at  e 
given  time  clerics  wore  head-dresses  of  a  different  shape 
from  lavmen,  is  quite  a  different  thing  from  allowing  tl.at 
the  head-dress  formed  a  part  of  the  official  dress  or  en- 
tered in  any  sense  into  ofBclal  ministrations. 


1216 


mTRE 


A.D.  984;  Rettberg,  Eircheiigcsch.  Beutschlands 
li.  314],  Burckhard  is  spoken  of  as  "  pontifi- 
cali  infula  dignus"  (see  Acta  Sanetorum,  Oct. 
vol.  vi.  674),  and  the  then  pope  is  said  to  be 
"summi  ])ontificatus  infulae  non  incongruus." 
On  all  the  above  instances  it  may  be  remarked 
that  while  they  allow  us  to  explain  them  if  we 
will  of  a  Christian  official  head-dress,  they  most 
certainly  cannot  be  considered  as  evidence  com- 
pelling us  to  such  a  belief;  and  in  the  absence  of 
any  direct  trustworthy  evidence  from  ancient 
pictures  of  the  existence  of  such  a  head-dress, 
and  considering  the  known  later  use  of  the  term 
infula,  we  cannot  but  feel  that  the  probability 
inclines  strongly  against  those  who  claim  the 
above  series  of  passages  as  establishing  the  ancient 
use  of  a  mitre. 

Two  more  passages  which  have  been  cited  are 
absolutely  of  no  weight.  The  first  is  a  line  from 
Ennodius,  a  poet  of  the  fifth  century,  with 
reference  to  St.  Ambrose,  "  Serta  redimitus 
gestabatr  Jucida  fronte"  (iTp/iyf.  77;  Fati-ol.  Ixiu. 
348),  but  the  context,  even  the  following  line  alone, 
serves  to  shew  that  we  are  dealing  with  meta- 
phor and  not  with  fact — "  distinctura  gemrais 
ore  parabat  opus."  Finally,  in  a  poem  (^Farae- 
nesis  ad  Episcopos)  of  Theodulf  of  Orleans  (ob. 
A.D.  821),  we  are  met  with  the  line,  "  Illius  ergo 
caput  resplendens  mitra  tegebat"  (lib.  v.  carm. 
3,  sub  fin. ;  Patrol,  cv.  360).  The  whole  con- 
text, however,  as  Marriott  has  plainly  pointed 
out,  is  dwelling  on  the  contrast  between  the 
splendour  of  the  Jewish  high-priestly  dress  and 
the  spiritual  character  which  should  be  the 
oi-nament  of  the  Christian  minister.  This  con- 
trast is  elaborately  worked  out,  and  the  line 
immediately  following  the  one  we  have  quoted 
is  "  contegat  et '  mentem  jus  pietasque  tuum." 

On  a  general  survey  of  the  foregoing  evidence, 
it  may,  at  any  rate,  be  safely  asserted  that  no  case 
has  been  at  all  made  out  for  a  general  use  of  an 
official  head-dress  of  Christian  ministers  during 
the  first  eight  or  nine  centuries  after  Christ. 
Many  of  the  passages  adduced  in  favour  of  such 
a  view  have  been  shewn  to  be,  if  not  quite 
inconclusive,  at  any  rate  of  very  doubtful 
character.  Hardly  one  can  be  called  definite, 
plain  or  positive.  Also,  if  direct  evidence  is 
sought  on  the  other  side,  we  may  again  appeal  to 
a  treatise  of  Tertullian  we  have  already  cited  (de 
Corona  Militis,  c.  10).  The  words  "  Quis  denique 
patriarches  ....  quis  vel  postea  apostolus 
aut  evangelista  aut  episcopus  invenitur  coro- 
natus  ?"  ought  to  be  definite  enough,  as  shewing 
the  usage  in  his  time.  When,  further,  as  we 
have  already  remarked,  the  remains  of  early 
Christian  art,  which  can  really  be  considered 
trustworthy,  furnish  no  evidence  whatever  for 
the  use  of  such  a  head-dress,  but  distinctly  point 
the  other  way ;  we  feel,  that  while  not  venturing 
altogether  to  deny  the  possible  existence,  of  a 
local  or  temporary  kind,  of  a  mitre  or  head- 
dress, here  and  there,  we  may  still  fairly  say 
with  Menard  that  "vis  ante  annum  post 
Christum  natum  millesimum  mitrae  usum  in 
ecclesia  fuisse"  (J}reg.  Sacr.  557).  Menard  justly 
insists  on  the  fact  that  in  numerous  liturgical 
monuments  (e.g.  a  mass  for  Easter  Day  in  the 
Cd.  Ratoldi  [written  before  A.D.  986],  where 
the  ornaments  of  a  bishop   are  severally   gone 

'  At  is  doubtless  to  be  read  as  Marriott  suggests. 


MITRE 

through),  as  well  as  in  writers  who  have  fully 
entered  into  the  subject  of  Christian  vestments, 
as  Rabanus  Maurus,  Amalarius,  Walafrid  Strabo, 
Alcuin  (Pseudo-Alcuin),  there  is  no  mention 
whatever  of  a  mitre. 

Even  a  writer  as  late  as  Ivo  of  Chartres  (ob. 
A.D.  1115),  while  describing  the  Jewish  mitrae 
makes  no  mention  of  its  Christian  equivalent. 
There  are  good  grounds,  however,  for  believing 
that  at  first  the  mitre  was  an  ornament  specially 
connected  with  the  Roman  church,  from  whence 
its  use  spread  gradually  over  Western  Christen- 
dom, though  this  use  had  evidently  not  become 
universal  in  Ivo's  time.  We  shall  very  briefly 
cite  an  instance  or  two  to  illustrate  this  Roman 
connexion.  The  following  is  the  earliest 
adduced : "  when  the  archbishop  Eberhard  of 
Treves  was  at  Rome  in  A.D.  1049,  Leo  IX.  placed 
on  his  head,  in  St.  Peter's  on  Passion  Sunday, 
the  Roman  mitre.  The  pope's  words  in  the 
charter  are  "  Homana  mitra  caput  vestrum  in- 
signivimus,  qua  et  vos  et  successores  vestri 
in  ecclesiasticis  officiis  Romano  more  semper 
utamini."  {Ep.  3 ;  Patrol,  cxliii.  595 :  cf.  also 
Ep.  77,  op.  cit.  703,  where  the  same  privilege  is 
granted  to  Adalbert,  bishop  of  Hamburg.  We 
there  read  of  the  mitre,  "  quod  est  insigne 
Romanorum.")  Again,  a  few  years  later,  in 
A.D.  1063,  Alexander  II.  granted  to  Burchard, 
bishop  of  Halbestadt,  the  privilege  of  wearing 
the  archiepiscopal  pallium  and  mitre,  because  of 
his  special  services  to  the  Roman  see.  We  cite  in 
this  case  a  clause  of  some  interest,  as  shewing 
the  concession  of  the  use  of  the  Roman  mitre  as 
not  confined  to  the  episcopal  order :  "  lusuper 
mitras  tibi  ac  successoribus  tuis  ac  canonicis 
excellentioribus,  scilicet  presbyteris  et  diaconis  in 
missarum  solemnia  ministraturis,  subdiaconis  in 
majori  ecclesia  tua  et  suprascriptis  festivitatibus 
portandas  concedimus"  (Ep.  10,  Patrol,  cxlvi. 
1287).  In  A.D.  1119,  Calixtus  II.  grants  the 
use  of  the  "  episcopalis  mitra"  to  Godebald, 
bishop  of  Utrecht  (Aj9.  37  ;  Patrol,  clxiii.  1130). 
One  more  example  may  suffice.  Peter  Damiau, 
in  an  indignant  letter  (c.  A.D.  1070)  toCadalous, 
bishop  of  Parma,  who  was  the  anti-pope 
Honorius  II.,  says  scornfully,  *'  habes  nunc 
forsitan  mitram,  habes  juxta  morem  Romani 
pontificis  rubram  cappam "  (Epist.  lib.  i.  20 ; 
Patrol,  cxliv.  242). 

Any  discussion  as  to  the  variation  in  form  and 
material  of  this  later  mitre  is  quite  beyond  our 
purpose ;  suffice  it  to  say  that  while  the  descrip- 
tion of  Honorius  of  Autun  (Gemma  Animae,  i. 
214;  Patrol,  clxxii.  609),  in  the  twelfth  century, 
still  seems  to  point  to  a  cap  made  of  linen  (mitra 
ex  bysso  facta''),  that  of  Innocent  III.  in  the 
thirteenth,  shews  that  in  the  case  of  the  bishop 


"  A.  possibly  earlier  instance  is  referred  to  by  Marriott 
(p.  241)j  from  a  coin  of  Sergius  III.  (ob.  a.d.  911),  where 
the  inUra  is  said  first  to  appear  as  replacing  an  older 
papal  head-dress,  the  Camelaucium.  This,  however, 
must  perhaps  not  be  pressed  in  the  absence  of  confirma- 
tory evidence. 

"  See  for  an  example  probably  of  this  type,  Marriott, 
plate  xliv.  (and  cf.  p.  220),  figured  from  a  MS.  of  the  11th 
century.  This  is  the  earliest  example  of  the  kind  known 
to  Marriott,  except  perhaps  one  in  the  Benedictional  of 
St.  Ethelwald,  a  fllS.  of  the  10th  century.  Here,  however, 
the  figure  wears  a  kind  of  gold  circlet,  which  may  indi- 
cate royal  rank  and  not  be  an  ecclesiastical  head-dress  in 
the  strict  sense  at  alL 


MITIilUS 

of  Rome,  at  any  rate,  it  was  made  partly  of  gold, 
ami  approximated  to  its  later  shape  (do  sacro 
■  I't'ris  mysteriOji.  60;  Patrol,  ccxvii.  796). 

It  will  have  been  observed  that  nothing  has 
beim  said  as  to  the  restriction  of  the  use  of  the 
mitre  to  the  highest  order  of  the  clergy.  On 
this,  however,  it  can  only  be  remarked  that,  as 
far  as  the  first  eight  centuries  at  least  ai'e  con- 
cerned, practically  nothing  from  the  whole  of 
our  scanty  body  of  evidence  is  adducible.  The 
mention  of  the  infula  in  the  life  of  Willibakl 
lias  sometimes  been  cited,  but  we  have  already 
s.'t-n  how  slight  is  the  basis  on  which  the  whole 
argument  in  connexion  with  the  word  infula 
rests. 

In  conclusion,  the  practice  of  the  Eastern  church 
may  be  most  briefly  referred  to.  Here  the  mitre, 
properly  speaking,  is  unknown,  and  thus  we  find 
Symeon,  archbishop  of  Thessalonica  in  the 
fifteenth  centui-y,  declaring  that  all  ecclesiastics, 
whether  bishops  or  priests,  except  only  the 
patriarch  of  Alexandria,"  performed  the  sacred 
rites  without  any  covering  on  the  head  {Expo- 
sit  io  dc  divino  templo,  c.  45;  Patrol.  Gr.  civ.  710; 
cf.  Eesponsa  ad  Gahrielcm  Pcntapolitanum,  c.  20, 
ih.  871.  Reference  may  be  specially  made  to 
Gear,  Euchologion,  p.  314).  In  the  Armenian 
church,  however,  bishops  have,  it  is  said  since 
the  eleventh  century,  worn  a  kind  of  mitre, 
apparently  in  imitation  of  Rome,  the  priests  of 
that  church  wearing  a  kind  of  bonnet. 

A  passing  allusion  may  be  made  here  to  the 
mitra  virginum,  mentioned  by  Isidore  of  Seville, 
which  appears  to  have  been  worn  in  addition 
to  the  veil  by  those  who  made  profession  of 
virginity.  Isidore  remarks  that  such  a  person, 
"  because  she  is  a  virgin,  may  display  the  honour 
of  a  hallowed  body  '  in  libertate  capitis '  [cf, 
e'loufrj'a,  1  Cor.  xi.  10]  and  '  mitram  quasi  coro- 
nam  virginalis  gloriae  in  vertice  praeferat ' "  (de 
Eccl.Off.  ii.  17.  11;  Pairo^.  Ixxxiii.  807).  Again, 
in  a  letter  of  St.  Remigius  of  Rheims,  to  Clovis, 
condoling  with  him  on  the  death  of  his  sister 
Albofleda,  who  had  died  shortly  after  baptism,  he 
says  of  her,  "  fragi-.it  in  conspectu  Domini  flore 
virginitatis,  quo  scilicet  et  corona,  quam  pro 
virginitate  suscepit  "  {Ep.  1 ;  Patrol.  Ixv.  965). 
The  use  of  the  mitra  by  professing  virgins  is 
alluded  to  by  Optatus  (de  Schismate  Donatistarum, 
ii.  19  ;  Patrol,  xi.  973 ;  also  vi.  4,  ib.  1072,  where 
see  Dupin's  note). 

Literature. — For  the  matter  of  the  foregoing 
article,  I  have  to  express  my  obligations  to 
Hefele's  essay,  Inful,  Mitra  und  Tiara  in  his 
Beitrdgc  zur  Kirclwngeschichte,  Archaologie  und 
Liturgik,  vol.  ii.  pp.  223  sqq. ;  Marriott,  Vesti- 
orium  Christianum,  pp.  187,  220,  etc. ;  Binterim, 
Denhwiirdi(jkeitcn  der  Christ-Katholischen  Kirche, 
i.  2.  348  sqq. ;  Bock,  Geschichte  der  liturgischen 
Gewdnder  des  Mittelaltcrs,  vol.  ii.  pp.  153  sqq. ; 
Martene,  de  Antiquis  Ecclesiae  Bitibus,  lib.  i.  c.  4, 
§  1 ;  and  Ducange,  Glossarium,  s.  vv.  Infida, 
Mitra.  [R.  S.] 

MITRIUS,  martyr;  commemorated  Nov.  13 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 


MODERATA 


1217 


cited  by  Goar  {I.  c),  derives  this  from  tbe 
presidency  of  Cyril  at  the  council  of  Ephesus.  However, 
this  need  not  be  taken  very  seriously.  The  same  writer 
and  Symeon  of  Thessalonica  absurdly  refer  the  origin  of 
the  Roman  mitre  to  a  privilege  specially  granted  by  Con- 
stant ine  to  pope  Silvester. 


MITTON,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria May  4  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MITTUNUS  (1)  Presbyter ;  commemorated 
in  Africa  May  4  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Constantinople 
May  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Two  martyrs;  commemorated  at  Thessa- 
lonica June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.J 

MIXTUM  or  MISTUM.  (1)  A  morning 
meal  or  "  jentaculum  "  in  monasteries,  consisting 
of  bread  and  wine  only.     {Reg.  Bened.) 

(2)  The  word  mixtum  is  also  used  as  equivalent 
to  the  Greek  Kpa/xa,  to  designate  the  mixed 
chalice  in  the  Eucharist.     [Elements,  p.  604.] 

[C] 

MNASON,  of  Cyprus ;    commemorated  July 

12  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  iii.  248).  [C.  H.] 

MOCHELLOCUS  (Kellenus),  commemo- 
rated in  Ireland  Mar.  26  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar. 
iii.  626).  [C.  H.] 

MOCHOEMOCUS  (Pulcherius),  Irish  ab- 
bat  of  the  7th  century;  commemorated  Mar.  13 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  ii.  281).  [C.  H.] 

MOCHTEUS.    [MocTETJS.] 

MOCHUA  BALLENSIS  (Ceonanus),  Irish 
abbat ;  commemorated  Jan.  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  i.  47).  [C.  H.] 

MOCHUA  LAEGSIENSIS  (Cuanus),  Irish 
abbat ;  commemorated  Jan.  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  i.  47).  [C.  H.] 

MOCHUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Milan 
July  9  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  iL 
689).  [C.  H.] 

MOCIANUS,  martyr  with  Marcus ;  comme- 
morated July  3  (Basil.  MenoL).  [C.  H.] 

MOCIUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  Jan. 
29  {Cal.  Bi/zant.). 

(2)  Reader  and  martyr  ;  commemorated  with 
bishop  Silvanus  and  deacon  Lucas  Feb.  6  (Basil. 
Menol.) 

(3)  Presbyter,  native  of  Byzantium,  martyred 
under  Diocletian  at  Heraclea  ;  his  relics  deposited 
by  Constantine  in  his  great  church  at  Constanti- 
nople; commemorated  May  11  (Basil.  MenoL; 
Cal.  Byzant.);  Mocius  or  Mucius,   May  11  and 

13  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  ii.  620) ;  a  church  dedi- 
cated to  him  and  St.  Meuas  at  Constantinople 
(Codinus,  de  Aedif.  38).  [Mucius  (3).]     [C.  H.] 

MOCTEUS  (]\rocHTEUS),  Irish  bishop,  cir. 
A.D.  535;  commemorated  Aug.  19  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Aug.  iii.  743).  [C.  H.] 

MODANUS,  perhaps  a  bishop,  in  Ireland,  of 
the  6th  or  7th  centurv  ;  commemorated  Aug.  30 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  Vi.  565).  [C.  H.] 

MODEEAMNUS,  bishop  of  Rennes,  cir. 
A.D.  719  ;  commemorated  Oct.  22  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Oct.  ix.  619).  [C-  H.] 

MODERATA,  martvr;  commemorated  at 
Sirmia  Ap.  6  {Hieron.  iMart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Aurt). 


1218 


JIODERATUS 


MOLINGUS 


MODEEATUS  (1)  Martyr  with  Felix  at 
Auxerre,  probably  in  the  5th  century  ;  comme- 
morated July  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  i.  287). 

(2)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Verona  in  the  5th 
century  ;  commemorated  Aug.  23  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Aug.  iv.  596).  [C.  H.] 

MODESTA  (1)  Martyr  with  Patricia  and 
Macedonius  at  Nicomedia ;  commemorated  Mar. 
13  (Usuard.  3fart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.)  ;  Modestia 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Ap.  6 
(Eieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MODESTINUS,  martyr';  commemorated 
Mar.  13  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MODESTUS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Jan.  12  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Jan.  13 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  with  Posinnus ;  commemorated  at 
Carthage  Feb.  12  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Feb.  ii.  580). 

(4)  Infant  martyr,  with  Ammonius,  at  Alex- 
andria; commemorated  Feb.  12  (Usuard.  Mart.  ; 
Bed.  3fart.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  580)  ; 
]MOLESTUS  {Mart.  Horn.  Vet.). 

(5)  Bishop  of  Treves,  cir.  a.d.  480 ;  comme- 
morated Feb.  24  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  4G3). 

(6)  Presbyter ;  commemorated    in  Asia   Mar. 

12  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Caesarea  Mar. 
28  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr,  with  Vitus  and  Crescentia ;  com- 
memorated in  Lucania  June  15  {Hieron.  Mart.; 
Usuard.  Mart.);  in  Sicily  {Vet.  Eom.  Mart.; 
Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(9)  Levita,  martyr  at  Beneventum  in  the 
4th  century  ;  commemorated  Oct.  2  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Oct.  i.  325). 

(10)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Cappadocia 
Oct.  14  {Eieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr  with  Euticus,  Materus,  Disseus; 
commemorated  Oct.  21  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Oct.  ix.  14 ;  Bed.  Mart.  Atwt.). 

(12)  Martyr  with  Afriges,  Macharius,  and 
others  ;  commemorated  Oct.  21  {Hieron.  Mart. ; 
Bed.  Mart.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  ix.  14). 

(13)  Martyr  with  Tiberius  and  Florentia  at 
Agde  ;  commemorated  Nov.  10  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(14)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Syracuse  Dec. 

13  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MODIANUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Rome  June  2  {Hieron.  Mart.).  (C.  H.] 

MODIUS.  The  modius  or  bushel  measure  is 
sometimes  represented  on  Christian  tombs.  Mar- 
tigny  refers  to  Lupi's  Dissertations,  ^c,  on  the 
Epitaph  of  the  Martyr  Scverus,  p.  51,  tab.  viii., 
for  the  best  known  example.  The  inscription 
over  a  Christian  named  Maximinus  says  that 
"  he  lived  23  yeai-s  the  friend  of  all  men ; "  and 
his  effigy  is  carved  on  the  stone  with  a  rod  in  his 
hand,  and  a  bushel  full  of  corn,  from  which  ears 
are  springing,  is  placed  near  him.  Padre  Lupi 
thinks  this  is  an  allusion  to  Luke  vi.  38 — the 
full  measure,  pressed  down  and  running  over, 
which  Maximus  hoped  for  in  death;  or  to  the 


grain  of  corn  sown  and  washing  away  in  earth, 
to  bear  much  fruit,  John  vii.  24.  And  he  gives 
another  example  of  the  modius  in  Boldetti,  p. 
371,  from  the  tomb  of  a  Christian  named  Gor- 
gonius.  He  observes,  however,  very  sensibly  and 
truly,  that  Maximus  may  have  been  a  mensor 
cereris  augustae,  or  have  had  some  connexion 
with  the  corn-trade,  and  quotes  a  further  in- 
stance of  the  modius  on  the  tomb  of  a  baker, 
one  Vitalis  (bitalts),  dated  401.  There  is  no 
reason  why  the  survivors  should  not  have 
attached  the  symbolism  of  the  Lord's  wheat  and 
garner,  or  of  His  reward,  to  the  usual  signs  of 
the  business  in  which  the  dead  had  been  engaged  ; 
and  some  disputes  might  be  saved  as  to  Chris- 
tian symbolism  if  we  consider  that  in  primitive 
days  as  well  as  our  own,  devout  and  imaginative 
people  saw  and  delighted  in  meanings  which  may 
have  been  overlooked  then,  as  now,  by  people 
equally  good  but  more  matter  of  fact.  Mar- 
tigny  refers  to  his  article,  Instruments  et  Ein- 
hlemes  repr€sent^s  sur  les  tombeaux  Chretiens, 
p.  324,  Diet.,  the  first  part  of  which  enumerates 
emblems  of  the  trades  of  the  smith,  woolcomber, 
husbandman,  baker,  and  surgeon.  See  FossOR. 
[R.  St.  J.  T.] 


Modius.    From  Martigny. 

MODOALDUS,  archbishop  of  Treves,  cir, 
A.D.  640;  commemorated  May  12  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  May,  iii.  50).  [C.  H.] 

MODOMNOCUS  (Dominicus  Ossoriensis) 
in  the  6th  century ;  commemorated  Feb.  13 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  673).  [C.  H.] 

MODUENNA,  commemorated  in  Ireland 
July  6  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  ii.  297).       [C.  H.] 

MOECA,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus  at  Rome  May  10 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOECHAEUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Ap.  8  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOENIS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria July  10 ;  another  at  Antioch  the  same 
day  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOER.    [Oeconoiitts,  Monastic] 

MOGUNTINUM    CONCILIUM.      [Mav- 

ENCE.] 

MOISITIS.  martvr ;  commemorated  May  12 
{Hieron.  Mart.).         '  [C.  H.] 

MOLENDION,  martvr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Jan.  19  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOLESTUS.    [MoDESTus.] 

MOLINGUS  (Datrgellus),  bishop  of  Ferns 
in  the  7th  century;  commemorated  June  17 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  iii.  406).  [C.  H.] 


MOLOCUS 

MOLOCUS  or  MOLONACHUS,  Scottish 
bishop  in  the  7th  century  ;  commemorated  June 
25  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  vi.  240).  [C.  H.] 

MOMINUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria Ap.  30  (Hicron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MONA  (1)  Bishop  of  Milan,  a.d.  249 ;  com- 
memorated Oct.  12  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  vi.  11). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Nov.  26 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MONASTEKY. 

Pnge 
I.  General  History  of  Monasticism  ..  1219 
II.  Particular  Rules  1229 

III.  Architecture 1238 

IV.  List  of  Monasteries  founded  before 

A.D.  8U  1243 

I.  General  History  of  Monasticism. 
— The  history  of  monasticism  is  one  of  the 
strangest  problems  iu  the  history  of  the  world. 
For  monasticism  ranks  among  the  most  power- 
ful influences  which  have  shaped  the  destinies 
of  Christendom  and  of  civilisation ;  and  the 
attempt  to  analyse  it  philosophically  is  more 
than  usually  difficult,  because  the  good  and 
the  evil  in  it  are  blended  together  almost  in- 
extricably. To  those  who  contemplate  it  from 
a  distance,  wrapped  in  a  romantic  haze  of 
glory,  it  may  appear  a  sublime  and  heroic 
effort  after  superhuman  excellence.  To  others 
approaching  it  more  nearly,  and  examining 
it  more  dispassionately,  it  seems  essentially 
wrong  in  principle,  though  accidentally  pro- 
ductive of  good  results  at  certain  times  and 
under  certain  conditions.  They  regard  the 
blemishes  which  from  the  first  marred  the 
beauty  of  its  heavenward  aspirations,  as  well 
as  the  more  glaring  vices  of  its  later  phases, 
as  inseparable  from  its  very  being.  To  them 
it  is  not  so  much  a  thing  excellent  in  itself, 
though  sometimes  perverted,  as  a  mistake 
from  the  first,  though  provoked  into  existence 
by  circumstances,  not  an  aiming  too  high,  but 
an  aiming  in  the  wrong  direction.  By  declaring 
"  war  against  nature,"  to  use  the  phrase  of  one 
of  its  panegyrists  (Montal.  Monks  of  the  West, 
i.  357),  it  is,  in  their  eyes,  virtually  "  fighting 
against  God."  In  their  judgment  it  degrades 
man  into  a  machine.  In  their  estimation  the 
monk  shunning  the  conflict  with  the  world  is 
not  simply  deserting  his  post,  but  courting 
temptations  of  another  kind  quite  as  perilous  to 
his  well-being.  In  brief,  far  from  being  an 
integral  and  essential  part  of  Christianity,  it  is 
in  their  eyes  a  morbid  excrescence. 

Monasticism,  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word, 
cannot  be  traced  back  beyond  the  4th  century. 
Almost  from  the  very  commencement  of  Chris- 
tianity ascetics  are  mentioned  (a(T/c7)Toi,(r7rou5oioi, 
eKKfKTwv  iKXtKTOTipoi),  porsoHs,  that  is,  pre- 
eminent in  the  Christian  community  for  self- 
denial  and  sanctity;  but  these  were  "in  the 
world,"  though  not  "  of  it."  In  the  3rd  century 
eremites  or  hermits  began  to  form  a  distinct 
class  in  the  East  and  in  Africa ;  in  the 
4th  they  began  to  be  organised  in  coeno- 
bitic  communities.  The  origin  of  monasticism 
has  sometimes  been  imputed  to  a  growing  indif- 
ference to  faith  in  the  Atonement  {e.  g.  Hospinian 
de  Orig.  Monachatus,  Epist.  Dedic),  but  it  would 

CUBIST.   AST. — TOL.   II. 


MONASTERY 


1219^ 


be  easy  to  cite  passages  from  Augustine  and: 
other  panegyrists  of  monks  conclusive  against 
this  theory  as  inadequate,  if  not  altogether 
groundless.  Rather  the  origin  of  the  monastic 
life  is  to  be  found  partly  in  the  teaching  of  the 
schools  of  Alexandria,  partly  in  the  social  state 
of  the  world  external  to  Christianity.  The 
luxury  and  the  profligacy  of  the  Roman  empire 
even  more  than  its  outbui-sts  of  persecuting 
fury  alienated  the  most  earnest  disciples  of  the 
Cross  from  taking  their  part  in  things  around 
them  and  drove  them  far  from  the  haunts  of  men, 
inspired  by  the  passionate  longing  of  the  Psalmist 
for  "the  wings  of  a  dove,"  that  they  might 
"  fly  away  into  the  wilderness  and  be  at  rest." 
The  causes  at  work  were  many  and  complex.  To 
the  timid  and  indolent  the  monastei-y  was  a 
refuge  from  the  storms  of  life ;  it  was  a  prop 
and  a  defence  against  themselves  to  the  weak 
and  wavering ;  to  the  fanatic  it  was  a  short  and 
speedy  way  to  heaven ;  to  the  ambitious,  for  the 
haughtiness  which  was  its  especial  bane  in  later 
days,  soon  intruded  into  the  cell,  it  was  a 
pedestal  from  which  to  look  down  on  the  rest  of 
mankind ;  to  men  of  nobler  temperament  it 
seemed,  according  to  the  notions  then  becoming 
prevalent,  the  only  fulfllment  of  what  have  been 
called  "the  counsels  of  perfection."  (Chrys. 
adv.  0pp.  Vit.  Mon.  i.  7  et  passim  ;  Socr.  H.  E. 
iv.  23,  4  ;  Soz.  H.  E.  i.  12-15,  iii.  14,  vi.  28-34.) 

Monasticism  was  not  the  product  of  Chris- 
tianity ;  it  was  its  inheritance,  not  its  invention  ; 
not  its  ofl'spring,  but  its  adopted  child.  The  old 
antagonism  between  mind  and  matter,  flesh  and 
spirit,  self  and  the  world  without,  has  asserted 
itself  in  all  ages,  especially  among  the  nations  of 
the  East.  The  Essenes,  the  Therapeutae,  and 
other  Oriental  mystics,  were  as  truly  the  pre- 
cursors of  Christian  asceticism  in  the  desert  or 
in  the  cloister,  as  Elijah  and  St.  John  the  Bap- 
tist. The  Neoplatonism  of  Alexandria,  extol- 
ling the  passionless  man  above  the  man  who 
regulates  his  passions,  sanctioned  and  system- 
atised  this  craving  after  a  life  of  utter  abstraction 
from  external  things,  this  abhorrence  of  all  con- 
tact with  what  is  material  as  a  defilement. 
Doubtless  the  cherished  remembrance  of  the 
martyi-s  and  confessors  who  in  the  preceding 
centuries  of  the  Christian  era  had  triumphed 
over  many  a  sanguinary  persecution,  gave  a 
fresh  impulse  in  the  4th  century  to  this  pro- 
pensity for  asceticism,  stimulating  the  devout  to 
vie  with  their  forefathers  in  the  faith  by  their 
voluntary  endurance  of  self-inflicted  austerities. 

Some  of  the  various  terms  used  by  early 
Christian  writers  for  the  monastic  life  shew  how 
it  was  commonly  regarded,  and  illustrate  its 
twofold  origin.  The  monks  are  frequently 
termed  "the  philosophers,"  and  the  monastery 
their  "  school  of  thought  "  {(pt\6<TO(j>ot ;  <ppovri- 
rr^pioy,  ffxo\ri,  &c.),  as  the  successors  and  repre- 
sentatives of  Greek  philosophy.  They  are  termed 
"  the  lovers  of  God,"  "  the  servants  of  God  " 
((piXSdfoi,  6epaKevTai,  servi  Dei,  famuli  Dei,  &c.), 
as  being  the  lineal  descendants  of  Hebrew  pro- 
phets and  seers.  As  undergoing  a  discipline  of 
extraordinary  rigour,  as  inuring  themselves  to 
hardships,  like  good  soldiers,  stripping  themselves 
of  every  encumbrance,  and  drilling  themselves 
for  the  warfare  with  Satan,  they  are  called 
"  the  renouncers,"  the  "  athletes  of  Christ,"  and 
the  scene  of  their  self-imposed  toils  and  struggleB 
4K 


1220 


MONASTERY 


is  their  "  wrestling-y<ird  "  or  "  gymnasium  " 
(a-TroTald/xej/oi,  renunciantes ;  irdKa.iarpa.,  acr- 
K-nTTipiov,  &c.).  They  are  called  endearingly 
"fathers"  (nonni,  abbates),  by  way  of  affec- 
tionate reverence ;  "  suppliants,"  as  giving 
themselves  to  prayer  (iKeVat) ;  "  the  angelic,"  as 
leading  the  lite  of  angels  (^IffdyyeAoi,  coelicolae)  ; 
"  fellow-travellers  "  (crwoShai)  ;  "  dwellers  in 
cells"  (cellulani).  Their  abodes  are  called 
"  holy  places"  {ffffxvua),  "  seats  of  government  " 
(riyovfXfve7a),  "  sheepfolds  "  {ndvSpat).  The  terms 
monastery  (fiovaffrr^piov),  originally  the  cell  or 
cave  of  a  solitary  hermit,  laura  (\avpa),  an 
irregular  cluster  of  cells,  and  coenobium  (^koiv6- 
/Stoi'),  an  association  of  monks,  tew  or  many,  under 
one  roof  and  under  one  government,  mark  the 
three  earliest  stages  in  the  development  of  monas- 
ticism.  In  Syria  and  Palestine  each  monk  origi- 
nally had  a  separate  cell ;  in  Lower  Egypt  two 
were  together  in  one  cell,  whence  the  term 
"  syncellita,"  or  sharer  of  the  cell,  came  to  express 
this  sort -of  comradeship;  in  the  Thebaid,  under 
the  customs  of  Pachomius  of  Tabenna,  each  cell 
contained  three  monks.  (Bened.  Anian.  Cone. 
Begul.  c.  29  ;  Cass.  Instit.  iv.  16  ;  Coll.  xx.  2 ; 
Pallad.  Hist.  Laus.  c.  38;  Soz.  Hist.  Ecc.  iii.  14.) 
At  a  later  period  the  monks  arrogated  to  them- 
selves by  general  consent  the  title  of  "  the 
religious "  (religiosi),  and  admission  into  a 
monastery  was  termed  "conversion"  to  God. 
(Ferreol.  Reg.  Praef. ;  Smaragd.  Vit.  Bened.  Anian. 
c.  56.) 

Passages  laudatory  of  monasticism  abound  in 
the  Christian  writers,  both  Greek  and  Latin,  in 
the  4th  and  5th  centuries.  Basil  of  Neocaesarea, 
one  of  the  founders  of  monasticism  in  Asia,  and 
his  friend  Gregory  of  Nazianzum,  the  learned 
Jerome  in  his  cell  at  Bethlehem,  and  the 
eloquent  Chrysostom  in  the  midst  of  a  noisy 
populace  at  Constantinople,  profound  thinkers 
and  men  of  action  like  Augustine  of  Hippo 
and  Theodoret  of  Cyrus,  all  vie  with  one 
another  in  reiterating  its  praises  (Basil.  Constit. 
Mon. ;  Gregor.  Naz.  Or.  12 ;  Chrys.  Vit.  Man.  ; 
Aug.  da  Mar.  Eccl.  31,  de  Op.  Mon.  c. 
28,  etc. ;  Hieron.  passim ;  Theodoret,  Hist. 
Eel. ;  Epiphan.  Ancor.  107,  etc.).  The  great 
Augustine  is  said  to  have  lived  in  a  kind  of 
monastery  with  the  clergy  of  his  cathedral ;  and 
by  his  eulogies  of  the  monastic  life  in  his  '  Com- 
mentary on  the  36th  Psalm '  to  have  won  Ful- 
gentius,  bishop  of  Ruspe,  in  the  6th  century,  to 
become  a  monk  himself.  In  one  enthusiastic 
passage  he  expresses  a  fervent  hope  that  monas- 
ticism may  shoot  out  its  branches  and  offshoots 
all  over  the  world  {De  Op.  Mon.  28).  Jerome 
goes  so  f;ir  as  to  speak  of  embracing  the  monas- 
tic life  as  a  kind  of  second  baptism  (^Ep.  39, 
ad  Paul.).  And  yet  in  the  writings  of  those 
who  extolled  monasticism  most  highly  there  are 
cautions  and  warnings  not  a  few  against  the 
dangers  which  beset  it.  Augustine,  with  cha- 
racteristic insight  into  the  strange  contradictions 
of  human  nature,  describes,  almost  as  one  of  the 
greatest  of  modern  painters  has  represented 
it  on  his  canvas,  the  recoil  of  a  novice  on  first 
entering  a  monastery  from  the  vices  and  inconsis- 
tencies of  some  among  its  inmates  {In  Ps.  c. ;  cf. 
Hieron.  Ep.  ad  Bust.  125,  ad  Eustoch.  22).  Pride 
was  always  the  besetting  sin  of  the  cloister.  Ambi- 
tion and  covetousness  crept  in  even  among  those 
who  had  renounced  the   world,  its  pomps  and 


MONASTERY 

vanities  (Hieron.  Epp.  ad  Rust.  125,  ad  Eustoch. 
22  ;  Aug.  Ep.  60,  ad  Heliodor.'),  and  sensuality 
assailed  those  who  had  retired,  as  they  hoped, 
to  a  safe  distance  from  the  temptations  of  the 
flesh  (Hieron.  Epp.  ad  Rust.  125,  ad  Eustoch. 
22).  The  loneliness,  the  silence  of  the  cell,  often 
brought  on  that  torment  of  the  over-scrupulous, 
a  religious  melancholy,  and  sometimes  downright 
insanity  (llier.ii;;.  ad  Rust.  125 ;  Cass.  Instit.  v.  9). 
And  though,  as  a  rule,  the  monks  were  among 
the  fiercest  and  noisiest  champions  of  ortho- 
doxy, at  times,  in  their  ignorance  and  isolation 
from  the  church  at  large,  they  were  equally 
zealous  for  the  extravagant  notions  of  heretical 
fanatics  (Sozom.  H.  E.  i.  12).  Whatever  side  they 
espoused,  they  were  the  fiercest  of  its  partisans. 
In  retaliations  on  the  heathen  for  the  ci-uelty 
which  they  had  inflicted  on  the  church,  in  putting 
down  heresy  by  force,  in  extorting  from  the  civil 
authorities  the  pardon  of  criminals,  monks  were 
ever  foremost.  By  the  advice  of  Gennadius, 
patriarch  of  Constantinople,  and  in  consequence 
of  the  tumults  in  Antioch  about  Peter  the  Fuller, 
Leo  the  Thracian,  in  the  middle  of  the  5th 
century,  made  an  edict  forbidding  monks  to 
quit  their  monasteries  and  excite  commotion  in 
cities  (Milm.  Hist.  Lat.  Christianity,  i.  294). 
The  outrages  of  the  Nitrian  monks  against 
Orestes,  the  praefect,  in  their  zeal  for  Cyril  of 
Alexandria,  of  Barsumas  and  his  rabble  against 
Flavian  of  Antioch  in  the  "  robber  council  "  of 
Antioch,  and  the  ferocity  which  would  not  leave 
the  saintly  Chrysostom  in  peace  even  at  the 
point  of  death,  are  no  extraordinary  instances  of 
what  the  monks  of  the  5th  century  were  capable 
of  in  their  theological  frenzies.  By  a  strange, 
yet  not  uncommon  inconsistency,  the  monk  in 
his  cell  listened  eagerly  for  the  rumours  of  pole- 
mical controversy  in  the  world  which  he  had 
abjured,  and  reserved  to  himself  the  right  of 
rushing  into  the  fray,  not  as  peacemaker,  but 
to  take  part  in  the  combat.  They  claimed  for 
themselves  an  authority  above  that  of  bishops, 
emperors,  councils.  As  in  the  Iconoclastic  con- 
troversy, so  generally  they  were  on  the  side  of 
superstition.  The  Egyptian  monks  clung  te- 
naciously to  their  anthropomorphic  conceptions 
of  the  Deity.  One  of  them,  an  old  man  named 
Serapion,  exclaimed  with  tears,  on  hearing  that 
God  is  a  Spirit,  "  They  have  taken  away  our 
God !  We  have  no  God  now  "  (Cassian.  Coll.  x. 
c.  3  ;  cf.  Kuffin.  de.  Verb.  Senior,  c.  21).  Some 
monks  in  Asia  Minor  inculcated  rigid  abstinence 
generally,  and  condemned  marriage  as  sinful 
(Soc.  //.  E.  ii.  43,  iv.  24 ;  Concil.  Gangr.  c. 
A.D.  330,  cc.  1,  2,  9).  Antinomianism  prevailed 
among  some  of  the  Mesopotamian  monks  in  the 
4th  century  (Epiphan.  Haeres.  Ixx.).  Augustine 
speaks  of  Manichaean  tendencies  among  monks 
{De  Mor.  Eccles.  i.  31). 

In  the  4th  century  the  growing  reverence  for 
celibacy  aided  monasticism  to  make  its  way  into 
almost  every  province  of  the  Roman  empire,  the 
civilised  world  of  that  day.  (Aug.  de  Mor. 
Eccles.  i.  31 ;  Theod.  Hist.  Eel.  30).  The  elder 
Macarius  in  the  Scetic  or  Scithic  desert,  the  elder 
Ammon  on  the  Kitrian  mount,  higher  up  the 
Nile  Pachomius  in  the  Thebais,  treading  in  the 
footsteps  of  Antony,  the  celebrated  hermit, 
founded  enormous  communities  of  monks,  with 
some  sort  of  rude  organisation.  The  numbers  of 
monks  in  Egypt  thus  herding  together  and  with- 


MONASTEKY 

drawn  from  ordinary  duties  of  a  social  and 
.political  life,  were  reckoned  at  this  time  by 
thousands.  (Soz.  H.  E.  iv.  14,  vi.  31 ;  Cass.  Inst. 
iv.  1.)  In  Syria  Hilarion  and  his  friend 
Hesychas,  with  Epiphanius,  afterwards  bishop 
of  Salumis  in  Cyprus,  in  Armenia  Eustathius, 
bishop  of  Sebaste,  the  first,  according  to  some 
writers,  to  prescribe  a  monastic  dress,  in  Asia 
Minor  Basil,  the  first,  to  impose  the  vow 
(Soz.  H.  E.  vi.  32 ;  Hieron.  Vit.  Hilar. ;  cf. 
Helyot,  Hist,  des  Ordres ;  Bulteau,  Hist,  dcs 
Moines  d' Orient),  led  the  way.  In  Africa  the 
rage  for  the  monastic  life,  according  to  Augustine, 
was  chiefly  among  the  poor  {De  Op.  Mon.  22). 
The  severe  enactments  of  the  persecuting 
■emperor  Valens  were  powerless  to  check  the 
rush  of  popular  feeling  in  this  direction  (Soc. 
H.  E.  iv.  24).  Jerome  speaks  of  multitudes  of 
monks  in  India,  Persia,  Ethiopia  (^Ep.  107  ad 
Laet). 

From  Syria  and  Egypt  the  passion  for  monas- 
ticism  spi-ead  rapidly  westwards.  Severinus, 
called  "  the  Apostle  of  Noricum,"  was  a  monk,  like 
most  of  the  great  missionaries  of  this  period,  and 
propagated  monasticism  side  by  side  with 
•Christianity.  The  islands  of  the  Adriatic  sea  soon 
swarmed  with  inonks,  nor  were  the  isles  in  the 
Tuscan  sea  slow  to  follow  their  example  (Hier. 
Ep.  de  Mort.  Fahiol. ;  Hieron.  Ep.  60  ad  Helio.). 
About  the  middle  of  the  4th  century,  Athanasius, 
in  his  exile  from  Alexandria,  sought  shelter  at 
Kome,  and  there,  in  the  metropolis  of  the  world 
(Aug.  de  Mor.  Ecc.  33),  the  growing  taste  for 
monasticism  enjoyed  to  the  full  all  the  advan- 
tages which  his  reputation  for  orthodoxy  and 
sanctity  could  lend  it,  or  which  it  could  derive, 
half  a  century  later,  from  Jerome's  fervid  and 
uncompromising  advocacy.  There  was  much 
in  the  monastic  life  thoroughly  in  keeping  with 
what  remained  among  Romans  of  their  pristine 
sternness  ;  it  was  a  congenial  reaction  from  the 
luxury  and  effeminacy  of  the  day.  Eusebius, 
contemporary  with  Athanasius,  fostered  it  at 
Vercellae,  in  Northern  Italy,  where,  as  bishop,  he 
resided  under  the  same  roof  with  some  of  his 
•clergy,  all  living  together  by  rule  ;  and  somewhat 
later,  the  illustrious  Ambrose  promoted  its  de- 
velopment in  and  about  Milan,  then,  as  now,  one 
of  the  chief  cities  in  that  part  of  the  peninsula 
(Aug.  de  Mor.  Eccles.  33).  Cassian,  early  in 
the  5th  century,  carried  his  experiences  of 
ei-emitic  and  coenobitic  life  in  Egypt  and  the 
Thebaid  to  Marseilles,  already  an  important 
trading  place,  there  establishing  two  monas- 
teries, afterwards  of  great  celebrity.  He  found 
similar  institutions  flourishing  in  the  islands 
then  called  Stoechades,  and  now  so  familiar  to 
invalids,  off  the  southern  coast  of  France, 
at  Toulouse,  and  in  the  adjacent  district, 
under  the  direction  of  Honoratus,  Jovinianus, 
Leontius,  and  Theodorus.  St.  Martin,  bishop  of 
Tours    ( Caesarodunum ),    turned   his    episcopal 

palace  into  a  monastery,  and  at  his  death   was 

followed  to  the  grave 'by  2000  monks  (Sulpic. 

Vit.  St.  Mart.).  In  the  earlier  part  of  his  life 
he  had  founded  a  monastery  (Locogingense,  in 
modern  times  Liguge'),  near  Poictiers  (Pic- 
tavium).     One  of  his  disciples,  Maximus,  founded 

a  monastery  on  LTsle  Barbe  (Insula  Barbara) 
near  Lyons,  and  another  at  Trier  or  Treves 
(Augusta  Trevirorum)  in  the  East.  Romanus,  a 
pupil  of  Benedict,   of  Monte   Casino,   with   his 


MONASTERY 


1221 


brother,  Lupicinus,  faithful  to  their  master's 
teaching,  planted  monasteries  on  the  Jura  moun- 
tains in  the  West,  early  in  the  6th  century 
(Mabill.  Amial.  O.S.B.).  In  Spain,  probably 
from  its  proximity  to  Africa,  and  easy  communi- 
cation with  that  country,  then  the  representative 
of  Western  or  Latin  Christianity,  monasticism 
flourished  at  an  earlier  date  even  than  in 
southern  Gaul,  under  the  auspices,  apparently, 
in  the  first  instance  of  an  African  named  Donatus 
(Ildefons,  de  Vir.  Illustr.  iv.).  So  early  as  in 
A.D.  380  a  decree  of  a  council  at  Saragossa,  for- 
bidding priests  to  affect  the  dress  of  monks,  shews 
that  monasticism  had  even  then  made  consider- 
able progress  in  Spain  (Concil.  Caesai-august. 
c.  6  ;  cf.  Mabill.  Annal.  0.  S.  B.  iii.  38,  39).  In 
the  British  Isles,  monasticism  flourished  ex- 
tensively long  before  the  mission  of  Augustine 
to  England  ;  but  the  Roman  missionaries  on  their 
arrival  received  anything  but  a  cordial  welcome 
from  their  British  brethren,  a  feeling  of  mutual 
distrust  and  hostility  arismg  from  the  differences 
which  existed  in  ritual,  costume,  &c.  But  rapid 
as  was  the  growth  of  monasticism,  it  had  many 
and  grave  difficulties  to  contend  with.  The  very 
enthusiasm  in  its  favour,  which  the  ardour  of  men 
like  Jerome  kindled  among  devout  persons,  only 
intensified  in  other  quarters  the  bitterness  and 
rancour  of  antagonism.  The  tumultuous  uproar 
of  the  Roman  crowd  at  Blesilla's  funeral  (Hier. 
Epp.  127  ad  Frincip.  39  ad  Paul.)  was  a  popular 
protest  against  the  austerities  which  were  sup- 
posed to  have  been  the  cause  of  her  death. 
Salvian  in  the  5th  century  speaks  of  the  un- 
popularity of  the  monks  in  Africa,  and  of  the 
jibes  and  jeers  which  their  pale  faces  and  sombre 
dress  excited  in  the  streets  (Z'e  Gxihern.  viii.  4). 
And  though  the  imperial  government  on  rare 
occasions,  probably  under  some  exceptional  influ- 
ence, shielded  the  monasteries,  as  when  Justinian 
allowed  minors  and  slaves  to  embrace  the  monastic 
life  without  the  permission  of  their  superiors 
{Cod.  I.  iii.  53,  55;  Novell,  v.  2),  yet,  as  a 
rule,  the  civil  power  regarded  with  a  not 
unreasonable  jealousy  the  absorption  of  so 
many  of  its  citizens  into  a  current  which 
withdrew  them  not  for  a  time  only  but  for  life, 
for  the  obligation  soon  came  to  be  considered  a 
lifelong  one  (Aug.  Serm.  60  ad  Frat.),  from 
all  participation  in  responsibilities  of  a  social  and 
political  nature. 

From  the  first  there  was  a  marked  contrast, 
which  has  been  well  expressed  by  the  terms 
"  endogenous  "  and  "  exogenous,"  between 
eastern  and  western  monachism.  The  dreamy 
quietism  of  the  East  preferred  silent  contempla- 
tion of  the  unseen  world  to  labour  and  toil ; 
its  self- mortification  was  passive  rather  than 
active.  So  far  as  it  prescribed  work  at  all,  it 
was  more  as  a  safeguard  for  the  soul  against  the 
snares  which  Satan  spreads  for  the  unoccupied, 
than  with  a  view  to  benefiting  others.  Weaving 
mats  and  baskets  of  rushes  or  osiers  was 
all  that  was  required,  as  a  harmless  way  of 
passing  the  time,  or  of  busying  the  fingers 
while  the  thoughts  were  fixed  on  vacancy.  The 
soft  and  genial  climate,  too,  spared  the  Asiatic  or 
the  African  the  trouble  of  providing  for  his  own 
daily  wants  and  those  of  his  brethren  with  the 
svveat  wrung  from  his  brow.  And  the  same 
habit  of  indolent  abstraction  held  him  back 
from  those  literary  pursuits,  which  were  in 
4K2 


1222 


MONASTERY 


many  an  instance  the  redeeming  characteristic 
of  the  great  monasteries  of  the  West,  even 
while  it  gave  the  rein  to  an  abstruse  and 
bewildering  disputativeness,  ever  evolving  out  of 
itself  fresh  materials  for  di:;puting.  In  Europe  it 
was  quite  otherwise.  There,  even  within  the 
walls  of  the  monastery,  was  the  ever-present 
sense  of  the  necessity  and  the  blessedness  of 
exertion.  There,  the  monk  was  not  merely  a 
worker  among  other  workers,  but  by  his  voca- 
tion led  the  way  in  enterprises  of  danger  and 
difficulty.  Whatever  time  remained  over  and 
above  the  stated  hours  of  prayer  and  study  was 
for  manual  labours  of  a  useful  kind,  and  farming, 
gardening,  building,  out  of  doors  and  within 
the  house,  for  caligraphy,  painting,  &c.  The 
monks  in  Europe  were  the  pioneers  of  culture 
and  civilisation  as  well  as  of  religion  ;  usually 
they  were  the  advanced  guard  of  the  hosts  of 
art,  science  and  literature.  From  this  radical 
divergence  of  thought  and  feeling,  two  main 
consequences  naturally  followed.  A  less  sparing, 
a  more  generous  diet  was  a  necessity  for  those 
who  were  bearing  the  fatigues  of  the  day  in  a 
way  which  their  eastern  brethren  could  form  no 
idea  of.  A  more  exact,  a  more  minute  arrange- 
ment of  the  hours  of  the  day  was  a  necessity 
for  those  who,  instead  of  wanting  to  kill  time, 
had  to  economise  it  to  the  best  of  their  ability. 
The  closer  and  more  systematic  organisation 
which,  from  the  date,  at  least,  of  Benedict  of 
Monte  Casino,  marked  the  monasteries  of  the 
West,  and  the  more  liberal  dietary  which  he 
deliberately  sanctioned  were  admirably  adapted 
for  the  Roman  and  the  Barbarian  alike  in  the 
Europe  of  his  day.  To  the  one,  with  his  innate 
and  traditionary  deference  for  law,  the  orderly 
routine  of  the  cloister  was  infinitely  preferable 
to  the  lawless  despotism  of  the  empire  ;  and  even 
the  sturdy  independence  of  the  Goth  bowed 
willingly  beneath  a  yoke  which  it  had  chosen 
for  itself  without  constraint. 

"  In  truth  the  prison  unto  which  we  doom 
Ourselves  no  prison  is." 

In  the  East  the  monasteries,  as  a  rule,  were 
larger,  but  less  firmly  administered.  There  the 
laxer  system  of  the  "  Laura  "  prevailed  more 
widely  and  lasted  till  a  later  period  than  in 
Europe  (Mabill.  Pracff.  V.  vi.).  In  East  and 
West  alike,  the  control  exercised  by  the  bishop 
of  the  diocese  over  the  monastei'ies  in  his 
jurisdiction  was  from  first  to  last  scarcely 
more  than  titular.  But  in  Latin  Christendom 
the  centralising  authority  of  the  pope  supplied 
the  want  of  episcopal  control,  not,  however, 
without  the  vices  which  are  inherent  in  an 
overstramed  centi-alisation. 

Before  the  5th  century  there  was  no  uni- 
formity of  rule  among  the  various  monas- 
teries even  of  one  race  or  country.  Cassian 
complained  that  every  cell  had  its  rule  ;  that 
there  were  as  many  rules  as  monasteries 
{Instit.  ii.  2).  In  some  cases,  under  the  roof  of 
the  same  monastery,  a  divided  allegiance  was 
given  to  several  rules  at  once  (Mab.  Annal. 
0.  S.  B.  Praef.  18).  All  this  was  perhaps  inevit- 
able from  the  fact  that  the  monastic  life  had  its 
origin  not  in  an  impulse  given  by  any  one 
directing  and  controlling  spirit,  but  in  the 
exigencies  of  the  age  generally.  Gradually 
order  emerged  out  of  this  chaos.     The  ascetic 


MONASTEEY 

writings  commonly  ascribed  to  Basil  of  Caesareia 
sometimes  to  his  friend  Eustathius  of  Scbaste,  ex- 
ercised from  the  first  over  the  monasteries  of  the 
East  an  influence  which  they  have  never  lost  in 
those  unchanging  lands  where  change  is  an 
impiety.  The  rule  of  Basil — the  first  written 
code  of  the  sort — was  popular  for  a  time  in 
Southern  Italy,  a  stronghold,  from  the  circum- 
stances of  its  colonisation,  of  Greek  sympathies, 
was  translated  into  Latin  at  the  instance  oi 
Urseus,  abbat  of  Pinetum,  probably  near  the 
famous  pine  woods  of  Eavenna  ( Mab.  Ann. 
0.  S.  B.  I.  15),  was  used  in  Gaul  during  the 
5th  century  at  Lemovicus  (Limoges)  in  con- 
junction with  Cassian's  Institutes  (Jh.  IV.  40) ; 
and  won  for  itself  the  commendation  of  Cassio- 
dorus  and  Benedict.  Some  European  monasteries 
at  first  adopted  their  rules  from  Egypt,  the 
mother-country  of  asceticism  ;  thus  the  so-called 
rule  of  Macarius  was  in  foi'ce  in  a  Burgundian 
monastery,  and  the  "rule  of  Antony  "  m  a  monas- 
tery near  Orleans  (Mab.  Ann.  0.  S.  B.  I.). 
Cassian  was  the  precursor  of  Benedict  in  the 
arduous  work  of  systematising  the  development 
of  monasticism.  But  it  is  inexact  to  speak  of 
"  Cassian's  severe  and  inflexible  rule  "  (Milmnn, 
Lat.  Chr.  II.  ii.).  Strictly  speaking,  Cassian  is 
the  author  of  no  rule  properly  so  entitled  ;  he 
was  a  compiler  of  materials  suggestive  of  legis- 
lation, not  a  legislator  himself.  It  was  probably 
through  his  influence,  in  part  at  least,  that 
many  of  the  Gallic  monasteries  copied  the  type 
presented  to  them  by  the  celebrated  monastery 
of  Honoratus  at  Lerina  (Lerins),  which  seems  to 
have  been  itself  in  its  commencement  a  copy 
from  those  great  Egyptian  communities,  which 
Cassian  knew  well  from  his  own  personal  experi- 
ence, wherein  the  brethren,  dwelling  each  in  his 
little  separate  cell,  all  under  one  abbat,  met 
together  at  stated  times  for  the  sacred  offices, 
and  for  refreshment  (Mab.  Ann.  0.  S.  B.  L 
29,  30). 

The  appearance  of  the  rule  of  Benedict,  first 
and  greatest  in  the  long  list  of  monastic 
reformers,  was  the  commencement  of  uniformity 
in  the  monasteries  of  the  West.  Starting  fronv 
its  birthplace,  Monte  Casino,  on  the  wildly 
picturesque  spurs  of  the  Apennines,  it  asserted 
its  supremacy  in  Italy  before  the  end  of  the 
6th  century,  in  the  countries  which  are  now 
France  and  Germany  after  the  era  of  Winfried 
or  Boniface,  and  in  Spain,  where  the  rule  o£ 
Isidore  had  prevailed,  after  the  9th  century. 
In  the  next  century  it  was  almost  universally 
accepted  throughout  Christian  Europe  (Pel- 
liccia,  Ecc.  Chr.  Pol.  I.  iii.  1,  4). 

Like  Aaron's  rod  it  swallowed  up  its  rivals^ 
For  a  time,  indeed,  the  more  ascetic  rule  of 
Columbanus,  emanating  from  the  remote  shores 
of  Britain,  where,  before  his  missionary  labours 
in  Gaul  and  westwards,  he  had  been  trained  under 
the  rigorous  tutelage  of  the  famous  Comgall, 
abbat  of  Bangor,  came  into  conflict  in  central 
Europe  with  the  Benedictine  rule,  and  disputed" 
its  pre-eminence.  But  the  followers  of  Colum- 
banus never  became  a  separate  order.  The 
monasteries  wherein  his  rule  was  followed 
solely  and  absolutely  were  never  numerous. 
More  usually  his  rule  was  combined  with  that 
of  Benedict,  as  in  the  monasteries  of  Luxoviunv 
(Luxeuil)  and  Bobium  (Bobbio)  in  the  7th  cen- 
tury.    The  most  characteristic  part  of  his  rul& 


MONASTERY 

the  Poenitentiale,  was  too  peremptory,  too 
Draconic  ever  to  become  geucrally  popular. 
After  the  synod  of  Macon,  A.D.  625  {Concil. 
Matiscon.),  in  which  the  rule  was  defended  by 
Eustathius,  abbat  of  Luxeuil,  from  the  charges 
brought  against  it  by  one  of  his  monks,  the 
Columbanist  rule  may  be  said  to  have  ceased  to 
exist  separately.  The  Benedictine  rule  was  milder 
and  more  flexible  than  its  compeers ;  it  was 
more  in  harmony  with  the  temperament  of  the 
Italian  peninsula,  whence  at  that  time  other 
Christian  lands  in  the  West  received  their  eccle- 
siastical laws ;  it  enjoyed  the  favour  and 
patronage  of  Rome,  the  capital  of  Christendom 
(Mab.  AmutJ.  0.  S.  B.  Praef.  pp.  23,  25). 
Wherever  the  two  rules  existed  side  by  side  in 
the  same  monastery,  the  Italian  rule,  inevitably 
and  as  of  necessity,  sooner  or  later  ousted  the 
Hibernian.  Even  in  its  own  birth-land,  notwith- 
standing the  obstinate  tenacity  with  which  the 
native  monks  ("  Scoti,"  i.e.  Irish)  clung  to  their 
(Prepossessions  about  the  right  time  for  keep- 
ing Easter  and  the  right  way  of  shaving  for  the 
tonsure,  &c.,  the  rule  of  Columbanus  failed  to 
hold  its  own  against  the  encroachments  of  its 
exotic  rival.  In  the  8th  century,  the  rule  of 
'Benedict  was  carried  by  Saxon  missionaries 
l)eyond  the  Tweed  (Holsten,  Praef.  in  Cod. 
JRegul  S.  Bened.  Anian,  pp.  403-405). 

Amid  all  these  divergencies  and  discrepancies, 
that  which  gave  cohesion  and  stability  to  the 
monastic  system  was  the  almost  absolute 
authority  of  the  abbat,  an  authority  greater 
than  that  of  a  captain  of  an  English  man-of-war 
In  modern  times,  and  almost  on  a  par  with  that 
of  iin  Oriental  despot  (e.g.  Cone.  Franco/,  a.d. 
794).  For  his  monks  to  hear  was  to  obey.  He 
held  his  office,  ordinarily,  for  life.  Within  the 
walls,  primarily  intended  for  defence  against 
enemies  from  without,  but  which  soon  came  to 
"be  quite  as  useful  for  keeping  the  brethren  in. 
Tie  reigned  supreme ;  and  his  watchful  eye 
followed  them  even  beyond  the  precincts 
(Cone.  Tnrracon.  a.d.  516,  c.  11).  Each  monk  in 
iurn  was  a  spy  on  the  others  (Greg.  M.  Epp.  x. 
22) ;  was  bound  to  inform  the  father-abbat  of 
any  misconduct  on  their  part,  bound,  too,  by 
habitual  confession  to  the  abbat,  to  accuse 
himself.  It  was  an  integral  part  of  Benedict's 
policy  thus  to  magnify  the  office  of  the  abbat. 
It  was,  in  a  word,  the  keystone  of  his  arch. 
•Gregory  the  Great,  a  century  later  (the  Roman 
church  has  always  been  skilful  in  utilising 
Tier  monastic  auxiliaries),  was  very  sevei-e  against 
vagabond  monks  (Greg.  M.  Epp.  I.  40,  vi.  32, 
vii.  36,  &c.;  cf.  Cone.  Aurcl.  a.d.  511,  c.  19). 
On  the  same  principle  Charles  the  Great  enacted 
that  solitary  recluses  should  enroll  themselves 
either  as  monks  or  canons  (Car.  M.  Cajjit.  802 
A.D.  I.  c.  17,  806  A.D.  IV.  c.  2,  kc. ;  cf.  Justin, 
Novell.  133.)  Throughout  the  history  of  monas- 
ticism,  the  vow  of  unhesitating  and  unquestioning 
obedience  has  been  one  great  secret  of  monastic 
vitality. 

From  the  first  the  necessity  had  been  recog- 
nised of  repressing  insubordination  with  an  iron 
Tiand.  Jerome  and  Augustine  had  censured  the 
lawlessness  of  the  "  Remobothi,"  the  "  Sara- 
baitae,"  the  "Gyrovagi,"  and  other  monkish 
vagrants  (Hier.  Ep.  ad  Eustoch. ;  Aug.  de  Op. 
Man.  cc.  28,  31;  Mett.  i.  21).  Jerome,  indeed, 
had  recommended  the  very   plan  which  after- 


MONASTERY 


1223 


wards  became  a  promment  feature  in  the  Bene- 
dictine policy,  that  the  abbat  should  have  a 
provost  or  prior  under  him  as  the  officer  next  in 
command  to  himself,  assisted  by  deans  in  the 
larger  monasteries.  Benedict  himself  preferred 
that  the  government  of  the  monasteries  should 
be  carried  on  by  abbat  and  deans  without  the 
intervention  of  a  prior,  lest  there  should  be  any 
rivalry  between  the  abbat  and  his  lieutenant. 
As  monasteries,  both  in  Eastern  and  Western 
Christendom,  began  to  be  founded  in  closer 
proximity  to  great  cities,  these  and  similar 
precautions  against  disorder  became  more  and 
more  necessary.  Gregory  the  Great,  exercising 
an  almost  ubiquitous  supervision  over  Latin 
Christendom,  recommended  a  probation  of  two  or 
three  years  before  a  novice  should  become  a  monk 
(Greg.  M.  Epp.  iv.  23).  Again  and  again,  iu 
his  solicitude  for  the  preservation  of  a  rigid 
monastic  discipline,  he  insists  that  the  abbat 
must  be  a  monk  whose  moral  and  spiritual 
fitness  has  been  well  proved  and  tested  before 
his  election ;  that  he  is  to  relieve  himself,  as 
far  as  possible,  of  mundane  distractions  by 
having  a  good  lay-agent ;  that  he  is  to  be  strict 
in  correcting  offenders ;  that  he  is  to  retain  in 
his  own  hands  the  appointment  of  the  deans ; 
and,  in  the  appointment  of  a  prior,  to  exercise 
his  own  discretion,  if  necessary,  by  deviating 
from  the  order  of  seniority,  and  by  selecting  the 
brother  whom  he  believes  best  qualified  for  the 
office  (ib.  pass.).  Council  after  council  issued 
its  fulminations  against  recalcitrant  or  disorderly 
monks,  and  endeavoured  to  weld  together  the 
organisation  of  each  monastery  firmly  and  com- 
pactly under  one  head.  Thus  the  council  of 
Agde,  A.D.  506,  ordered  that  no  member  of  the 
community  should  live  in  a  cell  apart  from  the 
cloister,  except  by  the  abbat 's  special  leave,  nor, 
even  so,  outside  the  precincts  ("  intra  saepta  ") 
(Cone.  Agath.  c.  38;  cf.  Cone.  Venet.  A.D.  465, 
c.  7  ;  Novell.  133).  The  same  council  enacted  that 
no  abbat  should  superintend  more  than  one 
monastery,  hospices  excepted  (cf.  Gregor.  M. 
Epp.  X.  41).  The  abbat  was  usually  elected  by 
the  monks  (Bened.  Anian.  Concord.  L'egul.  IV.  i.). 
Louis,  the  son  and  successor  of  Charles  the 
Great,  restored  this  ancient  privilege  to  the  great 
abbeys  of  his  dominion,  from  whom  his  father 
had  wrested  it.     [Abr.\t.] 

During  the  period  of  turbulence  and  confusion 
in  Europe,  which  followed  the  crash  of  Rome 
under  the  onset  of  the  barbarians,  and  before  the 
disintegrated  empire  had  been  reconstructed  by 
the  strong  hand  of  Charles  the  Great,  the  monks 
were  everywhere  the  champions  of  order  against 
lawless  violence,  of  the  weak  and  defenceless 
against  the  brute  force  of  the  oppressor.  Again 
and  again  they  confronted  kings  and  nobles  with- 
out fear,  and  without  favour,  as  Columbanus  for 
instance,  among  the  Franks,  rebuked  the 
profligacy  of  the  Merovingian  princes,  flie 
proudest  monarch,  the  most  reckless  of  his 
barons,  bowed  in  reverence  before  the  mys- 
teriously awful  attributes  of  the  pale,  emaciated 
recluse  coming  forth  like  a  phantom  from  his 
cell  or,  at  least,  affected  the  friendship  of  so 
powerful  .in  ally.  The  cloister,  always  a  s.iuc- 
tuarv  and  asylum  for  the  friendless  and  he 
unfortunate,  iDecame  in  an  age  when  even  the 
tenure  of  the  throne  was  so  i.recarious,  a  con- 
venient place  for  the  incarcerationoftho.se  whom 


1224 


MONASTERY 


it  was  desirable  to  put  out  of  the  way  without 
killing.  What  had  been  at  first  in  many  cases 
involuntary,  came  to  be  prized  for  its  own  sake. 
Clothilda,  the  widow  of  Clovis,  in  the  6th  century, 
when  threatened  with  death  or  the  tonsure  for 
her  sons,  preferred  "  death  before  degradation." 
In  the  8th  century  two  ex-kings,  Carloman  the 
Frank,  and  Rachis  the  Lombard,  sought  and 
found  shelter  at  the  same  moment  by  their  own 
choice,  in  the  monastery  of  Monte  Casino.  Louis, 
the  successor  of  Charles  the  Great  on  the  throne 
of  the  Franks,  was  only  dissuaded  by  his  nobles, 
in  A.D.  819,  from  becoming  a  monk  ;  fourteen 
years  later  he  was  compelled  by  his  sons  to' 
retire  to  the  monastery  of  St.  Medard,  at 
Soissons.  The  list  of  sovereigns  who  from  the 
5th  to  the  10th  century,  either  by  constraint  or 
by  choice,  became  monks,  is  indeed  a  long  one. 
Distinguished  oftenders  among  the  Franks  had 
the  option  of  being  shut  up  in  a  monastery  or 
of  undergoing  the  usual  canonical  penances 
(Capitul.  Reg.  Franc,  vi.  71,  90;  vii.  59), 

Early  in  the  6th  century,  for  the  first  time, 
according  to  Mabillon,  criminal  priests  or  deacons 
were  sentenced  by  a  council  in  the  south-east  of 
France  to  incarceration  in  a  monastery  {Cone. 
Epaonense,  a.d.  517,  c.  3  ;  cf.  Gregor.  M.  Epp. 
viii.  10).  In  the  7th  century,  in  the  words  of 
the  great  historian  of  the  Western  church,  "  the 
peaceful  passion  for  monachism  had  become  a 
madness,  which  seized  on  the  strongest,  some- 
times the  fiercest  souls.  Monasteries  arose  in 
all  quarters,  and  gathered  their  tribute  of  wealth 
from  all  lands  "  (Milman,  Hist,  of  Lat.  Christi- 
anity, ii.  221). 

Under  the  fostering  care  of  the  great  Charles, 
monasteries  were  not  merely  a  shelter  and  a 
refuge  from  social  storms,  and  centres  from 
which  radiated  over  fen  and  forest  the  civilising 
influences  of  the  farm  and  the  garden,  but  schools 
of  useful  learning,  according  to  the  requirements 
and  capacities  of  the  period.  Already,  under 
the  Merovingians,  sons  of  princes,  for  instance, 
Meroveus,  son  of  Chilperic,  had  been  sent  to 
monasteries  to  be  taught  (Mab.  Ann.  0.  S.  B. 
iii.  54).  Charles  made  many  and  liberal  grants 
of  land  to  the  monasteries,  and  his  monk-loving 
son  gave  even  more  bountifully.  But  fine  build- 
ings and  wide  domains,  besides  attracting  the 
cupidity  of  the  spoiler,  brought  with  them  the 
pride  and  the  luxury,  which  follow  in  the  train  of 
wealth  and  prosperity  (Milman,  L.  C.  ii.  294). 
Abbats  too  often  took  advantage  of  the  absence  of 
neighbouring  barons  on  military  service  to  seize 
their  fiefs,  stepping  into  their  place,  and  becom- 
ing themselves  feudal  chieftains.  But  they  were 
not  content  with  the  comparatively  limited 
jurisdiction  of  their  predecessors.  The  recognised 
appeal  to  the  king  in  their  case  soon  fell  into 
desuetude ;  they  assumed  a  position  above  their 
feudal  peers,  as  suzerain  lords ;  and  on  the 
principle  that  a  thing  once  devoted  to  God 
becomes  His  only.  His  always.  His  altogether,  they 
claimed  various  immunities  for  their  lands  from 
the  ordinary  tolls  and  taxes.  "  Their  estates  were 
held  on  the  same  tenure  as  those  of  the  lay 
nobility ;  they  had  been  invested  with  them, 
especially  in  Germany,  according  to  the  old 
Teutonic  law  of  conquest.  Abbacies  were 
originally,  or  became,  in  the  strictest  sense 
benefices.  Abbats  took  the  same  oath  with 
other  vassals  on  a  change  of  sovereign.     Abbats 


MONASTEKY 

and  abbesses  were  bound  to  appear  at  the  Heer- 
bann  of  the  sovereign."  (Milman,  ih.  ii.  289.) 
Though  the  abbats  themselves  were  forbidden  to 
carry  arms,  and  took  their  oath  of  fealty  as 
counsellors,  their  "  men "  were  as  much  bound 
to  follow  the  king  in  his  wars  as  the  "  men  "  of 
his  lay  vassals  (ib.).  The  first  instance  recorded 
of  a  fighting  abbat  is  that  of  Warnerius,  in  his 
breastplate  and  other  accoutrements,  taking  an 
active  part  in  the  defence  of  Rome  against  the 
Lombards  in  the  8th  century  (ib.  ii.  243). 
Abbats,  not  unnaturally  perhaps,  in  circumstances 
like  these,  grew  rapidly  less  and  less  distinct  in 
their  manner  of  life  from  their  compeers,  the  lay 
aristocracy  around  them.  Their  illustrious  patron 
had  to  repress  their  hunting  and  hawking  pro- 
pensities, ordering  them  to  do  their  shooting  and 
their  other  field  sports  by  deputy,  in  the  person 
of  the  lay  brothers  {Capit.  Car.  M.  A.D.  769,  c. 
3,  A.D.  802,  L  c.  19  ;  Cone.  Mogunt.  A.D.  813,  c. 
14),  and  he  denounced  severely  monks  who  are 
"  lazy  and  careless."  Charles  resei-ved  to  himself 
the  appointment  of  the  great  abbats.  Under  the 
feebler  sway  of  his  successors  monasteries  became 
more  and  more  secular.  The  younger  and  the 
illegitimate  sons  of  noble  or  royal  families 
came  to  regard  the  richer  abbeys  as  their 
patrimony,  and  resented  the  intrusion  of  men 
of  lower  birth  into  these  high  places  of  the 
church.  And  though  then,  as  always,  in  spite 
of  every  discouragement,  genius  and  pioty  some- 
times forced  their  way  to  the  front,  and  though 
sometimes  baser  arts  won  preferment,  the  larger 
ecclesiastical  fiefs  passed  so  generally  into  tlie 
hands  of  the  nobles,  as  to  make  the  great  abbats 
almost  a  caste  (Milm.  Lat.  Chr.  ii.  329). 

The  relation  of  monks  to  the  clergy,  and 
their  continually  recurring  jealousies,  form  a 
curious  chapter  in  the  history  of  monasticism. 
Originally  monks,  as  a  class,  were  regarded  as 
laymen,  although  even  from  the  first  there  v.-ere 
individual  instances  of  persons  becoming  monks 
after  being  ordained.  Still,  as  monks,  all  ranked 
collectively  with  the  lay,  not  the  clerical  part 
of  the  Christian  community.  The  term  "clerici  " 
was  applied  not  only  to  the  clergy  properly  so 
called,  but  to  the  numerous  officials  connected 
with  the  church  in  various  secular  capacities, 
as  bursars,  doorkeepers,  &c.  Accordingly,  the 
monk,  even  if  he  were  not  himself  a  layman, 
was  naturally  classed  with  laymen,  as  being 
unconnected  with  ecclesiastical  offices  of  any 
sort.  Monks,  for  their  part,  were  more  than 
content  to  be  so  regarded.  It  was  one  of 
their  axioms  that  a  monk  should  shun  the 
company  of  a  bishop  as  he  would  the  company 
of  a  woman,  lest  he  should  be  ordained  perforce 
and  against  his  own  free  will  ;  for  monks  were 
in  request  for  the  diaconate  or  the  priesthood 
as  well  as  abbats  for  the  office  of  bishop  "  (Cass. 
Inst.  si.  17  ;  Bingham,  Orig.  Eccles.  iv.  7). 
Monks  indeed  had  no  cause  to  be  ambitious  of 
ecclesiastical  dignities.  In  the  5th  century 
they  took  precedence  of  deacons  (Epiphan.  Haer. 
Ixviii.);  and  in  the  East  their  archimandrites 
had  places  at  the  councils  of  the  church 
(C.  P.  I.,  Cone.  Eph.  Act.  I.  Sess.,  Cmw.  Chalced.^. 
Like  other  barriers  between  the  monk  and  his 
fellow  men,  this  demarcation  between  monks  and 

»  After  the  5tli  century,  bishops  were  frequently  chosen, 
from  among  the  monks. 


BIONASTEEY 

vhrgy  became  less  strongly  marked  after  the 
4th  century ;  the  gradual  relaxation  of  pri- 
mitive austerity  in  the  monastery  being  partly 
the  cause  and  partly  the  result  of  this  mutual 
approximation  of  the  one  to  the  other  (Hieron. 
]-^p.  ad  Eustoch.^  Other  causes  also  v/ere  at 
work.  The  monastery  was  often  a  nui-sery  or 
"  training-college  "  for  the  clergy  (Hieron.  Ep. 
ad  Eust. ;  cf.  Cone.  Vasens.  a.d.  529).  On 
the  one  hand,  dioceses  needed  clergy  other 
than  the  parochial  clergy  for  missionary  work  ; 
on  the  other  hand,  the  monastery  needed 
one  priest  at  least,  if  not  more  than  one,  as 
its  resident  chaplain.  The  illiterate  clergy 
looked  naturally  to  the  nearest  monastery  for 
help  in  the  composition  of  sermons.  Deacons, 
though  forbidden  to  preach,  were  allowed  to 
read  homilies  in  church ;  and  these  were  fur- 
nished in  case  of  need  by  the  monks,  men, 
sometimes  at  least,  of  learning,  in  comparison 
with  the  country  clergy  (Mabill.  Annal.  0.  S.  B. 
iii.  56).  And  they,  who  were  thus  assisting  the 
clergy  in  their  work,  affected  not  unreasonably  a 
clerical  costume.  More  than  one  council  in  the 
6th  century  made  its  enactment  against  monks 
wearing  the  "orarium,"  or  stole,  and  against 
their  wearing  boots  or  buskins  instead  of  their 
own  rude  sandals  (Cone.  Agath.  a.d.  506  ;  Cone. 
Aurcl.i.  A.D.  511;  Cone.  Epaon.  A.D.  518;  cf. 
Ccmc.  Zaodic.  a.d.  361).  Sometimes,  at  first 
more  usually,  the  spiritual  wants  of  the  monas- 
tery were  supplied  by  the  bishop  sending  a  priest 
at  the  abbat's  request,  to  perform  mass  at  stated 
times ;  sometimes  by  a  priest  being  appointed  to 
reside  in  the  monastery  ;  sometimes  by  one  of 
the  monks  themselves  being  ordained  (Greg. 
M.  Epp.  pass.).  On  festivals  the  monks  usually 
resorted  to  their  parish  church  (Alteserr.  Ascet. 
i.  2).    [Oratory.] 

One  of  the  hardest  tasks  of  successive  popes 
was  to  regulate  and  adjust  the  rival  claims  of 
their  monks  and  their  clergy.  Gregory  the 
Great,  like  his  distinguished  predecessor  Leo,  the 
first  of  the  popes  of  that  name,  seems  to  have 
laboured  to  prevent  either  party  from  intruding 
beyond  its  own  proper  province  into  the  duties 
and  privileges  of  the  other.  He  forbade  monks 
to  officiate  without  leave  outside  their  walls 
(cf.  Leo  L  Epp.  118,  119).  He  forbade  the 
parochial  clergy  to  retreat  at  pleasure  from  their 
cures  to  the  quietness  and  leisure  of  a  monastery. 
He  ordered  baptisteries  to  be  removed  from 
monasteries.  He  discouraged  clerical  abbats ; 
and  he  censured  the  parochial  clergy,  who 
either  entered  a  monastery  or  quitted  it 
without  their  bishops'  sanction.  Sometimes, 
however,  he  transferred  the  charge  of  a  church 
neglected  by  its  parochial  clergy  to  the  monks 
of  the  adjoining  monastery,  on  condition  that 
they  should  provide  accommodation  among 
themselves  for  a  priest  who  should  act  as 
their  "vicar"  (Epp.  i.  40;  iii.  18;  iii.  59; 
iv.  1 ;  iv.  18).  After  the  6th  century  monks 
began  to  be  classed  in  popular  estimation 
with  the  clergy  (Mab.  AA.  0.  S.  B.  Praef. 
Saec.  ii.);  and  the  ecclesiastical  policy  of  the 
great  Carlovingian  legislator  in  the  8th  cen- 
tury, by  subjecting  the  abbats  to  the  juris- 
diction of  the  bishops  and  archbishops,  unin- 
tentionally favoured  this  notion.  A  council  at 
Eome,  in  a.d.  827,  ordered  abbats  to  be  in  priests' 
order  (Cone.  Bom.  c.  26) ;  a  council  at  Aachen 


MONASTERY 


1225 


about  the  same  time  permitted  them  to  admit 
any  of  their  monks  into  minor  orders ;  another 
at  Mainz  soon  afterwards  permitted  them  to 
hold  benefices  (Cone.  Aquisgr.  a.d.  817,  c.  60  • 
Cone.  Mogunt.  a.d.  827).  Monks  were  the  pre- 
dominating element  in  the  synods  of  the  ninth 
century,  sometimes  sitting  apart  from  the  clergy 
in  a  separate  chapter  (AA.  SS.  Jun.  ii.  c.  22, 
St.  Minuerc).  In  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  cen- 
turies more  than  one  council  prohibited  monks 
from  having  charge  of  parishes ;  but  Innocent 
III.,  their  patron  and  champion,  sanctioned  their 
officiating  even  in  parishes  whe-re  they  had  no 
"  domicilium  "  or  residence.  Gregory  of  Tours 
uses  the  terms  "  monachi  "  and  "  clerici "  indis- 
criminately. But  the  long-standing  rivalry 
between  the  monks  and  clergy  lasted  on,  not- 
withstanding this  superficial  fusion,  or  rather 
all  the  more  acrimoniously,  because  of  their 
being  brought  more  frequently  into  collision. 

The  right  of  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  to  exer- 
cise jurisdiction  over  the  monasteries  in  his 
diocese,  and  the  limits  within  which  his  autho- 
rity ought  to  be  exercised  were  a  constant 
source  of  irritation  on  both  sides.  The  struggle 
between  bishop  and  abbat  dates  from  the  very 
commencement  of  monachism ;  council  after 
council  endeavoured  to  arbitrate  between  their 
conflicting  claims;  but  it  was  inevitable  that 
fresh  occasions  of  dispute  should  arise  continu- 
ally. At  first,  and  so  long  as  the  monk  was 
distinctly  regarded  as  a  layman,  there  was  less 
danger  of  rivalry  or  collision.  The  council  of 
Chalcedon  (a.d.  451)  enacted,  that  the  bishop  of 
each  city  should  superintend  its  monasteries 
according  to  "  the  traditions  of  the  fathers,"  and 
that  every  refractory  monk  should  be  excom- 
municated ;  that  no  monk  should  enter  the  city 
of  Constantinople  (already  the  monks  had  caused 
disturbances  there)  without  the  bishop's  permis- 
sion ;  and  that  the  consecration  of  the  monastery 
by  the  bishop  should  be  the  guarantee  against  its 
being  secularised  (Cone.  Chalced.  cc.  4,  8,  2o,  24). 
Africa,  notorious  already  for  the  turbulence  of  its 
vagabond  monks,  was  the  first  to  raise  the  stan- 
dard of  revolt.  One  of  the  abbats  in  the  diocese 
of  Byrsa,  having  been  excommunicated  by  his 
own  bishop,  Liberatus,  appealed  to  the  bishop  of 
Carthage,  metropolitan  in  the  proconsular  pro- 
vince of  Carthage  (Du  Cange,  Glossar.  Lat.  s.  v. 
Primas).  At  a  synod  in  Carthage  (a.d.  525), 
presided  over  by  Bonifacius,  bishop  of  Carthage, 
in  right  of  his  see,  sentence  was  pi-ononnced  in 
favour  of  the  abbat.  Indeed,  in  their  desire  to 
prevent  any  intrusion  on  the  part  of  Liberatus, 
the  council  went  so  for  as  to  lay  down  the  rule, 
that  monasteries  being  as  heretofore  ("sicut 
semper  fuerunt  ")  entirely  exempt  from  the  obli- 
gations which  restrain  the  clergy  ("  a  conditione 
clericorum  libera")  should  be  guided  only  by 
their  own  sense  of  what  is  right  ("  sibi  tantum 
ac  Deo  placentia "),  and  this  decision  was  con- 
firmed by  a  synod  nine  years  later,  in  the  same 
city  (Conce.  Carth.  A.d.  525;  a.d,  534). 
Mabillon  thinks  that  this  right  of  appeal 
to  another  bishop,  involving  for  the  monastery 
the  right  of  choosing  its  own  visitor,  was  a 
security  against  episcopal  oppression.^  A  similar 
dispute  between  Faustus,  abbat  of  Lirinensis 
Insula  (Lerins)  and  Theodorus,  bishop  of  Foroju- 
lium  (Frejus),  was  settled  at  Aries  far  more  equit- 
ably.    There  it  was  enacted,  that  clerical  monks 


1226 


MONASTERY 


should  obey  the  bishop  in  questions  relating  to 
their  office  as  clergy,  while  lay  monks  should 
obey  their  abbat  only  ;  on  the  one  hand,  that  no 
one  should  officiate  in  the  monastery,  except  as 
delegated  by  the  bishop,  and,  on  the  other,  that 
the  bishop  should  never  receive  any  lay-brother 
to  ordination,  without  the  consent  of  the  abbat 
(Labb.  CoriciL  ed.  1762,  viii.  pp.  635-656).  But 
even  this  was  no  final  or  permanent  solution  of 
the  ever-recurring  difficulty.  Councils  again  and 
again  through  the  6th  and  7th  centuries  re- 
affirmed this  fundamental  distinction  between 
monks  as  monks,  and  monks  as  clergy,  but  in 
A-ain.  The  tendency  of  things  actually  was 
to  make  the  monastery  within  its  own  domain 
more  and  more  independent  of  its  bishop. 

No  new  monastery  could  be  founded  without 
the  bishop's  sanction  (JJonc.  Chalced.  A.D.  451, 
c.  24 ;  CoMC.  Agath.  A.D.  506,  c.  27) ;  just  as  a 
layman  needed  the  same  permission  to  erect 
a  church  {Cone.  Herd.  A.D.  524,  c.  3).  If  the 
bishop  himself  were  the  founder  he  might  devote 
a  fortieth  part  of  his  episcopal  income  as  en- 
dowment, instead  of  the  hundredth  part  per- 
missible for  the  endowment  of  a  new  church 
{Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  655,  c.  5).  But,  the  monas- 
tery once  founded,  the  choice  of  a  new  abbat 
belonged  not  to  the  bishop  but  to  the  monks 
themselves.  But  the  bishop  might  interfere,  in 
case  of  their  electing  a  vicious  abbat.  They 
were  free  to  elect  whom  they  would,  one  of  their 
own  body  by  preference,  if  possiijle,  but,  in  the 
event  of  there  being  no  eligible  candidate  among 
themselves,  a  stranger  from  another  monastery 
(Bened.  Anianens.  Concord.  Regul.  v.  s. ;  Cone. 
Boinan.  A.D.  601  ;  Cone.  Tolet.  x.  a.d.  656, 
c.  3).  Nevertheless  the  abbat  was  to  hold  his 
office  under  the  supervision  of  the  bishop;  he 
was  to  attend  the  bishop's  visitation  yearly ; 
if  he  failed  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty,  he 
was  to  be  admonished  and  corrected,  or  even, 
in  case  of  gross  misconduct,  deposed  by  the 
bishop,  not,  however,  without  a  right  of  appeal 
to  the  metropolitan  or  to  a  general  assembly  of 
abbats  {Cone.  AureJ.  a.d.  51  ij  cc.  19,  20;  Cunc. 
Epaon.  A.D.  517,  c.  19  ;  Cone.  Arelat.  a.d.  554, 
c.  3;  Co7ic.  Roman.  A.d.  601).  Outside  their 
monastic  precincts  the  bishop  was  supposed  to 
have  a  general  jurisdiction  over  the  monks  in 
his  diocese,  and  in  this  way,  obviously,  might 
often  prove  himself  an  invaluable  and  almost 
indispensable  ally  to  the  abbat,  seated  within 
his  monastery,  iu  coercing  and  reclaiming 
truants.  {Cone.  Aurel.  A.D.  511,  c.  19;  Cone. 
Arelat.  A.D.  554,  c.  2).  Monks  were  forbidden 
to  wander  from  one  diocese  to  another,  or  from 
one  monastery  to  another,  without  commenda- 
tory letters  from  the  bishop  as  well  as  from  the 
abbat ;  if  contumacious,  they  were  to  be  whipped 
{Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  635,  c.  53;  Cone.Venet.  a.d. 465, 
oc.  5,  6).  The  bishop's  permission  was  requisite, 
not  the  abbat's  only,  for  a  monk  to  occupy  a 
separate  cell  apart  from  the  monastery  {Cone. 
Aurel.  A.D.  511,  c.  22).  In  short  the  bishop  was 
in  theory,  if  not  actually,  responsible  for  the 
moral  conduct  of  the  monks  in  his  diocese.  Of 
course  his  control  was  more  of  a  reality  over 
their  ecclesiastical  ministrations.  The  bishop 
might  not  ordain  a  monk,  nor  remove  a  priest- 
monk  from  a  monastery  to  parochial  work  with- 
out the  abbat's  consent,  might  not  interfere  to 
prevent    a   priest   or   deacon   from    taking  the 


MONASTERY 

monastic  vow  {Cone.  Agath.  506,  c.  27  ;  Cone. 
Roman.  A.D.  601)  ;  might  not  ordain  a  monk  who 
broke  his  vow  and  relapsed  to  the  life  secular 
{Cone.  Aurel.  511,  c.  21).  Still,  in  accordance 
with  the  principle  promulgated  at  Aries  in  A.D. 
556  (u.  .s.),  it  was  generally  admitted  that  the 
monk's  vow  of  obedience  to  his  abbat  was  not 
to  supersede  the  canonical  obedience  of  the 
clerk  to  his  bishop ;  and,  though  the  force  of 
circumstances  might  naturally  draw  the  monk 
to  his  abbat  and  to  his  brother  monks  whenever 
their  peculiar  rights  and  privileges  were 
threatened,  the  bishop  could  always  retort 
effectively  by  simply  holding  back  his  hand 
when  called  to  give  the  monastery  the  benefit  of 
his  episcopal  services.  From  the  reiterated 
cautions  of  the  councils  in  this  period  against 
any  encroachment  of  the  bishops  on  the  pro- 
perty of  the  monasteries,  it  would  seem  as  if 
a  wealthy  monastery  was  sometimes  a  *'  Naboth's 
vineyard,"  as  old  monastic  writers  express  it,  in 
the  eyes  of  a  greedy  or  overbearing  prelate. 
Bishops  are  forbidden  by  the  council  of  Lerida, 
in  the  north  of  Spain,  a.d.  524,  to  seize  the 
offerings  made  to  monasteries  {Cone.  Herd.  c.  3) ; 
forbidden  to  tyrannise  over  monasteries  or  meddle 
with  their  endowments  by  the  council  of  Toledo 
{Cone.  Tolet.  iv.  c.  51),  and  by  the  council  of 
Rome,  A.D.  601  {Cone.  Rom.  a.d.  601).  An- 
other council  of  Toledo  in  a.d.  656,  ordered  any 
bishop  guilty  of  appropriating  a  monastery  for 
the  aggrandisement  of  himself  or  of  his  family 
to  be  excommunicated  for  a  year  {Cone.  Tolet.  x. 
0.  3). 

The  master  mind  of  Gregory  the  Great  was 
quick  to  recognise  the  importance  of  keeping 
the  monks  distinct  from  the  secular  clergy,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  of  providing  some  efficient, 
official  supervision,  against  laxity  or  immorality 
in  the  monastery.  Of  those  numerous  letters  of 
Gregory,  which  attest  his  almost  ubiquitous 
vigilance  over  the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  western 
Christendom,  and  the  commanding  influence 
which  made  itself  felt  far  and  near,  not  a  few 
contain  his  adjudication  in  quarrels  of  abbats 
with  their  diocesans.  His  personal  sympathies 
were  divided,  for  he  had  himself  been  an  ardent 
and  devoted  monk,  before  becoming  the  head  of 
the  ecclesiastical  system  of  Europe;  and,  like  a 
true  statesman,  he  saw  that  the  way  to  make 
the  cloister  and  the  diocese  mutually  helpful, 
was  to  guard  against  any  confusion  of  the 
boundary-lines  between  their  respective  spheres. 
The  office  of  the  monk,  he  writes,  is  distinct 
from  that  of  the  clerk  (Greg.  M.  Ep.  v.  1) ;  it  is 
dangerous  for  a  monk  to  leave  his  cell  to 
become  a  priest ;  a  clerk  once  admitted  into  the 
monastic  brotherhood  ought  to  stay  there, 
unless  summoned  to  work  outside  the  walls  by 
the  bishop  {Ep.  i.  42).  The  abbat  is  first  to  be 
elected  by  the  monks,  and  then  to  be  formally 
consecrated  by  the  bishop  {Ep.  ii.  4,  2).  On  one 
occasion  Gregory,  taking  the  selection  of  an 
abbat  into  his  own  hands,  sends  a  certain  monk, 
Barbatianus,  to  be  instituted  abbat  inthedioceso 
of  Naples.  But  in  writing  to  the  bishop,  Gregory 
qualifies  his  mandate  by  adding,  that  Barba- 
tianus is  to  be  appointed  "if  the  bishop  approves 
his  life  and  character  "  ("  si  placuisset  vita  ac 
mores  ").  Barbatianus,  as  abbat,  admitted  into 
the  monastery  without  due  probation  a  postulant, 
who  soon  afterwards  ran  away.    Gregory  blames 


MONASTERY 

the  bisHop  for  neglecting  to  make  proper  en- 
quiries beforehand  "about  Barbatianus  {Epp.  ix. 
SI,  X.  24).  Similarly,  he  reprimands  bishops 
very  severely  for  not  looking  more  closely 
after  the  morality  of  their  monasteries,  and,  in 
more  than  one  instance  of  a  monk  or  a  nun 
breaking  the  monastic  vow  and  returning  to  the 
world,  he  lays  the  fault  on  the  carelessness  of 
the  bishop  as  visitor  {Epp.  viii.  34,  x.  22,  2-4-, 
viii.  8,  ix.  114,  x.  8,  etc.).  He  charges  the 
bishops  to  exert  themselves  in  reclaiming  run- 
away monks,  and  to  be  strict  in  repelling  them 
from  holy  communion  {Ep.  ix.  37,  etc.).  The 
bishop  is  not  to  set  up  his  cathedral  throne  in 
the  monastery,  nor  to  hold  public  services  there ; 
he  is  not  to  ordain  any  monk  for  the  services  of 
the  monastery  unless  by  the  abbat's  request,  nor 
for  ministerial  work  outside  the  monastery 
without  the  abbat's  leave  {Ep.  ii.  41,  etc.); 
he  is  not  to  encourage  the  monks  to  rebel  against 
their  abbat;  above  all  (and  this  seems  to  have 
been  the  most  frequent  cause  of  contention),  he 
is  not  to  harass  or  oppress  the  monasteries,  by 
visiting  them  too  frequently,  by  putting  them  to 
inordinate  expense  on  those  occasions,  by  inter- 
fering with  the  revenues  of  the  monastery  and 
with  its  internal  management,  or  in  any  other 
way  ;  on  the  contrary,  he  is  to  defend  their  rights 
and  privileges  diligently  {Epp.  i.  12,  vi.  29,  viii. 
34,  ix.  111).  In  order  to  escape  from  the  pressure 
of  episcopal  control,  monasteries  not  infrequently 
placed  themselves  under  the  bishop  of  another 
diocese  (Mab.  Ann.  0.  S.  B.  i.  42). 

The  policy  of  Charlemagne  towards  monasteries 
was  more  repressive  than  that  of  Gregory ; 
it  substituted  also  the  emperor  for  the  pope  as  the 
mainspring  of  the  system,  as  the  person  to  whom 
the  final  appeal  should  be  made.  It  was  his  aim 
at  once  to  make  the  monastic  discipline  more 
binding,  and  to  prevent  the  monastery  from  be- 
coming a  separate  republic,  independent  of 
church  and  state.  He  sought  to  aggrandise  the 
abbat  as  delegate  of  the  bishop  and  the  emperor, 
but  not  as  a  power  in  himself,  to  strengthen  him 
in  his  authority  over  his  monks,  but  at  the  same 
time  to  keep  him  obedient  and  dutiful  to  his 
l)ishop.  The  emperor's  idea  was,  that  the  clergy 
and  monks  of  his  realm  should  be,  like  his 
feudal  retainers,  a  compact,  well-organised  militia 
for  defensive  and  offensive  service  ;  the  monks 
in  their  cells  and  the  clergy  in  their  several 
dioceses  were  all  to  live  by  rule,  the  rule  of  the 
monastic  order  or  the  rule  canonical,  the  monks 
teaching ''  in  the  schools  attached  to  their  monas- 
teries, the  clergy  busily  at  work  in  their  way 
under  their  bishop.  All  that  could  be  done  by 
legislation  was  done,  and  done  with  consummate 
skill,  for  this  purpose  under  the  emperor's 
direction  in  the  parliament  synods  of  his  reign. 
But  in  spite  of  councils  and  their  canons,  the 
monasteries  grew  insensibly  more  autonomous, 
the  parochial  clergy  more  secular.  It  was  far 
more  easy,  as  Gregory  had  found,  to  say  that 
the  bishop  must  be  responsible  for  good  order 
in  monasteries  of  his  diocese  than  to  enable  him 
to  enforce  his  authority  on  a  monastery  indisposed 
to  accept  it.     It  was  enacted  by  the  council  of 

b  The  emperor's  attention  was  awakened  to  the  need 
of  an  educational  reformation  by  some  badly  written 
letters  to  himself  from  certain  monasteries  (Mabill. 
de  Stud.  Monast.  i.  c.  9). 


MONASTERY 


1227 


Vern,  or  Verne,  near  Paris,  that  if  the  bishop 
cannot  himself  correct  an  offending  abbat,  he 
must  invoke  the  aid  of  the  metropolitan,  and, 
that  failing,  of  a  synod  ;  that,  the  offender  is  to 
be  excommunicated  by  the  bishops  generally,  and 
a  successor  appointed  by  the  king  or  his  council 
(Cone.  Verncns.  a.d.  755,  c.  5),  and  this  was  con- 
firmed under  Charles  {Co7u:.  Aquisgr.  a.d. 
802,  c.  15).  It  had  been  also  provided,  that  the 
abbat  should  render  an  account  to  his  bishop  as 
well  as  to  the  king,  of  any  exemptions  or  im- 
munities which  he  claimed  (Cone.  Vcrn.  c.  20). 
The  monks  were  not  even  to  elect  their  abbat 
without  the  bishop's  approval  (Cone.  Francof. 
A.D.  795,  c.  17);  and  as  the  abbat  received  his 
office  at  the  hands  of  the  bishop,  so  he  was  to 
allow  to  the  bishop,  as  visitor,  free  ingress  into 
the  monastery,  reserving  however  for  himself 
the  right  of  appeal,  first  to  the  metropolitan, 
and  from  him  to  the  crown  (Car.  M.  Capit. 
A.D.  812,  iii.  2;  Cone.  Francof.  a.d.  794,  e.  4). 
About  this  time  the  Eastern  church  enacted 
that  the  bishop  or  metropolitan  should  appoint  a 
bursar  or  treasurer  ("  oeconomus  ")  in  every 
monastery  not  provided  with  one  already,  to 
keep  account  of  the  receipts  and  expenditure ; 
and  that  any  abbat  convicted  of  granting  admis- 
sion into  the  monastery  for  money,  should  be 
banished  to  another  monastery  and  there  do 
penance  (Cone.  ii.  Nicaen.  A.D.  787,  cc.  11,  19 ; 
cf.  Cone.  Chalced.  a.d.  451,  c.  26). 

Louis,  the  successor  of  Charlemagne,  always 
devoted  to  monks,  enriched  the  monasteries,  and 
made  them  more  secure  in  their  possessions  : 
but  the  power  of  the  great  feudal  bishops  was  in- 
creasing proportionately ;  and  sometimes  the 
rapacity  or  the  tyranny  of  their  ecclesiastical 
superior  drove  a  monastery  to  place  itself  under 
the  protection  of  the  king  or  one  of  his  barons 
(Milnian,  Latin  Christianity,  ii.  294-5).  The 
popes  took  some  monasteries  under  their  own 
special  tutelage,  as  the  patriarchs  had  done  in 
the  east ;  and  before  the  end  of  the  12th  century 
some  of  the  greatest  abbats  were  appointed  by 
the  pope,  and  some  of  the  most  important  ques- 
tions concerning  the  temporal  and  spiritual 
affairs  of  monasteries  generally  were  regulated 
solely  by  him  (Pellicia,  Ecc.  Chr.  Pol). 

In  the  isles  of  the  west,  by  their  position 
and  by  other  circumstances  removed  from  im- 
mediate contact  with  central  Europe,  the  course 
of  events  was  somewhat  different.  Before  the 
Saxon  occupation  of  Britain,  monks  and  monas- 
teries were  already  very  numerous,  but  monastic 
discipline  was  lax.  No  Benedict  had  mapped  out 
the  daily  life  of  the  monastery.  Columba  was 
rather  a  missionary  than  a  monastic  reformer, 
and  his  influence,  though  very  widely  extended, 
was  rather  the  personal  influence  of  a  holy  man, 
than  the  stereotyping  influence  of  a  legislator. 
Columbanus  had  bequeathed  his  rule  to  other 
lands  rather  than  to  his  own  country.  The  fervid 
temperament  of  the  Kelts  was  in  itself  less 
patient  of  control,  less  amenable  to  discipline. 
Solitaries,  that  is  monks  living  as  hermits,  each 
in  his  cell,  apart  from  the  monasteries,  were  not 
so  svstematically  discountenanced,  nor  so  care- 
fully supervised  in  Ireland,  as  on  the  contment. 
The  character,  also,  of  their  ecclesiastical  organ- 
isation tended  to  make  the  monastery  less  de- 
pendent on  its  bishop.  Originally,  the  chieitams 
of  the  clan  or  tribe,  even  after  its  conversion  to 


1228 


MONASTERY 


Christianity,  exei-cised  a  patriarchal  authority  in 
spiritual,  as  well  as  in  temporal  matters  ;  and  as 
the  conventual  establishments  grew  in  number 
and  importance,  the  headship  of  them  was  still 
retained  generally  in  the  family  of  the  chief- 
tain, the  office  of  the  abbat,  like  the  office  of  the 
bard,  who  was  usually  to  be  found  in  every 
Keltic  monastery,  being,  as  a  rule,  hereditary 
(Montalembert,  Monks  of  the  West,  iii.  pp.  194, 
281-287). 

Among  the  Saxons  in  England  a  similar 
result  was  produced  by  other  causes.  When 
Christianity  came,  the  second  time,  into  the 
island,  it  came  in  the  guise  of  monachism.  The 
monk  and  the  missionary  were  one.  Many  of 
the  British  monks  had  been  massacred  by  the 
heathen  invaders  ;  many  had  fled  for  safety  to 
the  peaceful  and  prosperous  monasteries  of  their 
brethren  in  Ireland.  But  their  places  were 
quickly  filled  by  their  Teutonic  successors. 
Almost  every  large  church  was  attached  to  a 
monastery  ;  and  in  the  first  instance  the  monks 
were  the  parislj-priests  of  the  diocese  (Milman, 
Latin  Christianiti/,  ii.  c.  4).  All  this  gave  the 
monasteries  in  England  a  hold  over  the  people 
which  they  never  lost,  till  their  dissolution  in  the 
16th  century ;  and  as  the  tie  grew  weaker  which 
had  grouped  the  monks  around  the  bishop  of  the 
diocese,  and  as  the  monastery  became  detached 
from  the  minster,  all  this  strengthened  the  abbats 
in  their  independence.  The  formal  exemption  of 
monasteries  from  episcopal  control  in  things 
secular  dates  from  the  7th  century ;  and  the 
council  of  Cealchy the  (Chelsea  ?)  a  century  later 
only  affirmed  that  the  monks  should  take  the 
bishop's  advice  ("  cum  consilio  episcopi ")  in 
electing  an  abbat  {Cone.  Calcuthens.  A.D.  787,  c. 
5).  For  all  practical  purposes  the  authority 
of  an  individual  bishop  in  England  over  a 
monastery  was  hardly  ever  more  than  nominal  ; 
and  in  course  of  time  the  lordly  abbats  of  the 
great  monasteries  vied  in  power  and  magnificence 
with  the  occupants  of  the  greatest  sees. 

The  history  of  monasticism,  like  the  history  of 
states  and  institutions  in  general,  divides  itself 
broadly  into  three  great  periods  of  growth,  of 
glory,  and  of  decay.  Not  indeed  as  if  the  growth 
were  unchecked  by  hindrance,  the  glory  un- 
chequered  by  defects,  the  decay  never  arrested 
by  transient  revivals  from  time  to  time  of  the 
flickering  flame  of  life.  Still  the  successive  sea- 
sons of  youth,  maturity,  old  age,  are  marked 
plainly  and  strongly  enough.  From  the  begin- 
ning of  the  4th  century,  to  the  close  of  the  5th, 
from  Antony  the  hermit  to  Benedict  of  Monte 
Casino,  is  the  age  of  undisciplined  impulse,  of 
enthusiasm  not  as  yet  regulated  by  experience.  It 
has  all  the  fervour,  and  all  the  extravagance  of 
aims  too  lofty  to  be  possible,  of  wild  longings 
without  method,  without  organisation,  of  energies 
which  have  not  yet  learned  the  practical  limits 
of  their  own  power.  Everything  is  on  a  scale 
of  illogical  exaggeration,  is  wanting  in  balance,  in 
proportion,  in  symmetry.  Purity,  unworldli- 
ness,  charity,  are  virtues.  Therefore  a  woman  is 
to  be  regarded  as  a  venomous  reptile,  gold  as  a 
worthless  pebble,  the  deadliest  foe  and  the 
dearest  friend  are  to  be  esteemed  just  alike  {e.g. 
Ruffin.  de  Vit.  SS.  c.  117).  It  is  right  to  be 
humble.  Therefore  the  monk  cuts  off  hand,  ear, 
or  tongue,  to  avoid  being  made  bishop  (e.g. 
PalLid.  Hist.  Laus.  c.  12)  and  feigns  idiocy,  in 


MONASTERY 

order  not  to  be  accounted  wise  (RufF.  ib.  c. 
118).  It  is  well  to  teach  people  to  be  patient. 
Therefore  a  sick  monk  never  speaks  a  kind  word 
for  years  to  the  brother  monk  who  nursed  him 
{St.  Inc.  ap.  Rosw.  Vit.  Pair.  c.  19).  It  is  right 
to  keep  the  lips  from  idle  words.  Therefore  a 
monk  holds  a  large  stone  in  his  mouth  for  three 
years  {ib.  c.  4).  Every  precept  is  to  be  taken 
literally,  and  obeyed  unreasoningly.  Therefore 
some  monks  who  have  been  plundered  by  a 
robber,  run  after  him  to  give  him  a  something 
which  has  escaped  his  notice  (Mosch.  Prat.  c. 
212).  Self-denial  is  enjoined  in  the  gospel. 
Therefore  the  austerities  of  asceticism  are  to  be 
simply  endless.  One  ascetic  makes  his  dwelling 
in  a  hollow  tree,  another  in  a  cave,  another  in  a 
tomb,  another  on  the  top  of  a  pillar ;  another 
has  so  lost  the  very  appearance  of  a  man,  that 
he  is  shot  at  by  shepherds  who  mistake  him  for 
a  wolf  (Pallad.  Hist.  Laus.  c.  5;  Mosch.  Prat. 
c.  70 ;  Theodoret,  Philoth.  c.  15).  The  natural 
instincts,  instead  of  being  trained  and  cultivated, 
are  to  be  killed  outright,  in  the  utter  abhorrence 
of  things  material  as  a  defilement  of  the  soul. 
Adolius,  a  hermit  near  Jerusalem,  and  it  is 
merely  one  instance  out  of  many,  is  said  to  have 
fasted  two  whole  days  together  ordinarily  and 
five  in  Lent,  to  have  passed  whole  nights  on 
Mount  Olivet,  in  prayer,  standing  and  motionless 
(Pallad.  ib.  c.  104),  and  habitually  to  have  slept 
only  the  three  hours  before  morning.  Dorotheus, 
a  Scetic  monk,  used  to  sleep  in  a  sitting  posture, 
and  when  urged  to  take  his  proper  rest,  would 
reply  "  Persuade  the  angels  to  sleep  !  "  {ib.  c.  2). 
Cleanliness  became  a  sin,  as  a  kind  of  self-indul- 
gence. The  common  duties  of  life  were  shunned 
and  neglected,  because  the  end  of  all  such  things 
was  near.  No  wonder,  if  with  no  more  active 
occupation  than  meditation,  or  twisting  osiers 
into  baskets,  the  soul  of  the  recluse  preyed  upon 
itself,  and  peopled  the  dreary  solitude  ai-ound  it 
with  demons  and  spectres.  No  wonder,  if  in  this 
superhuman  effort  to  burst  the  barriers  of  our 
mortal  nature  by  a  protracted  suicide,  men 
mistook  apathy  for  self-control,  and  became  like 
stocks  or  stones,  or  brute  beasts,  while  wishing 
to  be  as  God.     [Mortification.] 

The  period  which  follows,  from  the  first  Bene- 
dict to  Charlemagne,  exhibits  monasticism  in  a 
more  mature  stage  of  monastic  activity.  The 
social  intercourse  of  the  monastery  duly  har- 
monised by  a  traditional  routine,  with  its  sub- 
ordination of  ranks  and  offices,  its  division  of 
duties,  its  mutual  dependence  of  all  on  each 
other  and  on  their  head,  civilised  the  monastic 
life  ;  and  as  the  monk  himself  became  subject  to 
the  refining  influence  of  civilisation,  he  went 
forth  into  the  world  without  to  civilise  others. 
The  contemplation  of  spiritual  things  was  still 
proposed  as  the  first  object  in  view.  But  stated 
and  regular  hours  for  the  religious  services  left 
leisure  for  other  occupations,  and  brainwork 
took  its  proper  place  alongside  of  manual  labour. 
The  Benedictine  rule  implied,  if  it  did  not  assert 
in  so  many  words,  that  monks  are  to  make  them- 
selves useful  to  others  as  well  as  to  themselves  ; 
and  the  practical  result  is  seen  in  the  conversion 
of  the  greater  part  of  Europe  to  Christianity, 
and  in  the  revival  of  European  learning  and  arts 
among  the  wild  hordes  from  the  north,  the 
conquerors  of  Rome.  Had  it  not  been  for  monks 
and  monasteries,  the  barbarian  deluge  might  hare 


MONASTERY 

swept  away  uttei'ly  the  traces  of  Roman  civilisa- 
tion. The  Benedictine  monk  was  the  pioneer 
(if  civilisation  and  Christianity  in  England, 
Germany,  Poland,  Bohemia,  Sweden,  Denmark 
(llabillon,  de  Stud.  Monast.  i.  c.  9).  The  schools 
attached  to  the  Lerinensian  monasteries  were 
the  precursors  of  the  Benedictine  seminaries  in 
France,  of  the  professorial  chairs  filled  by  learned 
Benedictines  in  the  universities  of  mediaeval 
Christendom.  With  the  incessant  din  of  arms 
around  him,  it  was  the  monk  in  his  cloister, 
even  in  regions  beyond  the  immediate  sphere 
of  Benedict's  legislation,  even  in  the  remote 
fastnesses,  for  instance,  of  Mount  Athos,  who, 
by  preserving  and  transcribing  ancient  manu- 
I  scripts,  both  Christian  and  pagan,  as  well  as 
by  recording  his  observations  of  contempora- 
neous events,  was  handing  down  the  torch  of 
knowledge  unquenched  to  future  generations, 
and  hoarding  up  stores  of  erudition  for  the  re- 
searches of  a  more  enlightened  age.  The  first 
musicians,  painters,  farmers,  statesmen  in  Europe, 
after  the  downfall  of  Rome  Imperial  under  the 
enslaught  of  the  barbarians  were  monks  (Mabill. 
de  Stud.  Man.  i.  cc.  4,  7,  8,  9,  12,  22). 

In  what  are  called  the  middle  ages,  the  various 
monasteries  of  each  order  were  under  the  presi- 
dency of  the  monastery,  originally  the  seat  of 
the  order.  This  development  had  not  been 
contemplated  by  the  rule  of  Benedict.  The 
abbat  of  the  parent  monastery  convoked  the 
chapters-general.  In  the  9th  century,  the 
abbat  of  Monte  Casino  was  nominally,  if  not 
actually,  supreme  over  all  abbats.  In  the  10th, 
Odo  of  Clugny  was  supreme  over  the  abbats  of 
his  order  of  Benedictines.  At  a  later  date,  among 
the  friars,  the  cloisters  of  each  province  were 
under  the  authority  of  a  "  provincial,"  and  the 
whole  order  under  a  "  general,"  usually  resident 
at  Rome  (Ferd.  Walter,  Manuel  du  Droit  eccles, ; 
Pelliccia,  Chr.  Eccles.  Politia). 

How  the  original  monastic  idea  came  in  course 
of  time  to  be  lost  sight  of,  as  monasteries  became 
wealthy  and  powerful,  how  monastic  simplicity 
was  corrupted  and  enervated  by  luxury,  how 
one  monastic  order  vied  with  another  for  worldly 
aggrandisement,  how,  too  often,  the  unfraternal 
rivalry  was  embittered  by  jealousies  of  the 
pettiest  kind,  and  how  the  monastic  orders 
became  the  janissaries  or  praetorian  cohort  of  the 
papacy,  is  beyond  our  present  scope  to  describe. 
The  difference  between  Rome  under  Commodus 
and  Rome  in  the  days  of  Cincinnatus  is  hardly 
greater  than  the  difference  between  a  great 
mediaeval  monastery,  with  all  its  pomp  and  osten- 
tation of  appurtenances,  and  the  conception  of  a 
monastery  in  the  rules  laid  down  by  the  first 
founders  of  monasticism.  Every  new  rule,  every 
new  order,  has  been  in  turn  a  protest  against 
degeneracy,  a  spasmodic  effort  to  revert  to 
pristine  simplicity.  But  the  disintegration  and 
the  decadence  of  the  monastic  idea  are  due, 
not  exclusively,  nor  indeed  mainly,  to  causes 
acting  upon  it  from  without,  but  rather 
to  something  within  itself,  an  inherent  part 
of  its  very  being  from  the  first.  If  we  look 
below  the  surface,  and  endeavour  honestly  to 
analyse  the  complex  elements  which,  as  ever 
happens  in  human  actions,  conspired  to  result  in 
monasticism,  we  cannot  but  observe  there, 
powerfully  at  work,  a  very  subtle  form  of 
selfishness.     Fear  of  ultimate  punishment,  hope 


MONASTERY 


122fJ 


of  ultimate  recompense,  instead  of  being  merely 
secondary  and  subsidiary  motives,  thrust  them- 
selves forward  as  the  dominating  principle  of 
this  apparent  self-abnegation,  too  abnormal,  too 
stupendous  to  be  ever  realised  on  earth,  unless 
by  sacrificing  at  the  same  time  the  responsibili- 
ties and  the  privileges  which  have  been  provi- 
dentially constituted  an  essential  part  of  man's 
probation.  In  his  fanatical  eagerness  to  secure 
his  own  salvation,  the  devotee  of  monasticism 
abjured  the  claims  of  home  and  country.  He 
"died  to  the  world"  (Gregor.  M.  Epp.  i.  44, 
Not.  Benedictin.),  not  simply  in  the  sense  of 
mortifying  evil  affections,  but  as  dead  henceforth 
to  the  ordinary  sympathies  of  humanity. 

[See  also  Abbat,  Asceticism,  Benedictine 
Rule  and  Order,  Canonici,  Caloyers,  Celi- 
bacy, Cellitae,  Coenobitjm,  Colidei,  Disci- 
pline, Monastic,  Habit,  Monastic,  Hermits, 
HospiTiUM,  Laura,  Librarius,  etc.  in  this 
Dictionary  ;  and  in  the  Dictionary  of  Christian 
Biography,  Ammonius,  Antonius,  Benedictus 

of  ANIANE,  BeNEDICTUS  of  NURSIA,  BONIFACIUS 

Moguntinensis,  Cassianus,  Catharine,  Chro- 
degang,  etc.] 

Literature.  —  Bulteau  (L.),  Hist.  Monast. 
d'Orient  (Paris,  1680).  Hist,  de  I'Ordre  de  8. 
Benoit  (Paris,  1691).  Hospinianus  (Rud.),  de 
Origine  et  Progrcssu  Monochatus  (Geneva,  1699). 
Helyot,  Hist,  des  Ordres  monast.  (Paris,  1714). 
Pez  (Bernhard),  Biblioth.  Ascetica  (Ratisbon, 
1723).  Thomassinus,  Nova  et  Vetus  Disciplina 
(Luccae,  1728).  Mabillon,  de  Studiis  Monast. 
(Venet.  1729) ;  Acta  Sanctorum  0.  S.  B.  (Venet. 
1733)  ;  AmuUes  0.  S.  B.  (Luccae,  1739).  Walch 
(Ch.  W.  Fr.),  Pragmat.  Geschichte  d.  Monchsord. 
(Leipzig,  1744).  Holstenii  (Lucae),  Codex 
Regularum,  ed.  Brockie  (August.  Vindelic.  1759)^ 
Alteserrae  (A.D.),  Asceticon  (YL&\&e,  1782).  Mait- 
land.  Dark  Ages  (Loud.  1844).  Rosweyd,  Vitas 
Patrum.  Migne,  Patrologia,  Ixxiii.  Ixxiv.  (Par. 
1844).  Ozanam,  Za  Civilisation  chez  les  Francs 
(Paris,  1855).  S.  Benedicti  Anianensis  Concordia 
Eegularum  (ed.  Hugo  Menardus)  ap.  Migne, 
Patrologia  Latina  (Paris,  1864).  Dantier,  Les 
Monasteres  be'ne'dictins  (Paris,  1868).  Montalem- 
bert,  Les  Moines  d'Occident  (Paris,  1868). 

[I.  G.  S.] 

II.  Particular  Rules. — Monastic  rules  in 
the  ordinary  sense  are  necessarily  subsequent  to 
the  establishment  of  the  coenobitic  system.  The 
earliest  monks  were  such  according  to  the  strict 
meaning  of  the  word — fxavaxol,  solitaries — 
occupying  isolated  cells  in  the  deepest  recesses 
of  the  desert,  or  the  most  inaccessible  moun- 
tain gorges,  as  far  as  possible  from  other  human 
habitations.  The  life  of  an  anchoret  was  there- 
fore absolutely  independent.  Each  solitary  was 
at  liberty  to  frame  for  himself  such  a  rule  as 
he  found  best  adapted  for  the  development  of  the 
life  of  spiritual  communion,  contemplation,  and 
abstraction  from  all  worldly  concerns,  which 
was  his  object.  He  might  seek  counsel  from 
others,  but  he  was  free  to  follow  or  reject  it. 
IS'o  one  could  claim  to  lay  down  a  law  for 
another.  But  as  time  went  on,  and  the  monastic 
life  could  number  its  votaries  by  thousands,  a 
desire  was  naturally  ielt  to  profit  by  the  ex- 
perience of  others,  and  the  more  celebrated 
ascetics  wer(!  called  upon  by  their  younger  and 
less  disciplined  brethren  to  draw  up  ordinances 


1230 


MONASTERY 


for  their  guidance  in  what  began  to  be  called 
"  the  true  philosophy." 

Rules  of  St.  Antony  and  St.  Isaiah. — The  codes 
of  rules  of  this  nature,  which  bear  the  names  of 
St.  Antony  and  the  Syrian  abbat  Isaiah,  printed 
by  Holstenius  in  his  Codex  Rcgtdarum,  are,  it  is 
acknowledged,  compilations  of  a  later  date,  and 
partially  adapted  to  the  coenobitic  system.  They 
liave  however  considerable  value,  as  affording  a 
faithful  picture  of  the  mode  of  life  of  the  earliest 
solitaries,  and  indicating  the  temptations  to 
which  they  were  most  liable.  They  are  gene- 
Tally  characterised  by  sound  common  sense,  and 
an  intimate  knowledge  of  human  nature.  The 
object  of  the  rule,  to  which  all  else  was  subsi- 
diary, was  true  humiliation  for  sin,  with  earnest 
contrition,  as  a  means  of  gaining  the  pardon  and 
favour  of  God.  Rigid  self-discipline  is  enforced 
as  a  means  to  this  end,  valueless  in  itself  The 
■ostentatious  display  of  asceticism,  almsgiving,  or 
devotion  is  sternly  prohibited,  and  warnings 
are  given  against  spiritual  pride.  The  day  is  to 
be  divided  between  manual  labour,  reading,  and 
prayer.  "  Ora  et  lege  perpetuo  "  (Jteg.  S.  Anton. 
e.  2;  Reg.  Is.  11);  even  when  going  to  draw 
water  the  monk  is  to  occupy  himself  in  reading 
j(^Ant.  c.  23);  the  Psalms  are  to  be  the  chief 
subjects  of  his  perusal  and  meditation,  to  keep 
him  from  impure  thoughts  (Ant.  c.  40  ;  Is.  13). 
The  appointed  hours  of  prayer  are  to  be  strictly 
observed.  Before  the  monk  goes  to  rest  he  is  to 
devote  two  hours  to  watching,  in  prayer  and 
praise.  Midnight  is  to  be  spent  in  watching  to 
prayer  (/s.  c.  57),  and  as  soon  as  he  rises  he  is  to 
pray  and  meditate  on  the  word  of  God,  then  be- 
gin his  work  (Atit.  c.  32).  Prayer  is  to  be 
made  standing,  aud  that  with  the  utmost  rever- 
ence of  body  ;  the  monk  must  not  lean  against 
the  walls  of  his  cell,  or  shift  his  weight  from 
one  foot  to  another  (/s.  c.  36).  Food  is  never  to 
be  tasted  before  the  ninth  hour,  e.xcept  on  Satur- 
day and  Sunday  ;  only  one  meal  is  to  be  taken 
in  the  day  (Ant.  c.  2) ;  eating  to  satiety  is  to  be 
avoided,  still  more  gluttony  (Ant.  c.  32) ;  a 
little  wine  is  allowed,  but  all  drink  must  be 
taken  slowly,  not  gulped  down  noisily.  If  two 
or  more  monks  eat  together  each  is  to  take  what 
is  placed  before  him,  and  not  stretch  out  his 
hand  to  another  dish  (Ant.  33;  Is.  20).  The 
sick  are  not  to  be  forced  to  eat,  nor  to  be  robbed 
of  their  portion  (Ant.  c.  5).  Meat  is  to  be 
avoided  altogether  (Ant.  c.  14).  Wednesdays 
and  Fridays  are  to  be  kept  as  strict  fasts,  unless 
a  monk  is  sick  (Ant.  c.  15).  The  time  for  taking 
food  and  its  quantity  is  to  be  fixed  by  each  monk 
for  himself,  and  the  rules  laid  down  are  to  be 
strictly  observed,  giving  to  the  body  as  much  as 
it  wants,  that  it  maj'  be  able  to  pray  and  wor- 
ship God.  Excessive  fasting  is  to  be  avoided  (Is. 
c.  54,  56).  The  monk  must  maintain  solitude, 
live  alone,  work  alone,  walk  alone,  above  all  sleep 
alone  (Ant.  c.  68,  8  ;  Is.  c.  18).  He  is  sjiecially 
to  avoid  conversing  with  boys  or  youths,  and  as 
the  most  dangerous  of  all,  with  women  (Aitt. 
c.  3 ;  Is.  c.  1).  Even  his  relations  living  in  the 
world  are  to  be  shunned,  and  the  thought  of  them 
repressed.  He  must  not  loiter  in  other  monks' 
cells.  But  if  any  one  knocks  at  his  cell  he  is  to 
open  to  him  immediately,  and  receive  him  with 
a  cheerful  countenance.  No  idle  questions  are  to 
be  put  to  him,  but  he  is  to  be  asked  at  once  to 
pray,  and  a  book  is  to  be  given  him  to  read.     If 


MONASTERY 

he  is  tired,  water  is  to  be  given  for  his  feet :  if 
his  clothes  are  ragged,  they  are  to  be  mended ;  if 
foul,  washed.  If  he  chatters  foolishly  he  is  to  be 
cautiously  silenced  ;  if  he  is  an  idle  runagate  he 
is  to  be  refreshed  and  sent  about  his  business 
(Is.  c.  33).  When  the  owner  of  the  cell  departs, 
the  visitor  is  not  to  raise  his  eyes  to  see  which 
way  he  goes  (Is.  c.  35).  If  the  guest  leaves  any- 
thing behind  the  host  must  not  examine  it  to  see 
what  it  is  (Is.  c.  34).  If  it  is  some  vessel  or 
implement  of  common  life  he  is  not  to  use  it  with- 
out his  leave  (Is.  c.  60).  Crowded  churches  are 
to  be  shunned  (Ant.  c.  20).  If  anything  takes  a 
monk  to  the  city  he  must  keep  his  eyes  on  the 
ground,  finish  liis  business  as  soon  as  he  can,  and 
return  promptly.  In  offering  his  wares  for  sale 
he  is  never  to  haggle  about  the  price  (Is.  c.  59). 
If  an  old  man  accompanies  him  on  the  road  he 
is  not  to  be  allowed  to  carry  anything  ;  if  younger 
men,  they  are  to  share  the  load  equally,  or  if  it  is 
very  light  each  is  to  take  it  by  turns  (Is.  c.  43). 
Idleness  is  to  be  shunned  as  the  greatest  ot 
dangers  (Ant.  c.  43).  The  monk  must  force 
himself  to  work  against  his  will,  and  fulfil  any 
task  assigned  to  him  without  murmuring(/5.  c.7). 
If  two  monks  occupy  one  cell,  neither  is  to  lord 
it  over  the  other,  but  each  is  to  be  i-eady  at  once 
to  do  what  the  other  bids  him  (Is.  c.  30).  The 
utmost  respect  is  to  be  paid  to  others ;  none 
should  spit  or  gape  in  another's  presence 
(Is.  c.  21).  All  sense  of  property  is  to  be 
put  away.  If  a  monk  returns  to  a  cell  he  has 
left  and  finds  it  occupied,  he  is  not  to  try  to  turn 
out  the  intruder,  but  go  and  seek  another  cell 
(7s.  c.  63).  If  he  changes  his  cell  he  is  to  take 
nothing  away  with  him,  but  leave  all  to  his 
successor  (Is.  c.  64).  All  ostentation  in  dress 
is  to  be  avoided  ;  young  monks  are  to  go  shabby 
and  wait  till  they  grow  old  before  they  wear 
a  good  dress  (Is.  c.  38).  A  monk  must  not  shew 
off'  his  voice,  but  pray  in  a  low  tone  (Ant.  c.  27). 
If  he  copies  a  book  he  is  not  to  ornament  it  (Is. 
c.  23).  The  love  of  riches  is  to  be  regarded  as  the 
bane  of  a  monk  (Is.  c.  66).  The  sick  and  infirm 
are  to  be  visited,  and  their  water  vessels  filled 
(Ant.  c.  34).  Alms  must  be  given  up  to,  but 
not  beyond,  one's  means.  A  monk  should  never 
laugh,  but  always  wear  a  sad  countenance  as 
one  that  mourns  for  his  sins,  except  when  other 
monks  come  to  visit  him,  when  he  is  to  shew  a 
bright  face  (Ant.  c.  47  ;  Is.  c.  33).  The  diseases 
of  the  soul  are  to  be  opened  to  his  spiritual  father 
(Is.  c.  6, 43).  All  is  to  be  done  that  others  may 
glorify  their  Father  which  is  in  heaven  (Ant. 
c.  30).  (Regulae  S.  P.  N.  Antonii  ad  filios  suos 
'iiwnaclios  ;  Isaiae  Abbatis  Regula  ad  Monachos. 
Holstenius,  Cod.  Reg.  tom.  i.  pp.  4—9.) 

Rule  of  St.  Pachomius. — When  the  eremite 
gave  place  to  the  coenobite,  and  the  solitary  cell 
developed  into  a  convent  peopled  with  a  nume- 
rous society,  the  need  of  rules  for  the  government 
of  the  fraternity  was  immediately  felt.  Regula- 
tions had  to  be  laid  down  as  to  the  dress,  food, 
and  daily  occupations  of  the  inmates,  as  well  as 
for  their  stated  meetings  for  worship  and  ordi- 
nary intercourse.  The  earliest  rule  of  this  nature 
is  that  of  Pachomius,  the  founder  of  the  coenobitic 
system,  born,  like  Antony,  in  the  Thebaid,  A.D. 
292.  We  have  this  rule  in  Jerome's  Latin 
translation,  with  a  preface  from  the  pen  of  that 
father.  It  is  a  document  of  great  interest, 
comprising  194  separate  heads.    The  society,  for 


MONASTERY 

which  it  was  drawn  up,  was  first  planted  on 
the  island  of  Tabennae  in  the  Nile,  from  which 
it  extended  with  such  rapidity  that  before  the 
t'-nuder's    death  in  A.D.  348  it  comprised  nine 

lenobia  for  men,  and  one  built  for  his  sister  for 
■,\  (linen.  The  number  of  monks  in  Jerome's  time 
ani.iunted  to  50,000. 

The  whole  society  formed  one  vast  industrial 
and  religious  fraternity,  every  member  of  which 
owed  implicit  obedience  to  a  chief  (omnium  mo- 
nastcriorum  princeps)  who  resided  in  the  parent 
house,  ■\t  which  the  entire  body  assembled  twice 
a  year,  at  Easter,  and  in  the  month  of  August. 
The  Paschal  meeting  was  the  great  religious 
festival  of  the  year.  That  in  August  was  held 
for  clearing  up  accounts,  both  religious  and 
secular.  All  received  absolution,  and  those  who 
were  at  variance  were  reconciled.  The  adminis- 
trators of  each  monastery  brought  in  their 
accounts,  all  necessary  business  was  transacted, 
and  officials  were  appointed  for  the  coming  year 
(Hieron.  Pracfat.  in  Reg.  Pachom.  c.  7,  8).  Each 
monastery  was  divided  into  thirty  or  forty 
houses  (domus),  each  house  containing  about 
forty  brethren ;  three  or  four  houses  being 
grouped  according  to  the  employments  of  the 
brethren  into  a  "  tribe,"  the  members  of  which 
went  to  work  together,  or  succeeded  one  another 
in  the  weekly  ministry.  Each  monastery  was 
presided  over  by  an  abbat  (pater),  and  had  its 
staff  of  stewards  (dispensatores),  hebdoma- 
daries,  and  ministers.  A  provost  (praepositus) 
exercised  authority  in  each  house.  To  him  the 
brethren  gave  a  weekly  account  of  their  work 
(ibid.  c.  2,  6).  The  authority  of  the  provost 
was  very  strictly  defined  ;  within  certain  limits 
he  was  absolute.  Nothing  was  to  be  done  with- 
out his  sanction.  All  the  property  of  the  house 
was  in  his  keeping,  and  he  was  to  dispense  it  as 
he  thought  good,  going  round  to  the  workshops 
for  that  purpose.  No  one  was  to  murmur  at  his 
assignment,  or  try  to  exchange  with  another 
monk  (Peg.  S.  Pachom.  c.  97,  111,  157).  But  his 
authority  was  chiefly  economical.  His  discipli- 
nary power  was  restricted  to  ordering  penance. 
Cases  of  insubordination  or  crime  were  to  be 
brought  before  the  abbat,  and  the  provost  exposed 
himself  to  rebuke  if  he  neglected  in  three  days' 
time  to  report  them  (ibid.  c.  181,  152).  The 
importance  of  his  oflice  may  be  measured  by  the 
number,  particularity,  and  strictness  of  the  in- 
junctions for  its  execution,  and  the  solemn  male- 
dictions against  the  abusers  of  their  authority 
(ibid.  c.  159).  He  was  allowed  to  have  a  deputy. 
If  he  slept  out  of  the  house  he  was  not  to  be 
readmitted,  even  after  penance,  without  the 
superior's  leave  (ibid.  c.  137).  Under  the  provost 
were  the  hebdomadarii,  weekly  officers  who  served 
a  week  in  rotation  in  various  duties  connected 
with  divine  worship,  manual  labour,  or  domestic 
duties(i6«i.c.  12-15).  [Hkbdomadauius.]  Every 
day,  after  mattins,  the  hebdomadarii  were  to  ask 
the  abbat  for  orders,  and  carry  them  into  execu- 
tion. They  were  to  visit  all  the  "  houses  "  to  see 
what  each  wanted,  to  give  out  the  books,  and 
collect  and  replace  them  at  the  end  of  the  week 
(ibid.  c.  25).  These  officers,  together  with  the 
jTOVost,  were  to  be  vigilant  guardians  of  the 
property  of  the  convent.  All  tools  were  to  be 
brought  back  at  the  end  of  the  week,  counted, 
and  locked  up  till  the  beginning  of  the  next 
(ffeirf.  66).     They  were  to  see  that  the  mats  on 


MONASTERY 


1231 


the  pavements  of  the  oratory  were  beaten,  a  pro- 
per quantity  of  rushes  given  out  for  rope- 
making,  and  a  register  kept  of  the  ropes  made 
each  week  (ibid.  c.  26,  27).  A  stated  daily 
amount  of  work  was  to  be  required  of  each 
brother,  but  they  were  not  to  be  distressed  by  an 
excessive  demand  (ibid.  c.  177,  179).  The  day 
began  with  public  prayer  (collecta).  No  monk 
was  allowed  to  be  absent  unless  he  was  sick,  or 
had  just  returned  from  a  fatiguing  journey  (ibid. 
c.  143,  187).  The  monks  were  summoned  by  a 
horn  or  trumpet.  A  penance  was  imposed  on 
those  who  came  late.  No  one  was  to  presume 
to  sing  without  leave,  on  pain  of  penance.  They 
were  all  to  repeat  scripture  in  order  when  called' 
on  by  clapping  the  hand.  Those  who  blundered 
or  halted  were  chidden.  No  one  was  to  look  at 
another  when  praying.  If  any  one  talked  or 
laughed  during  service  he  was  to  stand  before 
the  altar  with  his  head  and  hands  held  down, 
and  be  rebuked  by  the  superior.  No  one  was  to 
leave  the  collecta  before  the  end  of  service, 
except  under  necessity  («6i'c/.  c.  3-11).  Mattins 
over,  the  monks  were  to  attend  a  conference,  or 
a  disputation  proposed  by  the  provost,  or  to  hear 
the  praecepta  majontm  read.  If  a  monk  fell 
asleep  during  reading  he  was  made  to  stand 
during  the  superior's  pleasure  (ibid.  c.  20-23). 
There  was  one  common  meal  after  mid-day.  A 
table  was  also  set  in  the  evening  for  the  children, 
old  men,  and  labourers,  and  for  all  in  the  extreme 
heats  of  summer.  Some  ate  only  at  one,  some 
at  both  meals,  some  of  one  dish  only,  others  of 
more.  Some  ate  only  a  little  bread.  If  a  monk 
was  disinclined  to  come  to  the  public  table  he 
was  allowed  bread  and  salt  in  his  cell  (Praef. 
Hieron.  c.  5).  It  was  an  ofience  to  come  late  to^ 
table,  or  to  talk  or  laugh  during  the  meal,  to 
stretch  out  the  hand  over  the  table,  or  to  look 
at  others  eating.  If  the  provost  bid  a  monk 
change  his  place  he  must  obey  instantly.  Any- 
thing wanted  must  not  be  asked  for,  but  indi- 
cated by  a  sign  (Beg.  Pachom.  c.  28-33).  Neither 
wine  nor  broth  were  allowed  (ibid.  c.  45).  No 
one  was  to  have  more,  or  more  delicate  food  than 
another.  The  plea  of  indisposition  was  to  be. 
decided  on  by  the  superior  (ibid.  c.  40).  No  monk 
might  work  in  his  cell.  Those  who  went  out  to 
work  took  pickled  vegetables  with  them  (ibid.  c. 
80).  At  the  end  of  the  meal  sweetmeats  (tra- 
gemata)  were  given  to  the  monks  at  the  door  of 
the  refectory,  to  be  taken  to  their  cells,  but  not 
in  their  hoods,  and  eaten  there.  The  dispenser 
was  not  to  take  his  own  share,  but  to  receive  it 
from  the  provost  (ibid.  c.  27,  29).  A  similar 
rule  held  good  in  the  distribution  of  food, 
materials  for  work,  and  the  like.  A  strict  com- 
munity of  all  things  was  enforced.  No  one  was 
to  presume  to  take  anything  for  himself,  neither 
vegetables  (c.  73),  palm-leaves  for  weaving  (c. 
74),  ears  of  corn,  grapes,  nor  fruit  (c.  75).  Those 
who  were  set  to  gather  dates  might  eat  a  few,  and 
some  were  to  be  brought  to  the  brethren  who 
stayed  at  home,  for  their  eating  ;  windfalls  must 
not  be  eaten  nor  taken  to  the  cells  (c.  114),  but 
piled  up  at  the  root  of  the  tree  (c.  78).  No  one 
was  to  claim  anything  in  his  cell  as  his  own,  and 
on  changing  it,  he  must  leave  all  it  contained  to 
the  new-comer.  No  monk  might  have  his  own 
pair  of  tweezers  for  pulling  out  thorns  ;  a  com- 
mon pair  was  to  hang  in  the  window  where  the 
codices  were  placed  (c.  82).     No  addition  must 


1232 


MONASTERY 


be  made  to  the  clothing  provided  by  the  superior, 
viz.  two  tunics  (levitonaria),  one  worn  with  use  ; 
a  long  cape  for  the  neck  and  shoulders  {sahanu^')  ; 
a  leathern  pouch  to  hang  at  the  side  ;  galoshes 
(^gallicae)  and  two  hoods  ;  a  girdle  and  a  statf  (c. 
81)  :  anything  besides  this  equipment  a  brother 
might  possess  was  to  be  brought  to  the  provost, 
and  placed  at  his  disposal  (c.  192).  The  hoods 
were  to  bear  the  marlv  of  the  convent  (c.  99). 
The  monks  were  to  sleep  alone  on  a  mat  spread 
on  the  floor  without  a  bolster  (c.  81,  88).  The 
cell  door  was  to  be  always  unfastened  (c.  107). 
No  one  was  ever  to  sleep  in  any  place  but  in  his 
own  cell  (c.  87).  The  rule  guards  most  carefully 
against  the  dangers  of  unrestricted  intercourse 
between  members  of  the  society.  No  one  Avas  to 
enter  another's  cell  without  necessity,  or  remain 
there  when  his  business  was  concluded  (c.  102). 
They  were  never  to  speak  to  one  another  in  the 
dark,  or  hold  one  another's  hands,  or  lie  together 
on  the  same  mat.  No  one  was  to  go  out  alone 
(c.  56),  but  when  two  walked  together  they  must 
be  a  cubit  apart  (c.  94).  A  monk  was  forbidden 
to  anoint,  wash,  or  shave  another,  or  take  out  a 
thorn  for  him,  except  by  the  provost's  permission 
(c.  93-95).  Two  might  not  ride  together  on  an 
ass,  or  on  the  tilt  of  a  waggon  (c.  109).  When 
forced  to  be  together,  as  when  kneading  bread, 
or  carrying  the  dough  to  the  oven,  silence  was  to 
be  maintained,  and  the  mind  given  to  meditation 
on  Holy  Scripture  (c.  116).  The  same  rule  was 
to  be  observed  on  board  ship,  nor  were  they  to 
go  to  sleep  on  deck,  or  in  the  hold,  nor  allow 
others  to  do  so  (c.  118,  119).  The  greatest 
vigilance  was  to  be  observed  against  wandering 
thoughts.  All  who  had  mechanical  duties  to 
perform,  e.g.  to  summon  the  brethren,  give  out 
materials,  or  serve  food  or  dessert,  were  to 
meditate  on  a  portion  of  scripture.  When  they 
•went  to  work  they  were  never  to  talk  on  secular 
matters  (c.  59,  60).  All  tattling  abroad,  or 
bringing  gossip  home,  was  strictly  prohibited 
(c.  85,  86).  The  rule  of  Pachomius,  in  broad 
distinction  to  some  later  rules  and  the  practice  of 
the  majority  of  solitaries,  is  very  particular  in  its 
directions  about  the  washingof  the  monks' clothes. 
This  was  to  be  done  in  common,  at  the  provost's 
order ;  the  clothes  were  to  be  dried  in  the  sun, 
but  not  exposed  later  than  9  A.M.,  lest  they  should 
get  scorched.  When  brought  home  they  were 
to  be  gently  suppled  (leviter  ^nollientur').  If  not 
quite  dry  one  day  they  were  to  be  laid  out  a 
second.  There  was  to  be  no  washing  on  Sundays 
except  for  sailors  and  bakers  (c.  67-73).  Invalids 
received  special  care.  A  sick  monk  was  conducted 
by  the  provost  to  the  infirmary  (triclinium 
aegrotantiuin),  which  he  alone  was  permitted  to 
enter.  Extra  clothing  and  food  were  given  to 
him,  according  to  his  need.  He  was  forbidden  to 
carry  these  to  his  own  cell.  He  might  not  be 
visited  even  by  relations,  except  by  the  licence 
of  the  provost  (c.  42^7).  A  monk  who  had 
hurt  himself,  or  was  poorly,  but  who  was  still 
about,  might  have  extra  clothing  and  food  at  the 
discretion  of  the  provost  (c.  105).  There  was  to 
be  a  guest-house  (xenodochium),  where  all  who 
claimed  hospitality  were  to  be  entertained  with 
due  honour.  Weaker  vessels  and  women  were 
not  to  be  repulsed,  but  to  be  received  with 
caution  in  a  place  apart  assigned  to  them  (c.  51). 
If  a  relation  came  to  see  a  monk,  by  the  special 
sanction  of  the  abbat  he  was  allowed  to  go  out 


MONASTERY 

and  converse  with  him,  with  a  trustworthy  com- 
panion. If  any  good  things  were  brought  him  to 
eat  he  was  permitted  to  carry  sweetmeats  and 
fruit  to  his  cell,  but  whatsoever  had  to  be  eaten 
with  bread  was  to  be  conveyed  to  the  sick-house, 
and  there  partaken  of  (c.  52).  If  a  monk  had  to 
leave  the  convent  to  see  a  sick  relative  he  was 
bound  to  observe  the  rule  of  the  monastery  as  to 
eating  and  drinking  (c.  54).  He  could  only  attend 
a  kinsman's  funeral  by  the  provost's  leave  (c.  55). 

Different  degrees  of  penance  were  ordained  for 
minor  offences :  breaking  earthenware  (c.  125), 
losing  the  property  of  the  convent  (c.  131), 
spoiling  his  clothes  (c.  148),  appropriating  what 
did  not  belong  to  him  (c.  149) ;  and  heavier 
punishments  for  offences  of  graver  complexion  ; 
angry  and  passionate  words  (c.  161)  ;  falsehood 
(c.  151);  false  witness  (c.  162);  corrupting 
others  (c.  163)  ;  stirring  up  dissension  (c.  169). 
Any  article  found  whose  owner  was  unknown 
was  to  be  hung  up  for  three  days  before  mattins, 
to  be  claimed  (c.  132).  A  novice  was  first  to 
be  taught  the  rules  of  the  order,  and  was  then 
set  to  learn  twenty  Psalms,  or  two  Epistles,  or 
some  other  part  of  scripture.  If  he  could  not 
read,  he  was  to  have  three  lessons  a  day,  and 
be  forced  to  learn  to  read  even  against  his  will 
("  etiam  invitus  legere  compelletur  ").  Every 
inmate  of  the  convent  was  expected  to  know  by 
heart  at  least  the  Psalter  and  the  New  Testa- 
ment (c.  139,  140).  If  any  of  the  boys  brought 
up  in  the  monastery  proved  idle,  and  careless, 
and  refused  to  amend,  they  were  to  be  flogged. 
The  provost  was  to  be  punished  if  he  neglected  to 
report  their  misdeeds  to  the  abbat  (c.  172,  173). 

The  rules  which  pass  under  the  names  of  the 
early  anchorets,  Serapion,  Paphnutius,  and  the 
two  Macariuses,  though  with  no  claim  to  be 
regarded  as  the  production  of  those  fathers,  are 
important  as  additional  evidence  of  the  charac- 
ter of  the  earliest  coenobitic  life.  The  sepa- 
rate ordinances  in  the  main  correspond  to  those 
of  Pachomius.  They  supply  more  distinct 
information  as  to  the  apportionment  of  the  early 
part  of  the  day.  The  time  between  the  conclu- 
sion of  mattins  and  the  second  hour,  8  A.M.,  was 
to  be  spent  in  reading,  unless  any  necessary 
work  had  to  be  done  for  the  society.  From  the 
second  to  the  ninth  hour  was  to  be  devoted  by 
each  severally  to  his  own  work,  without  mar- 
muring  (^Eegul.  Patrum,  c.  5,  6).  Passing  over 
the  rule  of  Orsiesius,  abbat  of  Tabennae,  the 
disciple  of  Pachomius  (d.  c.  A.D.  368),  which,  as 
its  title,  "  Doctrina  sive  tractatus "  implies,  is 
a  prolix  hortatory  address  to  the  members  of 
his  society,  embracing  all  the  chief  particulars 
of  Pachomius's  system,  not  a  code,  and  the  Eegula 
Orientalis,  compiled  in  the  5th  century  by  Vigi- 
lantius  the  deacon  from  the  earlier  monastic 
rules,  which  exhibit  nothing  deserving  special 
notice,  we  come  to  the  rules  of  the  founders  of 
Cappadocian  monasticism,  Eustathius  of  Sebaste, 
and  Basil  the  Great. 

Rule  of  St.  Basil. — St.  Basil's  monastic 
institutions  run  to  a  considerable  length.  They 
are  comprised  in  his  Sermones  Ascetici,  and 
his  two  collections  entitled  respectively  Regulae 
fusius  tractatae,  and  the  Regulae  hrevius  trac- 
tatae.  The  Constitutiones  Asceticae  printed  in 
Basil's  works,  are  assigned  by  the  best  authori- 
ties to  Eustathius  of  Sebaste.  The  iiririixia  or 
Poenae    in    Monachos    Belinquentes,    an    early 


MONASTERY 

J ::;imple  of  a  Poenitentiale,  does  not  proceed  from 
Basil's  pen. 

The  picture  of  monastic  life  in  these  various 
rules  is  characterised  by  Basil's  high-toned 
jiirtA',  and  a  common-sense  drawn  from  the 
intimate  knowledge  of  human  nature  he  had 
gained  in  his  intercourse  with  the  world  in  early 
litV,  which  is  often  wanting  in  rules  of  later  date. 
The  principle  with  which  he  starts  is  that  "  the 
•jiie  object  of  the  ascetic  life  is  the  salvation  of 
the  soul,  and  that  everything  that  conduces  to 
that  should  be  reverentially  observed  as  a 
divine  command."  The  unpractical  and  repul- 
sive form  too  soon  assumed  by  Eastern  asceticism 
has  no  place  in  Basil's  idea  of  the  monastic  life, 
.'^tlf-discipline  is  set  forth  by  him,  not  as  having 
any  merit  in  itself,  but  as  an  instrument  for 
enabling  the  spirit  to  rise  above  the  flesh,  and 
conquering  the  appetites  and  passions  of  fallen 
nature  to  give  its  whole  powers  to  communion 
Avith  God.  The  body  was  to  be  rendered  the 
obedient  servant  of  the  higher  nature,  not  made 
unfit  for  such  service  by  exaggerated  austerities. 
Selfishness  is  inconsistent  with  his  idea  of  the 
religious  life.  "  It  was  the  life  of  the  indus- 
trious religious  community,  not  of  the  indolent 
-and  solitary  anchoret  which  was  to  Basil  the 
perfection  of  Christianity.  .  .  .  Prayer  and 
psalmody  were  to  have  their  appointed  hours ; 
but  by  no  means  to  intrude  upon  those  devoted 
to  useful  labour.  .  .  .  Life  was  in  no  respect 
to  be  absorbed  in  a  perpetual  mystic  communion 
with  the  Deity  "  (Milman,  Hut.  of  Christianity, 
bk.  iii.  c.  9  ;  vol.  iii.  p.  109).  Basil  was  a 
zealous  advocate  of  the  coenobitic  as  opposed  to 
the  eremitic  life,  which  he  condemns  as  concen- 
trating on  self  the  gifts  and  graces  intended  for 
the  benefit  of  mankind.  The  solitary  buries  his 
talent  in  the  earth,  and  renders  it  useless  by 
sloth.  He  can  neither  feed  the  hungry,  nor 
clothe  the  naked,  nor  visit  the  sick.  He  has  no  one 
towards  whom  he  can  exhibit  humility,  or  com- 
passion, or  patience.  If  he  errs  he  has  no  one  to 
bi-ing  him  back  ;  if  he  falls  no  one  to  lift  him 
up ;  his  offences  remain  hidden  for  want  of  any 
one  to  rebuke  him.  The  solitary  life,  therefore, 
he  decides  to  be  both  difficult  and  dangerous. 
(Basil,  Reg.  fusius  tract,  c.  7).  He  advises  that 
a  coenobitic  establishment  should  be  in  a  re- 
tired place,  far  from  the  converse  of  men  (Jhid. 
c.  6),  and  that  there  should  not  be  more  than  one 
such  house  in  the  same  place,  to  avoid  rivalry 
and  squabbles,  to  diminish  expense  and  trouble, 
and  to  save  aspirants  from  the  difficulty  of 
choice  and  from  fickleness  of  purpose  {ibid.  c.  35). 
The  number  of  brethren  should  be  over  rather 
than  under  ten.  A  man  of  tried  character  and 
morals  should  be  placed  at  their  head,  who 
might  be  a  pattern  of  all  Christian  virtue,  and 
commend  his  authority  by  his  blameless  life. 
Implicit  obedience  must  be  paid  him,  and  his 
word  must  be  law.  He  should  be  old  rather 
than  young,  but  advanced  years  is  not  to  be 
deemed  the  chief  qualification  (Serm.  Ascetic,  i. 
p.  320  sq.,  ii.  p.  324;  Beg.  c.  48).  The 
superior  is  to  rebuke  offenders  without  fear  or 
favour  (c.  25).  The  brethren  are  to  lay  bare 
to  him  all  the  secrets  of  their  hearts,  as  the  con- 
fesso-  of  the  establishment  (c.  26).  He  should 
have  a  aeputy  to  supply  his  place  if  sick,  absent, 
or  busy  (c.  45).  No  brother  is  to  be  admitted 
without    examination   and   trial    for   a   definite 


MONASTERY 


1233 


period  (c.  10).  Married  persons  may  be  received 
on  the  assurance  of  mutual  consent  (c.  12),  and 
children  when  presented  by  their  parents  or 
lawful  guardians.  Orphans  of  both  sexes  were 
to  be  adopted  as  the  children  of  the  community. 
These  were  not  to  be  placed  on  the  register  until 
they  were  old  enough  to  judge  for  themselves, 
and  could  understand  the  meaning  of  the 
monastic  vows.  They  were  to  be  separated  from 
the  brethren,  except  at  public  worship,  and  to 
follow  special  rules  as  to  sleep,  food,  hours,  etc., 
suitable  to  their  age  (c.  15).  Runaway  slaves, 
after  admonition  and  reformation,  were  to  be 
sent  back  to  their  masters.  If  the  master  was  an 
evil  man  who  commanded  things  contrary  to  God's 
law,  the  slave  was  to  be  exhorted  to  obey  God 
rather  than  man,  and  to  bear  patiently  the  trials 
he  might  have  to  endure  (c.  11).  Those  who 
entered  the  society  were  not  bound  to  resign 
their  property  into  the  hands  of  their  natural 
heirs  if  they  were  likely  to  abuse  it,  but  should 
entrust  it  to  those  who  would  use  it  for  God's 
glory  (c.  9).  The  idea  of  ownership  was  to  be 
studiously  repressed ;  no  one  was  to  call  anything, 
either  shoe  or  vestment  or  vessel  or  any  neces- 
sary of  life,  his  own.  All  that  the  brethren 
required  was  to  be  kept  in  a  common  storehouse, 
and  dispensed  at  the  discretion  of  the  superior, 
according  to  the  needs  of  the  brethren  {Serm. 
Ascet.  i.  p.  322  ;  ii.  p.  324).  A  monk 
was  forbidden  to  form  any  special  friendships, 
and  was  to  endeavour  to  love  all  equally 
{lb.  p.  322).  The  whole  life  was  to  be 
given  to  prayer  {ib.  p.  321) ;  bixt  to  secure 
regularity  in  devotion  the  canonical  hours  were 
to  be  observed,  the  midday  prayer  being  divided 
into  two  to  make  up  the  "  seven  times  a  day  "  of 
Ps.  cxix.  V.  164  (i6.  p.  322).  Work  was  not  to  be 
neglected  on  the  plea  of  devotion,  but  the  tongue 
was  to  be  vocal  in  prayer  and  psalmody  while  the 
hands  were  busy.  The  brothers  working  at  a 
distance  were  to  keep  the  hours  in  the  field  {Eeg. 
c.  37).  Every  member  of  the  body  was  to  give 
himself  to  the  works  he  could  do  best,  so  that 
the  whole  community  might  be  supported  by  the 
labours  of  its  own  hands.  The  nature  of  these 
labours  was  strictly  defined.  They  were  to  be 
such  as  were  of  real  use  to  the  community,  not 
such  as  might  contribute  to  luxury ;  such,  also, 
as  could  be  practised  without  noise,  crowds,  or 
disturbing  the  unity  of  the  brethren.  On  these 
grounds  weaving  and  shoemaking  were  to  be 
preferred  to  building,  carpentering,  or  braziers' 
work  ;  but  of  all  occupations  agriculture  was 
most  recommended  (c.  381).  The  produce  of 
these  handicrafts  were  to  be  entrusted  to  a  grave, 
elderly  man,  deserving  of  confidence,  who  would 
dispose  of  them  without  compelling  the  brethren 
to  leave  the  convent  {Serm.  Ascet.  i.  p.  321). 
Fairs  were  to  be  particularly  avoided,  even  those 
which  under  the  name  of  religion  were  held 
around  the  martyrs'  tombs  {Beg.  c.  40).  If  it 
was  necessary  for  the  brethren  to  sell  their  goods 
themselves,  "they  should,  as  much  as  possible, 
come  together  to  one  town  and  remain  there, 
even  if  the  market  was  not  so  good,  rather  than 
wander  from  town  to  town.  All  the  monks 
from  different  convents  should  assemble  in  the 
same  inn,  both  as  a  mutual  safeguard,  and  to  en- 
sure the  keeping  of  the  hours  of  prayer.  Towns 
should  be  chosen  which  had  a  high  character 
for  piety  {Eeg.  c.  39).     The  food  eaten  should  be 


1234 


MONASTERY 


such  as  would  nourish  the  bod}',  and  whatever 
was  put  on  the  table  was  to  Le  partaken  of ;  nor 
was  wine  to  be  rejected  as  something  detestable, 
but  drunk  when  necessary.  Satiety,  however, 
was  to  be  avoided,  and  all  eating  for  the  gratifica- 
tion of  the  appetite  (Serm.  Ascet.  i.  §  4,  p.  321  ; 
Heg.  c.  18).  No  rigid  uniformity  was  to  be  laid 
down  as  to  the  amount  of  food  taken,  but  the 
superior  was  to  judge  in  each  case  what  was 
sufficient,  with  special  regard  to  the  sick  (c.  19). 
Squabbles  for  the  highest  places  at  table  were 
discreditable  to  a  family  of  brothers  (c.  21).  If 
guests  visited  them  no  difference  was  to  be  made 
for  them,  but  they  were  to  partake  of  the 
ordinary  fare  (c.  20).  The  monk's  clothes  should 
shew  humility,  simplicity,  and  cheapness,  and 
should  be  characteristic  of  his  vocation.  He  was 
to  wear  the  same  garment  by  day  and  night,  and 
never  change  it  for  work  or  resting  (c.  22).  He 
was  always  to  be  cinctured  with  a  leathern  girdle 
(c.  23).  Silence  was  to  be  strictly  observed 
except  in  prayer  and  psalmody  (c.  13),  and  loud 
laughter  was  absolutely  forbidden,  though  a 
gentle  cachinnation  was  approved  of  as  a  sign 
of  a  cheerful  heart  (c.  17).  Nods  or  signs  were 
to  be  used  in  place  of  words  or  oaths.  But  even 
these  were  forbidden  if  they  indicated  sullen- 
ness  or  discontent,  or  illwill  towards  others. 
When  it  was  necessary  to  speak  it  should  be  in 
a  low  and  gentle  voice,  except  when  rebuke  or 
exhortation  had  to  be  given,  when  a  louder  tone 
was  not  forbidden  (Scrm.  Ascet.  ii.  p.  326).  The 
rejection  of  medicine  under  a  false  notion  of  its 
being  an  interference  with  the  will  of  God  is 
decidedly  coudenmed.  It  was  to  be  accepted  as 
God's  good  gift,  to  enable  the  body  to  render 
Him  more  ready  service.  It  must  not,  howevei", 
be  trusted  to  of  itself,  nor  always  resorted  to  on 
any  slight  cause.  When  the  malady  was  dis- 
tinctly a  punishment  for  sin,  it  was  a  grave 
question  whether  any  attempt  should  be  made 
to  remove  it,  instead  of  accepting  it  submissively 
as  God's  gracious  chastisement  (c.  55).  No  one 
was  permitted  to  leave  the  convent  without  the 
licence  of  the  superior  (p.  326).  Long  journeys 
and  protracted  absences  from  home  were  to  be 
avoided  as  far  as  possible.  When  for  the 
interest  of  the  convent  it  was  necessary  that  a 
visit  should  be  paid  to  a  distant  place,  if  there 
was  one  in  the  society  who  could  be  trusted  to 
travel  without  harm  to  his  own  soul,  and  with 
advantage  to  those  whom  he  might  meet,  he 
miglit  be  sent  alone.  Otherwise  several  brothers 
were  to  go  together,  who  were  to  take  care 
never  to  separate  from  one  another,  but  to  be  a 
mutual  safeguard.  On  their  return  a  very  strict 
inquiry  was  to  be  made  into  their  conduct 
during  their  absence,  and  suitable  penances 
imposed  if  they  had  in  any  way  transgressed  the 
laws  of  the  society.  All  idle  gadding  about 
and  huckstering  under  the  plea  of  business  was 
prohibited  as  utterly  inconsistent  with  the 
monastic  life  (c.  44).  All  women  and  idle 
persons  were  to  be  excluded  from  the  convent 
precincts.  If  such  presented  themselves,  on  no 
pretext  was  there  to  be  any  intercourse  between 
them  and  the  brethren.  The  superior  alone  was 
to  question  them  as  to  their  business  and  receive 
their  answers  (p.  322).  Intercourse  with  rela- 
tions was  carefully  guarded,  and  was  only  to  be 
permitted  in  the  case  of  those  with  whom 
edifying  conversation  could  be  held.     Those  who 


MONASTERY 

set  at  nought  God's  commandments  were  not  to 
be  admitted.  All  talk  which  could  revive  the 
memory  of  the  monk's  former  life  in  the  world 
was  to  be  studiously  shunned.  A  monk's 
relations  were  to  be  regarded  as  the  common 
kinsmen  of  the  society,  not  specially  his  own 
(c.  32).  The  necessary  intercourse  between  the 
male  and  female  members  of  a  religious  society 
was  to  be  ordered  so  as  to  give  no  room  for 
scandal.  Two  of  each  sex  were  to  be  present  at 
every  such  interview  (c.  33).  Labour  and  rest 
was  to  be  equally  shai'ed  among  the  brothers, 
who  were  to  be  told  off  in  rotation  in  pail's, 
every  week,  for  the  necessary  duties  of  the  esta- 
blishment, so  that  all  might  gain  an  equal 
reward  of  humility  (p.  322  ad  fin.).  A  discreet 
and  experienced  brother  was  to  be  selected,  to 
whom  all  disputes  were  to  be  referred,  who,  if 
he  could  not  settle  them  himself,  was  to  bring 
them  before  the  superior  (c.  49).  The  superior 
must  be  careful  not  to  rebuke  anyone  angrily, 
lest  instead  of  delivering  his  brother  from  the 
bonds  of  his  sin  he  bind  himself  (c.  50).  If  rebuke 
was  not  sufficient  penance  must  be  imposed 
corresponding  to  the  offence,  e.g.,  exercises  of 
humility  for  the  vainglorious ;  silence  for  the 
empty  chatterers,  vigils  or  prayer  for  the  slug- 
gards, hard  work  for  the  lazy,  fasting  for  the 
gluttonous,  separation  from  the  others  for  the 
discontented  and  querulous  (c.  28,  29,  51). 
Other  usual  penances  were  exclusion  from  the 
common  prayers,  or  psalmody  of  the  society,  or 
a  restriction  of  food.  Incarceration  was  the 
punishment  for  the  rebellious,  who,  if  they  con- 
tinued obstinate  were  to  be  expelled  (p.  322, 
c.  28).  The  superior  himself  was  to  receive 
needful  warning  and  correction  from  the  oldest 
and  most  prudent  brother  of  the  society  (c.  27). 
The  superiors  of  different  establishments  were  t» 
meet  at  stated  times  for  mutual  counsel  as  to 
the  regulation  of  their  societies,  when  difficulties 
were  to  be  discussed,  the  negligent  reprimanded, 
and  suitable  commendat'on  given  to  those  who 
had  fulfilled  their  duties  well  (c.  54). 

The  Regulae  brevius  tractatae,  313  in  numbei', 
are  very  short  decisions  of  questions  relating  to 
monastic  life  ;  e.g.  whether  it  is  allowable  to  talk 
during  psalmody,  if  a  sister  who  refuses  to  sing 
is  to  be  forced,  whether  a  serving  brother  may 
speak  in  a  loud  tone,  if  all  must  come  punctually 
to  dinner,  and  what  is  to  be  done  with  those 
who  come  late  ;  as  well  as  resolutions  of  theolo- 
gical and  moral  questions,  and  of  scriptural  diffi- 
culties. The  collection  is  valuable  as  helping  to 
form  a  faithful  picture  of  monastic  life  in  detail, 
but  does  not  answer  to  the  idea  of  a  "  rule,"  as 
dealing  with  minor  details  rather  than  with 
broad  principles. 

The  34  Constitutlones  which,  as  has  been  stated, 
are  probably  to  be  assigned  to  Eustathius  ot 
Sebaste,  are  partly  addressed  to  solitaries,  partly 
to  coenobites,  seventeen  to  the  one,  and  seventeen 
to  the  other  class.  They  are  based  on  the  same 
lines  as  the  rules  of  St.  Basil,  and  do  not  add 
much  to  our  knowledge  of  monastic  life.  The 
duties  of  humility,  obedience,  temperance,  and 
independence  of  all  worldly  interests  are  ex- 
pressed, and  rules  laid  down  for  the  regulation  of 
intercourse  with  the  brethren,  and  with  seculars. 
The  monk  must  not  seek  honour  or  dignity,  or 
desire  holy  orders  (c.  24);  he  must  have  no 
personal  friendships  (c.  29),  nor  private    busi- 


MONASTERY 

ness  (c.  27)  ;  he  must  not  be  nice  in  the  choice  of 
his  clothes  or  shoes  (c.  30),  or  be  particular  in 
his  food  (c.  25).= 

Very  wholesome  counsels  are  given  to  the 
superiors,  to  treat  the  brethren  with  all  fatherly 
kindness,  and  not  enjoin  duties  beyond  their 
power,  though  they  must  take  care  that  no 
one  hides  his  strength  to  shirk  his  tasks  (c.  28, 
31,  32).  They  must  also  exhibit  great  caution  in 
receiving  brethren  from  other  monasteries,  lest 
by  admitting  the  disobedient  and  mutinous,  they 
encourage  laziness  and  disorder,  dishearten  the 
diligent  and  faithful  members  of  their  houses, 
and  render  the  maintenance  of  discipline  more 
difficult  (c.  33). 

Tlie  Rule  of  St.  Augustine. — More  than  one 
rule  for  monks  is  extant  under  the  name  of  St. 
Augustine.  These  are  all  spurious.  The  only 
rule  which  can  claim  authenticity  is  that  for 
nuns  contained  in  his  109th  letter,  from  which 
it  has  been  extracted  and  arranged  in  sections, 
as  the  Eegula  Sancti  Augustini  sanctimonialibus 
praescripta.  The  convent  for  the  use  of  which 
this  rule  was  drawn  up  was  that  founded  by  St. 
Augustine  himself  at  Hippo,  and  presided  over 
till  her  death  by  his  sister.  She  had  been  suc- 
ceeded by  a  nun  of  long  standing  who  had 
served  under  her  with  her  entire  confidence,  but 
whose  rule  had  proved  so  distasteful  to  the 
sisters  that  they  rose  in  open  rebellion  against 
her,  and  clamoured  for  her  removal.  In  other 
respects  the  picture  of  the  convent  given  in  this 
letter  is  far  from  edifying.  The  society-  was  not 
only  mutinous,  but  disorderly.  Instead  of  a  per- 
fect equality  of  food  and  habit,  the  richer  sisters 
claimed  superior  indulgences  on  account  of  the 
property  they  had  brought  into  the  house,  and 
looked  down  on  the  poorer  members,  who  in 
their  turn  grumbled,  and  accused  the  superior 
of  partiality.  Jealousies,  heartburnings,  and 
squabbles  were  rife.  Hard  words  flew  about; 
unseemly  jests  and  sports  among  the  sisters  wei-e 
not  unknown.  Presents  and  letters  stole  in  from 
the  outside  v/orld.  The  life  of  the  sisters  was 
one  of  self-indulgence  rather  than  of  self- 
discipline,  and,  foulest  charge  of  all,  when  they 
walked  about  or  attended  church,  their  aspect 
and  deportment  was  far  from  being  characterised 
by  the  purity  befitting  the  spouses  of  Christ. 
They  had  begged  St.  Augustine  to  visit  them, 
but  he  declined  lest  his  presence  should  only 
bring  their  dissensions  to  a  head,  and  force  him 
to  adopt  severe  measures  for  their  correction. 
He  therefore  wrote  a  letter,  in  which,  after 
severely  rebuking  the  sisters  for  their  contumacy, 
he  proceeds  to  lay  down  a  code  of  rules  for  their 
future  discipline.  He  first  enunciates,  as  the 
fundamental  principle  of  coenobitic  life,  per- 
fect oneness  of  heart  and  spirit,  and  complete 
community  of  all  things,  power  being  allowed  to 
the  lady  superior,  praeposita,  to  regulate  the  dis- 
tribution of  food  and  clothing  in  accordance  with 
the  requirements  of  each  (c.  1).  If  ladies  of 
jiroperty  enter  the  monastery,  they  must  gladly 
make  their  wealth  over  to  the  common  stock. 


MONASTERY 


1235 


"=  Some  very  curious  particulars  are  given  as  to  the 
use  of  the  pickle  allowea  in  some  convents  to  give  zest 
to  the  bread  or  vegetables.  Eustathius  docs  not  forbid 
its  use,  but  recommends  its  being  mixed  up  with  so  large 
a  mess  of  bivad  or  vegetables  as  to  deaden  the  tempting 
"flavour  (c.  25). 

CHRIST.    ANT.— VOL.    II. 


but  they  must  not  hold  their  heads  high  on  that 
account,  or  look  down  on  their  poorer  sisters 
finding  more  to  glory  of  in  their  association  with 
the  lowly  than  in  the  rank  of  their  parents.  Nor 
are  the  poorer  sisters  to  congratulate  themselves 
on  obtaining  in  the  convent  food  and  clothing 
such  as  they  could  not  have  had  outside,  or  think 
much  of  themselves  on  account  of  their  being 
members  of  the  same  society  with  ladies  whom 
they  could  not  approach  in  the  world,  lest,  while 
the  rich  are  humbled  in  convents,  the  poor  should 
be  puffed  up  (c.  2,  3).  The  oratory  is  to  be  used 
only  for  its  proper  purpose  of  singing  and 
prayer,  lest,  if  the  sisters  gather  in  it  to  gossip, 
those  who  wish  to  go  there  for  private  devotion 
should  be  hindered.  They  must  think  of  the 
meaning  of  the  words  while  they  sing,  and  not 
sing  anything  but  what  is  set  down  (c.  4). 
When  at  table,  they  are  not  to  chatter,  but  listen 
to  the  reading.  They  must  not  grudge  more 
delicate  food  to  the  feeble  in  health,  or  to  those 
who  had  been  accustomed  to  a  more  refined 
mode  of  life,  not  regarding  them  as  the  happier 
for  having  such  indulgences,  but  themselves  for 
not  requiring  them  (c.  5).  Dress,  as  might  be 
expected,  presents  a  great  difficulty.  All  the 
dresses  ought  to  be  in  one  wardrobe,  and  looked 
on  as  common  property,  so  that  no  one  should 
take  it  ill  if  she  does  not  always  have  the  same 
dress  given  out  to  her,  but  sometimes  has  a 
worse  one  than  another  sister,  still  less  that  she 
should  grumble  or  squabble  about  it.  Even  if  a 
nun  is  allowed  to  have  a  dress  to  herself,  it  must 
always  be  put  in  the  same  wardrobe  with  the 
rest,  and  no  one  is  permitted  to  make  anything, 
either  for  her  bed  or  her  person,  not  even  a 
girdle  or  cap.  If  any  present  of  clothing  is 
made  to  a  nun,  she  must  not  keep  it  to  herself, 
but  give  it  to  the  superior,  who  will  let  her 
have  it  when  she  really  wants  it.  Their  hair 
is  to  be  closely  covered,  no  locks  being  allowed 
to  stray  from  under  the  cap  by  carelessness, 
or  of  set  purpose ;  nor  must  the  head-gear 
be  so  thin  as  to  let  the  hair  be  seen  through 
(c.  6,  10).  The  nuns'  clothes  are  not  to  be 
washed  too  often,  but  only  when  the  superior 
thinks  right  (c.  11).  The  sisters  are  not  to  have 
a  bath  oftener  than  once  a  month,  unless  the  phy- 
sician orders  it.  Not  fewer  than  three  must  take 
it  together,  and  these  not  by  their  own  choice, 
but  named  by  the  superior.  Indisposition  is  not 
to  be  accepted  as  an  excuse  for  having  a  bath 
unless  under  medical  sanction  (c.  12).  To 
receive  letters  or  presents  of  any  kind  was 
regarded  as  a  crime  of  the  deepest  dye,  to  be 
punished  severely,  if  need  be,  by  the  bishop  him- 
self (c.  9).  All  immodest  or  unseemly  frolicking 
between  the  sisters  is  strictly  forbidden  (c.  19),  as 
well  as  all  gazing  on  men  with  desire,  or  of  such  a 
character  as  to  excite  desire.  Theymustremember 
that  those  who  do  so  are  seen  when  they  think 
no  one  sees  them,  and  even  if  they  escape  all 
mortal  eyes,  they  cannot  escape  the  eye  of  the 
all-seeing  God  (c.  7).  The  sick  are  to  be  under 
the  charge  of  one  sister  specially  told  off  for  that 
purpose,  who  is  to  ask  for  what  tliey  want  from  the 
ctllarer,  and  fulfil  her  duties  without  murmuring 
(c.  13).  The  books  are  to  be  given  out  at  a  fixed 
time,  and  at  no  other  (c.  14).  If  a  sister  detects 
another  in  a  grave  fault,  she  is  to  admonish  her 
seriously,  but  if  she  perseveres  she  is  to  call  in 
the  aid  of  two  or  three  more,  and  if  she  still  cou- 
4  L 


1236 


MONASTERY 


tinues  obstinate,  she  is  to  be  reported  to  the 
superior,  by  whose  verdict,  or  that  of  the  pres- 
byter in  charge  of  the  convent,  she  is  to  be 
punished  (c.  8).  All  differences  or  quarrels  be- 
tween sisters  are  to  be  checked  at  once,  and  for- 
giveness is  to  be  granted  immediately  on  the 
expression  of  penitence.  Any  one  who  is 
unwilling  to  forgive  is  out  of  place  in  a  convent 
(c.  15,  16,  17).  Due  self-respect  forbids  a  sister 
asking  pardon  of  those  whom  duty  has  com- 
pelled her  to  rebuke,  even  if  she  is  conscious 
that  she  has  used  over-harsh  language.  But  she 
must  ask  pardon  of  God  alone  (c.  18).  The  rule 
closes  with  an  order  that  to  do  away  with  the 
excuse  of  forgetfulness,  the  rule  is  to  be  read  out 
aloud  once  every  week. 

The  Benedictine  rule  has  been  fully  treated  of 
in  a  separate  article  [Benedictine  Rule  and 
Order]. 

The  Rules  of  Caesarius  of  Aries. — Among  the 
Western  monastic  rules  which  yielded  to  that  most 
perfect  order,  was  the  almost  contemporary  rule 
of  Caesarius,  bishop  of  Aries  (d.  a.d.  542).  This 
rule,  which,  in  two  divisions,  embraces  both  monks 
and  nuns,  and  was  a  great  advance  upon  those  that 
had  preceded  it,  has  been  censured  as  needlessly 
pedantic  and  minute.  The  censure  is  little 
deserved,  at  least  as  regards  that  for  monks. 
That  for  nuns  is  much  inferior  in  elasticity  to 
that  of  St.  Benedict,  and  enters  perhaps  need- 
lessly into  details.  But,  as  has  been  remarked, 
the  rules  "must  be  judged  by  their  age,  and 
regarded  in  the  light  of  the  whole  spirit  of 
monasticism "  [Caesarius,  St.].  The  rule  for 
monks  starts,  as  usual,  with  the  perfect  com- 
munity of  all  things.  No  one  was  to  have  a 
cell,  or  even  a  cupboard,  which  could  be  closed 
(c.  3).  Talking  was  forbidden  during  singing 
(c.  3)  and  at  table,  when  one  of  the  body  was  to 
read  aloud  (c.  9).  No  religious  of  either  sex 
was  to  stand  sponsor  to  a  child,  lest  it  should 
induce  too  much  familiarity  with  the  parents 
(c.  10).  Late  comers  to  service  were  to  be 
caned  on  the  hand.  No  one  was  allowed  to 
reply  when  rebuked  by  his  superior  (c.  11). 
Monks  were  to  read  to  the  third  hour  and  then 
fulfil  their  appointed  tasks  (c.  14),  which  were 
not  to  be  chosen  by  themselves,  but  assigned 
them  by  the  superior  (c.  7).  The  receiving  of 
presents  or  letters  without  the  cognisance 
of  the  abbat  was  strictly  prohibited  (c.  15). 
The  fasts  were  to  be  limited  to  Wednesdays  and 
Fridays  from  Easter  to  September.  Saturday 
was  added  from  Christmas  to  a  fortnight  before 
Lent.  From  September  to  Christmas,  and  from 
a  fortnight  before  Lent  to  Easter,  they  were  to 
be  observed  every  day  except  Sunday,  when  to 
fast  was  a  sin.  Poultry  and  flesh-meat  was 
forbidden  at  all  times  save  to  the  sick.  No  one 
was  permitted  to  have  anything  by  his  bedside 
to  eat  or  drink  (c.  22,  24).  A  monk  excom- 
municated for  any  crime  was  to  be  confined  in  a 
cell,  in  company  with  an  elder  brother,  and 
employ  his  time  in  reading  until  he  was  bidden 
to  come  out  and  receive  pardon  (c.  28).  The 
service  for  Saturdays,  Sundays,  and  festivals  was 
to  include  twelve  psalms,  three  antiphons,  and 
three  lections :  one  each  from  the  prophets, 
epistles,  and  gospels  (c.  25). 

St.  Caesarius's  rule  for  nuns  is,  as  has  been 
said,  much  more  minute  and  particular  than 
that  for  monks.    It  is  based  upon  that  of  St. 


MONASTERY 

Augustine,  the  chief  provisions  of  which  it 
embodies  almost  verbatim.  Among  the  most 
remarkable  additional  regulations  are  the  fol- 
lowing. No  one,  not  even  the  abbess,  was  to 
have  a  waiting-maid  of  her  own  (c.  4).  No 
infant  was  to  be  received,  nor  any  child  under  six 
or  seven  years  old,  who  was  too  young  to  learn 
to  read  and  render  obedience  (c.  5).  All  the 
sisters  were  to  perform  the  kitchen  duties  and 
other  domestic  offices  in  rotation,  with  the  sole 
exception  of  the  mother  or  superior.  The  cook- 
ing sisters  were  to  have  some  wine  for  their 
labour  (c.  12).  At  the  vigils,  to  keep  off  sleep, 
work  was  to  be  done  which  would  not  distract 
the  mind  from  listening  to  the  reading.  If  a  sister 
got  drowsy,  she  was  to  be  made  to  stand  (c.  13). 
The  chief  occupation  of  the  sisters  was  to  be  spin- 
ning wool  for  the  clothing  of  the  convent,  which 
was  all  to  be  made  within  the  walls,  under  the 
superintendence  of  the  provost  (praeposita)  or 
woolweigher  (lanipendia).  Each  sister  was  to 
accept  her  appointed  task  with  lowliness  and 
fulfil  it  with  modesty  (c.  14,  25,  26).  No 
talking  was  allowed  at  table.  The  reading  over, 
each  was  to  meditate  on  what  she  had  heard 
(c.  16).  All  were  to  learn  to  read,  and  to  devote 
two  hours,  from  six  to  eight  in  the  morning,  to 
study  (c.  17).  All  were  to  work  together  in 
the  same  apartment.  There  was  to  be  no  con- 
versation while  thus  engaged.  One  sister  was 
to  read  aloud  for  one  hour,  after  which  all  were 
secretly  to  meditate  and  pray  (c.  18).  The 
sisters  were  most  solemnly  charged  "  before  God 
and  the  angels  "  to  buy  no  wine  secretly,  or  to 
accept  it  if  sent  them,  but  to  give  it  over  to 
the  proper  officers,  who  should  dispense  it  to  the 
sick  and  weakly.  Inasmuch  as  it  was  customary 
for  a  convent  cellar  to  have  no  good  wine,  the 
abbess  was  to  take  care  to  provide  herself  with 
such  as  would  be  suitable  to  the  sick  or  deli- 
cately nurtured  (c.  28).  The  officers  were  to 
receive  their  keys  as  a  sacred  trust,  on  the 
Gospels  (c.  30).  No  men  were  to  be  admitted, 
except  bishops  and  other  ministers  of  religion 
commended  by  their  age  and  character.  The 
utmost  caution  was  to  be  observed  in  the  intro- 
duction of  workmen  where  any  repairs  were 
needed  (c.  33).  Even  females  still  in  the  lay 
habit  were  to  be  excluded  (c.  34).  Banquets 
were  not  to  be  prepared  for  bishops,  abbats,  or 
distinguished  female  visitors,  except  most  rarely- 
and  on  very  special  occasions  (c.  36).  The 
abbess  was  not  to  take  any  refreshment  alone, 
except  when  forced  to  do  so  by  indisposition  or 
any  close  occupation  (c.  38).  If  new  clothes  were 
sent  to  a  nun,  she  might  accept  them  with  the 
abbess's  leave,  provided  they  were  of  the  proper 
fashion  and  colour  (c.  40).  No  dyeing  was  per- 
mitted in  the  convent  except  of  the  simplest 
hues.  The  counterpanes  and  bed  furniture  were 
to  be  of  the  plainest  (c.  41).  No  embroidery 
was  permitted,  with  the  exception  of  sewing 
crosses  of  black  or  cream-coloured  cloth  on 
cushions  or  coverings.  No  male  clothing  or 
that  of  secular  females  was  to  be  taken  into  the 
convent  either  for  washing,  mending,  or  any 
other  purpose  (c.  42).  No  silver  plate  was  to 
be  used  except  for  the  service  of  the  oratory 
(c.  41).  To  the  regtila,  a  recapitulatio  is 
appended,  containing  additional  rules  of  great 
particularity  relating  to  diet  and  the  duties  of 
the  cellarer  and  porter. 


MONASTERY 

Sule  of  St.  Isidore  of  Seville. — A  picture  is 
given  us  of  the  internal  arrangement  of  a  Spanish 
monastery  in  the  7th  century  in  the  rule  of 
St.  Isidore  of  Seville  (d.  a.d.  636).  The  separate 
rules  are  of  much  greater  length  than  is  usual 
in  other  codes,  and  may  be  rather  called  short 
homilies  on  a  given  text.  The  monks,  when  not 
engaged  in  public  worship  or  private  prayers, 
were  to  be  always  engaged  in  working  with  their 
hands  at  the  various  arts  or  handicrafts  with 
which  they  were  best  acquainted.  While  at 
work,  they  were  to  sing  and  pray.  In  summer 
the  day  was  to  be  thus  divided  :  from  early 
moiTiing  to  9  a.m.,  work  ;  from  9  to  12,  reading  ; 
12  to  3  p.m.,  rest ;  3  to  vespers,  work.  In 
autumn,  winter,  and  spring,  reading  and  work 
changed  places  before  and  after  9  a.m.  (c.  6). 
When  saying  the  hours,  the  monks  were  to  avoid 
talking  and  laughing,  and  to  prostrate  themselves 
in  adoration  at  the  end  of  each  psalm  (c.  7). 
Three  times  a  week  there  was  to  be  a  collatio, 
when  the  brothers  were  to  come  together  to 
receive  instruction  from  one  of  the  seniors  (c.  8), 
at  which  any  monk  might  ask  questions  concern- 
ing anything  he  had  not  understood  iu  his  private 
reading  (c.  9).  All  were  to  eat  together  in  the 
same  refectory,  ten  at  a  table,  the  abbat  taking 
his  place  at  the  head,  and  partaking  of  the  same 
fare  with  the  rest.  On  all  days  but  Sundays  and 
feast  days,  whe«  a  very  little  meat  was  allowed, 
the  diet  was  to  be  of  vegetables  alone,  "  viles 
olerum  cibos  et  pallentia  legumina."  No  one 
was  to  eat  to  satiety.  Silence  was  to  be  kept 
while  one  brother  read  aloud.  The  gates  of  the 
monastery  were  to  be  closed  at  meal-times,  and 
no  layman  was  to  venture  to  intrude.  No  food 
was  to  be  taken,  save  by  the  sick,  except  at  meal- 
times (c.  10).  The  monk's  dress  was  to  be 
sufficient  to  keep  him  warm,  but  remarkable 
neither  for  splendour  nor  meanness.  They  were 
never  to  wear  linen.  They  were  to  have  three 
tunics  and  as  many  capes  (^pallia)  and  one  hood 
apiece,  to  which  was  to  be  added  a  sheepskin,  nap- 
kin, or  a  sc&t{  (mappulae),  hose  Qnanicae  pedales), 
and  a  pair  of  thick  shoes  (caligae).  The  stockings 
were  only  to  be  worn  indoors  during  the  severity 
of  winter  or  on  a  journey.  The  brethren  were  to 
consult  decorum  by  wearing  their  capes  indoors, 
or,  if  not,  their  mappula.  A  severe  denuncia- 
1  tion  is  levelled  at  those  who  paid  any  attention 

to  the  appearance  of  their  face,  "  per  quod 
petulantiae  et  lasciviae  crimen  incurrat."  All 
were  to  have  their  hair  cut  short  after  one  fashion, 
it  being  reprehensible  "  diversum  habere  cultum 
ubi  non  est  diversum  propositum  "  (c.  13).  The 
brethren  were  all  to  sleep  in  one  chamber,  if 
possible.  Not  fewer  than  ten  were  to  occupy 
the  same  apartment  under  the  superintendence  of 
a  decanus.  No  one  was  to  have  better  or  handsomer 
bed  furniture  than  another.  Each  was  to  be 
content  with  a  straw  mat,  a  blanket,  and  two 
sheepskins.  The  pillows  denied  by  earlier  and 
sterner  rules  were  allowed  them,  not  one  only, 
but  two.  A  torche-cul,  "  faecistergium,"  formed 
part  of  their  equipment  for  the  night.  The  beds 
were  to  be  inspected  by  the  abbat  once  a  week, 
that  no  brother  might  have  more  or  less  covering 
than  he  needed.  Each  was  to  sleep  alone.  Perfect 
silence  was  to  be  observed.  A  light  was  ever  to 
be  kept  burning  (c.  14).  The  offences  against 
the  rules  of  the  monastery  were  to  be  visited 
■with  different  degrees  of  punishment  according 


MONASTERY 


1237 


to  their  gravity.  The  slightest  after  ordinary 
penances  was  a  three  days'  excommunication 
(c.  16).  Excommunication  was  pronounced  by 
the  abbat  or  provost.  The  excommunicated 
party  was  confined  to  one  place,  and  absolutely 
cut  off  from  intercourse  with  the  brethren.  No 
one  might  talk,  pray,  or  eat  with  him.  He  was 
to  fast  till  evening,  when  one  meal  of  bread  and 
water  was  furnished  him.  Except  in  the  depth 
of  winter,  he  must  sleep  on  the  ground  or  on  a 
mat,  and  wear  nothing  but  a  closely  shorn  frock, 
or  a  hair  shirt  and  rush  shoes  (c.  17).  All  moneys 
given  to  the  house  were  to  be  divided  into  three 
parts — one  to  buy  indulgences  for  the  old  and 
sick,  and  superior  food  for  feast  days,  one  for  the 
poor,  one  for  the  monks'  clothing  and  other 
necessaries  (c.  18). 

The    officers    of    the    monastery   under    the 
abbat  were — (1)  The  provost,  praepositus,  who 
had  to  manage  all   law-suits,  the  care  of  the 
estates   and    buildings,   the    oversight    of    the 
farms,  vineyards,  and  flocks.      (2)  The  sacrist, 
who  had  to  see  that  the  bell  was  rung  for  day 
and  night  offices,  to  take  care  of  the  veils,  vest- 
ments, sacred  vessels,  books,  lights,  and  all  things 
pertaining  to  public  worship.     The  wardrobe  of 
the  members  was  also  under  his  care,  and  he  was 
to  give  out  the  thread  for  making  or  mending  the 
clothes.     The  plate  of  the  establishment  and  all 
articles  of  metal  were  under  his  chai-ge.     To  him 
also  was  committed  the  oversight  of  the  tailors, 
seamsters,  chandlers,  &c.,  of  the  house.     (3)  The 
doorkeeper  was  to  guard  the  entrance,  announce 
all  comers,  and  take  care   of  guests.     (4)  The 
cellarer    had    charge  of  the  victualling  depart- 
ment, giving  out  to  the  hebdomadary  whatever 
was   necessary  for  the  material    wants   of  the 
brethren,  the  guests,  and  the  sick.     Every  week 
he  was  to  take  account  of  the  articles  entrusted 
to  the  outgoing   hebdomadary,  and  hand  them 
over  to  the   incomer.     The  whole  oversight  of 
the  sources  of  supply,  both  for  the  table  and  the 
wardrobe,  was  laid  on  him,  and  the  labourers, 
bakers,  shepherds,  farm  servants,  shoemakers,  &c., 
were  under  his  command.     (5)  The  hebdomadary 
was  the  brother  told  off  in  rotation  for  all  minor 
duties,  such  as  setting  the  table,  preparing  the 
dishes,  and  ringing  the  bell.     (6)  The  gardener 
had  the  care  of  the  hives  of  bees  in  addition  to  the 
proper  duties  of  his  office.   (7)  The  preparation  of 
the  bread  devolved  partly  on  laymen,  partly  on 
monks.     All  the  moi-e  laborious  work,  the  clean- 
ing  and  grinding  the  wheat,  belonged   to   the 
former,   the    monks    only  kneading  the  dough. 
The   laymen    were    deemed    the    more    skilful 
bakers.     The  bread  for  guests  and  the  sick   was 
to  be  made  by  them.     (8)  An  old  and  very  grave 
monk  was  entrusted  with  the  care  of  the  store- 
house in  the  city,  who  was  to  be  accompanied  by 
two  boys.     (9)  A  holy,  wise,  and  aged  brother 
was  to  be  selected  to  bring  up  and  teach   the 
boys ;  and  (10)  one  who  possessed  the  gift    of 
administration  was  to  act  as  almoner  and  liospi- 
taler  (c.  19).     The  utmost  care  was  to  be  taken 
of  those  who  were  really  sick,  but  caution  was 
observed  lest  sickness  was  simulated  to  obtain 
indulgences.      Baths  were  not  permitted,  except 
to  those  whose  health   required   them   (c.    20). 
Guests  were  to  be  received  with  all  cheerfulness 
and    honour,    and    their    feet    washed    (c.    21). 
Absence  from  the  convent  was  forbidden,  except 
by   express    permission   of    the   superior.     Two 
4  L  2 


1238 


MONASTERY 


should  always  go  together  if  duty  called  them  to 
the  town  or  elsewhere,  who,  before  they  set  out 
and  on  their  return,  were  to  receive  the  solemn 
blessing  of  the  society  in  the  church.  None  was 
allowed  to  see  relatives  or  friends,  or  to  receive 
letters,  or  send  letters  or  presents  without  special 
leave.  Monks  visiting  another  monastery  were 
bound  to  live  according  to  the  law  of  the  society 
to  avoid  giving  scandal  to  the  weak  (c.  22).  On 
€ach  occasion  of  the  decease  of  a  monk,  the  holy 
sacrifice  was  to  be  offered  before  his  burial  for 
the  remission  of  his  sins,  and  a  general  celebra- 
tion was  to  take  place  at  Whitsuntide  for  all  the 
departed.  The  dead  were  all  to  be  buried  in  the 
same  cemetery,  "  that  one  place  might  embrace 
those  in  death  whom  charity  had  united  in  life  " 
(c.  23). 

We  have  the  rules  of  another  Spanish  house  in 
the  Regula  Monachorum  and  the  Regula  Monastica 
Communis  of  St.  Fructuosus,  archbishop  of 
Braga  in  Portugal,  in  the  7th  century  (Hol- 
stenius,  vol.  i.  p.  198,  sq.).  These  will  reward 
examination,  but  space  forbids  our  entering 
on  them  here.  The  most  detailed  rule  belong- 
ing to  this  period  is  that  known  as  the  Regula 
Magistri  ad  Monachos  (Holstenius,  16.  p.  224 
sq.),  containing  no  less  than  ninety-five  canons 
of  considerable  prolixity,  each  containing  an 
answer  to  a  question  of  a  disciple.  The  date 
and  country  of  the  author  are  doubtful,  but  it  is 
clear  that  his  rule  is  subsequent  to  that  of 
St.  Benedict,  and  various  expressions  and  allu- 
sions render  it  probable  that  the  rule  was 
composed  in  Gaul.  The  minuteness  and  puerility 
of  some  of  the  rules  shew  the  decay  of  the  free 
self-reliant  spirit  of  the  original  founders  of 
monasticism. 

Rule  of  St.  Columba.  —  Our  examples  of 
monastic  rules  have  hitherto  been  taken  from 
Asia  and  southern  Europe.  We  will  conclude 
with  the  transcript  of  that  attributed  to  one  of 
the  noblest  patterns  of  Northern  monasticism — 
St.  Columba.  Although,  in  the  words  of  Mr. 
Haddan,  "  the  nature  of  its  contents  and  the 
absence  of  evidence  that  St.  Columba  ever  com- 
posed a  written  rule,  mark  it  almost  certainly 
as  the  later  production  of  some  Columbite  monk 
or  hermit,"  this  document  may  be  regarded  as 
embodying  the  principles  and  general  regulations 
of  early  Celtic  monasticism,  and  therefore  of 
great  value.  This  rule  was  first  printed 
by  Dr.  Reeves  from  a  MS.  in  the  Burgundian 
Library  at  Brussels.  It  is  found  also  in  Haddan 
and  Stubbs,  vol.  ii.  p.  119.  The  translation 
alone  is  here  given  from  Skene's  Celtic  Scotland, 
vol.  ii.  p.  508. 

"  The  rule  of  Columcille  here  beginneth : 

"  (1)  Be  alone  in  a  separate  place  near  a  chief 
city  (i.e.  an  episcopal  see)  if  thy  conscience  is 
not  prepared  to  be  in  common  with  the  crowd. 

"  (2)  Be  always  naked,  in  imitation  of  Christ 
and  the  evangelists. 

"  (3)  Whatsoever,  little  or  much,  thou  pos- 
sessest  of  anything,  whether  clothing,  or  food,  or 
drink,  let  it  be  at  the  command  of  the  senior  and 
at  his  disposal,  for  it  is  not  befitting  a  religious 
to  have  any  distinction  of  property  with  his  own 
free  brother. 

"  (4)  Let  a  fast  place,  with  one  door,  enclose 
thee. 

"  (5)  A  few  religious  men  to  converse  with 
thee  of  God  and  His  testament  and  to  visit  thee 


MONASTERY 

on  days  of  solemnity ;  to  strengthen  thee  in  the 
testaments  of  God  and  the  narratives  of  the 
Scriptures. 

"(6)  A  person,  too,  who  would  talk  with 
thee  in  idle  words,  or  of  the  world,  or  who  mur- 
murs at  what  he  cannot  remedy  or  prevent,  but 
who  would  distress  thee  more  were  he  to  be  a 
tattler  between  friend  and  foe,  thou  shalt  not 
admit  him  to  thee,  but  at  once  give  him  thy 
benediction,  should  he  deserve  it. 

"  (7)  Let  thy  servant  be  a  discreet  religious, 
not  tale-telling  man,  who  is  to  attend  continually 
on  thee,  with  moderate  labour  of  course,  but 
always  ready. 

"  (8)  Yield  submission  to  every  rule  that  is  of 
devotion. 

"  (9)  A  mind  prepared  for  red  [bloody]  mar- 
tyrdom. 

"  (10)  A  mind  fortified  and  steadfast  for  white 
martyrdom  [i.e.  self-mortification,  and  bodily 
chastisement]. 

"(11)  Forgiveness  from  the  heart  to  every 
one. 

"(12)  Constant  prayer  for  those  who  trouble 
thee. 

"  (13)  Fervour  in  singing  the  office  for  the 
dead  as  if  every  faithful  dead  was  a  particular 
fi-iend  of  thine. 

"  (14)  Hymns  for  souls  to  be  sung  standing. 

"  (15)  Let  thy  vigils  be  constant  from  eve  to 
eve  under  the  direction  of  another  person. 

"  (16)  Three  labours  in  the  day,  viz.  prayers, 
work,  and  reading. 

"(17)  The  whole  to  be  divided  into  three 
parts,  viz.  thine  own  work  and  the  work  of  thy 
place  as  regards  its  real  wants ;  secondly,  thy 
share  of  the  brethren's  work  ;  lastly,  to  help  the 
neighbours  only  by  instruction,  or  writing,  or 
sewing  garments,  or  whatever  labour  they  may 
be  in  want  of,  as  the  Lord  has  said,  '  Thou  shalt 
not  appear  before  me  empty.' 

"(18)  Everything  in  its  proper  order,  for 
'  no  man  is  crowned  except  he  strive  lawfully.' 

"(19)  Follow  almsgiving  before  all  things. 

"  (20)  Take  not  of  food  till  thou  art  hungry. 

"(21)  Sleep  not  till  thou  feelest  desire. 

"  (22)  Speak  not  except  on  business. 

"  (23)  Every  increase  that  cometh  to  thee  in 
lawful  meals,  or  in  wearing  apparel,  give  it  for 
pity  to  the  brethren  that  want  it,  or  to  the  poor 
in  like  manner. 

"  (24)  The  love  of  God,  with  all  thy  heart  and 
all  thy  strength. 

"  (25)  The  love  of  thy  neighbour  as  thyself. 

"  (26)  Abide  in  the  testaments  of  God  through- 
out all  times. 

"(27)  Thy  measure  of  prayer  shall  be  until 
thy  tears  come. 

"  (28)  Or  thy  measure  of  work  of  labour  till 
thy  tears  come. 

"  (29)  Or  thy  measure  of  thy  work  of  labour, 
or  of  thy  genuflexions,  until  thy  sweat  often 
fomes  if  thy  tears  are  not  free."  [E.  V.] 

III.  Architecture.— The  object  of  the 
present  section  is  to  give  some  account  of  the 
structural  and  architectural  development  of 
the  buildings  comprised  under  the  general  term 
"  monastery." 

The  word  monastei-y  has  in  popular  use  tra- 
velled far  from  its  original  meaning.  True  to 
its   derivation,  fiovacrrripiov  was   primarily   the 


MONASTERY 

dwelling-place  of  a  solitary  ascetic,  /xovaxos, 
■where  he  lived  in  complete  isolation  from  his 
fellow-men.  Cassian  thus  defines  very  clearly 
the  difference  between  a  monasterium  and  a 
coenobium.  "  Monasterium  potest  unius  monachi 
habitaculum  nominari.  Coenobium  autem  non 
potest  nisi  plurimorum  cohabitantium  degit 
unitacommunio."  (Co^/a^  xviii.  18.)  The  founders 
of  Christian  monasticism  (the  Jews,  it  will  be 
remembered,  had  had  both  hermitages  and 
coenobitic  communities),  Paul  and  Antony  in 
Egypt,  and  Hilarion  in  Palestine,  and  the  crowd 
of  Eastern  anchorets  who  emulated  their 
example  in  abnegation  of  the  world  and  severe 
self-discipline,  made  their  dwelling  in  deserted 
tombs,  rock-hewn  or  natural  caverns,  or  huts  of 
the  rudest  construction,  whose  contracted  dimen- 
sions barely  afforded  shelter  for  a  human  body. 
Hilarion,  c.  A.D.  328,  is  described  as  living 
in  a  cabin  on  the  sea-shore,  near  Gaza,  built  of 
boards  and  broken  tiles,  and  thatched  with  straw, 
too  small  either  to  stand  or  lie  down  in  (Soz. 
Eccl.  Hist.  iii.  14).  This  affoi'ds  an  example  of 
the  earliest  form  of  Christian  monasticism,  before 
the  ascetics  had  felt  the  necessity  of  withdraw- 
ing entirely  from  the  world.  In  such  cases  they 
placed  their  habitations  at  no  great  distance 
from  a  village  or  town,  where  they  lived  singly, 
independent  of  one  another,  supporting  them- 
selves by  the  labour  of  their  hands,  and  dis- 
tributing what  remained  after  the  supply  of  their 
own  scanty  wants  to  the  poor  around.  Increas- 
ing fear  of  contact  with  the  world,  and  a  vain 
hope  of  escaping  temptation  by  fleeing  from  the 
society  of  their  kind,  aided  by  persecution,  con- 
tributed to  drive  these  ascetics  into  mountain 
solitudes,  and  the  most  remote  recesses  of  the 
desert.  But  even  there  they  could  not  be  alone. 
A  hermit's  reputation  for  superior  sanctity 
robbed  him  of  the  isolation  he  coveted.  "  In  all 
parts  the  determined  solitary  found  himself  con- 
stantly obliged  to  recede  farther  and  farther. 
He  could  scarcely  find  a  retreat  so  dismal,  a 
cavern  so  profound,  a  rock  so  inaccessible,  but 
that  he  would  be  pressed  upon  by  some  zealous 
competitor,  or  invaded  by  the  humble  veneration 
of  some  disciple  ....  The  more  he  concealed 
himself  the  more  was  he  sought  out  by  a  multi- 
tude of  admiring  and  emulous  followers.  Each 
built  or  occupied  his  cell  in  the  hallov^ed  neigh- 
bourhood. A  monastery  was  thus  imperceptibly 
formed  around  the  hermitage"  (Milman,  Hist. 
of  Christianity,  bk.  iii.  c.  11,  vol.  iii.  p.  207). 
This  gradual  formation  of  a  monastic  commu- 
nity is  strikingly  exemplified  in  the  case  of 
Antony  (A.D.  312),  who,  as  Neander  remarks  (CA. 
Hist.  vol.  iii.  p.  316,  Clark's  tr.),  "  without  any 
conscious  design  of  his  own  thus  became  the 
founder  of  a  new  mode  of  living  in  common. 
Thus  arose  the  first  societies  of  anchorets,  who 
lived  scattered  in  single  cells  or  huts,  united 
together  under  one  superior."  Other  examples 
of  this  rudimentary  coenobitism  are  given  by  St. 
Julianus  Sabbas,  who,  having  retired  to  a  cave 
in  Osrhoene,  was  followed  by  eager  votaries,  with 
whom  he  shared  his  rock-hewn  dwelling,  as 
many  as  a  hundred  at  last  finding  shelter  in  its 
labyrinthine  recesses  (Theod.  Vit.  Fair.  p.  774). 
Passing  from  the  East  to  the  West  we  find  St. 
Honoratus  also  at  the  end  of  the  4th  century, 
while  occupying  a  cavern  at  Cape  Roux,  near 
Fr^jus,  converting  the  Isle  of  Lerins  into  a  second 


MONASTERY 


1239 


Thebaid,  through  the  multitude  of  the  disciples 
that  flocked  to  him,  and  took  up  their  abode  in 
adjacent  caverns.  The  foundation  oi Saint-Antoine 
de  Calamus,  in  the  Pyren(5es  Orientales,  and  la 
Sainte-Baume,  in  the  Bouches  du  Rhone,  and  the 
celebrated  Spanish  religious  site  o^ Mont  Serrat,  are 
mentioned  by  Le  Noir  {Architecture  monastique') 
as  still  exhibiting  interesting  examples  of  the 
manner  in  which  monasteries,  in  the  later  sense, 
grew  up  around  the  cavern,  which  was  the  con- 
secrated retreat  of  some  one  solitary  celebrated 
for  his  sanctity.  Le  Noir  gives  a  plan  shewing 
no  fewer  than  thirteen  different  hermitages  col- 
lected round  the  centre  of  chief  sacredness  at 
Mont  Serrat.  A  Byzantine  painting  of  the 
funeral  of  St.  Ephrem  Syrus,  of  the  10th  or 
11th  century,  preserved  in  the  Christian  Museum 
at  the  Vatican,  engraved  by  Agincourt  {Peinture, 
pi.  Ixxxii.),  affords  a  graphic  representation  of  one 
of  these  communities  [Monks,  in  Art].  Seven 
or  eight  caverns  are  depicted,  each  with  its  bearded 
inmates,  some  engaged  in  prayer,  others  in 
basket-making  or  forge  work.  From  the  roof 
of  the  caverns  depend  lamps  and  sacred  pictures. 
St.  Martin  of  Tours,  in  A.D.  356,  housed  the  monks 
he  collected  about  him  at  Liguge,  near  Poitiers, 
in  wattled  huts,  his  own  being  of  the  same  cha- 
racter, "ipse  eo  lignis  contextam  cellulam 
habebat"  (Sulpic.  Sever.  Vita  Beati  Martini). 
At  a  later  period  of  his  life,  when  he  had  re- 
signed his  bishopric  at  Tours,  and  retired  to 
Marmoutier  (Majus  Monasterium),  he  again 
collected  a  confraternity  about  him,  the  cells 
being  hollowed  out  of  the  soft  calcareous  rock. 

The  first  to  introduce  order  and  system  into 
these  irregular  collections  of  monastic  recluses 
was  Pachomius  (d.  A.D.  348),  who  may  be  re- 
garded as  the  founder  of  coenobitic  life  among 
Christians.  The  solitaries  continued  for  the 
most  part  to  live  in  their  old  cells,  but  they 
were  incorpoi'ated  into  a  regular  community 
by  the  adoption  of  rules,  of  which  Pachomius 
was  the  author,  for  the  division  of  their 
time,  their  daily  occupations,  their  stated  gather- 
ings for  worship  and  food,  etc.,  all  the  members 
being  subject  to  the  head  or  father  of  the  body. 
The  first  ascetic  community  of  this  nature  was 
formed  on  the  island  of  Tabennae,  in  the  Nile,  in 
Upper  Egypt,  between  Tentyra  and  Thebes. 
Eight  others  were  founded  in  Pachomius's  life- 
time, numbering  3000  monks.  The  advantages 
of  a  settled  organisation  and  a  recognised 
authority  caused  the  rapid  spread  of  the  in- 
stitution, A  multitude  of  affiliated  coenobia 
sprang  up  in  Egypt  and  the  Thebais,  recognising 
Tabennae  as  their  mother  house,  which  within 
fifty  years  of  Pachomius's  death  could  reckon 
50,000  members.  These  coenobia  may  be  com- 
pared to  religious  villages,  peopled  by  a  hard- 
working ascetic  brotherhood,  from  which  females 
were  rigidly  excluded.  Each  coenobium  was 
surrounded  by  an  enclosure,  "  diversas  cellas  in 
una  aula"  (Pallad.  Hist.  Lausiac.  ii.),  with  a 
single  door  guarded  by  a  doorkeeper  (liegula 
Sancti  Fachomii,  xxvi.  xxx.),  and  comprised  from 
thirty  to  forty  dwellings,  each  group  of  three 
or  four  being  united  for  common  labour.  Theso 
cells,  each  of  which,  according  to  Sozomen  (//.  E. 
iii.  14),  housed  throe  monks,  were  detached 
("  manent  separati  sejunctis  cellulis,"  Hierou. 
Epist.  ad  Eustoch.  xxii.  §  35 ;  "  tres  in  cella 
manent,"  Pallad.  Hist.  Lausiac.  ii.),  and  arranged 


1240 


MONASTERY 


in  orderly  rows  or  avenues  (AoDpat).  There  was 
a  common  refectory,  with  its  kitchen  and  cellars, 
to  which  the  brothers  were  summoned  for  their 
common  repast  by  the  sound  of  a  horn  at  3  p.m. 
(ibid.  ii.  xix.),  up  to  which  time  they  fasted. 
There  was  a  garden  with  its  gardeners  (xxsviii.). 
For  sick  monks  there  was  an  infirmary,  with 
a  triclinium,  aegrotantiutn  (xx.),  and  for 
strangers  and  wayfarers  a  guest-house,  xeno- 
dochium.  There  was  also  a  common  oratory, 
to  which  the  monks  were  summoned  by  a  horn 
or  trumpet.  The  monks  slept  in  their  cells, 
not  in  beds,  but  on  reclining  chairs.  They 
devoted  their  time  to  handicrafts,  chiefly 
the  making  of  baskets  and  mats  from  the 
rushes  of  the  Nile,  but  also  paying  attention  to 
agriculture  and  shipbuilding.  At  the  end  of 
the  4th  century  each  of  the  Pachomian  coenobia  had 
a  vessel  of  its  own,  built  by  the  monks  themselves. 
There  were  also  artisan  brothers  who  supplied 
the  community  with  its  chief  necessaries.  Pal- 
ladius,  who  visited  the  Egyptian  coenobia  towards 
the  close  of  the  4th  century,  found  at  Panopolis, 
among  the  300  members,  fifteen  tailors,  seven 
smiths,  four  carpenters,  fifteen  tanners,  and 
twelve  camel  drivers  (Pallad.  Hist.  Lausiac.  c. 
39).  Each  coenobium  was  regulated  by  its  own 
oeconomus,  the  whole  body  being  subordinate  to 
the  oeconomus  of  the  entire  Pachomian  confrater- 
nity (6  fxiyas  oIkovohos,  residing  at  the  principal 
monastery,  where  they  met  twice  a  year  under 
the  presidency  of  the  archimandrite  (the  "  chief 
of  the  fold  "),  and  at  their  last  meeting  gave  in 
an  account  of  their  administration  during  the  year 
( Vit.  Pachom.  §  52  ;  Hieron.  Praefat.  in  Regul.  ; 
Pachom.  §  8,  quoted  by  Neander,  vol.  iii.  p.  318, 
Clark's  edition).  Coenobitic  institutions  were 
introduced  into  Palestine  by  Hilarion,  c.  328.  He 
founded  a  monastery  on  the  Pachomian  principle, 
near  his  native  town  of  Gaza,  the  houses  affiliated 
to  which  soon  spread  over  the  whole  of  Syria. 
Chrysostom  in  early  life  joined  one  of  these 
monastic  communities  in  the  vicinity  of  Antioch, 
and  we  learn  many  particulars  relating  to  them 
from  his  writings.  The  monks  lived  in  separate 
huts,  KaKv^ai,  dotted  over  the  mountain  side. 
They  had  a  common  refectoi-y  in  which  they 
partook  of  their  frugal  evening  meal  of  bread 
and  water,  reclining  on  hay.  Sometimes  they 
took  their  repast  out  of  doors.  There  was  also 
an  oratory  in  which  they  assembled  four  times 
a  day  for  prayer  and  psalmody  (Chrysost.  Homil. 
in  Matt.  68,  69;  Homil.  in  1  Tim.  14).  The 
coenobitic  system  spread  rapidly  in  Asia.  It  was 
introduced  into  Armenia  by  Eustathius  of 
Sebaste,  into  Pontus  and  Cappadocia  by  Basil  the 
Great,  and  the  influence  of  Ephrem  Syrus  secured 
for  it  an  enthusiastic  reception  in  Mesopotamia,  but 
few,  if  any,  details  of  the  arrangement  or  con- 
struction of  the  monastic  buildings  have  come 
down  to  us.  A  century  later  we  learn  much 
respecting  the  construction  of  Syrian  coenobia, 
and  the  distinction  between  such  institutions 
and  a  "  Laura,"  from  the  life  of  Euthymius  (d. 
A.D.  473),  by  Cyrillus  Scythopolitanus.  The 
monasteries,  as  we  have  seen,  generally  had 
their  nucleus  in  the  cells  and  hermitages  of 
distinguished  anchorets.  This  was  the  case 
with  those  of  Elias  and  Martyrius  (  Vit.  Euthym. 
c.  95),  and  still  more  remarkably  with  the 
vast  monastic  establishment,  called  from  its 
venerated     founder,     Euthymius,     which     was 


MONASTERY 

gradually  developed  from  the  little  dwelling- 
place  erected  by  his  noble  Saracen  convert, 
Ashebethos,  or  Peter  (afterwards  first  bishop  of 
the  Parembolae),  as  a  token  of  his  gratitude. 
Ashebethos  began  by  excavating  a  huge  cistern, 
near  which  he  constructed  a  bakehouse  and 
three  cells,  and  an  oratory,  that  Euthymius  might 
stand  in  need  of  nothing  he  required.  There  had 
been  no  original  intention  of  erecting  either  a 
laura  or  a  coenobium,  but  such  a  step  was 
rendered  necessary  by  the  large  number  of 
Saracen  converts  who  flocked  thither  desiring 
to  embrace  a  religious  life.  For  their  accom- 
modation more  cells  were  built,  and  a  church 
erected,  consecrated  by  Juvenal,  bishop  of  Jeru- 
salem (Vita  Enthymii,  cc.  37,  41,  42).  It  is 
evident  from  other  parts  of  this  biography  that 
a  laura  was  distinguished  from  a  coenobium, 
as  being  a  place  of  stricter  discipline,  and 
therefore  less  fitted  for  a  young  monastic 
aspirant  (cc.  88,  89,  91).  A  xoenobium,  with 
its  oratory,  refectory,  and  other  monastic 
offices,  and  orderly  rows  of  contiguous  cells, 
enclosed  within  a  high  protecting  wall,  not  un- 
frequently  formed  the  central  mass  of  the  wide 
area  of  the  laura,  with  its  straggling  groups  of 
cabins.  Thither  the  anchorets  from  the  laura 
repaired  every  Saturday  and  Sunday  for  worship 
and  instruction,  bringing  with  them  the  mats  and 
baskets,  and  other  articles  they  had  finished, 
and  taking  back  materials  for  the  work  of  the 
next  week,  together  with  a  supply  of  bread  and 
water,  after  having  partaken  of  a  little  cooked 
food  and  wine  in  the  general  refectory  (ibid.  cc. 
89,  90).  On  the  elevation  of  Anastasius  to  the 
see  of  Jerusalem,  A.D.  458,  he  ordained  his  early 
friend  and  fellow  anchoret,  Fidus,  deacon,  who,  in 
obedience  to  a  supposed  vision  of  St.  Euthym.ius, 
destroyed  the  cells  of  the  laura,  and  converted 
the  whole  establishment  into  a  coenobium. 
Anastasius  supplied  them  with  a  large  body  of 
masons,  and  builders,  and  engineers,  by  whose 
labour  the  work  of  rebuilding  was  completed  in 
the  space  of  thi-ee  years.  The  whole  area  was 
fortified  with  a  palisade  and  wall,  and  further 
protected  by  a  strong  tower,  forming  the  citadel 
or  stronghold  of  the  whole  desert,  rising  in  the 
middle  of  the  cemetery,  on  the  very  brink  of  the 
steep  precipice  on  which  the  monastery  was  built, 
with  the  gate  just  below.  A  new  church  was 
built,  the  old  one  being  converted  into  the  refec- 
tory of  the  brethren  (ibid.  cc.  114-119).  The 
tower,  just  described,  was  a  very  usual  feature 
in  the  monasteries  of  the  East,  which,  from  their 
liability  to  attack  from  the  predatory  tribes, 
assumed  the  character  of  strong  fortresses,  sur- 
rounded by  lofty  blank  stone  walls,  sometimes 
crenellated  and  strengthened  with  bastions, 
within  which  lay  the  monastic  buildings,  in 
some  cases  with  the  additional  security  of  a 
moat  and  drawbridge.  The  whole  establishment 
was  dominated  by  a  lofty  tower,  near  the 
entrance,  like  the  keep  of  a  Norman  castle,  placed 
under  the  patronage  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  St. 
Jlichael  the  archangel,  apostles,  or  saints,  to  which 
the  inmates  might  flee  for  protection  when  the 
rest  of  the  buildings  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
the  assailants.  As  examples  of  these  fortified  mo- 
nasteries we  may  mention  the  White  Monastery 
in  Egypt,  which  Denon  says,  with  a  few  pieces  of 
artillery  on  the  walls,  could  be  defended  against 
an  enemv — the  monasteries  around  the  Natron 


MONASTERY 

Lakes,  and  those  on  Mount  Athos,  and  at 
Meteora  in  Thessaly.  In  some  cases  protection 
was  still  further  secured  by  the  single  entrance 
being  made  many  feet  above  the  ground,  only 
accessible  by  long  ladders,  or  by  a  basket  raised 
by  a  windlass,  e.g.,  at  the  monastery  of  St. 
Catherine  on  Mount  Sinai,  the  White  Convent 
in  Egypt,  the  monasteries  of  Nitria,  and  those  of 
Mount  Athos. 

The  ground  plan  of  the  Eastern  monasteries, 
where  the  locality  permitted,  was  always  rect- 
angular, with  the  church  or  Catholicon  as  the 
chief  object  in  the  midst  of  the  area,  and  the  cells 
round.  These  were  at  first  scattered,  then  in 
groups,  and  ultimately  ranged  side  by  side  and 
connected  by  a  covered  cloistered  walk.  The 
monastery  of  Santa  Laura  on  Mount  Athos  is  a 
typical  example  of  an  Oriental  monastery.  Its 
fortified  enceinte  encloses  between  three  and  four 
acres,  comprising  two  courts,  in  the  centre  of 
which  stands  the  Catholicon,  surrounded  by  an 
open  cloister,  from  which  on  three  sides  the  cells 
open.  The  refectory,  which  opens  from  the 
west  cloister  facing  the  church,  and  projects 
into  the  large  outer  covert,  is  a  cruciform  hall, 
about  100  feet  each  way,  with  an  apsidal  termi- 
nation. The  Eastern  refectories  were  usually 
built  on  the  plan  of  a  triclinium,  with  an 
apsidal  recess  on  each  of  their  sides.  It  is  so 
with  the  existing  refectory  at  Parenzo  in  Istria 
(see  woodcut,  vol.  i.  p.  377),  and  the  plan  of  the 
now  demolished  dining-hall  at  the  Lateran  was 
of  a  similar  form,  but  much  longer. 

A  very  remarkable  monastery  of  early  date, 
which  preserves  in  the  main  the  plan  of  the  7th 
or  8th  century,  though  frequently  subjected  to 
hostile  attacks,  exists  at  Etchmiadzin,  the  eccle- 
siastical capital  of  the  Armenian  nation.  This 
was  founded  a.d.  302  by  Gregory  the  Illuminator, 
in  the  reign  of  Tiridates,  who,  with  his  people, 
embraced  Christianity  twelve  years  before  the 
conversion  of  Constantine.  Within  a  lofty 
battlemented  wall,  a  mile  in  circuit,  lies  a  con- 
fused mass  of  buildings  of  different  descriptions, 
besides  some  gardens  and  open  areas,  comprising 
almost  a  little  town,  with  workshops  for  almost 
every  description  of  trade — as  at  the  coenobium 
of  Panopolis  described  above — and  a  kind  of 
bazaar  or  market  for  the  sale  of  the  monastic 
produce.  Besides  the  cells  of  the  monks  on  the 
west  side  of  the  great  court  there  are  apartments 
for  the  Armenian  patriarch,  as  well  as  for  the 
archbishops,  bishops,  and  archimandrites  from 
other  monasteries.  A  separate  quadrangle  to 
the  south,  with  a  fountain  in  the  centre,  is 
devoted  to  the  reception  of  guests.  There  are 
two  refectories,  one  for  summer  and  the  other 
for  winter  use.  The  former  is  described  as  a 
long,  low-vaulted  room,  with  one  long,  narrow 
table  running  down  the  middle  between  two 
stone  benches.  There  is  a  canopied  throne  for 
the  patriarch,  and  a  pulpit  for  the  reader.  The 
church  is  cruciform,  with  exceedingly  short 
transepts,  and  a  small  apse,  resembling  in  plan  a 
square  with  four  shallow  recesses  (Bryce,  Trans- 
caucasia and  Ararat,  p.  303  ff.). 

The  Coptic  monasteries  in  Upper  Egypt  are 
among  the  earliest  and  the  least  altered  now  in 
existence.  Lenoir  gives  a  plan  of  one  of  the 
smaller  monasteries,  shewing  a  quadrangular 
mass  of  building,  of  which  a  three-aisled  church, 
terminating  in   three   cellular   apses,   and  pre- 


MONASTERY 


1241 


ceded  by  a  narthex,  forms  the  leading  feature. 
Along  the  north  wall  of  the  church  runs  a  range 
of  cells,  opening  on  either  side  of  a  long  corridor 
approached  by  a  staircase. 

The  "White  Monastery,"  or  Dat/r  Ahon  Sherood, 
on  the  edge  of  the  Libyan  Desert,  attributed  to 
the  empress  Helena,  corresponds  to  this  type 
(Curzon,  Monasteries  in  the  Levant,  p.  122).  It 
is  described  as  a  building  of  an  oblong  shape, 
about  200  feet  in  length  by  90  feet  wide, 
very  well  built  of  fine  stone.  It  has  no  windows 
outside  larger  than  loopholes,  and  these  are 
at  a  great  height  from  the  ground;  twenty 
on  the  south  side  and  nine  at  the  east  end.  The 
walls  slope  inwards,  and  are  crowned  with  a  deep 
overhanging  cornice.  There  is  one  doorway  on 
the  south  side,  entered  from  a  narthex.  The 
church  was  a  noble  basilica,  with  fifteen 
columns  on  each  side  of  the  nave,  the  apse  and 
transept  recesses  covered  with  semi-domes.  The 
monks'  cells  were  contained  in  a  long  slip  at  the 
side  of  the  church,  lit  by  narrow  loopholes. 
There  is  no  court  or  open  area  within  the  build- 
ing. The  flat  roof  afforded  the  place  of  open- 
air  exei'cise  for  its  inmates.  The  desert  of  the 
Natron  Lakes,  which  was  one  of  the  earliest 
seats  of  monasticism,  contains  some  curious 
early  convents.  Only  four  remain  entire,  but 
the  ruins  of  many  others  may  still  be  traced. 
Those  which  remain  are  establishments  of  the 
larger  type,  surrounded  by  high  walls  of  im- 
mense strength,  unbroken  by  window  or  any 
other  aperture,  save  the  single  door  of  entrance. 
Even  this  opening  has  in  later  times  been  not 
unfrequently  built  up  for  protection  against 
hostile  attacks,  and  the  only  way  of  admission 
is  through  a  window  furnished  with  a  windlass. 
The  walls  enclose  a  considerable  space  of 
ground,  including  gardens  and  orchards,  and 
usually  contain  several  detached  churches. 
The  monastery  Daxfr  Macarius,  called  after  the 
celebrated  anchoret  of  the  name,  contains  four 
churches ;  the  Bay'r  Syriani,  and  the  Day'rAmba 
Bishoi,  three  each  ;  and  the  Day'rAntonias  in  the 
Eastern  desert,  the  largest  monastery  in  Egypt, 
built  over  the  cave  of  St.  Antony,  also  contains 
four  churches  standing  quite  detached.  The  refec- 
tories of  these  monasteries  are  long,  narrow, 
vaulted  rooms,  furnished  with  a  stone  table  down 
its  entire  length,  and  usually  with  stone  benches 
on  either  side,  and  a  lectern  also  of  stone.  Each 
of  these  religious  houses  is  provided  with  its 
kas'r-  or  tower,  commonly  dedicated  to  St. 
Michael,  a  chapel  to  whom  occupies  the  top 
story.  ("  Notes  on  the  Coptic  Day'rs,"  by  Greville 
J.  Chester,  Archaeological  Journal,  vol.  xxx.  p. 
105  ff) 

The  genius  of  the  Western  church,  more  prac- 
tical and  less  contemplative,  was  at  first  un- 
favourable to  monasticism.  The  powerful 
influence  of  Athanasius  prepared  the  way  for 
its  reception  in  the  West,  which  was  secured 
by  the  enthusiastic  adhesion  of  Ambrose,  Jerome, 
and  Augustine.  Little,  however,  is  known  of 
the  arrangements  of  the  early  Italian  monas- 
tic institutions.  We  learn,  however,  from 
the  rules  laid  down  by  St.  Augustine  for 
the  guidance  of  his  nuns  in  North  Africa,  that 
the  buildings  included  a  wardrobe,  in  which  the 
nuns'  habits  were  kept,  over  which  wore  one 
or  two  wardrobe  keepers,  whose  duty  it  was 
to  beat  and  shake  the  clothes,  and  keep  them 


1242 


MONASTERY 


free  from  moth.  There  was  a  library  for  the 
"  codices,"  and  as  there  was  a  "  cellerarius  "  there 
must  have  been  a  cellar  (St.  Augustine,  Eegulae 
pro  Sanctimonialibus,  10,  13,  14). 

The  monastic  institutions  for  males,  established 
by  Augustine  in  North  Africa,  assumed  an  in- 
termediate form,  corresponding  to  a  considerable 
extent  to  the  colleges  of  secular  canons  of 
later  times.  The  foundations  of  such  an 
institution,  probably  coeval  with  Augustine, 
were  discovered  by  Leon  Renier,  at  Tebessa,  the 
ancient  Theveste,  of  which  a  drawing  and  de- 
scription are  given  by  Le  Noir  (^Architect.  Monast. 
ii.  p.  483,  pi.  553).  The  plan  gives  an  outer  and 
inner  court  at  different  levels,  the  inner  being 
the  higher.  The  outer  court  is  surrounded  by  a 
cloister,  and  has  the  domestic  offices  to  the 
north,  and  a  long  narrow  vestibule  to  the  south. 
The  inner  court  forms  an  atrium  before  the 
church,  a  basilica  of  ten  bays  with  an  apse. 
The  whole  church  and  atrium  are  surrounded  by 
a  succession  of  rectangular  cells,  opening  on  the 
lower  level  of  the  outer  court,  surrounded  by  a 
terrace  walk.  To  the  south  opening  from  the 
church  is  a  large  tricliniar  refectory,  abaptistery, 
and  other  offices.  The  whole  is  surrounded  by 
a  wall  and  towers.  Lenoir  also  gives  the  ground 
plan  of  Strassburg  cathedral  (ii.  480)  as  built  by 
Clovis,  c.  A.D.  496.  The  church  is  rectangular  and 
two-aisled,  ending  square,  not  apsidally.  To  the 
east  of  the  church  is  an  open  court,  surrounded 
on  three  sides  by  the  apartments  for  the  bishop 
and  his  clergy,  partially  embracing  the  church. 

Monasticism  in  the  West,  after  having  been 
almost  crushed  out  during  the  migration  and 
settlement  of  the  nations,  was  revived  by  St. 
Benedict  of  Nursia,  c.  A.D.  529,  by  whom  the 
system  was  reorganised  and  reduced  to  order. 
*'  The  Benedictine  rule  was  universally  received, 
even  in  the  older  monasteries  of  Gaul,  Britain, 
Spain,  and  throughout  the  West — not  as  that  of 
a  rival  order,  but  as  a  more  full  and  perfect  rule 
of  the  monastic  life  "  (Milman,  Lat.  Christ,  vol.  i. 
p.  425,  note  x  ).  Not  only  were  new  monasteries 
founded,  but  those  already  existing  were  fre- 
quently demolished  and  rebuilt  in  accordance 
with  the  requirements  of  the  new  rule.  One 
leading  principle  of  the  Benedictine  arrangement 
was  that  the  walls  of  the  monastery  should  in- 
clude within  them  everything  that  was  necessary 
for  the  material  wants  of  the  establishment,  as 
well  as  the  buildings  connected  with  their  reli- 
gious, literary,  and  social  life,  to  do  away  with 
the  necessity  of  the  inmates  going  beyond  its 
bounds.  It  should  contain  water,  a  mill,  bake- 
houses, stables,  and  cow-houses,  etc.,  together 
Avith  workshops  for  all  necessary  mechanical 
arts  {Regulae  Sancti  Bencdicti,  57,  66).  The 
precinct  was  to  be  surrounded  with  a  wall  with 
one  gate,  at  which  a  cell  should  be  built  for  the 
gatekeeper,  who  was  to  be  always  on  the  spot  to 
give  an  answer  to  all  comers  (ibid.).  The  build- 
ings were  to  comprise  an  oratory  (52),  a 
refectory  (38),  a  kitchen  in  which  the  monks 
were  to  serve  week  and  week  about  (35),  a 
cellar,  superintended  by  a  "cellerarius"  (31), 
a  dormitory  large  enough  if  possible  to  contain 
all  the  monks  (22),  a  wardrobe  (55),  an  in- 
firmary (36),  and  a  guest-house  (50). 

These  rules  are  illustrated  by  the  very  re- 
markable plan  of  the  monastery  of  St.  Gall,  c. 
A.D.  820,  the  larger  portion  of  which  has  been 


MONASTERY 

engraved  to  illustrate  the  article  Chdrcij 
(I.  p.  383).  Its  general  appearance  is  that 
of  a  town  of  detached  houses,  with  streets 
running  between  them,  forming  thirty-three 
detached  blocks  of  building,  all  of  which,  except 
the  church,  were  probably  built  of  wood,  and  were 
generally  of  one  story.  The  buildings  form  dis- 
tinct groups.  In  the  centre  is  the  church  and 
cloister,  and  the  group  belonging  to  the  distinctlj' 
monastic  life ;  to  the  east  and  north  the  group 
appropriated  to  the  education  of  the  young,  and 
the  care  of  the  sick,  with  the  abbat's  house 
watching  over  the  whole.  To  the  west  and 
north-west  lies  the  group  appropriated  to  hospi- 
tality ;  while  the  group  connected  with  the 
grosser  material  wants  of  the  establishment  is 
placed  at  the  furthest  distance  from  the  church 
to  the  west  and  south.  By  a  reference  to  the 
plan  it  will  be  seen  that  the  quadrangular 
cloister-court  forms  the  nucleus  of  the  establish- 
ment, round  which  the  principal  buildings  are 
ranged.  The  two-apsed  church  stands  to  the 
north,  that  the  cloister  might  be  sunny  and 
warm ;  the  refectory  to  the  south,  the  side 
furthest  removed  from  the  church  that  the  wor- 
shippers might  not  be  annoyed  with  noise  or 
smell,  with  the  kitchen  annexed.  From  the 
kitchen  a  passage  leads  to  the  bakehouse  and 
brewhouse,  and  the  sleeping-rooms  of  the  domes- 
tics. To  the  west,  closely  adjacent  to  the  kitchen 
and  refectory,  is  a  two-storied  building,  cellar 
below,  and  larder  and  storeroom  above.  The 
absence  of  the  chapter-house  is  perplexing. 
In  all  Benedictine  Iiouses  the  chapter-house 
opens  from  the  east  walk  of  the  cloister,  and  the 
entire  absence  of  so  essential  an  element  oi- 
monastic  life  throws  a  little  doubt  on  the  per- 
fect accuracy  of  the  plan.  The  east  side  is 
entirely  occupied  by  the  "  pisalis,"  or  "  cale- 
factory," the  common  day-room  of  the  monks, 
warmed  by  flues  under  the  floor.  The  dormi- 
tory occupies  the  upper  story  of  this  building, 
communicating  by  a  staircase  with  the  south 
transept  of  the  church  to  enable  the  brethren 
to  attend  the  nocturnal  services  without  going 
into  the  open  air.  A  passage  leads  from  the 
dormitory  to  the  "  necessarium  "  —  a  portion 
of  the  monastic  building  always  planned  with 
the  most  delicate  attention  to  health  and 
cleanliness.  Above  the  refectory  is  the 
"  vestiarium,"  where  the  habits  of  the  monks 
were  kept.  The  "  parlatorium,"  where  the 
monks  might  have  intercourse  with  members 
of  the  outer  world,  lies  between  the  church  and 
the  cellar,  with  one  door  opening  into  the 
cloister,  and  another  into  the  outer  court.  On 
the  eastern  side  of  the  north  transept  is  the- 
"  scriptorium  "  with  the  library  above. 

To  the  east  of  the  church  stands  a  group  of 
buildings  comprising  two  miniature  monastic 
establishments,  each  complete  in  itself,  the  in- 
firmary devoted  to  the  sick  monks,  and  the 
house  of  the  "  oblati "  or  novices.  Each  has  a 
covered  cloister,  surrounded  by  the  usual  build- 
ings, refectory,  dormitory,  etc.,  and  an  apsidal 
chapel,  placed  back  to  back.  Contiguous  to  the 
infirmary  .stands  the  physician's  residence,  with 
the  physic  garden,  the  drug  store,  the  house  for 
blood-letting  and  purging,  and  a  chamber  for 
the  dangerously  sick,  closely  adjacent. 

The  "  outer  school,"  standing  to  the  north  of 
the  church,  contains  a  large  schoolroom,  divided 


MONASTERY 

across  the  middle  by  a  screen  or  partition,  and 
surrounded  by  fourteen  little  rooms  termed  "  the 
dwellings  of  the  scholars."  The  head  master's 
house  stands  opposite,  under  the  north  wall  of 
the  church.  Close  to  the  school  to  the  east 
stands  the  abbat's  house  opposite  the  north 
transept  of  the  church,  conveniently  placed  for 
the  supervision  of  both  branches  of  the  educa- 
tional department,  the  outer  school,  and  the 
house  of  the  novices,  as  well  as  of  the  infirmary. 
The  two  "hospitia"  or  guest-houses  for 
strangers  of  difterent  degrees  comprise  a  large 
.ommon  chamber  or  refectory  in  the  centre, 
surrounded  by  bedrooms.  Each  has  its  own 
brewhouse  and  bakehouse,  and  that  for  travellers 
of  a  higher  class  is  also  provided  with  a  kitchen 
and  storeroom,  sleeping  accommodation  for  the 
servants,  and  stables  for  horses.  There  is  also 
an  hospitium  for  strange  monks  under  the  north 
wall  of  the  church. 

Beyond  the  church  at  the  eastern  boundary 
of  the  convent  area  to  the  south  is  the  "fac- 
tory," containing  workshops  for  shoemakers, 
saddlers,  cutlers,  and  grinders,  trencher-makers, 
tanners,  curriers,  fullers,  smiths,  and  gold- 
smiths, with  their  dwellings  behind.  On 
this  side  also  is  the  agricultural  establish- 
ment, comprising  the  granary  and  threshing 
floor,  mills,  malthouse,  ox-sheds,  goat-stables, 
piggeries,  sheep-cotes,  together  with  the  ser- 
vants' and  labourers'  quarters.  At  the  south- 
east corner  is  the  poultry-yard  with  the  duck 
and  hen-house,  and  the  keeper's  dwelling.  Close 
by  is  the  kitchen-garden,  and  the  cemetery, 
planted  with  fruit  trees.  This  plan  exhibits  a 
Benedictine  monastery  as  a  well-organised  reli- 
gious, educational,  and  industrial  establishment, 
m  which  every  department  had  its  most  suitable 
position,  and  nothing  was  neglected  which  could 
conduce  to  the  well-being  of  the  institution,  and 
the  adequate  fulfilment  of  the  purposes  of  its 
foundation. 

The  Irish  and  early  Scotch  monasteries  of  the 
6th  and  7th  centuries,  such  as  that  of  Armagh  and 
lona,  followed  the  Eastern  model.  The  monastery 
proper  was  enclosed  by  a  rampart  and  fosse, 
which,  however,  was  usually  circular,  not 
quadrilateral,  intended  rather  for  restraint  than 
for  the  security  of  its  inmates.  This  "  vallum  " 
included  the  church  or  oratory,  the  refectory, 
with  its  kitchen  and  offices,  and  the  lodgings, 
hospitia,  of  the  community,  placed  round  a  court, 
platea.  The  hospitia  appear  to  have  been  ori- 
ginally, as  in  the  East,  detached  huts,  formed  of 
wattles  or  of  wood.  The  monks  slept  on  Icctuli, 
each  provided  with  a  straw  pallet  and  a  bolster. 
The  abbat's  house  in  Columba's  time,  hospitium, 
stood  on  an  eminence  at  some  little  distance 
from  the  other  dwellings,  and  was  built  of  beams 
and  joists.  Here  was  the  founder's  lectulus, 
here  also  he  sat,  and  wrote  or  read,  attended  on 
by  one  brother,  who  occasionally  read  to  him,  or 
by  two,  who  stood  at  the  door  awaiting  his 
orders.  The  codices  belonging  to  the  foundation 
hung  in  leathern  wallets  round  the  walls  of  a 
special  apartment,  which  also  contained  the 
waxed  tablets  and  the  st.es,  the  pens  and  ink- 
horns.  On  the  arrival  of  a  stranger,  if  there 
was  no  guest-house,  which,  however,  was 
found  in  not  a  few  Irish  monasteries,  one  of  the 
huts  was  specially  prepared  for  him.  Outside 
the  vallum  were  the  various  agricultural  depen- 


MONASTERY  124^ 

dencies,  the  cowhouse,  the  barn,  the  kiln  needed 
for  drying  the  coi-n  in  that  damp  climate  (canaha), 
the  mill  with  its  pond  and  stream,  the  stables, 
and  cart  sheds.  There  was  also  a  smithy  and  a 
carpenter's  shop,  and  other  appendages  of  a  like 
kind.  Those  who  desired  to  follow  a  stricter  life 
than  the  ordinary  members,  had  permission 
granted  by  the  abbat  to  withdraw  to  some  soli- 
tary place  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  monas- 
tery, where  they  might  devote  themselves  to 
undisturbed  meditation,  without  breaking  the 
bond  of  brotherhood.  Such  a  place  of  retirement 
was  called  a  disert,  from  the  Latin  desertum,  a 
word  which  is  of  very  frequent  occurrence  in 
early  Irish  and  Scotch  ecclesiastical  literature 
(Reeves,  Life  of  St.  Golumha,  pp.  357-369). 

[E.  v.] 
IV.  List  of  Monasteries  founded  before 
A.D.  814. — All  kinds  of  monastic  communities 
(often  not  to  be  precisely  distinguished  in 
the  meagre  notices  of  the  earliest  monasteries) 
are  included  in  the  following  list ;  which, 
in  the  absence  of  any  existing  work  upon 
these  ancient  monasteries  of  a  full  and  general 
character,  has  been  carefully  compiled  chiefly 
from  the  works  of  Dugdale,  Arckdall,  Spot- 
tiswood,  Kuen,  Bulteau,  and  Migne's  Patro- 
logy.  Still  the  monasteries  here  given  are 
a  very  small  proportion  of  the  numbers  ac- 
tually existing,  especially  in  the  East,  in  these 
early  times.  An  asterisk  has  been  prefixed  to 
houses  for  nuns.  Monasteries  of  the  Benedictine 
and  Augustinian  orders  are  marked  respectively 
0.  Ben.  and  0.  Aug. ;  and  where  the  exact  date 
of  their  foundation  is  uncertain,  the  abbrevia- 
tions c.  for  circa,  and  cent,  for  century,  are  used  ; 
while  a.  for  ante  is  prefixed  to  the  date  given  in 
many  instances  as  the  earliest  known  time  of 
the  monastery's  existence.  For  convenience  of 
reference  there  has  been  added  a  Supple- 
mentary Index  of  the  names  and  places  of  the 
monasteries,  where  these  differ  materially  from 
the  alphabetically  arranged  order  of  the  Latin 
name  in  the  list  itself. 

A.D. 

1.  Abazan    (de),    near   Sebaste,    Ar- 

menia         a.  600 

2.  Abbaini,  S.,  Kilabbain,  N.  Meath  640 

3.  Abbani,  S.,  Kilebbane,  near  Athy, 

Queen's  Co.,  built  by  St.  Abban  .     c.  650 

4.  Abbendoniense  (Abingdon),  Berk- 

shire ;  0.  Ben 675 

5.  *Abendense,  or  Romarici  Montis 

(Remiremont),  Vosges ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  monk  Romaricus  and 
bp.  Radulphus c.  644 

6.  Abernethe  (DE)(Abernethy),  Scot- 

land ;  founded  by  king  Nethan  .     a.  617 

7.  Achadablense,  in  Kenselach,  Wex- 

ford, founded  by  St.  Finian  of 
Clonard a.  552 

8.  Achadcaoillense,  near   Dundrum 

Bay,  Down V">  cent. 

9.  Achadchaoinense  (Achonry), 

Sligo ;  founded  by  St.  Finian  of 
Clonard YI"- cent. 

10.  ACIIADDUBTllINGHENSE  (Achaddub- 

thuigh),  Antrim    .      .      .      •      •      a.  700 

11.  AciiAD  FiNGLASSENSE,near  Leighlin, 

Carlow a.  600 

12.  Aciiadfobairen-se      (Aghagower), 

Mayo ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick       V""  cent. 


1244 


MONASTEEY 


A.D. 

ACHADMORiENSE  (Aghamore), 

Mayo  ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick       V'  cent. 

ACHADNACILLENSE      (Achadnacill), 

Antrim  ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick  V'^cent. 

ACHADURENSE  (Fresh  ford),  Kil- 
kenny; founded  by  St.  Lactan     .     a.  622 

ACOEMETARUM  Magnum,  near  Con- 
stantinople, in  Bithynia ;  founded 
by  abb.  John V*''  cent. 

Adescancastrense,  or  Exoniense 

(Exeter) ;  0.  Ben a.  700 

Aegyptiorum,       near      Anazarba, 

Cilicia a.  600 

Aemiliani,  S.,  in  Aragon  ;  founded 

by  St.  Aemilian 574 

Aeliotarum,    near     the     Jordan ; 

founded  by  Antony     ....     a.  600 

Agaboense,  near  Mountrath, 
Queen's  Co. ;  founded  by  St. 
Canice VI"»  cent. 

Agaliense  (Agali),  near  Toledo, 
Spain ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king 
Athanageld 592 

Agamorense  (Abbey  Isle),  Kerry  ; 

0.  Aug VII"'  cent. 

Agaroissense  (probably  Akeras,  or 
Kilmantin),  Sligo ;  founded  by 
St.  Molaisse 571 

Agathae,  S.,  on  the  Ticino,  Lom- 
bardy  ;  founded  by  king  Grimoald 
Longbeard 673 

Agathense,  S.   Andreae  (Agde), 

H^rault ;  founded  by  abb.  Severus     c.  502 

Agathense,    S.    Tiberii   (Agde), 

Hdrault ;  0.  Ben c.  770 

Agaunense,  S.  Mauricii  (St. 
Maurice  in  Valais);  O.  Ben., 
founded  by  king  Sigismund  .      .  5-15 

Agerici,  S.,  previously  S.  MAETrsi 

(St.  Airy),  dioc.  Verdun ;  0.  Ben.         639 

Agmacartense,       near      Durrow, 

Queen's  Co c.  550 

Ailechmoriense,  in  Artech,  Ros- 
common      a.  550 

AiRECAL  DachiarOC  (de),  in  Tyrone     a.  800 

,  Alaverdense,  on  the  Alan,  Geor- 
gia ;  built  by  father  Joseph  .     VI"'  cent. 

Albachorense,  or  Bangorense 
(Bangor),  Down  ;  founded  by  St. 
Comgall c.  555 

Albani,    S.   (St.   Alban's),  Herts  ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king  Offa      .  793 

Albaterrense,  S.  Salvatoris 
(Aubeterre),  dioc.  P^rigueux  ;  0. 
Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Maurus ; 
or  in 785 

Albini,     S.,     Angers  ;      0.     Ben., 

founded  by  bp.  Albinus  .      .      .     c.  540 

Album  (White  Monastery),  Egypt ; 
said  to  have  been  founded  by 
emp.  Helena IV"  cent. 

Alexandri,  S.,  on  the  Euphrates ; 
the  first  monastery  of  Perpetual 
Adoi-ation,  founded  by  St.  Alex- 
ander   c.  400 

Alexandri,  S.,  near  the  entrance 
of  the  Black  Sea ;  founded  by  St. 
Alexander .a.  430 

Alexandriae  Suburbanum  (Alex- 
andria), Egypt 387 

Alexandrinum  (Alexandria),  Egypt         387 


MONASTERY 

A.D. 

42.  Alexandrinum,       S.        Joannis 

(Alexandria),  Egypt ;  founded  by 

John  Eleemosynarius.      .      .      .      a.  650 

43.  Alexandrinum,     Pauli     Lepris 

Affecti  (Alexandria),  Egypt      .     a.  500 

44.  Alexandrinum,   Sandaliariorum 

(Alexandria),  Egypt    .      .      .      IV'^'cent. 

45.  Alexandrinum,  Virginis  B.  (Alex- 

andria), Egypt ;  founded  by  John 
Eleemosynarius a.  650 

46.  All  Farannain  (de),  in  Connaught    a.  600 

47.  Altha  Inferiore   (de)   S.    Mau- 

RiTii  (Lower  Altaich),  Bavaria; 

0.  Ben.,  built  by  duke  Utile       .         741 

48.  Altha     Superiore    (de)    (Upper 

Altaich),  Bavaria ;  0.  Ben.,  built 
bydukeUtilo c.  739 

49.  Alti-Montis,  SS.  Petri  et  Pauli 

(Haut-Mont),  Ardennes;  0.  Aug., 
founded  by  count  Vincent     .      .         640 

50.  *Altitonense     (Altenburg),    near 

Strassburg ;  founded  by  duke 
Adelric VHP'' cent. 

51.  Altivillarense    (Haut  -  Villiers), 

dioc.  Rheims;    0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  bp.  Nivardus 662 

52.  Alypii,  S.,  near  Adrianople,  Paph- 

lagonia ;  founded  by  St.  Alypius 

the  Stylite c.  620 

53.  *Alypii,  S.,  near  Adrianople,  Paph- 

lagonia ;  founded  by  St.  Alypius 

the  Stylite c.  620 

54.  Amandi,  S.,  or  Elnonense,  on  the 

Elne,  dioc.  Arras ;  founded  by  St. 
Amandus  and  king  Dagobert       .  637 

55.  Amantit,    S.     Ruthenense    (Ro- 

dez),  France 511 

56.  Amasiense  (Amasia),  Pontus     .      .     a.  550 

57.  Amasiae  Joannis  Acropolitanum 

(Amasia),  Pontus c.  560 

58.  Ambiacinense     (Ambazac),      dioc. 

Limoges a.  593 

59.  Ambresburiense  (Amesbury),  Wilt- 

shii-e ;    founded    by  Ambrius,  or 
■   Ambrose a.  600 

60.  Amerbachiense,    dioc.  Wiirzburg; 

founded  by  St.  Pirminius       .      .     c.  764 

61.  Ammonii,  near  Alexandria,  Egypt  IV"»  cent. 

62.  Anagratense      (Ainegray),     dioc. 

Besanfon;  founded  by  abb.  Co- 
lumbanus c.  570 

63.  Anastasii  Abbatis,  near  Jerusalem  ; 

founded  by  abb.  Anastasius    .      .      a.  600 

64.  Ancyraeum,  Attalinae  (Ancyra), 

Galatia a.  620 

65.  Andaginense,  S.  Huberti,  in  the 

Ardennes ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
duke  Pippin  and  his  wife  Plec- 
truda 702 

66.  Andegavense,     SS.     Sergii     et 

Medardi  (Angers)     ....     a.  705 

67.  Andegavense,   S.  Stephani  (An- 

gers), France a.  814 

68.  Andegavense,   S.  Venantii  (An- 

gers) ;  founded  by  bp.  Licinius     .      c.  520 

69.  *Andeliacense,   S.  Mariae    (An- 

delys,  on  the  Seine) ;  founded  by 

St.  Clothilda 526 

70.  Andochii,    S.    Sedelocense  (Sau- 

lieu),  dioc.  Autun ;    founded  by 

abb.  Wideradus  Flaviniacus  .      .     a.  722 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1245 


Andreae,  S.,  in  Arvernis  (Cler- 
mont), France a.  563 

Andreae,  S.,  Isle  Vulcano,  Sicily.       a.  600 

Andreae,     S.,    super    JIascalas 

(Mascala),  Sicily a.  600 

Angeliacense,         S.         Joannis 

(Angely),  Indre-et-Loire  .      .      .     c.  520 

Anianense     (Orleans);     0.    Ben., 

founded  by  abb.  Leodebodus        .  617 

Anianense,  S.  Salvatoris 
(Aniane),  He'rault ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  abb.  Benedict       .      .     c.  800 

Aniani  et  Laurentii,  SS.,  Nevers ; 

O.  Ben a.  800 

Anisolanum,   or  S.  Carilefi  (St. 

Calais),  Sarthe a.  480 

*Anthymi,    S.    Senense  (Sienna), 

Tuscany a.  800 

Antinoopolitanum  (Antinoe), 

Egypt IV'h  cent. 

Antiochense  Euprepii  (Antioch)  IV"*  cent. 

Antiochense     Gregorii     Patri- 

ARCHi  (Antioch) a.  500 

Antiochense  Theotoci  B.  (An- 
tioch) ;  founded  by  emp.  Justi- 
nian     a,  560 

AnTIOCHIA  (DE)  MYGDONIA(Nisibis), 

Mesopotamia IV"*  cent, 

Antonini,  S.,   near  Apamea,  Syria      a.  520 

Antonini,    S.    (St.   Antonin),  dioc. 

Rodez  ;  0.  Ben a.  767 

Aondriense   (Entrumia),    Antrim ; 

founded  by  Durtrach        ...      a.  493 

APAivrENSE  (Apamea),  Syria       ,      .     a.  420 

ArOLLiNis,    S.,    near    Hermopolis, 

Egypt a.  500 

Apri,  S.  Tullense  (Toul),  France     a.  622 

*Aquileiense   (Aquileja),    Illyria; 

founded  by  bp.  Niceta      .      .      .         458 

*  Arch  ANG  ELI        de         Machari 

(Machari),  near  Naples    ...     a.  600 

Ardaghense   (Ardagh),    Longford; 

founded  by  St.  Patrick     ...     a.  454 

Ardcarnense  (Ardcarua),  Eos- 
common     a.  523 

Archarnense,  in  W.  Meath      .      .     a.  523 

Ardfertense,  S.  Brendani  (Ard- 
fert),  Kerry ;  built  by  St. 
Brendan VI"'  cent. 

Ardiense    (Magillagan),     Ireland ; 

founded  by  St.  Columb.    .      .     VI""  cent. 

Ardmacnascense  (Ardmacnasa), 
Lough  Laiogh,  Antrim  ;  founded 
by  abb.  Laisrean a.  650 

*Ardsenilissense,     in     Tyreragh, 

Sligo  ;   founded  by  St.  Patrick     V""  cent. 
*Arelatense,        S.        Caesarii 

(Aries);  founded  by  bp.  Caesarius     c.  501 
Arelatense,  S.  Mariae  (Aries)  ; 
founded  by  bp.  Aurelian  .      .      .  554 

.  Argentinense,  S.  Mariae 
(Strassburg) ;    endowed  by  king 

Dagobert  II 675 

*Argentouense,  S.  Mariae 
(Argenteuil),  near  Paris;  en- 
dowed by  king  Childebert  IIL     .  -      697 

,  Ariminense,  SS.  Andreae  et 
Thomae     (Rimini),     Italy  ;     0. 

Ben a.  600 

Arjiachanense  (Armagh),  Ire- 
land ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick      .     c.  457 


106.  Armuighense  (Killermogh), 

Queen's  Co.  ;  founded  by  St. 
Columb 553 

107.  Arnesburgense  (Arensburg), 

Westphalia      ....        VIII">  cent. 

108.  Arnulfi-Augiense  (Schwartzach), 

dioc.  Strassburg;  0.  Ben.,  en- 
dowed by  Rothard       ....  718 

109.  Arnulfi,    S.    Metensis    (Metz); 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  bp.  Arnulph         625 

110.  Arragellense  (Arragell),  Deny ; 

founded  by  St.  Columb     .      .     V"I">  cent. 

111.  Arsinoeticum  (Arsinoe),  Egypt    IV"'  cent. 

112.  Arulense,     S.     Mariae    (Apre- 

mont,  Aries),  Roussillon  .      .  VIII">  cent. 

113.  Ardndinis  Vado  (de)  (Redbridge), 

Hants a.  680 

114.  ASCLEPII,  S.,  Mesopotamia       .      .     a.  600 

115.  AscHOViENSE,  S.  Mariae  (?Asch- 

bach).  Lower  Alsace   .      .      .      .     a.  778 

116.  AsiCHANUM,  near  Asicha,  Syria     .     c.  400 

117.  Athanense,    S.    Martii,    or    S. 

Aredii  (St.  Yreix),  dioc. Limoges; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  Aldeon   .    VII""  cent. 

118.  Athdalaraghense,  on  the  Boyle, 

Roscommon V*""  cent. 

119.  Athenacense,   S.  Martini   (Ai- 

nay),  near  Lyons  ;  0.  Ben.    .     VI">  cent. 

120.  Athfadense,  at  Longford,  Ireland     c.  500 

121.  Athractae,  S.,  Killaraght,  Lough 

Garagh  ;  built  by  St.  Patrick      .         470 

122.  *Athractae,    S.    (probably    Kil- 

laraght), Roscommon ;  founded  by 

St.  Patrick V'i»  cent. 

123.  Atrebatense,        S.         Auberti 

(Arras);  0.  Aug.,  built  by  bp. 
Aubert 580 

124.  Atrebatense,  S.  Mariae  (Arras) ; 

0.  Aug a.  680 

125.  Atrebatense,    S.    Vedasti,    or 

NoBiLiACENSE  (Arras) ;  0.  Ben., 

built  by  St.  Aubert    ....         534 

126.  *AuBECHiENSE  (Auchy  -  les - 

Moines)  ;  built  by  the  nobleman 
Adolscarius c.  700 

127.  AuDii,    Dacia;     Audius    founded 

several  monasteries  here        .     IV""  cent. 

128.  AUDOENI,  S.         ROTHOMAGENSE 

(Rouen)  ;  0.  Ben a.  659 

129.  AUGIENSE,       or      AUGIAE      DIVITIS 

(Reichenau,lake  of  Constance) ;  0. 
Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Pirminius 
and  Sintlaus,  prefect  of  Germany     c.  724 

130.  AUGUSTENSE       S.       UdALRICI       ET 

Afrae  (Augsburg)     ....     a.  700 

131.  AUGUSTODUNENSE,        S.        JOANNIS 

(Autun)  ;  0.  Ben c.  589 

132.  *AUGUSTODUNENSE,        S.     MARIAE 

(Autun) ;  founded  by  bp. 
Siagrius a.  535 

133.  AUGUSTODUNENSE,        S.       SyMPHO- 

RIANI  (Autun);  0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  bp.  Euphronius      .      .      .       V"'  cent. 

134.  AUNAGHDUFFEXSE,      near     Lough 

Boffin,  Ireland 766 

135.  AUTISSIODORENSE,      S.      Amatoris 

(Auxerre),    Youne;    founded    by 

bps.  Ursus  and  Gerraanus       .      .      c.  590 

136.  AUTISSIODORENSE,      S.       Germani 

(Auserre),  Yonnc ;  O.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Germanus      .      .         570 


1246  MONASTERY 

A.D. 

137.  AUTISSIODORENSE     APUD     QuOTIA- 

CUM  (probably  Couches),  Saone- 
et-Loire ;  founded  by  St.  Germanus         570 

138.  *AUTISSIODOREXSE,        S.      JULIANI 

(Auxerre) a.  800 

139.  AUTISSIODORENSE,        S.         MaRIAE 

(Auxei-re) a.  670 

1-iO.  AuxiLLi,   S.    (Killossy),    Kildare ; 

founded  by  St.  Patrick     ...     a.  454 

141.  AVENACENSE     (Avenay),     Marne ; 

0.  Ben.,  built  by   Gombert  and 

his  wife  Bertha c.  660 

142.  AviTi,     S.     AuRELiANENSE     (Or- 

leans) ;  0.  Ben 530 

143.  AviTi,    S.    Castrodunense   (near 

Chateauduu),  dioc.  Chartres ;  0. 
Ben.,  built  by  king  Clotaire  I.     .  521 

143b.  Baiensi    Insula    (de)    (Isle     of 

Baya),  near  Sicily       ....      a.  676 

144.  Baileinegrabartaichexse,     Ti- 

raedha,    Derry ;    founded    by  St. 
Columb VI">  cent. 

145.  Baisleacense      (Baslick),      near 

Castlereagh a.  800 

146.  Eaitheni,        S.        (Taughboyne), 

Donegal;  founded  by  St.  Baithen      c.  590 

147.  Balgentiacense,  SS.  Mariae  et 

Gentiani   (Beaugency),  Loiret ; 

0.  Ben VIIti>  cent. 

148.  Ballaghense,      near     Castlebar, 

Mayo  ;  founded  by  St.  Mochuo   .     a.  637 

149.  Ballimorense,  on   Lough  Sendy, 

W.  Meath a.  700 

150.  Ballykinense,      near      Arklow ; 

founded     by    a    brother    of    St. 
Keivin       ....  .     VI">  cent. 

151.  Balmense     (La     Baume),     dioc. 

BesaiKjon    ....  .     VI"'  cent. 

152.  *Balmense      (La       Baume      les 

Nonains),    dioc.     Besant^on ;     0. 

Ben.     ......    VII'"  cent. 

153.  Balmexse       S.       Romani      (La 

Baume),  Jura ;  0.  Ben.    .      ,       V"*  cent. 

154.  BaLNEOLENSE,       -  S.  StEPHANI 

(Banolas),    Catalonia;    0.    Ben., 

built  by  abb.  Bonitus       ...     a.  800 

155.  Bancornaburgiense       (Bangor), 

Flintshire V""  cent. 

156.  Baralense,  S.  Georgii  (Baralles), 

Arras  ;  0.  Aug.,  founded  by  king 

Clovis  and  bp.  Vedast       .      .      .      c.  535 

157.  Barcetum,  S.  Anastasii  (Barca)  ; 

built  by  duke  Luithprand       .      .  723 

158.  *Barchingense  (Barking),  Essex  ; 

founded  by  bp.  Erkenwald     .    V1I*'»  cent. 

159.  Bardeneiense  (Bardney),  Lincoln- 

shire ;       attributed       to       king 
Ethelred ?     a.  697 

160.  Bardseiense,     or     De     Insula 

Sanctorum,      Caernarvonshire ; 

0.  Ben a.  516 

161.  Barisiacum,     or     Faverolense 

(Barisis,     or     Faverolles),    dioc. 

Laon a.  664 

162.  Barnabae,     S.,      near     Salamis, 

Cyprus 485 

163.  Barri,  S.,  Cork ;   founded  by  St. 

Barr c.  606 

164.  Bariowense   (Barrowe),    Lincoln- 

shire; founded  by  St.  Chad  and 

king  Wulphere c.  691 


MONASTERY 


165.  Barsis,  S.  (de),  in  Mesopotamia  IV^cent. 

166.  Barvense,  in  England;    built   by 

bp.  Winfrid a.  675 

167.  Basoli,    S.,    Yerzy,  dioc.  Rheims ; 

founded  by  bp.  Basolus    .      .      .      c.  570 

168.  Basilii,  S.,  near  the  Iris,  Pontus ; 

founded  by  St.  Basil  the  Great   .      c.  358 

169.  *Bassae,  S.,  near  Jerusalem     .      .     a.  460 

170.  *BATnoNiENSE  (Bath),    Somerset- 

shire ;  founded  by  king  Osric       .  G7G 

171.  Baum  (de),  Thebais      .      .      .      IV'^cent. 

172.  Beacani,     S.,     Kilbeacan,   Cork ; 

built  by  St.  Abban     .      .      .      .     a.  650 

173.  Becani,  S.,  Kilbeggan,  W.  Meath ; 

founded  by  St.  Becan        .      .      VI""  cent. 

174.  *Beciireense,  near  Paban,  Egypt ; 

founded  by  abb.  Theodore      .      IV">  cent. 

175.  Bl^ciA  (de)  B.  Virginis,  Ancyra, 

Galatia a.  580' 

176.  Bedrichsuerdense      (Bury     St. 

Edmunds),   Suffolk ;    founded  by 

king  Sigebert 630 

177.  Begae,  'S.    (St.  Bee's),    Cumber- 

land; O.  Ben.,  attributed  to  St. 

Bega c.  650 

178.  Begeriense,    or    De    Hibernia 

'  Parva  (Isle  Begery),  near  Wex- 
ford ;  founded  by  St.  Ibar      .      .  420 

179.  Belisiae,     Miinster-Biilsen,     dioc. 

Liege c.  700 

180.  *Belisianuii  (Bilsen),  dioc.  Liege  ; 

founded  by  abb.  Landrada      .  VIII""  cent. 

181.  Beneventanum,      S.       Mariae 

(Beuevento) a.  7G9 

182.  *Beneventanum,     S.      Sophiae 

(Benevento);  founded  by  king 
Raschis 774 

183.  Benigxi,  S.  Divionense  (Dijon); 

O.Aug a.  734 

184.  Berceto  (de)  S.  Abundii,  after- 

wards S.  Remigii  (Berzeta), 
Parma;  endowed  by  king  Luit- 
prand 718 

185.  Berclaviense,     S.     Salvatoris 

(Billy-Berclause),  on  the  Deule ; 
founded  by  abb.  Ledwin   .      .    VII"»  cent. 

186.  *Berinense,     or      Bericinense, 

England  ;  founded  by  bp.  Erchon- 

wald a.  675 

187.  Bethlapat     (de),     S.    Bademi, 

Persia  ;  founded  by  St.  Bademus  IV""  cent. 

188.  Betiileemiticum,  St.  Cassian's,  at 

Bethlehem IV-cent. 

189.  BETHLEEiirricuM,  St.  Jerome's,  at 

Bethlehem IV'l' cent. 

190.  Bethleemiticum,      S.      Paulae 

(Bethlehem) ;    founded     by     St. 

Paula  of  Rome 387 

191.  *Bethleemiticum,     S.     Paulae 

(Bethlehem);     founded     by     St. 

Paula 387 

192.  Bethmamat    (de),    near    Emessa, 

Phoenicia a.  450 

193.  Beverlacense,        S.        Joannis 

(Beverley),    Yorkshire ;    founded 

by  St.  John  of  Beverley   .      .      .     c.  700 

194.  Beyronense    (Alt-Beyren),    dioc. 

Constance  ;  0.  Aug.    .      .      .  VIII'i"  cent. 

195.  Bezuense  (Beze),    dioc.    Langres ; 

0.    Ben.,    founded    by   Amalric, 

duke  of  Burgundy       ....     a.  670 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1247 


I 


196.  BiLENSK,  ia  Leyney,   Sligo ;   built 

by  St.  Fechin VIV-^  cent. 

197.  BiORRENSE    (Birr),     King's     Co. ; 

founded  by  St.  Brendan  Luaigneus     a.  553 

198.  BiscHOi     (de),     Nitria,      Egypt; 

founded  by  Bischoi     .      .      .     IV"»  cent. 

199.  *BiSENSE,  dioc.  Toledo ;  founded  by 

St.  Hildefonsus c.  635 

200.  BiSTAGNIENSE,  SS.  Petri  et  Pauli 

(Glendalough),  Wicklow;  founded 

by  St.  Keivin a.  600 

201.  BiTUJiAEUM,      or      Ad      Tuveo- 

NEAEUM,  on  the  Severn,  Worces- 
tershire       a.  770 

202.  *BiTURiCENSE,      S.       Laurentii 

(Bourges),  France ;  0.  Ben.,  as- 
cribed to  St.  Sulpicius      ,      .    VII"'  cent. 

203.  Blandiniense,  S.    Petri   (Blan- 

denburg),  near  Ghent ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  St.  Amand      .      .      .  653 

204.  *Blangiacense,       S.      Berthae 

(Blangy-en-Ternois),  Pas-de- 

Calais;  (afterwards  for  monks) 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Bertha, 
daughter  of  Count  Rigobert  .      .     c.  660 

205.  BOBBIENSE    (Bobbio),    Milan;     0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Columbanus         600 
205b.  Bodbeanum,  in  Sacheth,  Georgia      a.  500 

206.  Boetii,    S.,  Monasterboice,  Louth  ; 

founded  by  St.  Bute    .      .      .      .     a.  521 

207.  Boith-Medba     (de),    in    Derry  ; 

founded  by  St.  Columb     .      .      VI"'  cent. 

208.  Bolhendesartense  (Desert), 

Waterford;  founded  by  St.  Mai- 
doc  of  Ferns VI*""  cent. 

209.  *BoxoNiENSE  (Bologna)  ;   founded 

by  St.  Ambrose     ....      IV"*  cent. 

210.  BosANHAiiESSE  (Bosham),  Sussex  ; 

attributed  to  St.  Wilfrid.      .      .  681 

211.  BoTHCHONAissENSE,  in  Iniseoguin, 

Ireland a.  721 

212.  Bovis  Insula  (de)  (Bophin  Isle), 

Mayo;  founded  by  St.  Colman    .  667 

213.  Bovis  Insula  (de)  (InisbofBn),  in 

Lough  Rie,  Longford ;  founded  by 

St.  Rioch a.  530 

214.  Bovis    Insula   (de)  V.  Mariae 

(Devenish  Isle),  Lough  Earn ; 
founded  by  St.  Laserian    ...     a.  563 

215.  Braccani,   S.,  Ardbraccan,  Meath     a.  650 

216.  Brajacum  (Brou),  dioc.  Chartres  .     a.  535 

217.  Bredonense  (Bredon),  Worcester- 

shire ;  founded  by  king  Ethelbald     a.  716 
217b.  Brethianum,  near   the    Dwanis, 

Georgia  ;  built  by  father  Piros    VI""  cent. 

218.  Brivatense,     SS.     Martini     et 

JULIANI  (Brionde),  Haute-Loire  .     a.  510 

219.  *Brixiense,    SS.    Michaelis     et 

Petri  (Brescia),  Lombardy ; 
founded  by  queen  Ansa    ...     a.  758 

220.  ♦Brixiense,  S.  Salvatoris  et  S. 

Juliae  (Brescia),  Lombardy ; 
founded  by  king  Desiderius    .      .  671 

221.  "^BucHAUGiENSE,  by  Lake  Federsee, 

Upper  Suabia ;  founded  by  a 
daughter  of  duke  Hildebrand       .  756 

222.  BURDiGALENSE,    S.    Crucis  (Bor- 

deaux), O.  Ben.,   built   by   king 

Clovis  II 650 

223.  BURDIGALENSE,  S.  SeVERINI 

(Bordeaux) ;  0.  Ben a.  814 


A.D. 

224.  Burense  (Beurn),  near  the  Alps ; 

O.  Ben.,  founded  by  Landfrid, 
Waldram  and  Eliland.      .      .      .     c  740 

225.  *Burneachense,    S.     Gobnatae 

(Ballyvourney),    Cork;    built    by 

St.  Abban a.  650 

226.  Busbrunnense a.  765 

227.  BusiACENSE    (Boussy),    Mayenne ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  priest  Lone- 
gisilus Vlth  cent. 

228.  Byzantinorum,    near   Jerusalem; 

founded  by  Abraham  the  Great   .     a.  600 

229.  Cabilonense,  S.  Petri  (Chalons- 

on-Saone);    0.  Ben.,  founded  by 

bp.  Flavius a.  600 

230.  Cabilonense  Xenodochiuji  (Cha- 

lons); built  by  abb.  Desideratus.      c.  570 

231.  Caer  Gubiense  (Holyhead),  Angle- 

sey ;  founded  by  St.  Kebius   .      .     c.  380 

232.  Caerleolense  (Carlisle),  Cumber- 

land ;  founded  by  St.  Cuthbert    .         686 

233.  ♦Caerleolense (Carlisle);  founded 

by  St.  Cuthbert 686 

234.  Caesariense    (Caesarea),    Cappa- 

docia a.  380 

235.  *Caesariense  (Caesarea),    Cappa- 

docia IV""  cent. 

236.  Caesariense  (Caesarea),  Palestine    a.  600 

237.  Cailleavindense,     in     Carbury, 

Sligo Vl'tcent. 

238.  Cainonense   (Chinon),    Touraine; 

O.  Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Maximus         400 

239.  *Cairathense,  S.  Mariae   (Cai- 

rate),  Lombardy a.  708 

240.  Calamone  (de),  near  Alexandria  .  a.  430 

241.  Calamone  (de),  near  Jerusalem    .  a.  470 

242.  *CALARiTANUM(Cagliari);  founded 

by  Theodosia c.  600 

243.  CALCARiENSE(Tadcaster),  Yorkshire    a.  655 

244.  Calense,     S.   Mariae    (Chelles), 

Seine  and  Oise  ;  founded  by  queen 
Bathilda c.  680 

245.  Cahbidobrense    (Combronde),   in 

Auvergne a.  600 

246.  Cameracense,  S.  Auberti  (Cam- 

bray),  founded  by  bp.  Aubert  and 
endowed  by  king  Dagobert     .      .  G37 

247.  Cameracense,      S.      Gangerici 

(St.    Gary,    near   Cambray) ;     0. 

Aug.,  built  by  bp.  Gangericus     .         600 

248.  Cameracense,  S.  Petri,   or  Gis- 

LENI  (St.  Ghislain,  in  Hainaut) ; 
O.Ben a.  691 

249.  Cameracense,  S.  Praejecti  (St. 

Prix),  near  St.  Quentin,  Oise  ;  0. 
Ben.,  built  by  Albert,  Count  of 
Vermandois c.  800 

250.  Campidonense  (Kenipten),  Bava- 

ria; 0.  Ben.,  founded  by  queen 
Hildegard 777 

251.  Camrossense,  in  Fothart,  Leinster; 

built  by  St.  Abban      ....     a.  640 

252.  Canopecm  Metanoeae  (Canope), 

Egypt IV">cent. 

253.  Cantobonense,  or  Catabennense 

(Chantoin),  dioc.  Clermont     .      .     a.  380 

254.  Cantuariense,     SS.     Petri     et 

Pauli,  afterwards  S.  Augustini 
(Canterbury),  Kent ;  afterwards 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king  Ethel- 
bert  and  St.  Augustine    .      .      .         605 


1248 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


255.  Caoin  Insula  (de)  (Iniscaoin  Isle), 

Lough  Earn,  Ireland    ....     a.  650 

256.  Caperet      (de),      near      Emessa, 

Phoenicia a.  450 

257.  Cappanulense,   SS.   Martini  et 

QuiRlACi      (Cappanello),      dioc. 

Lucca a.  725 

258.  Caprae  Caput  (ad)  (Gateshead), 

Durham a.  653 

259.  Capriolo    (in)    St.     Valentini 

(Capriolus),    Syria ;    founded   by 

St.  Valentine  of  Arethusa      .       V"»  cent. 

260.  Caranni,    S.,    near   Chartres;    0. 

Aug 599 

261.  Carcassonense,  S.  Hilarii  (Car- 

cassonne), Languedoc ;  0.  Ben.    .     a.  814 

262.  Cardena  (de)  S.  Petri,  Old  Cas- 

tille  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  Sanctia     c.  540 

263.  Carnotense,  S.  Petri  (Chartres) ; 

O.Ben VI">cent. 

264.  Carpense,     S.    Mariae    (Carpi), 

Modena;  0.  Aug.,  built  by  king 
Astulph 750 

265.  Carrofense,      S.       Salvatoris 

(Charroux),    dioc.    Poitiers ;     0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  Count  Robert   .         769 

266.  Carterii,  S.,  near  Emessa,  Phoe- 

nicia      a.  450 

267.  Carthaginiensia  ;     at     Carthage 

there  were  very  many  monasteries     a.  400 

268.  CARNENSE(Caruns),  Derry.      .      .     a.  580 

269.  Casegonguidinense       (Cougnon), 

Luxemburg ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 

king  Sigebert 660 

270.  Casinense  (Monte  Casino),  Naples ; 

founded  by  St.  Benedict    .      .      .     c.  525 

271.  Castellione      (de)     S.      Petqi 

(Castiglione),  near  Lucca ;  O.Ben., 
founded  by  Aurinand  and  Godfried         723 

272.  Castello    (de)    S.     Sabbae,    S. 

Palestine  ;  founded  by  St.  Sabbas     c.  490 

273.  *Castrilocense,    Haiuault   Mts. ; 

founded  by  Waldedruda,  sister  of 

St.  Aldegund c.  610 

274.  Catalaunense,      S.     Petri,    or 

Omnium  Sanctorum  (Chalons- 
on-Marne);  endowed  by  king 
Sigebert  and  bp.  Elaphius     .      .     a.  600 

275.  Cauciacense,        S.        Stephani 

(Choisy-le-Roi),  near  Paris    .      .      a.  739 

276.  Caulianense,  near  Merida,  Spain     a.  600 

277.  Caunense,     S.    Petri    (Cannes), 

Aude;    formed    by    abb.    Ainan 

from  two  older  abbacies   ...     a.  793 

278.  *Caziense  (Caz),  Switzerland      .     a.  760 

279.  Cellae    S.     Eusitii    (Celles    in 

Berry) ;  founded  by  abb.  Eusitius 

and  king  Childebert   ....         532 

280.  Cella  Magna  (de)  Deathreib, 

Kilmore,  Ireland  ;  founded  by  St. 
Columb VI""  cent. 

281.  Cellarum,  Nitria,  Egypt  .      .     IV"'  cent. 

282.  Cellense  (Celles),   near   Dinant; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Hada- 

linus 664 

283.  Cellense,  S.  Petri  (Moustier-la- 

Celle),  Troyes;  founded  by  abb. 
Frodobert 650 

284.  Cenomannense,     S.     Petri    (Le 

Mans);  founded  by  bp.  Bertich- 
ramnus 623 


A.D. 

285.  Cenomannense,  S.  Victoris  (Le 

Mans) a.  800 

286.  Cenomannense,  S.  Vincentii  et 

Laurentii  (Le  Mans);  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Domnolus       .      .  570 

287.  Centulense,         S.         Richarii 

(Ceatule),  dioc.  Amiens ;  founded 
by    king     Dagobert     and     abb. 

Richarius c.  625 

283.  *Cerae,  S.,  Grange,  Cork  ;  founded 

by  St.  Cera a.  679 

289.  Cernellense  (Cerne),  Dorsetshire, 

0.  Ben Vl'h  cent. 

290.  Certesiense  (Chertsey),  Surrey; 

O.  Ben.,  founded  by  earl  Frithe- 

wald  and  bp.  Erkonwald        .      .     c.  666 

291.  Cestrense,       S.       Werburgae, 

Chester VII""  cent. 

292.  Chalcedonium,     SS.    Apostoll. 

(Chalcedon),   Bithynia;    founded 

by  Rufinus IV""  cent. 

293.  Chalcedonium,       S.       Hypatii 

(Chalcedon),  Bithynia      ...     a.  500 

294.  Chalcedonium,     S.     Michaelis 

(Chalcedon),  Bithynia      ...     a.  500 

295.  Chalcedonium,  Philionis  (Chal- 

cedon), Bithynia   ....       V"'  cent. 

296.  Chalcidicum  (Desert  of  Chalcis), 

Syria V"»  cent. 

297.  Chalcidica  Audaeanoruji 

(Chalcis),  Syria;  several  monas- 
teries    V"'  cent. 

298.  Chalcidicum        de        Crithen 

(Chalcis),  Syria c.  420 

299.  Charitonis,  S.,  near  Jericho    .     IV""  cent. 

300.  ChinOboscense,  in  Egypt  .      .     IV">  cent. 
300b.  Chirsanum,  near  Bodbe,  Georgia ; 

founded  by  father  Stephen     .     VI">  cent. 

301.  Chnuum  (Chnum),  Egypt  .      .     IV""  cent. 

302.  Choracudimense,  Bithynia     .      .     a.  560 

303.  Chorae,      near      Constantinople ; 

founded  by  Priscus     .      .      .     VI"'  cent. 

304.  Chozabanum,        near        Jericho; 

founded  by  St.  John  Chozabitus  VP''  cent. 

305.  Chremifanense,   S.   Salvatoris 

(Kremsmlinster),      Bavaria ;     0. 

Ben.,  built  by  duke  Tassilo  .     a.  791 

306.  *Christophili,    S.,    Galatia ;  for 

nuns  and  the  possessed    ...     a.  580 

307.  Chrysopolitanum    (Chrysopolis), 

Bithynia  ;     founded    by    Philip- 

picus c.  604 

308.  CiBARDi,     S.     (St.    Cybar),    dioc. 

Angouleme c.  570 

309.  CiNCiNNiACO  (de)  (Cessiferes),  dioc. 

Laon ;    founded  by  bp.  Amandus 

and  duke  Fulcoald      ....         664 

310.  Cinniteachense  (Kinnitty), 

King's  Co. ;  founded  by  St.  Finan 

Com 557 

311.  Claramniense,       near      Emessa, 

Phoenicia a.  450 

312.  Clariacense,  S.  Petri  (Clariac), 

dioc.  Agen;    0.    Ben.,    probably 
founded  by  Pepin       .      .      .      .     c.  800 

313.  Classense,       S.        Apollinaris 

(Classe),  Ravenna       ....     a.  699 

314.  Classense,      SS.      Joannis     et 

Stephani  (Classe),  Ravenna       .     a.  600 

315.  Cleonadense    (Clane),     Kildare: 

founded  by  St.  Ailbe        .      .     .'     a.  548 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1249 


316.  Clivatense,    S.   Petri    (Clivati), 

in  the  Valteline,  or  the  Grisons  ; 

0.  Ben.,  built  by  king  Desiderius         755 

317.  Clogherense  (Clogher),  Tyrone; 

founded  by  St.  Aid     ...      .     a.  506 

318.  Clonardense,  S.  Petri  (Clonard), 

Meath  ;  founded  by  St.  Finian    .     a.  548 

319.  Clonenagiiense,  near  Mountrath, 

Queen's    Co. ;     founded     by    St. 
Fiutan a.  548 

320.  Clonense,     or      Dunkeranense 

(Clonmacnoise),       King's       Co. ; 
founded  by  St.  Kieran      .      .      .         548 

321.  Clonfertense,        S.        Moluae 

(Clonfertmulloe),      King's      Co., 
founded  by  St.  Molua       .      .     VI">  cent. 

322.  Clonfertense,       V.      Mariae  ; 

founded  by  St.  Brendan    .      ,      .      c.  562 

323.  Clonfert   Kerpan  (de),  in  Kil- 

kenny          503 

324.  Clonshanvillense,      in      Boyle, 

Roscommon;     founded     by     St. 
Patrick V""  cent. 

325.  Clontarfense,   at  the  mouth  of 

the  Liffey 550 

326.  Cloonfadense,  in  Roscommon      .     a.  800 

327.  Cloonmainanense,  in  Meath        .         800 

328.  Cloonoense  (Clone),  near  Longford         663 

329.  *Cluainboireanense,      on      the 

Shannon,  Roscommon       ...     a.  577 

330.  *Cluainbronachense         (Clone- 

brone),    Longford;   attributed  to 

St.  Patrick Y'l"  cent. 

331.  Cluaincairpthense  (Clooncraff), 

Roscommon a.  580 

332.  Cluainclaideachense,    in    Hua- 

conail,    Limerick ;    built   by   St. 
Maidoc  of  Ferns a.  624 

333.  Cluainconbruinense,    near     the 

Suire,  Tipperary ;  founded  by  St. 
Abban Vl'h  cent. 

334.  Cluaindachrainense  (Clonrane), 

W.    Meath;     founded     by    abb. 
Cronan  M'JSliellan        .      .      .      .      c.  630 

335.  Cluaindolcanense    (Clor.dalkin), 

near  Dublin a.  776 

336.  *Cluaindubhainense,  near 

Clogher,     Tyrone;     founded    by 

St.  Patrick a.  482 

337.  Cluainemuinense,  in  Roscommon     a.  800 

338.  Cluainenachense,  in  Inisoen,  Do- 

negal ;  founded  by  St.  Columb.  VI">  cent. 

339.  Cluainense      (Clone),      Leitrim ; 

founded  by  St.  Froech      .      .      .     c.  570 

340.  Cluaineoissense,    S.    Petri    et 

Paxjli  (Clones),   Monaghan ;    0. 

Aug.,  founded  by  St.  Tigernach     a.  548 

341.  Cluainfiacullense  (Clon- 

feakle),  Armagh a.  580 

342.  Cluainfinglassense,    in    Clare ; 

founded  by  St.  Abban      ...  650 

343.  Cluainfodense     (Clonfad),      W. 

Meath a.  577 

344.  Cluainfoissense,      near     Tuam ; 

founded  by  St.  Jarlath     .      .      .     c.  540 

345.  Cluainimurchirense,  in  Queen's 

Co VI"'  cent. 

346.  Cluain  Insula  (de)  (Clinish  Isle), 

Lough  Earn,  Ireland  ....     a.  550 

347.  Cluainlaodense         (Clonleigh), 

Donegal a.  530 


Clttainmainense  (Clonmany), 
Donegal  ;  founded  by  St. 
Columba VI""  cent. 

Cluainmaoscnense,  in  Fertullagh, 
W.  Meath a.  700 

Cluainmarense  (Cloneniore), 
King's  Co. ;  founded  by  St.  Moch- 
oemoc         a.  655 

Cluainmorense  (Clonemore),  Wex- 
ford ;  founded  by  St.  Maidoc       VI''»  cent. 

Cluainmorfernardense,  in 

Bregia,  Meath ;  founded  by  St. 
Columkill VI"'  cent. 

Cluainnamanachense,  in  Ar- 
teach.  Roscommon      ....     a.  600 

Cluainreilgeachense,  in  Kia- 
nechta,  Meath a.  600 

Cluainumhense  (Cloyne),  Ireland         707 

Clunok  Waurense,  S.  Beunonis 
(Clynnock  Vawr),  Caernarvon- 
shire; founded  by  Gwythyn  of 
Gwydaint 616 

Clyvud  Valle  (de)  (Clywd 
Valley),  Denbighshire ;  founded 
by  St.  Elerius       ....    VII""  cent. 

Cnobheresburiense  (Burgh 

Castle),  Suffolk ;  founded  by 
Furseus  and  king  Sigebert    .      .     c.  637 

Cnodainense,  in  Donegal        .      .     a.  600 

*Cochelseense,  in  the  Alps ;  0. 
Ben.,  founded  by  Counts  Land- 
fried,  Waldram,  and  Eliland        .     c.  740 

COEMANI,  S.,  near  Wexford      .      .     a.  639 

*Coldinghamense  (Coldingham), 
Scotland ;  for  nuns  and  monks ; 
founded  by  Ebba a.  673 

Colerainense  (Coleraine),  Ire- 
land      a.  700 

Colgani,  S.  (Kilcolgan),  dioc. 
Clonfert ;  founded  by  St.  Columb- 
kiU Vl'hcent. 

Colgani,  S.,  Kilcolgan,   Galway  .     a.  680 

Colgani,  S.,  Kilcolgan,  King's 
Co. ;  founded  by  St.  Colgan  ,      .         580 

COLMANi,  S.,  Kilcolman,  King's 
Co. ;  founded  by  St.  Colman       .     c.  570 

Coloniense,  S.  Clementis,  after- 
wards S.  CuNiBERTi  (Cologne); 
founded  by  St.  Cunibert        .      .     a.  664 

*Coludunense,  England    ...     a.  684 

COLUMBAE,  S.,  Drumcollumb,  Sligo; 
founded  by  St.  Columb     .      .     VI""  cent. 

CoLUMBAE,  S.  Senonense  (Sens); 
0.  Ben a.  659 

COLUMBANIENSE,         S.        PaTROCLI 

(Colombiers),      dioc.      Bourges ; 
built  by  abb.  Patroclus    .      .      .     c.  541 
COMENSE,     S.    Abundii    (Coma), 
Lombardy ;  0.  Ben a.  814 

COMODOLIAGENSE,         S.         JUNIANI 

(St.    Junien-les-Combles),     dioc. 

Limoges ;  founded  by  St.  Amand 

and  St.  Juinan c.  500 

COMRAIRENSE,   near   Usneach,  W. 

Meath a.  652 

CONALDIS,  S.  COELLI,  Keel  Island, 

Donegal o.  590 

CONALLI,  S.,  Kilconnell,  Galway  V""  cent. 
CONCiiENNAE     S.,    Killachad-Con- 

chean,    Kerry ;    founded    by   St. 

Abban VP"  cent. 


1250 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


379.  CONCHENSE   (Conques),   dioc.    Ca- 

hors ;    0.    Ben.,    probably   built 

by  bp.  Ambrose 755 

380.  *CoNDATEXSE,  S.  Mariae  (Conde), 

dioc.  Cambray  ;  attributed  to  St. 
Amand c.  580 

381.  CONDATEXSE  S.  Martini  (Caude), 

dioc.  Tours  ;  0.  Ben.  .      .      .     VI""  cent. 

382.  CONDATESCENSE,     or      S.    EUGENDI 

JuRENSis  (St.  Oyan),  Mt.  Jura; 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Suspi- 
cinus  and  Komanus     .      .      .      .      c.  520 

383.  CONFLUENTENSE,         S.         GeORGII 

(Conflans-en-Jarney),  Lorraine    .      a.  673 

384.  CONGBAILENSE  (Conwall),  Donegal     a.  650 

385.  CoNGENSE,     V.    Mariae    (Cong), 

Mayo ;  founded  by  Donald,  or 
perhaps,  St.  Fechan   .      .      .    VII"'  cent. 

386.  CONINGEXSE,  in  the  Golden  Vale, 

Tipperary  ;  built  by  St.  Declan  VI"'  cent. 

387.  CONNORENSE  (Connor),  Antrim      .      a.  771 

388.  CONRIENSE  (Conry),  \V.  Meath     .     a.  758 

389.  CONSTANTiNi,       Abbatis,       near 

Jericho a.  600 

constantinorolitana  monasteria 
(Constantinople). 

390.  Abrahami,  S V""  cent. 

391.  Abrahamitaruii      .      .      .      .     c.  600 

392.  Aegyptiorum a.  450 

393.  Alexandri,  S.  ;  founded  by  St. 

Alexander a.  430 

394.  Anatolii  ;  founded  by  Anatolius     c.  600 

395.  Areobindanum  ;     founded     by 

Peter,       brother      of      emp. 
Maurice a.  600 

396.  Bassiani,  S V""  cent. 

397.  Bethleemiticum  ;  attributed  to 

emp.  Helena      ....     IV"'  cent. 

398.  Callistrati        ....     IV""  cent. 

399.  Carpi     et     Babylatis,     SS.  ; 

founded  by  emp.  Helena     .     IV""  cent. 

400.  Dalmatii,  S V""  cent. 

401.  DiacoJsISSAE  ;    founded   by   the 

Patriarch  Cyriacus       .      .      .     c.  600 

402.  Dii,  S. ;  founded  by  St.  Dius    .     c.  420 

403.  Eustoliae,  S.  ;    founded  by  SS. 

Eustolia  and  Sopati-a    .      .      Vl""  cent. 
^04.  Flori IV""  cent. 

405.  Gastriae;     founded    by     emp. 

Helena IV""  cent. 

406.  Imperatricis  ;       founded       by 

Justin  I a.  526 

407.  Isaaci,     S.  ;      founded    by    St. 

Isaac V"'  cent. 

408.  JoANNis     Baptistae,     S.,     or 

Studiense  ;  Acoemete,  founded 

by  the  Consul  Studius        .      .  463 

409.  Job,  S.  (de)  .      .      .      .      .      .     a.  450 

410.  Macedonii;  Macedonius  founded 

several    mons.     in    Constanti- 
nople     ......     IV""  cent. 

411.  *Magnae  Ecclesiae      ...     a.  600 

412.  Marathonis;    founded  by   Ma- 

rathon    IV^""  -cent. 

413.  Matronae,  S V""  cent. 

414.  Maurae,    S.  ;    founded    by   St. 

Maura IV"'  cent. 

415.  Myriocerati c.  450 

416.  Olympiadae,    S.  ;    founded    by 

St.  Olympiada c.  400 


417.  Pauli IV»''cent. 

418.  Paulini;    founded  by  a  noble- 

man, Paulinus  ....       V"'  cent. 

419.  Poenitentiae  Novae  ...     a.  6oO 

420.  Petri,  S.,  de  Hormisda      .      .     a.  553 

421.  Rabulae,    S.  ;    founded   by  St. 

Kabulas a.  515 

422.  ROJIANUJI ;  founded  by  Hemon  V"'  cent. 

423.  Stephani  de  Rojianis  ...     a.  600 

424.  Syroruji a.  450 

425.  Thalassii,  S a.  450 

426.  Urbici;  founded  by  Urbicus     .     a.  518 

427.  Zachariae,  S.  ;  founded  by  St. 

Dominica IV"'  cent. 

428.  Zotici  ;  founded  by  Zoticus       .     a.  360 

429.  CORBEiENSE,    S.    Petri  (Corbie), 

dioc.  Amiens ;  0.   Ben.,  built  by 

St.  Clotilda  and  her  son  Clotaire         550 

430.  CORBIONEXSE,  dioc.  Chartres   .      .     a.  660 

431.  CoRMERiCENSE,    S.     Pauli   (Cor- 

mery-on-Indre),  France ;  0.  Ben., 
built  by  abb.  Itherius,  and  emp. 
Charlemagne 780 

432.  CoBSiCENSE    (Island    of    Corsica); 

built  by  a  nun,  Sabina     .      .      .     c.  600 

433.  CosiLAONis,       near        Chalcedon, 

Bithynia IV"»  cent. 

434.  COSJIAE  et  Daiiiani,  SS.,  in  Spain  ; 

O.  Ben a.  644 

435.  Craobense,      S.      Grellani,     in 

Carbury,   Sligo  ;  founded  by  St. 

Finian  of  Clonard       .      .      .     VI""  cent. 

436.  Craoibechense,  near  the  Broson- 

ach,  Kerry;  founded  by  St. 
Patrick V"  cent. 

437.  Crassense,      S.       Mariae      (La 

Grasse),    dioc.    Carcassonne ;    0. 

Ben.,  built  by  abb.  Nimfrid  .      .     a.  779 

438.  Craykense  (Crayke),   Yoi-kshire ; 

founded  by  St.  Cuthbert        .      .  685 

439.  Crispinense,   S.  Petri  (Crepin), 

near  Mons  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 

St.  Landelinus c.  640 

440.  Crispini    S.    in   Cagia   (Chaye), 

dioc.  Soissons ;  0.  Ben.,  built 
perhaps  by  bps.  Principius  and 
Lupus V""  cent. 

441.  Cronense,       or       Chrononense 

(Cournon),    Auvergne ;    founded 

by  bp.  Gallus c.  551 

442.  Croylandexse    (Croyland),    Lin- 

colnshire :    0.  Ben.,  founded  by 

king  Ethelbald 716 

443.  Crdce  (de)  S.   Leufredi  (Croix 

St.  Leufroy),  near  Evreux, 
Eure ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St. 
Leufred 692 

444.  Crudatense  (Cruas),  Ardeche  ;  0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  Count  Elpodore     a.  814 

445.  Crusayense     (Isle    Crusay),    W. 

Scotland ;    founded    by    St.  Co- 

lumba VI""  cent. 

446.  CuANNANi,        S.,         Kilcoonagh, 

Gahvay VI""  cent. 

447.  CuiJiiNi,     S.,     Kilcomin,     King's 

Co.,  founded  or  enriched  by  St. 
Cuimin a.  668 

448.  CuNGARi,      in      Glamorganshire ; 

founded  by  Cungar  and  king 
Paulentus c.  474 


MONASTERY 


MONASTEEY 


1251 


449.  CuLTURA  (de)    S.    Petri  Ceno 

MANENSE   (Le    Mans) ;    0.    Ben., 

built  by  bp.  Bertram        .      .      .  589 

450.  CcrssANTiENSE,    S.    JOANNis  Bap- 

TISTAE  (Cusance),  dioc.  Besan90ii ; 

O.  Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Ermenfrid    a.  700 

451.  Cyriaci,    S.    (St.    Cirgues),    Au- 

rergue  ;  0.  Ben a.  560 

452.  Dabeoci,  S.,  Loughdearg,  Donegal ; 

attributed  to  St.  Dabeoc        .      .     c.  492 

453.  Dadanum      Philoxeni       (Dada), 

Cyprus a.  620 

454.  Dagaini,  S.,  in  Decies,  Waterford     a.  639 

455.  Dairmachense  (Durrow),    King's 

Co.  ;  founded  by  St.  Columb       .         546 

456.  DAMifiTTA  (de),  Egypt       .      .     IV""  cent. 

457.  Danielis,  S.,  near    the    entrance 

of  the  Black  Sea a.  470 

458.  Darinis  Insula  (de),  near  Wexford    a.  540 

459.  Decimiacensb,   S.    Cirici  (?  Dix- 

mont),  near  Joigny,  Yonne    .      .     a.  700 

460.  Deense,    S.    Philiberti  (Dee,  or 

Grand-Lieu),  dioc.  Nantes      .      .      a.  814 

461.  Dente  (de),  Cork  .      .      .     VI""  cent. 

462.  Deodati,    S.    (St.  Did,  Vosges,   or 

Val-Galilee)  ;  O.  Ben.,  founded  by 

St.  Deodatus 667 

463.  Deorhyrstense  (Deerhurst), 

Gloucestershire;  0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  duke  Dodo c.  716 

464.  Derehamense  (E.  Dereham),  Nor- 

folk ;    0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king 

Anna 650 

465.  *Derwentense  (Ebchester),  Dur- 

ham ;  founded  by  Ebba,  daughter 

of  king  Ethelfred       .      .      .      .     a.  660 

466.  Derwexse,   SS.  Petri  et  Pauli 

Moutier-en-Der),  Haute  Marne  ; 
built  by  abb.  Bercharius  and 
king  Childeric 673 

467.  DiENSE,      S.      Marcelli      (Die), 

Dauphine ;  0.  Ben.     .      .         VIII"'  cent. 

468.  DiERMiTi,    S.,    Castledermot,  Kil- 

dare  ;  founded  by  St.  Diermit     .     c.  500 

469.  DiOLCO  (de)  (Diolcos),  Egypt        IV"'  cent. 

470.  DiONYSii,     S.     Parisiense     (St. 

Denys),  near  Paris;  0.  Ben., 
begun  by  king  Clptaire  II., 
finished  and  endowed  by  king 
Dagobert  I '.  632 

471.  Disertense,     S.    Tolae    (Disert- 

tola),    Meath ;    founded    by    St. 

Tola a.  733 

472.  DiSERT      Hy      Thuachuillense 

(Dezertoghill),    Derry ;    founded 

by  St.  Columb       ....     VP"  cent. 

473.  DiSERT     Meholmoc    (de),     near 

Lough  Innell,  W.  Meath ;   built 

by  St.  Colman       ....     VI*''  cent. 

474.  DisiBODi,    S.   de   Monte   (Disen- 

burg),  dioc.  Mayence ;  O.  Ben., 
founded  by  abb.  Disibodus      .      .  674 

475.  ■'•DisiBODi,  S.   DE  Monte  (Disen- 

burg)  ;  founded  by  abb.  Disibodus     a.  700 

476.  Divionense,         S.         Stephani 

(Dijon) ;  afterwards  0.  Aug.       .     c.  580 

477.  Doiremacaidjiecainense,  in 

Meath;    attributed  to   St.   Lafra 

the  virgin c.  600 

478.  Dolense  (Bourg-de-Deols),   Indre  ; 

0.  Ben VI""  cent. 

CURIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II. 


480. 

481. 

482. 
483. 
484. 

485. 
486. 
487. 
488. 


Dologiense,  or  Tiieologiense, 
S.  MauriCii  (Tholey,  or  St. 
Maurice,  Vosges) ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  king  Dagobert      .      .  623 

DOMNACHBILENSE        (Movill),        on 

Loughfoyle,  Ireland  ;  founded  by 

St.  Patrick V"  cent. 

DOMNACii  COMMUiRENSE  (Cumber), 

Down  ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick  V"'  cent. 
DOMNACiiMORENSE   (Donaghmore), 

Cork a.  700 

DOMNACHMORENSE   (Donaghmore), 

Waterford a.  600 

DOMNACHMORENSE    (Donaghmore), 

near    Dungannon ;    founded    by 

St.  Patrick V"-  cent. 

DOMNACHMORENSE,    in  Maghseola, 

Roscommon V""  cent. 

DOMNACHMORiENSE,    in   Tirawley, 

Mayo  ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick  V"'  cent. 
DOMNACHSARIGENSE,  in  Kreimacta- 

Breg,  Meath V"'  cent. 

DOMNACHTORTAINENSE      (Donagll- 

more),   Meath;    founded   by    St. 

Patrick V"'  cent. 

DoNiscLE  (de),  St.  Romani,  in 
Spain  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  John 
and  Munius 775 

DONOGHPATRICIENSE  (Donogh- 

patrick),  Meath ;  founded  by  St. 
Patrick,  and  Conal  M'Neill    .       V"'  cent. 

DORENSE  (Derry),  Ireland  ;  founded 
by  St.  Columb       ....     VP''  cent. 

Dormancastriense  (Caistor), 

Northamptonshire      .      .      .      .     c.  650 

"^Dornatiacense  (Dornac),  Haut- 
Rhin 635 

DoROTHEi  Abbatis,  near  Gaza ; 
founded  by  its  first  abb.  Doro- 
theus AT''  cent. 

Dorylaeo  (in)  Georgii  de  Font- 
IBUS  (Dorylaeum),  Asia  Minor    .     a.  600 

DovORENSE  (Dover),  Kent        .      .     c.  640 

Dromorense  (Dromore),  Down ; 
founded  by  St.  Colman     ...     a.  699 

Druimardense  (probably  Kil- 
laird),  Wicklow a.  588 

Druimchaoinchellaighense,  in 
Kensellach,  Wexford ;  founded 
by  St.  Abban a.  650 

♦Druimcheonense,  near  Mt.  Slieu 
Brileith,  Longford ;  founded  by 
St.  Patrick V"'  cent. 

DRUXMCnORCOTHRiENSE,nearTaral, 
Meath ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick    V""  cent. 

Druimcliabense  (DrumclitTe), 
Sligo  ;  founded  by  St.  Columba  .  590 

Druimcuillense  (DrumcuUen), 
King's  Co a.  590 

Druimederdalochense,  in  Tirer- 
ril,  Sligo  ;  founded  by  St.  Finian  VI""  cent. 

Druimindeichense  (Druimin- 
deich),  Antrim ;  founded  by  St. 
Patrick c.  460 

Druimineascluinnense,  near 
Drogheda,  Ireland  ;  founded  by 
St.  Patrick       .  ...       V"'  cent. 

Druimliassense  (Dromleas),  Lei- 
trim  ;  built  by  St.  Patrick     .     _  V""  cent. 

Druimliassense,  in  Sligo ;    attri- 
buted to  St.  Patrick  ...       V">  cent. 
4  M 


1252 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


509. 
510. 
511. 
512. 
513. 
514. 
515. 
516. 
517. 
518. 
519. 
520. 


522. 
523. 

524. 

525. 

526. 
527. 


530. 
531. 
532. 

533. 
534. 


535. 
536. 


537. 
533. 
539, 


Druimmacublense,  in  Crimthann, 
Meath a.  458 

Druimnee^;se,  near  Lough  Garagh, 
Sligo  ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick'     ¥'>>  cent. 

Druimthuomense  (Drumhome), 
Donegal a.  640 

Druinorum,  near  Cinna,  Ga- 
latia a.  600 

Drumboense  (Drumboe),  Down ; 
founded  by  St.  Patrick     .      .       V""  cent. 

Drumcuilinense,  near  Eatlieuin, 
W.  Meath a.  590 

Drumlahanense,  B.  V.  Mariae 
(Drumlane),  Cavan      ....     a.  550 

Drumranense,  S.  Enani,  near 
Athlone,  W.  Meath     ....  588 

Drumrathexse  (Drumrath),Sligo ; 
founded  by  St.  Fechin      .      .    VII"'  cent. 

Duinnae,  S.  (Kilduinna),  Li- 
merick ;  founded  by  St.  Duinna    IV""  cent. 

DuLEECHENSB  (Duleek),  Meath ; 
built  by  St.  Patrick   ...       V"»  cent. 

DuMiENSE,  S.  Martini  (Durae), 
Portugal ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
abb.  Martin 572 

DuNENSE,  S.  Patricii,  or  Leath- 
GLASSENSE  (Downpatrick),  Ire- 
land ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick      .  493 

DuoDECiM-PoNTiBus  (de),  near 
Troyes ;  built  by  Alcuin        .      .      c.  780 

DuORUM  Gemellorum,  near 
Bayeux  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St. 
Martin,  abb.  Vertou   .      .      .      .     c.  760 

DURMACENSE,      or     DEARMACENSE, 

in  Ireland ;      founded      by      St. 

Columban a.  600 

Duserense,  S.  Mariae  (Douzfere),  . 

on  the  Rhone  ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by 

abb.  Norfrid a.  814 

Dyniacense,       or      Denoniense 

(Denain),  dioc.  Arras  ;  0.  Ben.    .         764 
Eashacneirense  (probably  Inch- 

macnerin      Isle),      Lough     Kee ; 

founded  by  St.  Columb    ...     a.  563 
Eboracense,  S.  Mariae  (York)  ; 

0.  Ben.,  where  Alcuin  studied    .      a.  732 
Ebroniense,  S.  Mariae  (Evron), 

dioc.   Le  Mans ;  O.  Ben.,  founded 

by  bp.  Hadoindus        ....  630 

Edardruimense,  in  Tuathainlighe, 

dioc.  Elphin V">  cent. 

Edessenum,  S.  Thomae  (Edessa), 

Mesopotamia  ....      IV"'  cent. 

*EiCHENSE,  dioc.    Liege  ;  0.  Aug., 

founded   by   the  parents    of   the 

abb.  Hirlinda         ....    VII""  cent. 
Elcerabense,    near    the   Jordan ; 

built  by  Julian c.  500 

Electense,  S.  Polycarpi  (Aleth), 

Aude  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by   abb. 

Atalus  and  his  friends      .      .      .  780 

EiiESBANi,  S.,  in  Abyssinia       .      .     a.  530 
•Eliense   (Ely),    Cambridgeshire; 

0.  Ben.,  founded   by   Etheldreda, 

daughter  of  king  Anna    .      .      .         673 
Ellandunense     (Wilton),    Wilt- 
shire ;  founded  by  earl   Wulstan         773 
Elphinense  (Elphin),  Roscommon ; 

founded  by  St.  Assicus     .      .       V*''  cent. 
Eltenheimensb,      in      Germany ; 
founded  by  bp.  Heddo      .      .      ,         763 


A.D. 

540.  Elwangense  (Elwangen),  Bavaria  ; 

0.  Ben.,  built  by  bp.  Hariculf     .  764 

541.  Emesanum  (Emesa),  Phoenicia        V"»  cent. 

542.  Enachtruimensp:,  nearMountrath, 

Queen's  Co.  ;  founded  by  St. 
Mochoemoc c.  550 

543.  Enaghdunense,  Lough  Corrib      .     a.  700 

544.  *Enagh  DUNENSE,      V.     Mariae, 

Lough  Corrib VI""  cent. 

545.  Enixionense,    or     Hensionense, 

S.  JoviNi  de  Marnis  (St.  Jouin), 

near  Thouars,  dioc.  Poictiers       .     a.  482 

546.  Eo  Insula  (de)  (Iniseo  Isle),  Lough 

Earn a.  777 

547.  Ephesium  (Ephesus)      .      .      .      .     a.  450 

548.  Epiphanii,    S.,     near    Eleuthero- 

polis ;    founded    by    St.  Epipha- 

iiius IV*  cent. 

549.  *Episcopi-Villa    (de)  (Ville    de 

I'Eveque  on  Marne),  Aisne ; 
founded  by  bp.  Reolus  and  abb. 
Bercharius 686 

550.  Eposiense  (Carignan),  dioc.Treves ; 

0.  Ben.,  built  by  abb.  Ulfilaus    .     a.  595 

551.  Epternacense    (Epternac),    dioc. 

Treves;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  bp. 
Willibrord  and  abbess  Irmina     .         693 

552.  Equitii,  S.,  Valeria,  Italy        .      .     a.  600 

553.  Erasmi  et  Maximi,  SS.,  in  Naples  ; 

founded  by  Alexandra      ...     a.  600 

554.  Erefordiense,  or  Petri  Montis 

(Erfurt),  Saxony ;  founded  by- 
king  Dagobert  II 677 

555.  Erminii    et   Ursmari,   SS.,   near 

Lobbes  in  Thierache,  Artois ; 
attributed  to  bp.  Ursmarus   .      .     c.  657 

556.  Ernatiense  (Cluainbraoin),Louth ; 

attributed  to  St.  Patrick       .       V"-  cent. 

557.  Escairbranainense  (Ardsallagh), 

Meath ;    founded   by   St.    Finian 

of  Clonard a.  552 

558.  Esternacense,  near  Treves     .      .     a.  740 

559.  Ethonis,    near    Kentzingen,    Ger- 

many ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
Wingern,  or  Count  Etho        .  VIII""  cent. 

560.  EuDEii,    S.,    Arran   Isle,  Galway ; 

founded  by  St.  Eudeus     ...     a.  490 

561.  EuGENii,  S.,  near  Siena,  Tuscany; 

O.  Ben.,  founded  by  the  nobleman 
Wanfred 731 

562.  Eulaliae,       S.       Barcinonense 

(Barcelona),  Spain  ;  O.  Ben.        .     a.  644 

563.  EuLOGii,  S.,  in  Mesopotamia    .     IV"'  cent. 

564.  EUMORPHIANAE  INSULAE  S. 

Petri  (St.  Mary's  Isle),  Italy     .     a.  600 

565.  EuNUCHORUM,  near  Jericho      .      .     a.  500 

566.  EUPHRASIAE,  S.,  Thebais     .      .     IV"  cent. 

567.  EusEBii,   S.,  dioc.  Apt,  Vaucluse ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  the  hermit 
Martian c.  800 

568.  EusEBONAE  ET  Abibionis,  SS.,  in 

Syria  ;  founded  by  SS.  Eusebonas 

and  Abibion IV""  cent. 

569.  EuSTASiA,  Abb.,  in  Abyssinia  .    VII"»  cent. 

570.  EuSTATHii,  near  Caesarea,  Cappa- 

docia  ;  founded  by  Eustathius     .      a.  370 

571.  EusTORGii  Abbatis,  near  Jerusa- 

lem ;    founded   by   abb.    Eustor- 

gius c.  450 

572.  Euthymii  Magni,  near  . Jerusalem ; 

founded  by  St.  Euthymius     .      .     c.  429 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1253 


573.  EvASii,  S.,  DE  Casali  (Casal), 
Lombardy ;  0.  Aug.,  endowed 
by  king  Luitprand      ....  745 

074.  EVESHAitENSE,   S.  Mariae  (Eves- 

ham), Worcestershire  ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Egwin  and  kings 
Conrad  and  Otta 714 

075.  EviNi,     S.     (Monasterevan),    Kil- 

dare  ;  founded  by  St.  Abban       .     a.  600 

■  570.    EVURTII,  S.  AURELIANENSE 

(Orleans);  0.  Aug 783 

o77.  ExiDOLiENSiS    Cella   (Excideuil), 

dioc.  Limoges  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  St.  Aredius 572 

578.  Fabariense,  S.  Mariae  (Pfeffers), 

dioc.  Strassburg c.  731 

570.  *Farekse,  or  Eboriacense  (Fare- 

moutiers),  dioc.  Meaux  ;  0.  Ben., 

founded    by  St.    Ferra  and    abb. 

Eustasius' c.  625 

-580.  Farfense,     S.     Mariae    (Fart'a), 

prov.  Rome  ;    0.   Ben.,    built   by 

bp.  Laurentius  Illuminator  .  VI">  cent. 
Farneland  (de),  or  Lindisfarn- 

ENSE  (Fame  Island),  Northumb.  a.  651 
Faronis  S.  Meldense  (St.  Faron- 

Ifes-Meaux),  Seine  and  Marne  ;  0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Faron   .      .  659 

Fathenense,  S.  Muraxi  (Fahan), 

near    Derry ;     founded     by     St. 

Columb VI">  cent. 

FAUCENSE,         or         FUSSENSE,        S. 

Magni,  in   the   Alpine    Swabia ; 

O.  Ben.,  founded  by  king  Pepin  .  720 

*Faugherense  (Faugher),  Louth ; 

founded  by  St.  Monenna  .      .      .  638 

Faverniacum,   or   Fauriniacum, 

S.     Mariae     (Favernay),     near 

Vesoul ;  (afterwards)  0.  Ben.  .  c.  747 
Feddunense  (Fiddown),  Kilkenny  a.  590 
Fernense       (Ferns),       Wexford ; 

founded  by  king  Brandub      .      .     c.  600 

589.  Ferranense,     S.     Martini,     in 

Castile;     0.    Ben.,    founded    by 

John  and  Munius 772 

590.  Ferrariense,     S.     Mariae,      or 

Bethleemiticijm  (Ferrieres  in 
Gatinais);  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
king  Clovis  the  Great       .      .      .     c.  515 

591.  Ferreoli,    S.,    Uzhs,    Languedoc; 

founded  by  bp.  Ferreol,  after  his 

own  order 580 

592.  Ferreoli,      S.,      in     Burgundy ; 

founded  by  abb.  Wideradus    .      .  721 

593.  Ferrixgesse,        S.        Andreae 

(Ferring),  Sussex        ....      a.  790 

594.  Fiachrii,   S.,   near  Kilkenny  .    VIP'>  cent. 

595.  Fidhardexse  (Fidhard),  Gal  way; 

founded  by  St.  Patrick     .      .       ¥"•  cent. 

596.  FiDHARDENSE,     in     Hy    Mainech, 

Roscommon ;  built  by  St.  Patrick  V"»  cent. 

597.  FiGIACENSE,     S.     Salvatoris     et 

S.  Mariae  (Figeac),  Lot;  0. 
Ben.,  built  by  Ambrose,  bp. 
Cahors,  and  king  Pepin    .      .      .  755 

598.  Finglassense,  near  Dublin  ;  attri- 

buted to  St.  Patrick    ...       ¥">  cent. 

599.  FiNlANi,  S.,  Ardfennan,  Tipperary; 

founded  by  St.  Finian  the   Leper     c.  600 
^00.  FlNNLUGliANi,  Temple  Finlaghan, 

Derry  ;  founded  by  St.  Columb  YV^  cent. 


.581. 
.582. 

-583. 

.584, 


.587. 
588. 


601. 
602. 
603. 


FiODNACHENSE  (Feuaugh),  Lei- 
trim     VI"-  cent. 

FiONMAGHEXSE,  in  Fothart, 
Leinster;  founded  by   St.  Abban     a.  650 

*FisCAMNENSE  (Fecamp),  Nor- 
mandy ;  founded  by  count  Wa- 
dingus c.  664 

Flaviacense,  S.  Geremari 
(Flaix),  dioc.  Beaurais  ;  0.  Ben., 
built  by  abb.  Geremarus  .      .      .  760 

Flavianum,  near  Mutalascus, 
Cappadocia a.  440 

Flaviniacense,  S.  Praejecti 
(Flavigny),  Cote-d'Or ;  founded 
by  abb.  Wideradus      ....  721 

Fledanburiense  (Fladbury), 
Worcester ;  founded  by  king 
Ethelred 691 

Florentinum,  S.  Joannis  Bap- 
tistae  (Florence);  0.  Aug.  .      .     a.  721 

Floriacense,  SS.  Petri  et 
Benedicti  (Fleury  on  Loire); 
founded  by  abb.  Leodebodus, 
Joanna  of  Fleury,  king  Clovis  II. 
and  his  queen  Bathilda    ...  667 

Foillani,  S.,  Kilfoelain,  Queen's  Co.V""  cent. 

*Folcstanense  (Folkestone),Kent ; 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king  Eadbald     c.  630 

Fontanellense,  S.  Mariae 
(Fontenelles),  dioc.  Lu9on ;  0. 
Aug a.  684 

FONTANELLENSE,      SS.      PeTRI     ET 

Pauli,  or  S.  Wandregisilli 
(Fontenelles  on  Seine)  ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  St.  Wandregisillus     .      a.  673 

Fontanense  (Fontenay),  Nor- 
naandy  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St. 
Evremond c.  568 

Fontanense,  S.  Mariani  (Fon- 
taines), near  Auxerre ;  founded 
by  St.  Germanus a.  570 

Fontanense,  S.  Mariae  (Fon- 
taines, Vosges) ;  built  by  St. 
Columbanus a.  597 

FORENSE  (Fore),  W.  Meath ;  built 
by  St.  Fechin c.  630 

FoRNAGiENSE  (Forghuey),  W. 
Meath  ;  founded  by  St.  Munis     .         486 

Fossatense,  SS.  Mariae  et  Petri 
ET  Pauli,  or  S.  Mauri  (Fosse's  St. 
Maur),  near  Charenton,  France  ; 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king 
Clovis  II.  and  St.  Blidegisillus    .         640 

FossENSE,  S.  FuRSEi  (La  Fosse), 
Hainault ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
SS.  Foillanus  and  Ultanus  of 
Ireland c.  455 

Frideslariense,  S.  Petri 
(Fritzlar),  Hesse  ;  0.  Ben.,  built 
by  St.  Boniface c.  748 

Frigdiani,  S.  Lucense  (Lucca), 
Italy ;  0.  Aug.,  probably  founded 
by  Faulon a.  685 

Fuldexse,  S.  Salvatoris 
(Fulda),  Hesse  Cassel  ;  0.  Ben., 
built  by  St.  Boniface        ...  747 

FULRADO  -  ViLLARENSE      (Villers), 

Lorraine ;      founded      by      abb. 

Fulradus a.  774 

Fundense  (FonJi),  Italy  ;  O.  Ben., 
founded  by  abb.  Honorafus    ,      .     a.  600 
4  M  2 


1254 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


626.  FURSEI,    S.,   in    East,  Anglia;    0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Furseus  of 
Ireland,  and  king  Sigbert       .      .      c.  670 

627.  Galeatense,  S.  Hilari  (Galeate), 

Tuscany  ;    0.    Ben.,    founded    by 

St.  Hilary a.  754 

628.  Galiijexse  (Gallen),   King's   Co. ; 

founded  by  St.  Canoe       .      .      .     c.  492 

629.  Galli,    S.    ad     Arbonaji;     St. 

Gall,  Switzerland;  0.  Ben., 
founded  or  enlarged  by  St. 
Gallus  of  Ireland 646 

630.  Galliacesse,        S.        Quixtini 

(Gaillac),  dioc.  Alby  ;  0.  Ben.    .     a.  755 

631.  Gandekse    S.    Bavonis  (Ghent); 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St. 
Amandus VII">  cent. 

632.  Gaxdense,  S.  Petri  (Ghent);   0. 

Ben.,  built  by  St.  Amandus   .      .      a.  653 

633.  Garba:ni,  S.,  Duugarvan,  Water- 

ford  ;  founded  by  St.  Garban     VII"'  co.nt. 

634.  Garedjanum,  in  Georgia  ;  founded 

by  father  David     ....      VI""  cent. 

635.  Garsense,   S.  Petri,  on  the  Inn, 

dioc.  Salzburg ;  founded  by  Boso, 

a  noble  priest c.  768 

636.  Gartonense,    near    Kilmacrenan, 

Donegal ;  founded  by  St.  Columb  VI"'  cent. 
636b.  Gaugerici,  S.    (St.    Ge'ry),  near 
Cambray ;    built  by   bp.   Gauge- 
ricus  600 

637.  *Gavini    et    Luxorii,    SS.,    de 

TURRIBUS,  in  Sardinia     ...      a.  600 

638.  Geddingense  (Gilling),  Yorkshire  ; 

built  by  queen  Eanfleda  ...      a.  659 

639.  Gelasii    Abbatis,    in    Palestine ; 

founded  by  abb.  Gelasius       .      .     c.  440 

640.  Gelloxense,       S.       Salvatoris 

(Gellone),  dioc.  Lodeva ;  founded 

by  abb.  William a.  807 

641.  Gemeticense  (Jamets  in  Barrois); 

0.  Ben.,  built    by  SS.   Philibert 

and  Bathilda c.  684 

642.  Geiimeticesse,  S.  Petri 

(Jumi^ges),  Normandy  ;  0.  Ben.       c.  655 

643.  Gendaranum,    S.   Asterii  (Gen- 

dara),  Syria IV"»  cent. 

644.  Genesii,        S.         Thigerniense 

(Thiers),  Auvergne ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Avitus      .      .      .      c.  520 

645.  Gengesbacence         (Gegenbach), 

dioc.  Strassburg  ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by 

count  Ruthard 712 

646.  Genoliaco    (de),    Geuolhac,  dioc. 

P^rigueux a.  585 

647.  Gexovefae,    S.  Parisiexse   (St. 

Genevieve-du-Mont),  Paris ;  O. 
Aug.,  founded  bv  king  Clevis  and 
St.  Clotilda VP"  cent. 

648.  Georgii   S.  de  ]!iIarato  (Marat), 

Sicily a.  600 

649.  Georgii,  S.   (Saint  George),   dioc. 

Le  Mans c.  802 

650.  Gerasimi,   S.,    near    the    Jordan; 

founded  by  St.  Gerasimus       .      .      a.  470 

651.  Germaxi,     S.     Autissiodorense 

Parissiense  (St.  Germain  I'Aux- 
errois),  Paris ;  probably  built  by 
king  Childebert a.  558 

652.  Germaix,  S.  a  Pratis   (St.  Ger- 

main-des-Prds),  Paris ;   0.   Ben., 


founded    bv   bp.    Germanus    and 

king  Childebert 558 

653.  Germani,    S.    (St.  Germains),   in 

Cornwall c.  614 

C54.  Germani,    S.    (Saint  Germain   on 

Sarthe),  dioc.  Le  Mans       .      .      .      c.  802 

655.  Germaxum  DoMiNiE  de  Aligeta 

(Germa),  Galatia a.  600 

656.  Geruxdexse  (Girone),   Catalonia  ; 

founded  by  bp.  John    .      .      .      .      c.  610 

657.  Gerwiexse,    S.    Pauli  (Jarrow), 

Durham ;  founded  by  abb.  Bene- 
dict Biscop  and  king  Egfrid    .      .  684 

658.  Glaisjiorexse    (Clashmore),   near 

Youghal ;  founded  by  Cuanchear      a.  65S 
G59.  Glanciioluimchillense,      Clare  ; 

founded  by  St.  Columb      .      .      VP'»cent, 

660.  Glanderiense,    S.    Martini,   or 

LONGOVILLANUM  (Glandieres,  or 
Longueville),  dioc.  Metz  ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  Bodagesilus,  fother  of 
St.  Arnolf c.  587 

661.  Glannafoliense,      S.       1\Iariae 

(Glanfeuille),    dioc.    Angers ;    0. 

Ben a.  800 

662.  Glasnaoidense,   near    the   Lilfey, 

Kildare a.  544 

663.  Glassmorense     (probably     Moor- 

town),  Dublin a.  631 

664.  Glastoniense,   or  Avallonense, 

and  Ynyswytrin  (de)  (Glaston- 
bury), Somersetshire;  afterwards 
0.  Ben.,  attributed  to  St.  Patrick     c.  433 

665.  Gleanchaoinense,      Hy      Ling- 

deach,  Clare ;  founded  by  St. 
Patrick ' .        V""  cent. 

666.  Gloucestriense,  S.   Petri  (Glou- 

cester) ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king 
Wulphere  and  Osric    .      .      .      .     c.  680 

667.  GLUiNHCSANNENSE(Gleane),  King's 

Co. ;  founded  by  St.  Diermit  .      .     a.  560 

668.  Gobhani,  S.,  Teghdagobha,  Down 

669.  GOMON  (de),  near  Constantinople ; 

Acoemite,  founded  by  abb.  John  .     a.  488 

670.  Gonagaeusi  (Gonage),  Syria    .      .     a.  600 

671.  Gorgoniae  Insulae,   S.   Mariae 

(Isle  Gorgona),  Adriatic  Sea  .      .     a.  600 

672.  GORMANI,   S.,  Kilgorman,  Wicklow     a.  600 

673.  GoRziENSE,  S.  Petri  (Gorze),  dioc. 

Metz ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  bp. 
Chrodegangus 745 

674.  Grandisvallense,     S.      Mariak 

(Grandval),  dioc.  Strassburg  ;    0. 

Ben.,  endowed  by  king  Pepin       .  770 

675.  Gravense,      or      De      Gravaco 

(Gravac),  Piacenza ;  0.  Ben.  .      .      c.  746 

676.  Grassellense,  SS.  Petri  et  Vic- 

TORis  (serait-ce  Greoux  ?),  Basses 

Alpes  ;  0.  Ben 692 

677.  Gratterense,      or      Gazerense, 

Naples ;  0.  Ben a.  600 

678.  Gregorii,    S.    (St.  Gregoire),  Al- 

sace ;  0.  Ben.,  endowed  by  Bodalus         747 

679.  Guintmari,      S.      (Lierre),     dioc. 

Jleaux ;  0.  Aug.,  founded  by 
Gunthmar a.  775 

680.  GURTHONENSE,  or  GUERDONENSE 

(Gourdon  in  Charolais)  ;  0.  Ben. .      a.  570 

681.  Hagustaldense    (Hexham),    Nor- 

thumberland ;  founded  bv  St. 
Wilfrid ■  .     .         674 


MONASTERY 


MOXASTERY 


1255 


<;8'2.  Hamaxaburgeksi:,  S.  Miciiaelis 
(Hamamburg),  dioc.  Mayence;  0. 
I3en.,  founded  by  bp.  Boniface      .      c.  T-tS 

<3So.  IIaselacense  (Haselach),  dioc. 
Strassburg  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
king  Dagobert  and  abb.  Florentius         633 

<384r.  Hasnoniexse,  S.  Petri  (Hasnon), 
dioc.  Arras ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
abb.  John  and  his  sister  Eulalia  .  678 

685.  *Hasmoxiense,    S.    Petri    (Has- 

non); idem 678 

686.  HassarOdense,  on  the  Maine,  dioc. 

Eichstadt VHP'' cent. 

687.  *HASTERiENSE(Hasti6res),Meurthe ; 

founded  by  Bertha,  wife  of  count 
Wideric 626 

688.  Heamburiense  (Handbury),  Staf- 

fordshire      a.  800 

689.  Heideniieimense      (Heidenheim), 

Swabia;    0.  Ben.,  built   by   abb. 
Winebald,  son  of  king  Richard     .  758 

690.  *Heidenheimense   (Heidenheim); 

built  also  by  abb.  Winebald   .      .      c.  780 

691.  *HEORTnuEXSE  (Hartlepool),  Dur- 

ham ;  founded  by  king  Oswin      .  655 

692.  Heptastomatis,      S.,      Palestine; 

founded  by  St.  Sabbas       .      .      .      c.  500 

693.  Heracleense  (Heraclea),  Thebais  IV""  cent. 

694.  Herexse,    S.    Philiberti  (Isle  of 

Herr)  ;    0.  Ben.,  founded  by  bp. 

Otto  and  emp.  Charlemagne  .      .      a.  800 

695.  Hermopolitanum,    S.    Apolloxii 

(Hermopolis),  Egypt   .      .      .      IV"-  cent. 

696.  Hersveldexse     (Hersfeld),      dioc. 

Halberstadt;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
Sturmius,  or  archbp.  Mayence     .     a.  790 
097.  HiBERNiAE  OcuLA  (de)  (Ireland's 
Eye  Island),  near  Howth ;  founded 
by  St.  Nessan c.  570 

698.  Hiexse  (lona,  or  Icolmkill  I>land), 

Argyleshire ;  built  by  St.  Columba    c.  563 

699.  HlEROSOLYMITANUM,    S.    ChARITO- 

MIS  (Jerusalem) c.  330 

700.  HlEROSOLYMITANUM,        S.         ElIAE 

(Jerusalem) c.  500 

700c.  Hierosolymitanu.m  Iberianum 
(Jerusalem);  built  by  king 
Wakhtang  of  Georgia.      ...      a.  449 

701.  *HlEROSOLYMITAXUM,         S.  Me- 

LANIAE  (Jerusalem)  ;  founded  by 

St.  Melania  the  Elder.      .      .      .     c.  385 

702.  HlEROSOLYMITANUM,     S.     PlIILIPPI 

(Jerusalem) a.  361 

702b.    HlEROSOLYMITANUM,  TATIANI 

(Jerusalem) ;     built     by     prince 

Tatian  of  Georgia        .      .      .        V""  cent. 

703.  HlEROSOLYMITANUM     B.     TlIEOTICI 

(Jerusalem) a.  595 

704.  HiLARiACUM,     on      the      Moselle; 

founded  by  St.  Fridoline  .      .      Vr''ceut. 

705.  HippOLYTANUM  (Trasma),  Austria; 

founded    by   abb.   Adalbert    and 

Okar c.  750 

70S.  HiRSAUGlENSE,  S.  AuRELii  (Hir- 
sauge),  dioc.  Spires;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  count  Erlafrid      .      .      c.  772 

707.  *HOHENBURGENSE      (Hohcnburg), 

dioc.    Strassburg;  built    by  abb. 

Odila c.  720 

708.  HONANGIENSE,         S.  MiCUAELIS 

(Hohenhausen),  dioc.  Stra.ssburg ; 


O.  Ben.,  built  by  Adalbert,  brother 

of  St.  Odila      .' c.  720 

709.  HoRNBACENSE,    S.    Petri  (Horn- 

bach),    dioc.    Metz;    founded    by 

St.  Firminus a.  700 

710.  HORNISGA   (de)    S.    Komani  (Or- 

nixa),  dioc.  Toledo;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  king  Cindasvind  and 
his  wife  Picciberga       .      .      .      .      c.  084 

711.  *Horreensi:,  S.  Mariae  (Oeren), 

dioc.  Treves  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
Irmina,  daughter  of  king  Dago- 
bert, and  bp.  Modoald       .      .      .      c.  675 

712.  Hosia  (de),  in  Bithyuia      .      .      .     c.  560 

713.  HuAcnuiN^    Insula    (de)    (Inis- 

quin),  Lough  Corrib  ;  founded  by 

St.  Brendan a.  626 

714.  Huberti.    S.,    in  Ardennis   (Ar- 

denue  Mts.);  O.  Ben.,  founded 
by  duke  Pepin  and  his  wife  Plec- 
truda 687 

715.  Hulmense,  S.  Benedicti  (Hulme), 

Norfolk  ;  0.  Ben c.  800 

716.  HuMBLERiis  (de)   S.    Mariae,   S. 

Hunegundis  (Homblieres),  dioc. 
Noyons  ;  afterwards  0.  Ben.,  built 
by  bp.  Eligius  and  king  Lo- 
thaire 650 

717.  *Hunulfocurtense,     S.      Petri 

(Honnecourt),  Nord ;  founded  by 
Amalfrid '.         080 

717b.    iBERIANUil,       S.      JOANNIS      BaP- 

tistae,  afterwards  V.  Mariae, 
Mt.  Athos  ;  founded  by  the  monks 
John,  Euthymius,  and  George      .      c.  800 

718.  IcANHOCCENSE   (Icanhoc),  Lincoln- 

shire ;  founded  by  St.  Botolph     .  624 

719.  Igalthoense,  in  Sacheth,  Georgia; 

built  by  father  Zouon        .      .      VI""  cent. 

720.  Ihamense,  S.  Martini,  in  Spain  ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  John  and 
Munius 773 

721.  Illmonastrium,    near    Ingolstadt, 

Austria  ;  founded  by  Utho     .   VHP''  cent. 

722.  Imleachcluannense,         Antrim; 

founded  by  St.  Patrick     .      .       Y"*  cent. 

723.  Imleachense   (Emly),  Tipperary  ; 

founded  by  St.  Ailbe  .      .      ,      .      a.  527 

724.  Imleachense,     S.     Brochadi,   in 

Roscommon c.  500 

725.  Imleaoufodense       (Emlaghfadd), 

Sligo  ;  built  by  St.  Columb   .      VI"'  cent. 

726.  Immaghense  (Immagh    Isle),  Gal- 

way  ;  founded  by  St.  Fechin  .      .      a.  664 

727.  Inberd.\oilense,   S.   DAGAiiii,  in 

Kenselach,  We-xford     ....      a.  639 

728.  Inbernailense,  Tyrconnel,  Ireland     a.  563 

729.  Inciiymoriense   (the    Great  Isle), 

Lough  Gawn,  Longford  ;  founded 

by  St.  Columb VPi-cent^. 

730.  Ingeltingunense,  in  England       .     a.  655 

731.  Inisbegiense,  in  Kenselach,  Wex- 

ford ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick         V"-  cent. 

732.  Iniscaorachense,  Ibrichan,  Clare  ; 

founded  by  St.  Senan        .      .      .     c.  530 

733.  lNisCARRi;NSE     (Iniscarra),    Cork; 

built  by  St.  Senan       ,      .      .      .     c.  530 

734.  Iniscatterense  (Scattery  Isle),  in 

the    Shannon,    attributed   to    St. 

Senan ^-  '''^^ 

735.  Inischaoinense  (Iniskin),  Louth   .     c.  500 


1256 


MONASTERY 


736.  INISCLOTIIRA^'^■£^•SE(IIliscloghran), 

Lough    Ree,    Longford ;    founded 

by  St.  Diarmuit  the  Just.      .      .      c.  540 

737.  IxiSDOiMHLENSE  (Cape  Clear  Island)    a.  800 

738.  Inisfaithlennense    (Innisfallen), 

lake    Killarney ;    founded   by    St. 
Finian  Lobhar a.  600 

739.  *Inisfidense  (Finish    Island),    in 

the  Shannon V""  cent. 

740.  Iniskeltairense       S.       Camini 

(Iniskeltair  Isle),  in  the  Shannon  ; 
founded  by  St.  Camin       ...      a.  6.50 

741.  Inisleamnactexse,    V.    Mabiae 

(Inislounagh),  Tipperary ;  founded 

by  St.  Mochoemoc       ....      a.  655 

742.  Inisluaidense    (Inislua    Isle),    in 

the    Shannon ;    founded    by    St. 

Senan a.  540 

743.  Inismorense     (Inchmore    Island), 

Lough  Ree,  Ireland ;  founded  by 

St.  Senan VI'i'  cent. 

744.  Inispuincense    (Inispict),    Cork ; 

built  by  St.  Carthagmochuda      .      c.  600 

745.  Inistiogense,    on  the  Noire,   Kil- 

kenny    800 

746.  Ixistoreense  (1  orre  Isle),  Donegal     a.  650 

747.  Ixisvachtuirense,  in  Lough  Sillin, 

W.  Meath  ;  built  by  abb.  Carthag     c.  540 

748.  Inreathanense  (Breatain),  Down     a.  540 

749.  Insula  Barbara  (de),  S.  Martini 

(Isle  Barbe),   on  the  Saone ;    0. 

Ben IV""  cent. 

750.  Insula  Trecensi  (de)  (I'lle),  near 

Troyes 537 

751.  IsiDORi,  S.  de  Duenas,  in   Leon ; 

0.  Ben a.  714 

752.  IsiDORi,  S.,  Thebais       .      .      .     IV'i'  cent. 

753.  IssiODORENSE  (Issoire),  Auvergne  ; 

0.  Ben a.  550 

754.  Itae,        S.,       Kilita,       Limerick ; 

founded  by  St.  Ita      ....      a.  569 

755.  Ithancestriense,   on   the    Frods- 

ham,    Essex ;     erected     by      bp. 

Cedda c.  630 

756.  Jacobitarum    Abu-Macarii,     in 

Egypt a.  600 

757.  JEREMiAE,nearBethshan,  Palestine     a.  530 

758.  Joannis     et     Trechii,     SS.,    in 

BuxiDO    (Saint    Jean-de-Bouis), 

Allier  ;  0.  Ben a.  800 

759.  Joannis,  S.,  Thebais     .      .      .     IV">  cent. 

760.  Joannis,    S.    ad    Titum,   or    ad 

PiNUM,    near   Class^,    dioc.    Ra- 
venna; 0.  Ben a.  700 

761.  Joannis,  S.,  in  Extorio  (Citou), 

dioc.     Carcassonne ;       0.      Ben., 
founded  by  abb.  Anian      ...      a.  793 

762.  Joannis  Nanni,  S.,  in  Egypt     IV""  cent. 

763.  Joannis     Silentiarii,    S.,    near 

Nicopolis,  Armenia ;  founded  by 

St.  John  Silentiarius  ...       ¥">  cent. 

764.  JODOCI,     S.     (St.    Josse-sur-Mer), 

dioc.  Amiens a.  800 

765.  JOTRENSE  (Jouarre-en-Brie),  dioc. 

Meaux ;  O.  Ben.,  built  by  Adon, 
brother  of  St.  Audoenus  .      .      .     c.  630 

766.  *JoTRENSE   (Jouarre-en-Brie) ;    O. 

Ben.,   founded  by  Adon,  and  St. 
Bathilda 684 

767.  JuctAtium     Pauli,     S.     (Jugat), 

Syria  ;  founded  by  St.  Paulus      V"»  cent. 


MONASTERY 

A.I). 

768.  Juliani  Cenomanense  (Le  Mans)     a.  8UL' 

769.  JuMERis,     S. ;     enriched    by     St. 

Radegundis c.  54.J 

770.  JuNAUTENSE  (Zunault),  dioc.   Ro- 

dez ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king 
Clovis a.  511 

771.  JURENSE,        S.        ROMANI      (Joux), 

Jura ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St. 
Romanus  and  friends  ....  460 

772.  *JussANENSE       (Joussan),       dioc. 

Besangon ;  founded  by  Flavia, 
mother  of  St.  Donatus      .      .      .     c.  650 

773.  JuxTA     Antruji,     near     Eraessa, 

Phoenicia,  the  site  of  the  Inven- 
tion of  the  Head  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist ;  founded  by  Stephen      .      a.  450- 

774.  Kedemenestrense       (Kiddermin- 

ster),   Worcestershire ;     founded 

by  king  Ethilbalt       ....         730 

775.  Kemeseyense  (Kemesey),  Worces- 

tershire     .      .      .      .'     .      .      .     a.  799 

776.  Kemperlegiense,       S.       Crucis 

(Quimperle),  Lower  Brittany ; 
O.  Ben.,  founded  by  duke  Gur- 
thian c.  550 

777.  Kenanum,     V.    Mariae    (Kells), 

Meath  ;  founded  by  St.  Columb  .     c.  550 

778.  KiARANi,     S.,    Seirkeran,    King's 

Co. ;  founded  by  St.  Kiaran  the 

elder c.  40-' 

779.  KiLALGENSE    (Killegally),    King's 

Co a.  600 

780.  KiLBiANNENSE,     iu     King's     Co.; 

attributed  to  St.  Abban    .      .      .  583- 

781.  KiLBRENiNENSE  (Strawhall),  Cork ; 

founded  by  Aed a.  588 

782.  KiLCLiEFENSE  (Kilclief),  Down     .     a.  600' 

783.  KiLCOLPENSE,    near    Downpatrick, 

Ireland;  founded  by  St.  Patrick  V">  cent. 

784.  KiLCULLENENSE    (Kilcullsn),   Kil- 

dare V"^  cent. 

785.  Kildaluense     (Killaloe),    Clare ; 

founded  by  St.  Molualobhair        .      c.  610 

786.  KiLDARENSE    (Kildare),     Ireland ; 

founded  by  St.  Brigid,  for  monks 

and  nuns  together      ....      a.  484- 

787.  KiLDELGENSE,   In    Upper    Ossorv, 

Queen's  Co '.      a.  721 

788.  *KiLEOCHAiLLENSE  (Kilnagallegh), 

on  the  Shannon     ....       V"'  cent. 

789.  KiLFOBRiCHENSE  (Kilfarboy),  Clare         741 

790.  KiLFORTCHEARNENCE,  Idroue,  Car- 

low ;    attributed    to     St.    Fort- 

chearn VI"'  cent. 

791.  KiLHUAiLLEACHENSE,  probably  in 

Fercall,  King's  Co.        ,      .  .a.  550 

792.  KiLKENNiENSE,      near      Athlone, 

W.  Meath a.  773- 

793.  Killaohaddromfodense  (perhaps 

Killaghy),  Kilkenny  ....      a.  548 

794.  Killachadense  (Killachad), 

Cavan  ;  founded  by  St.  Tigernach     a.  800 

795.  *Killachadense  (Killeigh), Cork; 

built  by  St.  Abban     .      .      .      .      a.  650 

796.  ""Killainense  (Killeen) ;  founded 

by  St.  Endeus a.  540 

797.  Killainense     (Killeen),     Meath ; 

founded  by  St.  Endeus      ...      a.  540 

798.  KiLLAMRUiDENSE         (KiUamery), 

Kilkennv  ;  founded  by  St.  Gobban     a.  700 

799.  KiLLARENSE  (KiUare),  W.   Meath     a.  38S 


MONASTERY 


MONASTEEY 


125' 


800.  KiLLEACHENSE    (Killeigh),    King's 

Co. ;  attributed  to  abb.  Sincheal 
M'Cenenain a.  550 

801.  KiLLOMiENSE,  in  Roscommon   .      .     a.  760 

802.  KiLLUNCHENSE,  in  Louth  .      .      .      c.  500 

803.  KiLMACDUACHENSE,    in    Kiltaiton, 

Galway ;  founded  by  St.  Colman     c.  620 

804.  KiLMACRENANENSE,  on  the  Gannon, 

Donegal VI'i"  cent. 

805.  KiLMBiANENSE,  in  Down    ...     a.  583 

806.  KiLMORlENSE,  near  Athlone  ;  built 

by  St.  Patrick       ....       V'i>  cent. 

807.  KiLMORiENSE,  near  Nenagh,  Tip- 

perary 540 

808.  KiLMORMOYLENSE,     in     Tirawley, 

Mayo ;  founded  by  St.  Olean       VI">  cent. 

809.  KiLNAGARBANENSE  (Kilnegarvan), 

Mayo ;  founded  by  St.  Fechan     .     a.  664 

810.  *KiLNAiNGHEANENSE,    near    Ark- 

low       VI*''  cent. 

811.  KiLNAMANACUENSE    (Kilmanagh), 

near  Kilkenny  ;  founded  by  abb. 
Natalis a.  563 

812.  KiLNEMANAGHENSE,    in     Leyney, 

Sligo  ;  founded  by  St.  Fechin    VIP''  cent. 

813.  KiLOSCOBENSE  (Kiloscoba),  Antrim ; 

founded  by  St,  Boedain    ...     a.  550 

814.  KiLRATUENSE,     near    Mt.    Claire, 

Ireland  ;  built  by  St.  Coeman     VI"»  cent. 

815.  KiLROENSE,  in  Tirawley,  Mayo      .     a.  664 

816.  KiLSKiRRiENSE    (Kilskerry),    dioc. 

Clogher 749 

817.  *KiLSLEVENSE  (Killevy),  Armagh  VI""  cent. 

818.  KiLTOAMENENSE,  in  W.  Meath      .      a.  600 

819.  KiNGSALENSE,    S.    GOBBANI     (Kin- 

sale),  Ireland a.  600 

820.  Laetiense,  S.  Lamberti  (Liessies), 

dioc.  Cambray  ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by 

count  Wicbert  and  his  wife  Ada         751 

821.  LAESTlNGENSE(Lastingham),  York- 

shire;  0.  Ben.,   founded  by  bp. 

Cedda  and  king  Oswald    ...  648 

822.  Landelinense,   or    Wallarense 

S.  Petri  (Wallers  in  Faigne),  dioc. 
Cambray ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
bp.  Landeline  and  king  Dagobert         634 

823.  Lathrechense   (Latteragh),    Tip- 

perary a.  548 

824.  Latta    (de),  S.  Martini    (Siran- 

la-Latte),  near  Sivre,  dioc.  Tours     a.  600 

825.  Latiniacense,   S.  Fursei  (Lagny 

on  Marne) ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 

Count  Erchinoald        .      .      .      .     c.  654 

826.  Laubiense,  or  Lobbiense  (Lobbes), 

dioc.  Liege ;    0.    Ben.,    built    by 

abb.  Ursmar  and  Pepin  senior      .  691 

827.  Lauconense  (Saint -Lupicin),  Jura ; 

0.  Ben a.  520 

828.  Laxtrentii,  S.  Parisiense  (Saint- 

Laurent),  Paris 591 

829.  Laurentii   et   Hilarii    de  Ab- 

BATlA(Saint-Laurent-des-Abauts), 
dioc.  Auxerre  ;  0.  Aug.,  founded 
by  St.  Ulfinus 578 

830.  Laurentii,    S.    de    Olibejo,    or 

Montis  Olivi  (Mt.  Oleon),  dice. 
Carcassonne ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by 
abb.  Anian a.  793 

831.  Laureshamense,      S.       Isazarii 

(Lauresheim  or  Lorch),  dioc. 
Treves  :  0.  Ben a.  770 


Lausiexse  (Luze),  dioc.  Autun  .  a.  540 
Leacfiounbailense       (Lianama- 

nach).    Mayo ;     erected    by    St. 

Patrick V""  cent. 

Leachanense  (Leckin),  dioc.  Meath  a.  664 
Leamchuilliense  (Leix),  Queen's 

Co a.  600 

Lebrahense  (Leber),  dioc.  Strass- 

burg  ;  founded  by  abb.  Dionysius 

Fulrad c.  774 

Lechnaghense  (Pierstown),  Meath  750 
Legionensis    Urbis     ad   Muros 

S.   Claudii    (Leon),    Spain ;    0. 

Ben VI"*  cent. 

Leighlinense  (Leighlin),  Carlow ; 

founded  by  St.  Gobban  ...  a.  616 
Leithense,     S.    Manchani    (Le- 

managhan),  King's  Co.  .  .  VII"*  cent. 
Leithmorense,  Ely,   King's   Co.  ; 

founded  by  St.  Mochoemoc  .  .  a.  655 
*Lemausense,    S.    Joannis    (Li- 

mours),  near  Etampes  ;  built  by 

Gammo  and  his  wife  Adagulda  .  a,  703 
Lemingense    (Liming),    Kent ;    0. 

Ben.,    founded   by   queen   Ethel- 

burgha 633 

*Lendaugiense  (Lindau),  Bavaria ; 

founded  by  count  Adelbert     .      .  810 

Leocadiae,         S.        Toletanum 

(Toledo) a.  644 

Leodegarii,     S.     de    Campellis 

(Saint  Leger  on  Beuvray),  dioc. 

Autun ;  0.  Aug.,  founded  by  St. 

Leodegarius  and  Ansebert  .  .  c.  696 
Leodiense,    St.    Petri    (Li^ge)  ; 

founded  by  St.  Hubert      ...  714 

Leomonasterium       (Leominster), 

Herefordshire ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by 

king  Merwald c.  660 

Lerhense,    V.    Mariae    (Lerha), 

Longford ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick  V"*  cent. 
Lerinense  (L^rins),  island  in  dioc. 

Frejus ;  attributed  to  St.  Hono- 

ratus IV""  cent. 

*LiADANAE,  S.,  Killiaduin,  King's 

Co.  ;    founded   by   St.    Keran   of 

Saiger  .......       V">cent. 

LiEVANENSE,    S.    Tfiuribii,    near 

Potes,    Spain;    0.  Ben.,    founded 

by  St.  Thuribius  ....  VI'"  cent. 
LiNNALLENSE  (Linnally),  Antrim  .  a.  771 
*LiNNENSE  (Linn),  Antrim .  .  V""  cent. 
LiNNENSE    (Maralin),    dioc.     Dro- 

more  ;  founded  by  St.  Colman  .  a.  699 
LiNNLEiRENSE     (probably    Lynn), 

W.  Meath a.  741 

LiSMORENSE  (Lismore),  Ireland  .  a.  600 
LiTHAZOMENAE,  Alexandria  .  .  a.  600 
LocociACENSE  (Liguge),  near  Poi- 
tiers ;  attributed  to  St.  Martin  IV"*  cent. 
LoECis   (de),    (Loches    on    Cher), 

Indre   and   Loire ;    afterwards   0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Ursus  .      .  500 

*L0GIENSE,  near  Caudebec,  Nor- 
mandy ;  endowed  by  St.  Bathilda         680 

LONGOGIONENSE,         S.         AGATHAE 

(Longuyon),  dioc.  Treves  ;  built  or 
enlarged  by  Adalgiselus   .      .     VH'-'^cent. 
LORRAHENSE,    S.     KuADANi,    near 
the  Shannon,  Tipperary  ;  founded 
by  St.  Ruadan a.  584 


1258 


MONASTERY 


864.  LOUTHENSE,   V.    Mariae   (Louth), 

Ireland ;    founded    by    St.    Pat- 
rick        V""  cent. 

865.  LuCAE,  near  Metopus ;  founded  by- 

Lucas    V""  cent. 

866.  ♦LUCENSE,     S.     Mariae   (Lucca); 

built  by  the  clergyman  Ursus      .  722 

867.  Ldcexse,    S.   Michaelis  (Lucca); 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  the  nobleman 
Pertuald 721 

868.  Lucense,      S.       Petri     (Lucca); 

founded  by  the  priest  Fortunatus 

and  his  son  Romuald  ....         713 

869.  Lucense  Xenodochium    (Lucca) ; 

founded  by  king  Sichimund  and 
noblemen 729 

870.  Lucense  Xenodochium,    S.    Sil- 

VESXRI  (Lucca);  founded  by  the 
citizens 718 

871.  LUCERNENSE,      SS.     Mauricii      et 

Leodegarii  (Lucerne),   Switzer- 
land;  O.Ben Vlll'i-cent. 

872.  LuciANi,  S.  Bellovacense  (Beau- 

vais),  France ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 

king  Childebert 540 

873.  Lucullanense,       S.       Severini 

(Lucullano),  near  Naples  ...      a.  500 

874.  LucusiANUM   (Lucusio),    Palermo; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  pope  Gregory 

the  Great c.  600 

875.  *LuGDUNENSE  (Lyons)  ....     a.  570 

876.  LuscaNense  (Lusk),  Dublin     .      .     a.  497 

877.  LuTHRA    (de)    SS.    Martini    et 

Deicolae  (Lure),  dioc.  Besan9on  ; 

0.  Ben 611 

878.  LuTOSENSE,   SS.   Petri  et   Pauli 

(Leuze),  dioc.  Tournay ;  0.  Aug., 
founded  by  St.  Amandus  .      .      .  545 

879.  LuxoviENSE  (Luxen),  dioc.  Besan- 

9on ;    0.    Ben.,    founded    by   St. 
Columban c.  590 

880.  Lycho  (de)  (Lychus),  Egypt    .      IV"»  cent. 

881.  Lynnealleiense  (Lynnally), 

King's    Co.  ;     founded     by     St. 
ColmanElo a.  610 

882.  Macarii,       S.,      Scithic     Desert, 

Egypt IV"' cent. 

883.  Macedonii,  Abbatis,  Bithynia      .     a.  480 

884.  Macrinae,     S.,     near     the     Iris, 

Pontus c.  358 

885.  Maelruani,     S.,     Tallaght,    near 

Dublin a.  750 

886.  Magbillense  (Moville),  Down       VI"-  cent. 

887.  JIagheense,  in  an  island  of  Ire- 

land ;  built  by  bp.  Colman     .      .  667 

888.  Maghellense  (Maghee),  Galway ; 

St.  Abban  built  three  monasteries 

on  this  plain a.  650 

889.  Maghere  Nuidhe  (de),  near  the 

Barrow,  Wexford ;    built  by  St. 
Abban a.  647 

890.  Magnilocense,     S.     Sebastiani 

(Manlieu),    near    CInmont;     0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  bp.  Genesius      .  656 

891.  Maguendi,   S.,    kilmainham,  near 

Dublin c.  600 

892.  *Magunense  (Mayo),  Connaught  .     c.  664 

893.  Magunknse   (Mayo);    founled  by 

St.  Colman 665 

894.  Magunziani     (Maguzano),      dioc. 

Verona ;  0.  Ben a.  800 


MONASTERY 

A.P. 

895.  Mailrosense  (Melrose),  Scotland ; 

0.  Columbanus,  founded  by  abb. 

Aidan a.  600 

896.  Majuma     (de)     S.     Hilarionis 

(Majuma),  Palestine    .      .      .      .      c.  340 

897.  Majus  Monasterium,  or  S.  Mar- 

tini (Marmoutier),  near   Tours ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Martin    IV"  cent. 

898.  *Malbodiense,  S.  Mariae  (Mau- 

beuge),  Nord ;  founded  by  queen 
Aldegund 661 

899.  Malischo  (de)  S.  Firmini  (Malis- 

chus),  Palestine ;  founded  by  St. 
Firmin c.  500 

900.  Malliacense,        S.         Solemnis 

(Maille',  or  Luynes),  near  Tours  ; 
attributed  to  bp.  Solemnis      .       VI"*  cent. 

901.  Malmesburiense,  or  JIeldunexse 

(Malmesbury),  Wiltshire;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  abb.  Maidulph  and  St. 
Aldhelm c.  680 

902.  Malmundariense  (Malmedy),  dioc. 

Liege ;  O.  Ben.,  built  by  king 
Sigebert  and  others     ....  660 

903.  Mandanense,      or      Malduinum 

(Saint-Malo),  Normandy ;  0.  Ben.     c.  520 

904.  Manseense    (Mannsee),     Austria; 

0.  Ben.,  built  by  duke  Utilo  .      .     c.  739 

905.  Maratka    (de),     near     the     Eu- 

phrates        V'ceut. 

906.  Marcelli,       S.        Cabilonensis 

(Saint  -  Marcel-les-Chalons,  or 
d'Obiliac);  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
king  Guntchramn 579 

907.  ♦Marceniense,       S.       Kictrudis 

(Marchiennes),  near  Douay  ; 
founded  by  bp.  Amand      .      .      .  647 

908.  Marci,   S.,   near  Spoleto ;  0.  Ben.     a.  600 

909.  Marcianense,     S.    Petri    (Mar- 

chiennes), Nord  ;  founded  by  bp. 
Amand 647 

910.  Marciani,  near  Bethlehem       .      .     a.  550 

911.  Mariae,    S.    ad  Ligerim  (on  the 

Loire)  ;  endowed  by  bp.  Ageradus         680 

912.  Mariae,    S.     Cenomanense    (Le 

Mans),  France a.  802 

913.  Mariae,    S.    de  Charitate    ad 

Ligerim,  Nievre  ;  0.  Ben.      .      .     c.  700 

914.  *Mariae,    S.    de  Scriniolo,  near 

Tours;    founded    by   Ingeltruda, 

aunt  of  king  Guntramn    .      .      .      c.  580 

915.  Mariae,  S.,  in  Monte,  near  Wiirz- 

burg,  Germany  ;  founded  by  St. 
Burchard a.  752 

916.  Mariae,   S.,   or  SS.  Gervasii   et 

Protasii,  in  Aurionno,  near  Le 
Mans ;    founded    by  bp.  Bertich- 

ramn c.  680 

916b.  Mariae,  V.,  in  Georgia;  built  by 

Evagrius VI">  cent. 

917.  Mariae,   V.,   Insula  (de)   (Inis- 

murray),  Sligo a.  747 

918.  Maricha  (de),  Palestine;  founded 

by  Severianus c.  500 

919.  Maricolense,    S.    Petri  (Maroil- 

les),  dioc.  Laon ;  0.  Ben.  .      .      .  671 

920.  Maris,  Arabia  ;  founded  by  Maris  .     c.  420 

921.  Maronis,  S.,  near  Cyrrhus,  Syria; 

founded  by  St.  Maron .      .      .      .      a.  420 

922.  Martialis,       S.       Lemovicense 

(Limoges) VI"' cent. 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1259 


I 


923.  Martii,  S.,  in  Arvernis  (Cler- 
mont) ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  bp. 
Marti  us a.  525 

•924.  Martini,   S.   de  Campis  Parisiis 

(Paris)  ;  0.  Ben a.  567 

925.  Martini,  S.  de  Poxtileuva 
(Pontlieue),  near  Le  Mans ; 
founded  by  bp.  Bertichramn  ,      .      c.  620 

•926.  Martini,     S.,     in     Diablentico, 

dice.  Le  Mans  .      .      .      .      .      .a.  802 

927.  Martini,    S.,    in    Hispania,   be- 

tween Murviedo  and  Carthagena.     a.  583 

928.  Martini,  S.,  in  Sicilia  (Sicily)  VPh  cent. 

929.  Martyrii,        near         Jerusalem ; 

founded  by  Martyrius ....     a.  500 

930.  Massarum,   SS.,   or  S.  Engratiae 

AD    Massam    Candidam    (Sara- 

gossa) ;  0.  Ben a.  644 

931.  Massiliense,    S.    Cassiani  (Mar- 

seilles) ;  founded  by  St.  Cassian  .     c.  425 

932.  *Massiliense,     S.     Mariae     de 

YVELINO  (Veaune,  near  Mar- 
seilles) ;  founded  by  St.  Cassian  .      c.  425 

933.  Massiliense,    S.    Victoris  (Mar- 

seilles) ;    perhaps    the    same    as 

No.  931 a.  600 

934.  Matisconense,  S.  Petri  (Macon), 

Saone  and  Loire ;  O.  Ben.       .      .  696 

935.  Mauri-Monasterium,  or  Mauri- 

niacense  (Maurs-Miinster),  dioc. 
Strassburg;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
SS.  Maurus  and  Leobard  .      .      .  599 

936.  JIa-uziacense,  S.  Petri  (Mausac), 

Correze;  0.  Ben.,  built  by  the 
senator  Calmitus  and  his  wife 
Numada VI"'cent. 

937.  Maxentii,  S.,    or    S.    Saturnini 

PiCTAVIENSE  (Poitiers)  ;  0.  Ben., 
built  by  Agapius  and  monks  (re- 
built by  St.  Maxentius,  c.  507)    . 

938.  Mechliniense,  or  Malisnacense, 

S.  RoMUALDi  (Mechlin  or  Ma- 
lines),  Belgium ;  0.  Aug. 

939.  Medardi,  S.  Suessionense  (Sois- 

sons);  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king 
Clotaire 

940.  Medhoin  Insula  (de)  (Inchmean 

Isle),  Lough  Mask,  Mayo  .      .       V*  cent. 

941.  Medianum-Monasterium  (Moyen- 

Moutier),  Vosges ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  abb.  Hidulph  ...  703 

942.  Medianum-MonasteriUiM  (Moyen- 

Moiitier),  dioc.  Bourges  ;  0.  Aug.     c.  624 

943.  Mediolanense,       S.        JIartini 

(Milan);  founded  by  St.  Martin  IV">cent. 

944.  Mediolanense,     S.    Simpliciani 

(near  Milan)  ;  0.  Ben. 

945.  Melaniae,  S.,  Palestine      .      .      . 

946.  Melanii,  S.  Rhedonense,  or  Do- 

LENSE  (Redon),  Brittany  ;  0.  Ben. 

947.  Melitene  (de),  Armenia    .      .      . 

948.  Melitense  (perhaps  Milhau),  Au- 

vergne  ;  built  by  abb.  Calupanus      a.  576 

949.  Mellae,  S.,  Doiremelle,  Leitrim ; 

founded  by  St.  Tigernach       .      .     a.  787 

950.  Memmii,    S.    (Saint  Meuge),   near 

Chalons-on-Marne  ;  0.  Aug.  .      .      a.  576 

951.  MENATENSE(Menat),Puy-de-D6me ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  BrachionVI'h  cent. 
S52.  Mendroichetense,      in      Ossory, 

Queen's  Co a.  600 


c.  459 


700 


560 


700 
a.  430 


c.  530 
a.  400 


970. 


973. 


*Menense,  near  Tabenna,  Egypt; 
founded  by  St.  Pachomius       .      IV""  cent. 

Meni,  S.,  near  Jerusalem ;  founded 
by  St.  Bassa a.  480 

Mereense,  S.  Martini  (Me'ry  on 
Cher) [      .      a.  541 

Messanense,  S.  Joannis  Baptis- 
TAE,  now  S.  Placidi  (Messina), 
Sicily ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St. 
Placidus a.  639 

Messanense,  S.  Tiieodori  (Mes- 
sina) ;  0.  Ben a.  600 

Metaniense  (Metten),  Bavaria ; 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  emp.  Charle- 
magne   c.  800 

♦JIetense,  S.  Glodesindae 
(Metz) ;  founded  by  St.  Glodesinda, 
daughter  of  duke  Quintrion   .      .  604 

Metense,  S.  Martini  (Metz) ;  0. 
Aug.,  founded  by  king  Sigebert  .  644 

*Metense,  S.  Petri  (Metz)     .      .     a.  782 

Metense,  S.  Stephani  (Metz) ; 
founded  by  bp.  Chrodegang    .      .  740 

Mevennii,  S.,  or  S.  Maclovii 
(Saint-Meen  de  Ghe),  Brittany ; 
0.  Ben.,  built  by  prince  Judicael      c.  565 

Miciiaelis,  S.  et  S.  Petri  (Saint- 
Michel),  Sicily  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 
by  abb.  Andrea c.  600 

Miciiaelis,  S.,  in  Periculo  Maris, 
or  DE  Monte  Tumba  (Tombelainc- 
sur-Mer),  Manche ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Autbert    .      .      .  709 

Miciiaelis,  S.  Viridunensis 
(Verdun)  ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by  count 
Wulfoald  and  his  wife  Adalsinda  709 

Miciasense,  S.  Maximini  (Saint- 
My),  near  Orleans;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  king  Clovis  I.       .      .     c.  507 

Mildredi,  S.,  Isle  of  Thanet ;  0. 
Ben.,  founded  by  Domneva     .      .     c.  670 

Milipeco,  or  LONGORETO  (de) 
(Longuay),  dioc.  Auxerre;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  abb.  Sigiran  and  king 
Dagobert 632 

*MiLiZENSE  (Milze),  Bavaria ;  0. 
Ben a.  783 

MOCHAN  (de),  Egypt     .      .      .     IV">  cent. 

MociiEALLOGii,  S.,  Kilmallock, 
Limerick ;  founded  by  St.  Mo- 
cheallog a.  650 

MoCHOAE,  S.,  Timohoe,  Queen's 
Co. ;  built  by  St.  Mochoe.      .      .     a.  497 

Modani,  S.,  near  Ardagh,  Longford     a.  591 

MODOETIENSE,     S.    JOANNIS     (Mon- 

dovi) ;  O.  Aug.,  built  by  queen 
Theodelind VIII"' cent. 

♦MOGUNTINUM  (Mayence)  ;  founded 
by  Bilehilda 734 

MoGUNTiNUM,  S.  Albani  (May- 
ence) ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  bp. 
Riculf 805 

MoiiiLLENSE  (Mohill),  dioc.  Ar- 
dagh ;  built  by  St.  Manchan  .      .         608 

MoissiACENSE  (Moissac),  dioc.  Ca- 
hors  ;  0.  Ben a.  680 

MOLANFIDAE,       S.        INSULA      (DE) 

(Molano  Isle),  in  the  Blackwater ; 
founded  by  St.  Molanfide.      .      VPh  cent. 
MoLiNGi,  S.  (St.  Mullin's),Carlow; 
founded  by  St.  Molingus  ...     a.  697 


1260 


MONASTEEY 


MONASTERY 


982.  M0LIS3IEXSE,  or  Melundense,  S. 

MiciiAELis,  afterwards  S.  Mar- 
tini (Molesme),  Tonne  ;  0.  Ben., 
built  by  king  Clovis  the  Great  .      a.  511 

983.  MONAINCHENSE,  S.  COLUMBAE,  or 

De  Insula  Viventiuji  (in  Mo- 

nela  Bog),  Tipperary       .      .     VII""  cent. 

984.  MONASTERIENSE,   or   MlMIGARDE- 

FORDENSE  (Munster,  or  Mons), 
Belgium  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  bp. 
Ludger c.  748 

985.  MONCHOSENSE,  in  Egypt   .      .      IV""  cent. 

986.  MONSTERIOLENSE,  S.         SALVII 

(Montreuil-sur-Mer),  Pas-de- 
Calais  ;  0.  Ben.,  attributed  to 
St.  Salvius VII">  cent. 

987.  Monte  Admirabili  (de),  near  An- 

tioch,  Syria a.  600 

988.  Monte  Amano  (de),  Syria ;  foun- 

ded by  St.  Simeon     .      .      .       IV"^  cent. 

989.  Monte  Amiato  (de)  S.  Salva- 

TORIS  (Mt.  Amiat),  Tuscany  ;  0. 
Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Erpon  and 
king  Rachisius 747 

990.  *Monte  Castrilocense,  S.  Wald- 

RUDIS  (Mons),  Belgium  ;  founded 

by  viscountess  Waldrude      .      .      c.  640 

991.  3I0NTE    Castri    Loco    (de),    S. 

Geemani  (Mons);  0.  Aug., 
founded  by  viscount  Vincent  and 
his  wife  St.  Waldrude     .      .      .     c.  640 

992.  Monte  Christi  (de),  S.  Mamili- 

ANi  (Monte-Christo),  Corsica  ;  0. 

Ben a.  595 

993.  Monte  Corypheo  (de),  near  An- 

tioch  ;  founded  by  Ammian.      IV*  cent. 

994.  Monte  Draconis  (de)  S.  Georgii, 

Asia  Minor VII""  cent. 

995.  Monte  Exteriore  (de),  Pisper, 
Egypt ;  founded  by  St.  Anthony .     c.  305 

996.  Monte    Nitrico    (de)    (Nitria), 

Egypt ;    many  monasteries  here 

in IV'^cent. 

997.  3I0NTENSE,  S.  Germani  (Montfau- 

con),  between  Rheims  and  Ver- 
dun; 0.  Ben.,  founded  by  the 
priest  Baldric 630 

998.  *MoNTE  Olivarum  (de),  S.  Me- 

laniae  (Mt.  of  Olives),  Pales- 
tine ;  founded  by  St.  Melania 
junior c.  430 

999.  Monte  Olivarum  (de),  S.  Mela- 

NIAE  (Mt.  of  Olives)  ;  founded  by 

St.  Melania  junior     .      .      .      .      c.  433 

1000.  Monte  Olympo  (de)  (Mt.  Olym- 

pus)     .  IV'cent. 

1001.  Monte   S.   Antonii    (de),   The- 

bais,  Egypt IV'^icent. 

1002.  Monte    S.    Romarici  (de)   (Re- 

miremont),    Vosges ;     0.    Ben., 

built  by  St.  Romaricus  .      .      .  680 

1003.  Monte    Siceone    (de),    Galatia ; 

founded  by  St.  Theodore.      .      .     a.  580 

1004.  *MoNTE  Siopo   (de)   Trtchina- 

RIUM  (Mt.  Siopus)     ....     a.  470 

1005.  Monte   Soracte    (de),  SS.   An- 

DREAE  et  Silvestri  (Mimte  San 
Oreste)  ;  0.  Ben a.  600 

1006.  Morbacense   (Munsterthal),    Al- 

sace ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  count 
Eberhard a.  728 


1008. 
1009. 

1010. 
1011. 

1012. 


1013. 
1014. 


1015. 
1016. 


1018. 
1019. 


1021. 
1022. 

1023. 
1024. 

1025. 
1026. 

1027. 

1028. 

1029. 

1030. 
1031. 

1032. 

1033. 

K)34. 


Mothellense,  near  Carrick, 
Watorford ;      founded       by    St. 

Brogan c.  500 

*Mowenheimense,  dioc.  Eichstiidt     a.  790 
MuciNisSENSE,    in    Lough    Derg, 
Galway VI"»cent. 

MUCKA.MORENSE,         B.         MARIAE 

(Muckamore),  Antrim  ;  built  by 

St.  Colman  Elo 550 

Mugnahelchanense      (Mugna), 

King's  Co.  ;  built  by  St.  Finian 

and  king  Carbreus  ....  a.  550 
Muighe  Sam,  Insula  (de)  (Inis- 

Mac-Saint),  Lough  Earn;  founded 

by  St.  Nenn a.  523 

Mungretense,  near  Limerick  IV'*"  cent. 
MUNNUI,      S.,      Taghmon,     near 

We.xford  ;  founded  by  St.  Munnu  a.  634- 
Mylassanum,      S.       Androvici 

(Mylassa),  Caria  .  .  .  IV">  cent. 
Mylassanum,      S.,     Stephani, 

(Mylassa),    Caria;    founded   by 

St.  Eusebia V"-  cent. 

Naboris,    S.    Metense,  at  first 

S.  HiLARli  (Saint-Avoid,  Metz)  ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Fridoline 

of  Ireland 509 

Nagran  (de),  in  Arabia  Felix  .  a.  500 
Nantense,        S.        Marculphi 

(Nanteuil),  dioc.  Coutances  ;  0  . 

Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Marculph  526 
Nantoliense,  S.  Mariae  (Nan- 

teuil-en-Vallee),    Charente  ;    0. 

Ben.,  built  by  emp.  Charlemagne  a.  800 
Xantuacense,       S.        Mariae 

(Nantua)  ;  0.  Ben a.  757 

Nassoviense,      S.       Monnonis, 

dioc.    Li^ge ;    attributed  to  St. 

Monnon VIP"  cent. 

Xatalis,    S.,    Kilnaile,    Breffiny, 

Ireland a.  563 

Navense,    S.  Sulpicii  (La  Nef, 

Bourges) ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 

St.  Sulpicius  Pius     ....  628 

*NEAPOLirANUM(Naples);  founded 

by  Rustica VP""  cent. 

Neapolitanum,      SS.     Eraechi, 

Maximi,  et  Juliani  (Naples) ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  Alexandra  c.  600 
Neapolitanum,    SS.    Nicandri 

et  Marciani,  now  S.  Patricix 

(Naples);  0.  Basil   ....  363 

Neapolitanum,    S.    Sebastiani 

(Naples);  0.  Ben.,  founded    by 

the  nobleman  Romanus  .  .  c.  595 
Neas  (de),  Jerusalem  ;  mentioned 

by  Gregory  the  Great  (perhaps 

the  same  as  No.  1049)  ...  a.  600 
NiCAEENSE     (Nicea),     Bithynia ; 

founded  by  emp.  .Justinian  .      .      a.  56.> 

NiCERTANUM,  S.  AGAPETI 

(Nicerta),    Syria ;    founded    by 

St.  Agapetus       ....       V""  cent. 

NiCERTANUM,  S.  SiMEONIS 

(Nicerta)  ;  founded  by  St.  Aga- 
petus         V""  cent. 

NiCOPOLiTANUM  (Nicopolis),  Ar- 
menia ;  founded  by  emp.  Justi- 
nian    a.  565 

NiOOPOLiTANUM  (near  Nicopolis), 
Palestine  ;  founded  by  St.  Sabbas     a.  500 


MONASTERY 


:monasteey 


12G1 


1035.  *NiDERNBcrRGENSE,  near  Passau, 
Bavaria;  0.  Ben., built  by  duke 
Utilo c.  739 

1035b.  Ninae,  S.,    in  Gareth  Sachet  h, 

Georgia c.  400 

103G.    XlVERNENSE,  S.  MARTINI 

(Nevers);  0.  Aug a.  700 

1037.  NiVERNENSE,  S.         Stephani 

(Nevers)  ;  0.  Ben 600 

1038.  *NiviELLENSE,    or    Nivigellae 

(Nivelle),  Brabant ;  founded  by 
Ita,  wife  of  Pippin  of  Landeu, 
and  her  daughter  Gertrude        .  640 

1039.  Nobiliacense,       S.       Vedasti 

(Neuilly),  Artois ;  built  by  bp. 
Vedast a.  540 

1040.  NOENDRUMEKSE,  in  Dowu      .      .     a.  520 

1041.  NOLANUM  (Nola)  ;  founded  by  St. 

Pauiinus c.  400 

1042.  *N0LANUM  (Nola)       .      .      .      .     a.  600 

1043.  NONANTULAXUM,   SS.   Petri   et 

Pauli  (Nonantola),  dioc.  Mo- 
dena  ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by  abb. 
Anselm  and  king  Aistulf      .      .  735 

1044.  NONAXUM,  near  Ale.xandria    .      .     a.  600 

1045.  NoxNiACUM,        or        Memacum 

(Memac),  dioc.  Limoges  ;  founded 

by  St.  Aredius a.  572 

1046.  NONUM,    Cadiz,    Spain;  built   by 

bp.  Fructuosus 665 

1047.  Nova  Cella,  or  Juvixiacexse 

(Juviniac),      Montpellier ;       O. 

Ben.,  built   by   abb.  Benedictus  a.  799 

1048.  Novae  Laurae,  Lower  Egypt     .  a.  530 

1049.  Nova  Laura,  near  Jerusalem      .  a.  550 

1050.  NOVALIACENSE,    SS.     JUNIANI   ET 

Hilarii  (Noailles),  dioc.  Poi- 
tiers ;  0.  Ben a.  559 

1051.  NOVALICIACENSE,  S.  PETRI 

(Novalice),  Piedmont ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  Abbo       ....  739 

1052.  NOVEIENSE    (Novi,    or    Novion), 

Ardennes ;  O.  Ben.  .      .      .  548 

1053.  NoviENTENSE,  or  Ebersheimense 

(Neu-Villier),  Alsace  ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Sigebald        .    VII""  cent. 

1054.  NoviGENTENSE    (Nogent    or    St. 

Cloud),  near  Paris;  founded  by 
St.  Clodoald,  son  of  king  Clodo- 
mire 560 

1055.  *Noviomense;    founded    by   bp. 

Eligius  and  king  Dagobert  .      .  660 

1056.  Nuadchongbailense,     on      the 

Boyne,  Meath a.  700 

1057.  Nutsgellense  (Nutcell),  Hamp- 

shire ;  0.  Ben a.  700 

1058.  Oboxnense,     S.      Mariae,     or 

S.  MiCHAELis  (Obonne),  Spain  ; 
0.  Ben.,  built  by  Adelgaster,  son 
of  king  Silo 780 

1059.  Odbaciiearense,      in      Patrigia, 

Mayo a.  600 

1060.  Odraini,  S.,  in  Hyfalgia,  Queen's 

Co V""  cent. 

1061.  Omaghense  (Omagh),  Tyrone      .  792 

1062.  Omnium      Saxctorum      Insula 

(de),  in  Lough  Rie,  Longford  ; 
founded  by  St.  Kieran    ...  544 

1063.  Oniense,    or    De  Onia  Silvae 

(Forest  d'Heugne),  dioc.   Bour- 

ges ;  founded  by  abb.  Ursiis      .     c.  500 


1064. 
1065. 
1066. 

1067. 

1068. 
1069. 
1070. 

1071. 

1072. 
1073. 

1074. 

1075. 

1076. 
1077. 
1078. 
1079. 

1080. 
1081. 

1082. 


1083. 
1084. 
1085. 

1086. 

1087. 


1088. 
1089. 
1090. 


1091. 
1U92. 


1093. 
1094. 


Orani,  S.,  Colonsay  Isle,  Argyle- 
shire  ;  founded  by  St.  Columba  VI""  cent. 

Oraxi,  S.,  Oronsay  Isle,  Argyle- 
shiro  ;  founded  by  St.  Columba  VI"'  cent. 

Orbacexse,  S.  Petri  (Orbai.x), 
dioc.  Soissons;  0.  Ben.,  founded 
by  aichp.  Reolus       ....  680 

Ordorfense,  S.  Michaelis 
(Ordorf),  dioc.  Mayence;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Boniface       .      .      c.  740 

Orientii,  S.  Ausciense  (Auch), 
Gascony Vl"i  cent. 

OssAXi,  S.,  Ruthossain,  near 
Trim a.  686 

Ostebhovexse  (Osterhofen),  in 
Bavaria;  0.  Ben.,  built  by  St. 
Firminius  and  duke  Otto      .      .      c.  739 

*Oxoniexse,  S.  Fridevidae 
(Oxford);  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
St.  Frideswide  and  earl  Didan    .  727 

OxYRixcno  (de)  (Behnesa), 
Thebais,  Egypt      ....    IV""  cent. 

*Palatiolo  (de)  (Palatiole), 
Tuscany ;  founded  by  the 
brothers  of  St.  Valfred         .      .      c.  754 

Palatiolo  (de),  S.  Petri  (Pala- 
tiole); 0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St. 
Valfred  of  Lucca       ....  754 

*Palatiolo  (de)  Treverensi 
(Palz,  near  Treves)  ;  founded  by 
Adela,  daughter  of  Dagobert     .  690 

Palnatum,  S.  Salvatoris 
(Panxat),  dioc.  Perigueu.x        .     a.  800 

Panephysium  (Panephysis), 
Egypt IV""  cent. 

Paxo  (de),  (Panos),  Thebais, 
Egypt IV"  cent. 

Panoriqtanum,  S.  Hermae 
(Palermo);  0.  Ben.,  built  by 
pope  Gregory  the  Great       .      .      c.  596 

Panormitanum,  S.  Theodori 
(Palermo) ;  0.  Ben.         ...      a.  600 

Papiexse,  S.  Petri  Coeli 
Aurei  (Pavia)  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 
by  king  Luitprand    .      .      .      .      c.  722 

Parisiense,  S.  Petri,  afterwards 
S.  Genovefae  (Paris) ;  built 
by  king  Clovis  II.  and  St. 
Clotilda 545 

Pasa  (de),  Cappadocia      ...     a.  370 

Passarioxis,  S.,  in  Palestine        .     a.  430 

*Passaviexse  (Passau),  Bavaria ; 
founded  by  duke  Utilo    .      .      .  739 

Pataris  (de),  (Patara),  Lycia     IV""  cent. 

Patriciacum,  or  Princiacum,  S. 
EusiTli  (Pressy  on  Cher);  0. 
Ben.   .      .      .  ■ a.  531 

Patricias,  near  Ale.xandria ; 
foumled  by  St.  Anastasia     .      .     a.  550 

Pauliacense  in  Arvernis 
(Auvergne) IV'"  cent. 

*Paviliacense  (Pavilly),  dioc. 
Rouen  ;  founded  by  abb.  Austre- 
berta 650 

Pentacla  (de),  near  the  Jordan     a.  550 

Peoxense,  or  Phaeonense,  in 
Galicia  ;  built  by  St.  Fructuosus         670 

Peregrinorum,   near    Jerusalem     a.  600 

Pershorense  (Pershore),  Wor- 
cestershire ;  founded  by  Oswald         689 

Petri  Abbatis,  near   the  Jordan     a.  600 


1262 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1096. 

1097. 

1098. 

1099. 
1100. 
1101. 


1102. 
1103. 
1104. 
1105. 

1106. 
1107. 


1108. 

1109. 

1110. 
1111. 

1112. 
1113. 
1114. 
1115. 

1116. 

1117. 

UlS. 

1119. 

1120. 
1121. 


1123. 
1124. 


Petri,  S.  Burgo  (de),  or 
Medesiiamstkdense  (Peter- 
borough), Northamptonshire ; 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king  Peada         650 

Petri,  S.  de  Montibus,  dioc. 
Alcala,  Spain  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 
by  St.  Fructuo.sus      ....  640 

*Petri,  S.  Vivi  (Saint-Pierre-le- 
Vif),  dioc.  Sens  ;  built  by  queen 
Theodechilda c.  564 

Petrocense  (Bodmin),  Cornwall ; 
0.  Ben.,  attributed  to  St.  Petro  Yl'^  cent. 

Pevkirkense  (Peykirk),  Nor- 
thamptonshire; 0!Ben..      .  VIII">cent. 

Pfaffenmonasterium  (Pfaffen- 
miinster),  Bavaria ;  0.  Ben., 
built  by  duke  Utilo  .      .      .      .      c.  739 

PiiARANUM  (Pharan),  Palestine    .      a.  600 

Pherma,  Monte  (de),  Egypt.     IV'cent. 

Philoromi,  S.,  Galatia     .      .      IV"' cent. 

Phocae,  S.,  Phoenicia ;  founded 
by  emp.  Justinian      ....      a.  565 

PiBi  (de),  Egypt    ....      IV'cent. 

*Pictaviense,  S.  Crucis  (Poi- 
tiers); founded  by  St.  Ptade- 
gunda 535 

PiCTAViENSE,  S.  CrpRiAXi  (near 
Poitiers);  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
king  Pepin 758 

PlCTAVIEXSE,       S.        RADEGUNDIS 

(Poitiers);    0.    Ben.,    built    by 

queen  RaJegunda  ,  .  .  VI"'cent. 
PiXETUM  (Piaeto),   Campagna    di 

Roma a.  400 

PiRONiS,      S.,      probably     Island 

Bachannis,       Carmarthenshire ; 

founded  by  abb.  Piro       .      .      .      c.  513 

PlSTORIENSE,  S.  AXGELl(Pistoja), 

Tuscany ;  0.  Ben a.  800 

PiSTORIEXSE,     S.     BaRTIIOLOMAEI 

(Pistoja)  ;  0.  Ben a.  748 

PlSTORIENSE,  S.  Petri  (Pistoja) ; 
founded  by  Ratefi-id  ....  748 

*Pistoriense,  S.  Petri  et  Pauli 
(near  Pistoja) ;  founded  by  Rate- 
frid 748 

*Poenitentiae,  near  Constanti- 
nople ;  for  penitents,  founded 
by  emp.  Justinian      ....      a.  560 

*PoLLiNGENSE  (Polling),  Bavaria ; 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  counts  Land- 
frid,  Waldrani,  and  Eliland  .      .      c.  740 

POMPOSIANUM,       S.        AURELIANI, 

near  Commachio,  dioc.  Ravenna  ; 
attributed  to  bp.  Aurelian  .      .     c.  460 

PONTII,  S.,  under  Mt.  Cimier;  0. 
Ben.,  founded  by  emp.  Charle- 
magne         777 

PORTIANI,  S.,  dioc.  Clermont ; 
built  by  abb.  Portian      .      .      .      c.  527 

PORTUENSE  (Porto),  near  Rome ; 
0.  Ben.,  built  by  pope  Gregory 
the  Great c.  598 

Pratellknse  (Preaux),  Nor- 
mandy; O.Ben VIII"'cent. 

Promoti,  near  Constantinople       ,      c.  390 

Prumiense  (Pruym),  dioc.  Treves  ; 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  duchess 
Bertha 721 

Psalmodiense,  S.  Petri  (Psal- 
modi),  dioc.  NImes  ;  0.  Ben.      .     a.  791 


1126.  PUBLII,  S.  Graecum,  near  Zeug- 

ma, Syria IV'^  cent. 

1127.  PuBLii,  S.  Syriacdm,  near  Zeug- 

ma, Syria IV""  cent. 

1128.  ♦PlfELLARE  MONASTERIUM 

(Puelle-Moustier),  dioc.  Rheims ; 
founded  by  lady  Matilda  and  St. 
Richarius 6S0 

1129.  PUTEOLANUM,        FaLCIDIS       (PoZ- 

zuoli),  near  Naples    ....      a.  600 

1130.  PoTEOLi    Lurosi,   SS.   Mauricii 

et  Martini,  or  Monasteriolum 
(Montreuil),  dioc.  Laon  ;  0.  Ben., 
built  by  St.  Bercharius  .      .      .      c.  680 

1131.  Quadraginta   Martyrum,  near 

Theodosiopolis  ;  restored  by  emp. 
Justinian a.  565 

1132.  QUINCIACENSE,       S.       Benedicti 

(Quinray),  dioc.  Poitiers;  0.  Ben.         654 

1133.  Rabuli,  'Mesopotamia;     founded 

by  Rabulus  and  his  wife       .      .      a.  430 

1134.  Rabuli,    S.,    Phoenicia;   founded 

by  St.  Rabulus a.  491 

1135.  Rachlinense      (Rachlin       Isle), 

Antrim a.  590 

1136.  Raculfense  (Reculver),  Kent ;  0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  Basse  .      .      .  669 

1137.  Radoliense,    S.    Petri  (Reuil), 

dioc.  Meaux  ;  0.  Ben.     .      .    YII""  cent. 

1138.  Raitha  (de),  near  Mt.  Sinai .      IV""  cent. 

1139.  Randanense       (Randan),       Au- 

vergne;  O.Ben a.  571 

1140.  RATiiAODENSE(Rahue),  W.  Meath; 

founded  by  St.  Aid    ....     a.  588 

1141.  Rathbecaniense  (Rathbeg), 

King's  Co.;  built  by  St.  Abban.      a.  650 

1142.  Ratiibothense    (Raphoe),    Done- 

gal ;  founded  by  St.  Columb      VP''  cent. 

1143.  Rathcungense  (Rathcunga), 

Donegal ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick  V""  cent. 

1144.  Ratheninense,  in  Fertullagh,  W. 

Meath  ;  founded  by  St.  Carthag         590 

1145.  Ratiilibtiiennense,   in    Fercall, 

King's  Co a.  540 

1146.  Rathmathense,  in  Lough  Corrib, 

Galway ;  attributed  to  St.  Fursey     a.  653 

1147.  Rathmuigiiense     (Rathmuighe), 

Antrim V""  cent. 

1148.  *RatisK)NENSE  (Ratisbon)      .      .     a.  800 

1149.  Ratisponense,    S.    Emmerammi, 

or  S.  Salvatoris  (Ratisbon); 
0.  Ben.,  founded  either  by  duke 
Theodo,  a.d.  697,  or  count  Ekki- 
bert  and  bp.  Adalvine      .      .      .  810 

Ravennatensia  Monasteria  (Ravenna) : 

1150.  Andreae,    S.  ;    built    by    bp. 

Peter  Chrysologus       .      .      .      c.  450 

1151.  Martini,    S.,     afterwards     S. 

ArOLLiNARii  ;     founded      by 

king  Tlieodoric       .      .      .        V""  cent, 

1152.  Nazarii,  S a.  450 

1153.  Petronillae,  S a.  400 

1154.  PuLLiONis,  S a.  400 

1155.  Severi,  S.  ;    0.  Ben.,   built  or 

restored  by  Peter  Senior  .      .  578 

1156.  *Stepiiani,  Gervasii,  et  Pro- 

tasii,  SS. ;  built  by  the  archi- 
tect Lauricius 450 

n.^7.  Theodori,  B.  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  Eiarch  Theodore    .      .      .     c.  809 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1263 


1158.  ViTAUS,    S. ;     founded  by  bp. 

Ecclesius  and  Julian  of  Slrass- 

burg c.  480 

1159.  Zachariae,      S.  ;      0.      Ben., 

founded  by  Singledia,  grand- 
daughter of  emp.  Galla 
Placidia V"'  cent. 

1160.  *Ri:gnaciae,       S.        (Reyn;igli), 

King's  Co. ;  founded  by  St. 
Reguacia VI"'  cent. 

1161.  Reoiiaense,  S.  Joannis  (Reome), 

dioc.  Langies  ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by 

John,  son  of  senator  Hilary.      .         442 

1162.  Rependone  (de)  (Repton),  Derby- 

shire     a.  660 

1163.  Resbacense,  S.  Petri,  or  Hiero- 

SOLYMA    APUD     ReSBACUM    (Re- 

baix),  dioc.  Meaux ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  Dado 635 

1164.  Rhemexse,  S.  Nicasii  (Rheims) ; 

0.  Ben.,  Basilica  built  by  prefect 
Jovinus,  cir.  A.d.  300,  to  which 
the  monastery  was  afterwards 
added. 

1165.  Rhemense,  S.  Remigii  (Rheims); 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Remi- 

gius  and  king  Clovis.      .      .      .     a.  533 

1166.  Rhemense,      S.       Sixti      (near 

Rheims) ;  0.  Ben a.  808 

1167.  Riiemexse,  S.  Theoderici  (neai- 

Rheims);  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  abb. 
Theoderic  and  king  Theoderic   .     c.  530 

1168.  Rhenaugiensf,,    S.   Mariae,  or 

SS.  Petri  et  Olasii  (Kheinau), 
Zurich;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
count  Volfehard 778 

1169.  Rhinocolurancm  (Rhinocolura), 

Egypt ;  founded  by  St.  Denis     IV"'  cent. 

1170.  RiCHELLAE,    S.,    Kilnickill,   Gal- 

wav  ;  built  by  St.  Patrick    ,        V""  cent. 

1171.  RiClilRI,  S.,  on  the  Sarthe       .      .      a.  800 

1172.  RiPPONENSE   (Ripon),  Yorkshire; 

0.  Ben.,  built  by  Alfred,  son  of 

king  Oswy ^     a.  658 

1173.  RiPSiMiAE,  S.,  Armenia;  founded 

by  St.  RiPSiMiA  ....      IV"'  cent. 

1174.  RoCHAE,  Insula  (de)  ;  Inisrocha, 

Lough  Earn a.  500 

1175.  ROFFENSE,  S.  Andreae  (Roches- 

ter), Kent ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 

king  Ethelbert 600 

1176.  RoFFiACO,  or  Rosiaco  (de)  (Moil- 

tier-Roudeil),  dioc.  Tours  ; 
founded  by  abb.  Aredius.      .      .  572 

1177.  ROMANENSE,    S.    Barnardi  (Ro- 

mans), on  the  Isfere ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Barnard.      .      .  640 

1178.  ROMANI,     S.,    near    Blaye,   dioc. 

Bordeaux  ;  0.  Ben a.  580 

1179.  ROJIANUM-JIONASTERIUM  (Ro- 

main-Moiitier),  Berne  ;  0.  Ben., 
built  by  SS.  Lupicin  and  Ro- 
manus ^         530 

ROMANA  MoNASTERiA  (Rome): 

1180.  Adbiani,  S.  ;  0.  Ben.    ...     a.  795 

1181.  Agapeti,  S.  ;  0.  Ben.    ...     a.  795 

1182.  Agathae,  S a.  795 

1183.  Agnetis,  S.,  or  Duorum  Fur- 

HOBUM a.  795 


A.D. 

1184.  Anastasii,     S.,      ad     Aquas 

Salvias  ;  0.  Ben a.  79S 

1185.  Andreae    et    Bartholomaei, 

SS. ;  O.Ben.,  attributed  to  pope 
Gregory  the  Great  (from  which 
St.  Augustine  was  sent  to 
England) e.  595 

1186.  Andreae,       S.,      or      Massa 

Juliana  ;  0.  Ben.      ...     a.  79.') 

1187.  Aquae  Flaviae  ;  0.  Ben.  .      .     a.  795 
11.-8.  Bonifacii,  S. ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  pope  Bonifoce  IV.  .      .      .  607 

1183b.  Caesarii,  S.;  0.  Ben.         .      .  a.  795 

1189.  Cassiani,  S.,  without  the  walls  a.  795 

1190.  Chrysogoni,  S.;  0.  Ben.     .      .  a.  795 

1191.  COP^ARUM a.  795 

1192.  CosiiAE  et  Damiani,  SS. ;    0. 

Ben a.  795 

1193.  DONATI,  S.,  or  S.  Prisca  ;    0. 

Ben a.  795 

1194.  Erasmi,    S.  ;    founded  by  pope 

Adeodatus 669 

1195.  EUGENIAE,  S. ;  0.  Ben.        .      .  a.  795 

1196.  EuPHEMiAE  et  Archangeli,  SS.  a.  795 

1197.  EuSTACHii,  S a.  795 

1198.  Georgii,  S a.  795 

1199.  Gregorii,  S.,  Campus  Martis   .  a.  795 

1200.  Gregorii,  S.  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  pope  Gregory  the  Great    .  590 

1201.  Hierusalem  (de)  ;  O.  Ben.      .  a.  795 

1202.  IsiDORi,  S a.  795 

1203.  JoANNis,  S.  ;  0.  Ben.     ...  a.  795 

1204.  JoANNis  et  Pauli,  SS, ;  0.  Aug., 

founded  by  pope  Leo  the  Great         461 

1205.  JoANNis  Evangelictae,  Joax- 

Nis  Baptistae,  et  Pancratii, 
SS.  ;  0.  Aug.,  restored  by 
pope  Gregory  II 72S 

1206.  Juvenalis,       S.;       0.      Ben., 

founded  by  the  patrician 
Belisarius 540 

1207.  Laurentii,  S.,  extra  Muros  ; 

founded  by  pope  Hilary    .      .         460 

1208.  Laurentii,  S.,  intra  Muros; 

founded  by  pope  Hilary    .      .         460 

1209.  Luciae,    S.,   or   De    Renati  ; 

0.  Ben a.  795 

1210.  Mariae,     S.    ad    Praesepe  ; 

founded  by  pope  Gregory  II.  714 

1211.  Mariae,  S.  de  Julia  :  0.  Ben.    a.  795 

1212.  Mariae,  S.,   or  S.  Ambrosii  ; 

0.  Ben a.  795 

1213.  Martini,  S.  ;  0.  Aug.        .      .  a.  795 

1214.  MiCilAELlS,  S. ;  0.  Ben.      .      .  a.  795 

1215.  Pancratii,  S.  ;  0.  Ben.     .      .  a.  600> 

1216.  Petri   et  Luciae,  or  Lucae, 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  pope  Leo 

the  Great a.  461 

1217.  Sabae,  S.;  0.  Ben.   ■.   .   .  a.  795 

1218.  Salvatoris,    S.    Later- 

ANENSis  ;  0.  Ben.       ...     a.  769 

1219.  Sergii  ET  Bacchi,  SS.       .      .         740 

1220.  Stephani  et  Silvestri,  SS. ; 

0.    Ben.,    founded    by    pope 

Paul  1 756 

1221.  Stephani,      Laurentii,      et 

Chrysogoni,  SS. ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  pope  Gregory  III.         735- 

1222.  Stephani    Majoris,     S.,     or 

Catagallae  Patriciae;  0. 

Aug a- 79^ 


1264 


MOlsASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1223.  ViCTORii,  S 

1224.  ViTi,  S.,  or  De  Saepas 

1225.  ViVIANAE.  or  BiBIANAE      . 

1226.  Xenodociiia;    four    were 

stored  by  pope  Stephen  II. 

1227.  Xenodociiium  ;      founded     by 

pope  Stephen  II.    . 


a.  795 
a.  795 
a.  795 


750 


a.  600 
a.  614 


a.  525 


545 


1228.  ROMARiCENSis  MONTiS    (Remire- 

mont),  Vosges  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 

bybp.  Arnolf      .      .      .      .      .     c.  630 

1229.  Roscommon  (de),  Ireland;  founded 

by  St.  Coeman c.  540 

1230.  ROSCREENSE,  S.  Cronani 

(Roscrea),  Tipperary ;  founded 
by  St.  Cronan 

1231.  RosSENSE  (Rosse),  Meath 

1232.  RossoiRTHiRESSE     (Ross     Orry), 

near   Enniskillen ;    founded    by 

St.  Fauchea a.  480 

1233.  ROSSTUIRCENSE,    near    Mt.    Slieu 

Bloom,  Queen's  Co 

1234.  ROTNASCENSE,  S.  Ermetis 

(Renaix),  near  Oudenarde ;  0. 
Aug.,  founded  by  St.  Amand      . 

1235.  Saballense       (Saul),       Down; 

founded  by  St.  Patrick   ,      .       V"  cent. 

1236.  Sabbae,       S.,       S.       Palestine; 

founded  by  St.  Sabbas    ...     a.  480 

1237.  Sabirii,    or    Savini,  S.  Picta- 

VIENSIS  (St.  Savin),  dioc. 
Poitiers ;  0.  Ben.,  begun  under 
emp.  Charlemagne    .      .      .      .      c.  814 

1238.  Salama  (de),  near  Alexandria     .     a.  600 

1239.  Salctma  (de),  Alexandria       .      .     a.  600 

1240.  Salis    (de),    S.   Mariae  (Sales), 

dioc.  Bourges c.  632 

1241.  Salisburgense,        S.         Petri 

(Salzburg),  Austria;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Rupert  and  duke 
Theodoric c.  580 

1242.  Salonense  (Salona),  Lombardj ; 

0.  Ben a.  777 

1243.  *Salto  (de),  S.  Mariae  (Sault), 

Friijus;  built  by  the  noblemen 

Erfo  and  Zanetus      ....  768 

1244.  Samium      Charixeni     (Isle     ef 

Samos) c.  620 

i244B.  Samthawissense,  on  the 
Rechula,  •  Georgia  ;  built  by 
father  Isidore      ....      VI*  cent. 

1245.  Sandaviense,  in  the   Alps;    0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  counts  Land- 

frid,  Waldram,  and  Eliland        .      c.  740 

1246.  Sannabadense,      S.      Ledcadii 

(Sannabadus),  Cappadocia    .      IV""  cent. 

1247.  Santonense,  or  Saliginense,  S. 

Martini  (Saliguac),  dioc. 
Saintes ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
abb.  Martin c.  400 

1248.  Sapsa  (de),  N.  Arabia;  founded 

by  its  first  abb.  John     .      .     VI"'  cent. 

1249.  Saraburgense  (Saarburg), 

Treves ;  0.  Ben.,  endowed  by 
king  Dagobert  II 

1250.  Sarlatense,      S.      Salvatoris 

(Sarlat),  Dordogne;  O.  Ben., 
attributed  to  bp.  Sacerdos    . 

1251.  Savini,   S.,    near    Barege,   dioc. 

Tarbes;  0.  Ben.,  built  by  St. 
Savinus c.  700 


577 


720 


1252.  *Scapeiense,      S.      Sexburgae 

(Minster),  Sheppey  ;  founded  by 

abb.  Sexburgae c.  6V5 

1253.  Scheunis     (de),     in    Germany; 

founded  by  Hunfrid  of  Istria     .      c.  806 

1254.  SCHiRiAE,      S.     (Kilskire),     Ire- 

land    a.  745 

1255.  Schlechdorfense,  in  the  Alps  ; 

0.    Ben.,    founded    by    counts 
Landfrid,  Waldram,  and  Eliland     c.  740 

1256.  Schlierseense,  by  lake  Schlier, 

Bavaria;    0.    Ben.,  founded  by 
Adelward  and  Hiltpold  .      .      .     c.  760 

1257.  SCHOLARiUM,  near  Jerusalem       .     a.  490 

1258.  Scholasticae,  S.,  dioc.  Le  Mans, 

Orne  ;  0.  Ben a.  802 

1259.  Schotini,     S.,     in    Slieumargie, 

Queen's  Co Vlth  cent. 

1260.  Schdlterranense,  S.  Michaelis 

(Schultereu),   Alsace ;    0.  Ben., 

built  by  Otto 603 

1261.  Scireburne   (de),    S.    Mariae 

(Sherborne),     Dorsetshire ;     0. 

Ben a.  671 

1262.  Scuviliacense    (Ecuilld),    Maine 

and  Loire a.  802 

1263.  ScrTHOPOLiTAJS^UM        (Bethsan), 

Palestine IV"  cent. 

1264.  SCYTHOPOLITANUM  EUMATHII 

(near    Bethsan) ;     founded    by 
Eumathius c.  500 

1265.  Seachlani,      S.      (Dunshaglin), 

Meath  ;  founded  by  St.  Seachlan     a.  448 

1266.  Seanbothense,      in     Kenselach, 

Wexford a.  624 

1267.  Sebastanoti  (Sebasta),  Armenia  ; 

founded  by  emp.  Justinian  .      .      a.  565 

1268.  Seckingense  (Seckingen),  on  the 

Rhine ;  founded  by  St.  Fridoline         495 

1269.  Segestrense,    or     S.     Sequani 

(St.  Seine),  Cote-d'Or ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  abb.  Sequanus    .      .  580 

1270.  Seingleanense,    dioc.    Raphoe ; 

founded  by  St.  Columb  .      .     VP"  cent. 

1271.  Selesiense     (Selsey),      Sussex ; 

founded  by  St.  Wilfrid  ...         681 

1272.  Seleucium,  S.  Basilii  (Seleucia), 

Syria ;    founded    by    St.    Basil, 

bp.  of  Seleucia    ....       V"'  cent. 

1273.  Seleucium,  S.        Theclae 

(Seleucia) a.  370 

1274.  Senapariae         S.         Leobatii 

(S^nevifere),     dioc.     Tours;     O. 

Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Ursus  .      .     c.  560 

1275.  Senochi,       S.,       near      Loches ; 

founded,    or   restored,   by   abb. 
Senochus c.  576 

1276.  Senonense,  S.  Columbae  (Saint- 

Colombe-lfes-Sens) ;       0.     Ben., 
founded  by  king  Clotaire  II.      .      c.  620 

1277.  *Senonense,  S.  Joannis  (Saint- 

Jean-lfes-Sens)  ;  founded   by  bp. 
Heraclius 496 

1278.  Senonense,     S.    Petri   (Sens) ; 

0.  Ben 505 

1279.  Senonense,      S.     Remigii,     or 

S.    Mauricii   (Sens) ;    restored 
without  the  walls     ....  535 

1280.  Senoniense,        S.        Stephani 

Senones     (Vosges);      0.     Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Gondelbert  .      .         661 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1265 


1281.  Sergii,     S.,     near    Bethsaloam, 

Persia a.  620 

1282.  Seridi,  S.,  near  Gaza;  attributed 

to  its  abb.  Seridus     .      .      .      VI"'  cent. 

1283.  Servitanum,  S.  Donati  (Servit), 

Valencia ;  founded  by  abb. 
Donatus  and  Miuchea     ...      a.  600 

1284.  Sessiacense,         S.         Paterni 

(Saint-Pair-du-Mont,  Calvados) ; 
founded  by  St.  Paternus       .      .         485 

1285.  Severi,      S.,       Roustang,     dioc. 

Tarbes  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St. 
Severus  Sulpicius     ....  500 

1286.  Severiani,  Palestine        ...     a.  600 

1287.  Severini,     S.     Burdegalensis 

(Bordeaux)  ;  0.  Ben.      ...      a.  593 

1288.  Sextense,     S.     Mariae  (Sesto, 

Frejus);    0.    Ben.,    founded    by 

Erfo  and  Zanetus      ....  762 

1289.  SiBAPOLiTANUM  (Sibapolis), 

Syria IV""  cent. 

1290.  SiBAPOLiTANUM  (Sibapolis), 

Syria IV*  cent. 

1291.  *SiCEONE        (de),        Petrinum 

(Siceon),  Galatia       ....     a.  580 

1292.  SiCEONis,  DE  Valle  B.  Virginis 

(Siceon) ;  founded  by  St. 
Theodore a.  580 

1293.  SiCiLiAE   MONASTERIA ;    founded 

by  pope  Gregory  the  Great        .     a.  594 

1294.  SiLVANi,    S.,    near  Gerar,  Pales- 

tine ;  founded  by  St.  Silvanus   IV""  cent. 

1295.  SiMPHORiANi,  S.,  on  the  Moselle  ; 

founded  by  bp.  Simphorian  .      .         645 

1296.  SiNAiTicUM  (Mt.  Sinai)     .      .     IV-cent. 

1297.  SmCHEAE,     S.     (Techsinche),    E. 

Meath  ;  founded  by  St.  Abban  .     a.  597 

1298.  SiNDEN  (de),  near  Tyre  ;  founded 

by  St.  Zosimus c.  520 

1299.  Sinerstatiense,  in  the  Alps ;  0. 

Ben.,  founded   by  counts  Land- 

fiid,  Waldram  and  Eliland   .      .     c.  740 

1300.  Sistaricense,    S.    Marii   (Siste- 

ron),  Provence ;  0.  Ben.       .      .     c.  500 

1301.  Sithivense,  S.  Bertini  (Sithiu) ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Ando- 
marus,  bp.  Therouanne  and  count 
Adrowald 638 

1302.  Skeligense   (Great    Skelig  Isle), 

Kerry  ;  founded  by  St.  Finian     V""  cent. 

1303.  Slanense  (Slane),  Meath.      .      .     a.  653 

1304.  SLEBTiENSE(Sletty),nearCarlow  Vl'i-cent. 

1305.  Slieve      Donaid    (de).     Upper 

Iveagh,  Down;  founded  by  St. 
Domangart VI"'cent. 

1306.  Snamluthirense,     in     Carbury, 

Sligo  ;  founded  by  St.  Columban     c.  600 

1307.  SoLEMNiACENSE,    SS.    Petri     et 

Pauli  (Solignac),  dioc.  Limoges ; 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Eligius 
and  king  Dagobert    ....  631 

1308.  SOLEKHOFFENSE        (Solenhoffen), 

dioc.  Eichstadt ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  B.  Solo VIIF"  cent. 

1309.  Soricinense,     or     Pacense,     S. 

Mariae  (Sorfeze),  dioo.  Lavaur  ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king  Pepin,      a.  768 

1310.  Spelunca    (de),   S.   Sabbae,   S. 

Palestine  ;  founded  by  St.  Sabbas     c.  500 

1311.  Sphigmenum  (Mt.  Athos),  founded 

by  emp.  Pulcheria    .      .      .      .     c.  450 


1312.  Srtjthairguairense,  in  Wicklow, 

near  Sletty a.  492 

1313.  Staisulense (Stavelot),  Ardennes; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king  Sige- 
bert  and  Majordomus  Grimoald.  656 

1313b.  *Staffelseense,  in  the  Alps  ; 
O.  Ben.,  founded  by  counts  Land- 
frid,  Waldram,  and  Eliland  .      .     c,  740 

1314.  *Stampense,  S.  Mariae  de  Bro- 

CARIIS  (Bruyferes,  Etampes) ; 
founded  by  Clothilda       .      .      .  672 

1315.  Stanfordense,     S.      Leonardi 

(Stamford),  Lincolnshire  ;  0. 
Ben.,  founded  by  bp.  Wilfrid 
and  Alfred c.  658 


VI'"  cent. 


670 


800 
600 


460 


ro3 


656 


658 


c.  520 
a.  500 


666 


1316.  Staverense  (Stavoren),  Holland 

1317.  Stephani,  S.,  near  Cinna,  Galatia 

1318.  Stephani,   S.,    near    Jerusalem 

founded  by  emp.  Eudoxia 
1318b.  Stephani,     S.,    near    Mameb 
Georgia;  built  by  father  Thad 
deus 

1319.  Stone     (de),     in     Staffordshire 

founded  by  king  Wolphere  . 

1320.  Stratford  (de)  ;  probably  Strat 

ford-upon-Avon,  Warwickshire 

1321.  *Streanshalcense        (Whitby), 

Yorkshire  ;  founded  by  abb 
Hilda,  daughter  of  king  Oswin 

1322.  Streanshalcense  (Whitby);    0, 

Ben.,  founded  by  king  Oswin 

1323.  SUBLACENSE  (Sublaco),   Apennine 

Mts. ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by  St.  Be^ 
nedict  and  his  sister  St.  Scho 
lastica 

1324.  SUCA  (de),  Palestine    .      .      . 

1325.  *SuESSiONENSE,  S.  Mariae  (Sois 

sons) ;  founded  by  Majordomus 
Ebroin  and  his  wife  Leutrude 

1326.  Sungeiacense,  or  De  Sonegiis  S, 

ViNCENTii  (Soignies),  Hainault 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  count  Vin^ 
cent 

1327.  SUPPENTONIA  (de),  Tuscany  ;  0. 

Ben.    .      .      . 

1328.  SuRDUM,  S.  COLUMBAE  (Swords), 

Dublin  ;  founded  by  St.  Columba 

1329.  SusTERENSE,  or  De  Suestra  (Sus- 

teren),  Juliers  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 
by    St.    Willibrord    and    Pepin 

d'He'ristal 

1329b.  Symphoriani,      S.,       Bourges ; 

founded  by  St.  Ursinus  .      .       V""  cent. 

1330.  Symphoriani,  S.,  near  Metz ;  0. 

Ben.,  built  by  bp.  Pappolus.      .  608 

1331.  Sytjcletiae,  S.,  near  Alexandria, 

Egypt 

1332.  Tabennae,  near  Assouan,  Egypt ; 

founded  by  Pachomius    .      .      .      c, 

1333.  Tagestanum,  S.  Melaniae  (Ta- 

gesto),  Numidia  ;  founded  by  St. 
Melania  junior c. 

1334.  *Tage.stanum,  S.  Melaniae  (Ta- 

geste)  ;  founded  by  St.  Melania 
junior c, 

1335.  Taminanum,    S.    Mili   (Tamina), 

Lycaonia ^ 

1336.  Tamnachabuadense,    in    Magh- 

feuchin,  Tipperary 

1337.  Tasense,  Thebes    . 

1338.  Taurini,  S.,  Evreux 


640 

,600 


512 


14 


387 


330 


400 


400 


590 


.      .      IV'cent, 
0.  Ben.    VII"'  cent. 


1266 


MONASTEEY 


MONASTERY 


1339.  Tausiriacum,    or    Tausiliacum 

(Toiselay),  Berry  ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  St.  Ursus      .      .      .     c.  500 

1340.  Teachromamense,    on    the    Dea, 

Wicklow ;    founded  by  St.  Pal- 

ladius V'cent. 

1341.  Tealleani,  S.  (Teltown) ;  founded 

by  St.  Teallean a.  720 

1342.  Tegtalainense  (Tehallan),    Mo- 

naghan a.  671 

1343.  Tegsacrekse,  or  Tassagardense 

(Saggard),  near  Dublin  ;  founded 

by  St.  Mosacre a.  650 

1344.  Tejanum,   Phrvgia;    founded  by 

St.  Eutychus.' a.  580 

1345.  Telamissanum,   S.   Bassi    (Tela- 

missa),  Syria;  founded  by  St. 
Bassus      '. IV'cent. 

1346.  Telanessense,  Syria  .      .      .       ¥•''  cent. 

1347.  Tellii,  S.  (Teaghtelle),  W.  Meath  ; 

founded  by  St.  Cera  ....      a.  576 

1348.  Tempestatum,  near  Apamea,  Syria     a.  520 

1349.  Templi    Brigidensis,    Armagh  ; 

attributed  to  St.  Patrick      .       V*''  cent. 

1350.  *Templi  JIiraculorum,  near  Ar- 

magh ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick  V""  cent. 

1351.  Termonfechanense  (Terfeckan), 

near  Drogheda 665 

1352.  Terracinekse,      S.      Stephani 

(Terracina),  Rome ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Benedictus   .      .  542 

1353.  Tep.tio  (de),  S.  Martini  (Terzo), 

Italy VPi-cent. 

1354.  Tettebury    (juxta)    (Tctbury), 

Gloucestersliire a.  680 

1355.  Tiiecla  Haisianot,  S.,  in  Abys- 

sinia ;  many  monasteries  owe 
their  origin  and  rule  to  this 
saint VIP*  cent. 

1356.  Thecoae  de    Solitudine,  Pales- 

tine      a.  500 

1357.  Theoctisti,  S.,  near  Jerusalem  ; 

founded  by  St.  Euthymia      .      .      a,  410 

1358.  Theodosii  Abbatis,  in  Scopulo, 

Cilicia ;    founded    by  St.    Theo- 

dosius a.  400 

1359.  Theodosii,  S.,  near  Alexandria    IV'cent. 

1360.  Theodosii,   S.,   near    the    Psilis, 

Asia  Minor VII""  cent. 

1361.  Theodosii,     S.,     S.     Palestine; 

founded  by  St.  Theodosius  Coe- 
nobiarchus a.  490 

1362.  Theodosii,   S.,  de  Petra,   near 

Seleucia,  Cilicia ;  founded  by  St. 
Theodosius a.  600 

1363.  Theodosiopolitanum,  S.  Sergii 

(Theodosiopolis)  ....     IV""  cent. 

1364.  Theognii,  near  Jerusalem       .      .     a.  550 

1365.  Theokesburiense  (Tewkesbury), 

Gloucestershire  ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  dukes  Oddo  and 
Doddo 715 

1366.  Theotimi,  S.,  Scythia.      .      ,       V""  cent. 

1367.  Thierhauptense,  SS.  Petri  et 

Pauli  (Thierhaubten),  Bavaria ; 

0.  Ben.,  built  by  duke  Thassilo  750 

1368.  TiiJiuiTiCUM  (Thmui),  Egypt      IV""  cent. 

1369.  TiiOiiAE,  S.  Apostoli,  India  .      .     a.  600 

1370.  Thornegiense,  or  Aucarigense 

S.  Mariae  et  S.  Rotulfi 
(Thorney),  Cambridgeshire;  0. 


1371. 
1372. 
1373. 
1374. 
1375. 
1376. 

1377. 
1378. 

1379. 

1380. 

1381. 
1382. 

1383. 

1384. 

1385. 
1386. 

1387. 
1388. 
1389. 


1392, 


1393, 
1394, 


1395, 
1396. 


1397, 
1398, 


1399, 


Ben.,  founded    by  king  Sebert, 

or  abb.  Saxulph        .  .      .      a.  602 

TiBRADENSE  (Tippert),  W.  Meath ; 

founded  by  St.  Fechin  .  .  VII"'  cent. 
*TiciNENSE,    S.  Theodoti,  or  S. 

DODOSI  (Pavia) 786 

TilLaBURIENSE  (Tilbury),  Essex ; 

erected  by  bp.  Cedda  .  .  .  c.  630 
TiLLlDi    (de)  (perhaps  Th(51iguy, 

near  Mamers),  dioc.  Le  Mans  .  a.  802 
TiLMOGNlANUM  (Tilmogna), 

Syria V""  cent. 

TiNEMUTENSE  or  Cella  S.Albani 

(Tinmouth),    Northumberland  ; 

0.  Ben.,  ascribed  to  king  Edwin  a.  633 
Tirdachroebense,     in     Meath ; 

founded  by  St.  Columb  .  .  VP"  cent. 
Tirdaglassense,  by  Lough  Deirg, 

Tipperary ;      founded     by     St. 

Columba  M'Crimthann  ...  a.  548 
Tismenexse,  or  Menense,    near 

Panos,  Egypt  ....  IV"  cent. 
Titas-Monte  (ue),  near  Kimini, 

Italy a.  50O 

Txitense  (Tniz),  near  Cologne  ,  723 
ToLLENSE,  S.  Petri  (Tolla),  dioc. 

Piacenza ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by  bp. 

Tobia VHP"  cent. 

♦ToLOSANUii,  S.  Mariae  Deau- 

RATAE  (Toulouse);  (afterwards 

for  monks,  0.  Ben.)  .  .  .  c.  585 
ToRNACENSE,  S.  Martini  (Tour- 

nay);  0.  Ben.,  founded   by  bp. 

Eligius 652 

Tornordorense,    S.   Michaelis 

(Tonnerre),  Yonne ;  0.  Ben.  .  c  800 
Trajectekse,        S.       Martini 

(Utrecht);    0.  Ben.,  attributed 

to  kings  Pepin  and  Charlemagne  770 
Treliokmorense,      in     Omagh, 

Tyrone a.  613 

*Trenteham  (de),    in   Stafibrd- 

shire a,  783 

Trevirense,  S.  Joannis,  after- 
wards    S.     HiLARii     and      S. 

Maximi     (Treves);      0.    Ben., 

founded  by  St.  Maiiminus  .  .  c.  500 
Trevirense,     S.     Mariae     ad 

Martyres   (Treves);    0.  Ben., 

established  by  bp.  Willebrord   .  694 

Trevirense,        St.       Martini 

(Treves);  0.  Ben.,   founded   by 

bp.  Magnerius 58T 

Trevirense,    S.   Matthiae,   or 

S.  EuCHARii  (Treves) ;  0.  Ben.  a.  623 
Trevotense  (Trevet),  Meath  .  a.  800 
Trinitatis,    S.,   Trinity    Island, 

Lough  Kee  .  .  .  '  .  .  .a.  700 
Tripolitanum,        S.       Leontii 

(Tripoli),  Syria a.  460 

Trium   Fontiom,   S.  Anastasit, 

near  Rome ;    0.    Ben.,   endowed 

by  emp.  Charlemagne  .  .  .  805 
Trochleae,  B.  Virginis,  Egypt ; 

attributed  to  emp.  Helena  .  IV*  cent. 
Troclarense    (Le    Truel),    near 

Chrameaux,    Tarn;      0.     Ben., 

built    by   Chramlic,    father    of 

St.  Sigolena c.  770 

*Troclarense  (Le  Truel)  ;  built 

by  Chramlic  , c  770 


MONASTERY 


MOXASTERY 


1267 


1400.  Trudonis,    S.,    or    S.    Quintini 

(Ti-uyen),  Belgium ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  the  nobleman 
Trudo 662 

1401 .  Truthberti,  S.  (St.  Trupt),  near 

Friburg ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
counts  Otpert  and  his  grandson 
Rampert 780 

.1402.  Trymense,  V.  Mariae  (Trim), 
Meath ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick 
and  Fethlemid 432 

11403.  Toaimgranense         (Tomgrany), 

Clare a.  735 

1404.  TuAMENSE,  V.  Mariae  (Tuam), 

Ireland 487 

1405.  *TUFFIAC0   (de),   (Tuffe),   Maine 

and   Loire ;    founded    by    abb. 

Loppa 675 

1406.  Tulachdubglaissense     (TuUy), 

dioc.  Raphoe ;  founded  by  St. 
Columb VI"-  cent. 

1407.  Tulachfobairense,   in  Kildare; 

founded  by  St.  Fechin,  and  en- 
dowed by  king  of  Leinster  .    VII*''  cent. 

1408.  TuLACH     MiN     (de),    (Fermoy), 

Ireland ;  founded  by  St. 
Molagga a.  664 

1409.  Tulenexse      (Tuileim),      King's 

County a.  550 

1410.  Tukonense,     S.     Juliani      de 

SCALARiis  (Tours)  ;  0.  Ben.     VI"*  cent. 

1411.  Turonexse,      S.       Radegundis 

(Tours) ;    0.    Ben.,  founded   by 

St.  Radcgunde 555 

1412.  Toronense,  S.  Venantii  (Tours)     a.  506 

1413.  TURONIUM  (La  Torre),  near  Braga, 

Portugal ;  built  by  St.  Fruc- 
tuosus 665 

1414.  TURRIUM,      near     the     Jordan; 

founded  by  Jacobus  .      .      .      .      c.  500 

1415.  TtrssONiS  Vallis  (perhaps  Thoury, 

or  Thusey,  near  Vancouleurs), 
Campagne ;  founded  by  abb. 
Orderic 696 

1416.  TUTELENSE  (Tulle),  Correze;   0. 

Ben.,  built  by  count  Calminius 
and  his  wife  Namadia     .      .      .      c.  700 
1416b.  ULUMBANUMjin  Karthli,Georgia; 

built  by  father  Michael        .      VI""  cent. 

1417.  Undolense      (Oundle),       North- 

amptonshire          a.  711 

1418.  USKPXHAOINENSE,       in      luisoen, 

Donegal ;  founded  by  St. 
Columb VI""  cent. 

1419.  Utenourriexse,      or       Otten- 

BURiENSE,  on  the  Gunz,  Ger- 
many ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
duke  Sylachus  and  his  wife 
Ermiswinda 764 

1420.  Uticexse,  S.  Ebrulfi,  or  S.  Petri 

(Ouche),  dioc.  Lisieux  ;  0.  Ben., 

built  by  abb.  Ebrulf       ...  560 

1421.  UvAE  Lacu  (de),  Fermanagh       .  500 

1422.  Valerici,    S.   Ambianense   (St. 

Valery-sur-Mer),     Somrae ;    0. 

Ben.,  built  by  king  Clotaire  IL  611 

.1423.  Vallis  Cavae,  Asturias  .      .  VIII"'  cent. 

1424.  Vallis  S.  Gregorii  (St.  Gr^goire 
(lu  Val),  Alsace;  O.  Ben., 
founded  by  Childcric,  son  of 
Grimoald 664 

CHRIST.   ANT. — VOL.   11. 


1425. 

1426. 

1427. 
1428. 

1429. 

1430. 

1431. 

1432. 

1433. 
1434. 


1436. 
1437. 

1438. 

1439. 

1440. 

1441. 

1442. 

1443. 

1444. 

1445. 
1446. 
1447. 
1448. 


Vallis  Rosinae,  near  St.  David's, 
Pembrokeshire ;  founded  by 
St.  David 

Varenas  (ad)  S.  Valeriani 
(Varennes),  dioc.  Auxerre ;  0. 
Ben 

Vatopedanum,  Mt.  Athos;  at- 
tributed to  emp.  Constantine    IV""  cent. 

Vazalanum,  S.  Valentini 
(Vazala),  Syria ;  founded  by 
St.  Valentine  of  Apamea     .       V""  cent. 

Venetum,  S.  Georgii  (near 
Vannes) ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
king  Cunibert c.  662 

Vercellense,  S.  Eusebii 
(Vercelli),  Piedmont ;  ascribed 
to  bp.  Eusebius   ....     IV"  cent. 

"•^Veronense  (Verona);  fouMded 
by  St.  Zeno,  said  to  be  the 
earliest  in  the  west  .      .      .     IV 

*Veronesse,  S.  Mariae  in 
Organo  (Verona);  built  by 
Anteunda  and  Natatia    . 

Veronense,  S.  Zenonis  (Verona) 
0.  Ben , 


519 


00 


cent. 


744 


50 


682 


Vetus  Moxasterium,  S.  Mariae 
(Moatieres),   dioc.  Thdrouanne 
O.  Ben.,  built   by  bp.  Aunoma 
and  count  Adrowald 

ViCTORis,  S.  Genevensis 
(Geneva) ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
queen  Seleuba     ....     VI"*  cent. 

ViENNENSE,  S.  Ferreoli  (Vienne), 
Dauphiny ;  0.  Ben.        .      .     VI"-  cent. 

Viennense,  S.  Petri  (Vienne); 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  abb. 
Leonianus c.  515 

Viennense,  S.  Theuderii 
(Vienne) ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by  St. 
Theuderius VI""  cent. 

ViGORiS,  S.  Cerasiense  (Cerisy), 
near  Bayeux  ;  O.  Ben.,  founded 
by  bp.  Vigor  and  king  Childebert         538 

Villae  Magnae,  SS.  Martini 
et  Majani  (Villemagne), 
I'Argentiere,  Herault ;  0.  Ben.  .     a.  800 

Villa  Lutosa  (Leuze),  near  Tour- 
nay  ;  0.  Aug.,  founded  by  bp. 
Amandus 

*ViLLARENSE  (Montlvillier),  dioc, 
Rouen  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  bj  St, 
Philibert 

*ViLLA  Sanctis,  S.  Saturninae 
(Saints-les-Marquions),  dioc. 
Arras VI''''  cent, 

ViNCENTII,     S.     ad    VuLTURNUJI, 

Benevento  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
three  noblemen,  brothers,  Paldo, 

Paso,  and  Tuto 

ViNCENTii,  S.  DE  OvETO  (Oviedo), 
Spain  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  abb. 
Fromista  and  his  cousin  Maximus 

ViNCENTII,         S.         LaUDUNENSIS 

(Laon) ;    0.    Ben.,    ascribed    to 

queen  Brunichilde     .... 
Vindiciacense  (Venzat,  or  Pan- 

zat),  Auvergne  ;  founded  by  abb. 

Bracchio  and  lady  Ragnachilde  . 
ViNEARUM,  near  Ravensburg,  dioc. 

Constance ;  0.  Ben.,  endowed  by 

countess  IrmentruJe 

4  N 


645 


682 


60 


791 


580 


c.800 


1268 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1449.  ViRDUNENSE,  S.  MiCHAELis  (Ver- 

dun) ;  O.  Ben.,  founded  by  count 
Wufoald  and  his  wife  Adalsinda  709 

1450.  ViSUMENSE,  near  Lamas,  in  Leon  ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Fructu- 

osus 660 

1451.  ViTi,  S.,  IN  Sardinia;  0.  Ben., 

founded  by  the  lady  Vitula  .      .      a.  595 

1452.  ViTi,  S.,  near  Mt.  Etna,  Sicily  ;  0. 

Ben a.  595 

1453.  ViTTONi,    S.  ViRDUNENSis   (Ver- 

dun) ;  0.  Aug c.  507 

1454.  ViVARiENSE   (Viviers),   near   Es- 

quilau,  Calabria;  founded  by 
Cassiodorus 560 

1455.  VOLVICENSE  (Volvic),  near  Riom, 

Puy-de-D6me ;  0.  Ben.  ...     a.  800 

1456.  VosiDENSE  (Le  Vigeois),  Vienne ; 

0.  Ben a.  550 

1457.  VuLFiNi,  S.,   dice.   Auserre ;    0. 

Aug a.  700 

1458.  Waslarense  (Walers-en-Faigne), 

dioc.  Cambray ;    0.   Ben.,  built 

by  B.  Landelinus       ....         657 

1459.  *Wattunense    (Watton),    York- 

shire ;  founded  by  abb.  Gillebert     a.  686 

1460.  '^Wedonense     (Wedon     on     the 

Street),  Northamptonshire ; 

founded  by  St.  Werburgha  .      .      c.  680 

1461.  Weissenburgense,  SS.  Petri  et 

Stephani  (Weissenburg),  Ba- 
varia ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king 
Dagobert 623 

1462.  Weltenburgense,    S.    Georgii, 

near  Ratisbon  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  duke  Theodo  ....   VHP"  cent. 

1463.  Wendesclivense   (Clive),    Glou- 

cestershire       a.  790 

1464.  Werdense,  or  Werthinense,  S. 

Salvatoris  (Werden),  dioc. 
Cologne;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
bp.  Ludger a.  778 

1465.  Wesienprumense,      S.      Petri 

(Wesbrun),  Bavaria ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  counts  Landfrid, 
Waldi-am,  and  Eliland     .      .      .      c.  740 

1466.  "Westmonasterium       (Westmin- 

ster), Middlesex ;  O.  Ben., 
ascribed  to  king  Sigbert       .      .      c.  604 

1467.  "Wigorniense  (Worcester)  ; 

ascribed  to  Aelfr«d    .      .      .  Vin""  cent. 

1468.  WiLDESHUSANUM        (Wilshusen), 

Westphalia ;  founded  by  duke 
Wigbert c.  800 

1469.  WILFRIDI,   S.,    Inch    Rock,    Scot- 

land;  founded  by   abb.  Wilfrid 

and  king  Alfred 682 

1470.  *Wimnicassense  (Wenlock), 

Shropshire  ;  founded  by  St. 
Milburga c.  680 

1471.  *Winbdrnense  (Wimborne), 

Dorsetshire  ;  founded  by  St. 
Cuthburga,  or  abb.  Eadburc^a    .     c.  713 

1472.  WiNCtlELCUMBENSE  (Winch- 

combe),  Gloucestershire;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  king  Offa  (after  798 
re-established  for  monks  by 
Kenulph)' 787 

1473.  WinOCIbergense    (Wormhoult), 

Flanders ;  0.  Ben.,   founded  by 

St.  Berlin 695 


1474.  Wintoniense  (Winchester)   .      .     a.  646 

1475.  Wiremuthense,  S.  Petri  (Werc- 

mouth),  Durham ;  the  monastery 
of  Ven.  Bede  and  Alcuin ;  0. 
Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Benedict 
Biscop  and  king  Egfrid,  or 
Naitau 674 

1476.  *WuDiANDUNENSE  (Withington), 

Worcestershire    ....    VII*  cent. 

1477.  Xanxarido  (de),  Cappadocia      .     a.  380 

1478.  Xeropotamo    (de),    S.    Sergii, 

near  Bethlehem        ....     a.  600 

1479.  Yprense,     or     ]\Iorinense      S. 

JOANNis  (St.  Jean-du-Mont, 
Ypres) ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
king  Theodoric  II 686 

1480.  Zano   et   Benjamin    (de),     S. 

Palestine ;    founded    by    Zanus 

and  Benjamin      ....      VI""  cent. 

1481.  ZiPHONis  DE  Solitudine,  Arabia ; 

founded  by  St.  Euthymia     .      .     c.  420 


INDEX   REFERRING    TO   THE    NUMBERS    OF    THE 
MONASTERIES   IN   THE   PREVIOUS   LIST. 


Abbey  Isle,  23 
Achonry,  9 
Agde,  26,  27 
Aghagower,  12 
Aghamore,  13 
Ainay,  124 
Ainegray,  62 
Airy,  St.,  29 
Aleth,  534 
Alexandria,  858 
Alienburg,  50 
Amesbury,  59 
Ancyra,  175 
Angers,  36,  6G-8 
Ardbraccan,  215 
Ardfennan,  599 
Ardsallagh,  557 
Arensburg,  112 
Aries,  105-6 
Aries  in  Roussillon,  117 
Arran  Isle,  560 
Arras,  128-30 
Athos,  Mount,  717  b,  131 

1427 
Aubeterre,  35 
Aucarigense,  1370 
Auch,  1068 
Auchy,  131 
Aurelianense,  143 
Autun,  136-S 
Auxerre,  S5-6-8-9 
Avallonense,  664 

Bacbannis  Island,  1111 
Ballyvourney,  225 
Bangor,  33 
Barbe  Isle,  749 
Barcelona,  562 
Barking,  15S 
Baslick,  145 
Baume  (La),  151-3 
Beaugency,  147 
Beauvais,  872 
Behnesa,  1072 
Benevonto,  1444 
Bethleemiticum,  500 
Bethsan, 1263-4 
Beurn,  224 
Bilsen,  ISO 
Bodmin,  1099 
Bophin  Isle,  212 
Bordeaux,  222-3,  1287 
Bourg-de-Deols,  478 
Bourges,  202,  1329  B 
Boussy,  227 
Breatain,  748 
Brescia,  219-20 
Brou  216 


Bruyeres,  1314 
Burgh  Castle,  358 
Bury  St.  Kdmunds,  176 

Cadiz,  1046 

Cagliari,  242 

Caistor,  492 

Calais,  St.,  78 

Cambray,  246 

Caiide,  381 

Cape  Clear  Island,  737 

Carignan,  550 

Carlisle,  232-3 

Casal,  573 

Castledermot,  468 

Castrodunense,  142 

Catabennense,  253 

Cdrisy,  1439 

Cessilres,  309 

Chalons-sur-Marne,  274 

Chalons-sur-Saone,  229-230 

906 
Chantoin,  253 
Charroux,  265 
Cbartres,  263 
Cbaye,  440 
Chelles,  244 
Chertsey,  290 
Chester,  291 
Chinon,  238 
Choisy-le-Roi,  275 
Cirgues,  St.,  451 
Citou,  761 
Clane,  315 
Clashniore,  658 
Clermont,  71,  923. 
Clinish  Isle,  346 
Clive,  1463 
Clondalkin,  335 
I  Uone,  339 
Clone,  328 
Clonebrone,  330 
Clonemore,  350 
Clonemore,  351 
Clones,  340 
Clonfad,  343 
Clonfeakle,  341 
Clonleigh,  347 
Clonmany,  348 
Clonraine,  334 
ClooncraEf,  331 
Cloud,  St.,  1054 
Cloyne,  355 
Cluainbraoin,  556 
Colombiers,  372 
Colonsay  Isle,  1004 
Combronde,  245 
Conques,  379 


I 
I 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1269 


Conwall,  384 
Cork,  163,  461 
Couches,  87 
Cougnon,  269 
Cournon,  441 
Croix  St.  Leufroy,  443 
Cruas,  444 
Cumber,  481 
Cybar,  St.,  308 

Deannacense,  524 
Deerhuret,  463 
Denain,  526 
Denys,  St.,  470 
Derry,  491 
Desert,  208 
Dezertoghill,  472 
Dijon,  183,  476 
Disenburg,  474-5 
Dixmont,  459 
Doiremelle,  949 
Dolenso,  946 
Donaghmore,  482 
Donaghmore,  483 
Donaghmore,  488 
Donaghmore,  484 
Douzere,  625 
Downpatrick,  521 
Dromieas,  507 
Drumcliffe,  502 
Diumcollumi),  370 
Drumculleu,  503 
Drumhomc,  511 
Dungarvan,  634 
Dunkeranense,  320 
Dunshaglin,  1265 
Durrow,  455 

Ebchester,  465 
Ebersheim,  1053 
EcuUle,  1262 
Elnonense,  54 
Emlaghfadd,  725 
Emly,  723 
Entruima,  92 
Evreux,  1338 
EvroD,  529 
Exeter,  17 

Fahan, 583 
Faverolense,  161 
Faremoutiers,  579 
Fecamp,  603 
Fenaugh,  601 
Fermoy,  1408 
Ferrieres,  590 
Fiddown.  587 
Finish  Island,  739 
Fliidbury,  607 
Fleury,  G09 
Freshford,  15 
Fussense,  584 

Gaillac,  630 
Gatethead,  258 
Gegenbach,  645 
Geneva,  1435 
GiSry,  St.,  247 
Ghent,  631-2 
Ghislain.  St.,  24S 
Gilling,  638 
Girone,  656 
Gieane,  667 
(ilendalogh,  200 
Gourdon,  680 
Grand-Lieu,  460 
Grange,  288 
Grassc  (La),  437 
Great  Isle,  728 
Gregoire,  St.,  du  Val,  1424 
Gre'uux  (?)  676 

Handbury,  688 
Hartlepool,  691 
Haut-Mont,  49 
Haut-Villiers,  51 
Hen-ionense,  545 
Heugi.o  Forest,  1063 
Hnxham,  681 
Hibcrnia  Parva,  178 
Hierosolyma  apud  Resba- 
cum,  1163 


Holyhead,  231 
Homblieres,  716 
Honnecourt,  717 

Icohnkill,  698 
He  (La),  749 
Inchmacuerin  Isle,  527 
Inchmean  Isle,  940 
Inchmore  Island,  743 
Inch  Kock,  1469 
Inisboffin,  213 
Iniscaoin  Isle,  255 
Inisco  Isle,  546 
Inlskin,  734 
Inis-Mac-Saint,  1012 
Inismurray,  917 
Inisquin  Isle,  713 
Inisrocba,  1174 
Innisfallen,  738 
lona,  698 
Ireland's  Eye,  697 

Jamets,  641 

Jarrow,  657 

Jean  (St.)  de  Bonis,  758 

Jean  (SI.)  du  Mont,  1479 

Jerusalem,  699-703,  1029 

Jouin,  St.,  545 

Joussan,  772 

Joux.  771 

Jumieges,  642 

Junien  (St.)les  Comblos,  374 

Juviniac,  1047 

Keel  Island,  376 
Kells,  777 
Kenipten,  250 
Kidderminster,  774 
Kilabbain,  2 
Kilbeachan,  172 
Kilbeggan,  173 
Kilcolgan,  364 
Kilcolgan,  365 
Kilcolgan,  366 
Kilcolman,  367 
Kilcomin,  447 
Kilconnell,  377 
Kilcoonagh,  446 
Kilduinna,  518 
Kllebbane,  3 
Kilfoleain,  610 
Kilgorman,  672 
Kilita,  753 

Killachad-Conchean,  37 
Killaghy,  793 
Killaird,  498 
Killaloc,  785 
KiUaraght,  126-7 
Killeen,  796-7 
Killegally,  779 
Kill^igh,  795 
Killermogh,  111 
Killevy,  817 
Killiaduin,  851 
Killossy,  140 
Kilmainham,  891 
Kilmallock,  972 
Kilmanagh,  811 
Kllmantin,  24 
Kilnagallegh,  788 
Kilnaile,  1023 
Kilrickill,  1170 
Kilskire,  1254 
Kinnitty,  310 

Lagny,  825 
Laon, 1446 
Leathglassense,  521 
Leckin,  834 
Leger,  St.,  846 
Leix,  i<35 
Lemanaghan,  840 
IjCon,  838 
Leuzo,  878,  1441 
Lianamanach,  833 
Liege,  »47 
Lierre,  679 
Llessies.  820 
Liausre,  859 
Liming,  843 
Limoges,  922 
Limours,  842 


Lindan, 844 
Lindisfarnense,  581 
Lobbes,  826 
Longford,  125 
Longoreto,  969 
Longovlllanum,  660 
Longuay,  969 
Lorch,  »3l 
Lucca,  622 
Lnpicin,  St.,  827 
Lure,  877 
Luynes,  900 
Luze,  832 
Lynn,  856 
Lyons,  875 

Machari,  97 

Macon,  934 

Magillagan,  102 

Malo,  St.,  903 

Manlieu,  890 

Mans  (Le),  284-6,  449,  768, 

912 
Maralin,  855 
Marat,  648 
Marmoutier,  897 
Marseilles,  931-3 
Mary's  (St.)  Isle,  564 
Mascala,  73 
Maubeuge,  898 
Maunsee,  904 
Maurice,  St.,  479 
Maurice,  St..  in  Valais,  28 
Rlayeuce,  976-7 
Mayo,  892-3 
Medesharasted,  1096 
M^en,  St.,  963 
Meldunense,  901 
Melrose,  895 
Melundense,  982 
Memac,  1045 
Menense,  1379 
Menge,  St.,  950 
Metten,  958 
Metz,  114,  1017 
Milan,  943-4 
Milhau,  948 
Mimigardefordense,  9S4 
Minster,  1252 
Monasterboice,  206 
Monasterevan,  575 
Moudovi,  975 
Monela  Bog,  983 
Moiis,  984,  990-1 
Montfaucon,  997 
Montieres,  1434 
Momivillier,  1442 
Montreuil,  986,  1130 
Moortown,  663 
Morlnense,  1479 
Moustier-la-Celle,  2S3 
Moutier-en-Der,  466 
Mofltier-Roudell,  1176 
Movill,  480 
Moville,  886 
Moyen-Moatier,  941 
Moyen-Moutier,  942 
MuUin's,  St.,  981 
Munster-Biilsen,  179 
Munsterthal,  1006 
My,  S.,  967 

Naples,  1025-8 
Nef  (La),  1024 
Neuilly,  1039 
Xeuwiller,  1053 
Nevers,  77,  1036-7 
Nislbis,  84 
Nitria,  198,  281,  996 
Noailles,  1050 
Nobiliacense,  130 
Nogent,  1054 

Oeren.  711 
Oreon  (Mt.),  830 
Orleans,  75,  143,  576 
Ornixa,  710 
Oronsay  Isle,  1065 
Ottenburiense,  1419 
Ouche,  1420 
O'lndle,  1420 
Oviedo,  1445 
Cyan,  St.,  382 


Pacense,  1309 
Pair  (St.)  du  Mont,  1284 
Palermo,  1079-80 
Pannat,  1076 
Panzat,  1447 
Paris,  924 
Pavia,  1081,  1372 
Pfeffers,  578 
Phaeonense,  1092 
Pierstown,  837 
Plsper,  995 
Poitiers,  937,  1107-9 
Pontlieue,  925 
Pozzuoli,  U29 
Pressy,  1087 
Princiacum.  1087 
Prix,  St.,  249 

Quimperle,  776 

Rahue,  1140 
Raphoe,  1142 
Hathossain,  1069 
Rebaix,  1163 
Reculver,  1136 
Redbridge,  118 
Redon,  946 
Reicheuau,  134 
Reniiremont,  5,1002,  1223 
Henaix,  1234 
Reuil,  1137 
Reynagh,  1160 
Rhodez,  55 
Rimini,  lii9 
Romarid  Montis,  5 
Ross  Orry,  1232 
Ruutn,  133 
Roustang,  1285 
Ruthenense,  55 

Saggard,  1343 
Saints-les-Marquions,  1143 
Salignac,  1247 
Salzburg,  1241 


Saul,  1235 
Saulieu,  70 
Sault,  1243 
Savin,  S.,  1237 
Scattery  Isle,  733 
Schwartzach,  113 
Selsey,  1271 
Sens,  371 
Sesto,  1288 
Sherborne,  1201 
Siena,  79 
Sierkeran,  778 
Siran-la-Latte,  821 
Soignies,  1326 
Soissons,  939,  1325 
Solignac,  1307 
Stavclot,  1313 
Strasburg,  107 
Strawhall,  781 
Swords,  1328 

Tadcaster,  243 
Taghmon,  1014 
Tullaght,  885 
Tassagardense,  1343 
Taughboyne,  146 
Teaghtclie,  1347 
Techsinche,  1297 
Teghdagobha,  668 
Tehallan,  1342 
Teltown,  1341 
Tewkesbury.  1365 
Thebais,    5b6,    751-9,   1001, 

1072 
Thebes,  1337 
Theligny,  1374 
"heologiense,  479 
Thiers,  644 
Tholev,  479 
Thoury,  1415 
Thusey,  1415 
Tim'  hoe,  973 
Tippert,  1371 
To^s.lav,  1339 
■rcjledo,'845 
Tunibplaine,  965 
Toni[,'rany,  1403 

4N2 


1270 


MONASTIC  BISHOP 


Tonnerre,  13^5 

Verdun,  966,  1449-53 

Torre  Isle,  7(6 

Verzy,  167 

Torre  (La),  1413 

ViMeois(Le),  1456 

Toul,  95 

Ville  de  I'Kvgque,  549 

Toulouse,  1383 

Villicrs,  624 

Tours,  141U- 12 

Viventium  Insula,  983 

Trasma,  105 

Vulcano  Isle,  72 

Trim,  1402 

Truel  (Le\  1398-9 

Wallers,  822 

Truyen,  14(10 

Wenlock,  1470 

Trj'chinariiim,  1004 

Weremoutb,  1475 

Tuileim,  1409 

Whitby,  1321-2 

Tulle,  1416 

Wilton,  537 

fully,  1406 

Winchester,  1474 

ruueoneacum  (ad),  201 

Worcester,  14C7 

Wormholt,  1473 

Utrecht,  1386 

Dzes,  591 

Ynyswytrin,  G64 

York,  528 

Val.Galil(?e,  462 

Yreix,  122 

Veaune,  932 

Venzat,  1447 

Zunault,  770 

[E.  B.  W.] 

MONASTIC  BISHOP,  though  not  entirely 
unknown  in  the  Eastern  church  (Sozomen,  Hist. 
Eccl.  1.  vi.  c.  34)  came  into  greatest  prominence  in 
the  Western,  in  the  development  of  the  church's 
life.  According  to  the  Catholic  idea  of  the 
church,  the  bishop  is  supreme  in  all  spiritual 
things  in  his  own  diocese,  the  visible  source  of 
orders,  mission,  and  all  sacramental  graces  (C. 
Antioch.  c.  9).  But  in  different  ages  this  has 
received  various  limitations,  specially  from  the 
principle  of  patriarchates  on  the  one  side  and 
from  that  of  monasticism  on  the  other.  The 
relation  of  the  monastery  to  the  episcopate  was  at 
first  that  of  entire  subjection  (C.  Chalc.  c.  4; 
Baronius,  Ann.  Eccl.  a.d.  451,  §  25 ;  Bingham 
Orig.  Eccl.  ii.  c.  4,  §  2),  even  to  the  appointment 
of  the  abbat  (Justinian,  Novell,  v.  c.  9).  But  in 
course  of  time  this  was  altered,  (1)  by  papal  ex- 
emptions, on  account,  apparently  at  the  outset, 
of  episcopal  officiousness  (Baronius,  ib.  A.D.  598, 
§  3,  601,  §  2 ;  Anglo-Sax.  Chron.  A.D.  675.  963), 
or  by  regal,  as  by  King  Ina's  charter  to  Glaston- 
bury A.D.  725  (Wilkins,  Cone.  i.  80),  or  by  con- 
ciliar,  as  by  the  synod  at  Herutford,  a.d.  673 
(Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  c.  5),  and  perhaps  the  third 
council  of  Aries,  A.D.  455  (Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl. 
i.  0.  vii.  §  14),  and  (2)  by  the  spread  of  Christi- 
anity through  monastic  agencies  beyond  the 
limits  of  the  old  Roman  empire  and  hence  out- 
side the  ordinary  means  of  diocesan  organisation. 
[Orders.]  So  long  as  the  monastery  continued 
under  the  entire  jurisdiction  of  the  bishop  as 
head  and  centre  of  spiritual  life  in  his  diocese, 
he  supplied  the  needs  of  its  members  with  all 
episcopal  offices.  But  when  the  monastery  was 
either  withdrawn  from  his  jurisdiction,  or  was 
established  prior  to  and  practically  outside  the 
direct  agency  of  the  bishop,  the  natural  relations 
became  inverted,  and  while  the  grace  of  orders 
remained  of  necessity  with  the  bishop,  the  juris- 
diction and  mission  passed  for  the  time  to  the 
monastery,  and  the  monastic  bishop  was  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  monastic  head,  the  abbat, 
■whether  ordained  or  lay.  This  is  most  frequently 
met  with  in  the  Celtic  church  of  Ireland  and  her 
offshoots  in  Scotland  and  Northumbria,  where  it 
presented  itself  to  the  venerable  Bede  as  an  "  ordo 
inusitatus  "  {Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  c.  4).  It  is  also  met 
with  on  the  continent.  According  to  ecclesiastical 
principle  the  monastery  required  a  bishop  for  the 
discharge  of  episcopal  functions  to  the  inmates, 
and  if  the  chief  official  was  the  abbat,  the  bishop 
was  at  least  one  of  the  "  family,"  honoured  indeed 


MONASTIC  BISHOP 

for  his  sacred  office  (Adamn.  Vit.  S.  Col.  i.  c.  44), 
though  under  the  abbat  in  jurisdiction  and 
monastic  precedence ;  he  was  higher  in  spiritual 
power  (76.  i.  c.  36),  though  lower  in  local  dignity 
and  official,  that  is,  monastic  rank. 

Monasticism  spread  rapidly  from  the  Thebaid 
into  the  Western  church,  its  great  patron  in  Gaul 
being  St.  Martin,  the  celebrated  bishop  of  Tours 
(a.d.  371-397),  who  built  monasteries  at  Poi- 
tiers and  Tours,  and  by  his  authority  and  exhor- 
tation established  the  monastic  system.  When 
and  by  whom  the  Gospel  was  carried  across  the 
Channel  to  Britain  and  Ireland  is  unknown  to 
authentic  history,  but  Pelagius  introducing 
monasticism  seems  a  fable  (Cave,  Hist.  Lit.  i. 
291).  When  the  Gospel  is  met  with  in  Britain 
it  is  radiating  from  monastic  centres  (Bede,  Hist. 
Eccl.  i.  c.  27,  ii.  c.  2),  and  it  was  not  till  the 
12th  century  that  the  monastic  church  of 
Ireland  had  become  merged  in  the  diocesan. 
Accepting  the  "  Catalogus  Sanctorum  Hiberniae, 
secundum  diversa  tempera,"  supposed  to  have 
been  written  by  Tirechan  in  the  8th  century, 
and  first  published  by  Ussher  {Brit.  Eccl.  Ant.  vi. 
477-479),  as  embodying  a  certain  amount  of  truth 
regarding  the  condition  of  the  early  Irish  church, 
as  at  one  time  purely  episcopal,  then  monastic, 
and  finally  eremitic,  we  find  monasticism  firmly 
established  in  Ireland  at  an  early  date.  St. 
Patrick,  himself  a  bishop,  founded  churches  and 
monasteries,  ordained  bishops  and  presbyters,  and 
spread  the  faith  as  a  zealous  missionary ;  yet  in 
his  own  church  at  Armagh,  while  bishops  are 
recorded  in  an  uninterrupted  line  from  a.d.  447 
to  535  inclusive,  bishops  and  abbats  are  mingled 
from  that  date  to  the  twelfth  century  {Four 
Mast. ;  Ann.  Ulst. ;  Ann.  Tig.;  Ann  Clonm.;  Ann. 
Fnisf.),  the  obits  of  eleven  bishops  and  fourteen 
abbats  being  given  between  the  years  547  and  811 
inclusive  {Four  Mast.) ;  but  in  the  common  lists  of 
prelates  these  are  all  alike  treated  as  bishops  (Ware, 
Irish  Bishops).  So  at  Kildare  from  A.D.  519  to 
800  inclusive,  there  are  recorded  eight  abbesses, 
seven  abbats  and  five  bishops,  but  at  Bangor 
from  A.D.  552  to  812  inclusive  there  is  a  single 
line  of  twenty-nine  abbats  and  no  bishops  {Four 
Mast.).  From  this  we  may  infer  either  that  the 
obits  of  abbats  and  bishops  alike,  when  contem- 
poraneous, were  entered  in  the  annals,  or  more 
probably  that  the  leading  idea  was  to  give  the 
abbatial  succession,  and  that  a  bishop  at  times 
held  the  abbacy,  as  at  other  times  he  was  scribe 
and  anchoret  (Reeves,  S.  Adamn.  365),  yet 
"  Affiath,  bishop  of  Ard-Macha,  and  Aireachtach 
Ua  Faelain,  abbat  of  Ard-Macha,  died  on  the 
same  night"  (/"our  Mast.  a.d.  793),  and  Ware 
has  to  count  them  both  as  one  bishop  (Todd,  St. 
Patrick,  20  sq.;  Frim.  Hist.  Ch.  Ir.  448,  Dubl. 
1851). 

The  first  clear  instance  of  an  Irish  monastic 
bishop  is  in  St.  Brigida's  monastery  at  Kildare,  in 
the  end  of  the  5th  and  beginning  of  the  6th 
centuries.  Cogitosus  {Vita,  S.  Brigidae)  says  in 
the  language  of  probably  the  7th  century, 
"  Haec  ergo  egregiis  crescens  virtutibus,  ubi  per 
famam  bonarum  rerum  ad  eam  ab  omnibus  pro- 
vinciis  Hiberniae  innumerabiles  populi  de  utro- 
que  sexu  confluebant  vota  sibi  volentes  volun- 
tarife,  suum  monasterium  caput  pene  omnium 
Hiberniensium  ecclesiarum,  et  culmen  praecellens 
omnia  monasteria  Scotorum  (cujus  Parrochia 
per  totam  Hiberniensem  terram  diffusa  a  mari 


MONASTIC  BISHOP 

usque  ad  mare  extensa  est),  in  campestribus 
campi  Liffei  supra  fnndanientum  fidei  firmum 
construxit :  at  prudenti  dispensatione  de  ani- 
mabus  eorum  regulariter  in  omnibus  procurans, 
et  de  ecclesiis  multarum  provinciarum  sibi 
adhaerentibus  sollicitans,  et  secum  revolvens, 
quod  sine  summo  sacerdote,  qui  ecclesias  conse- 
craret,  et  ecclesiasticos  in  eis  gradus  subrogaret 
esse  non  posset,  illustrem  virum  et  solitarium 
omnibus  moribus  ornatum,  per  quem  Deus  vir- 
tutes  operatus  est  plurimas,  convocans  eum  de 
eremo  .  .  .  ut  ecclesiam  in  episcopali  dig- 
nitate  cum  ea  gubernaret,  atque  ut  nihil  de  ordine 
sacerdotali  in  suis  deesset  ecclesiis,  accersivit " 
(Colgan,  Tr.  TJiaum.  518 ;  Todd,  S.  Pair.  13  sq. ; 
Smith  and  Wace,  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  "  Conlaedh.") 
Though  not  so  explicitly  yet  with  sufficient 
precision  we  find  the  same  practice  to  have  pre- 
vailed in  the  Columban  monastery  of  Hy. 
"  Habere  autem  solet  ipsa  insula  rectorem 
semper  abbatem  presbyterum,  cujus  juri  et 
omnis  provincia,  et  ipsi  etiam  episcopi,  ordine 
inusitato,  debeant  esse  subjecti,  juxta  exemplum 
primi  doctoris  illius,  qui  non  episcopus,  sed  pres- 
byter extitit  et  monachus  "  (Bede,  Eccl.  Hist.  iii. 
c.  4),  and  the  fourth  abbat  there,  Fergna  Brit, 
is  called  a  bishop  (^Four  Mast.  a.d.  622  ;  Mart. 
Doneg.  March  2  ;  Reeves,  S.  Adamn.  340-341, 
372).  To  Lindisfarne  bishop  Aidan  was  sent  by 
the  monastery  of  Hy  (Bede,  ib.  iii.  c.  3),  and 
there  also  the  abbat  governed  and  the  clergy, 
with  the  bishop  himself,  observed  the  monastic 
rule  (Bede,  Vit.  S.  Cuth.  c.  16).  When  Fergil 
or  Virgilius,  abbat  of  Aghaboe,  became  abbat  of 
Salzburg,  in  the  8th  century,  "  dissimulata 
ordinatione  fermS  annorum  duorum  spatiis, 
habuit  secum  laboris  et  coronae  participem 
episcopum  comitantem  de  patria,  nomine  Dobda, 
ad  persolvendum  episcopale  officium  "  ( Vit.  S. 
Virg.  ap.  Messingham,  Flor.  Ins.  Sanct.  331). 
In  S.  Columbanus's  Irish  foundation  at  Bobio,  a 
slightly  different  practice  prevailed,  which  points 
to  the  jealousy  already  arising  between  the  monas- 
tery and  episcopate  and  ending  in  the  frequent 
monastic  exemptions  by  the  popes ;  the  bishop 
was  invited  into  the  monastery  as  required,  and 
was  specially  excluded  from  all  power  in  monas- 
tic aSairs  (Messingham,  ib.  248).  At  other 
times  a  bishop-abbat  directed  the  affairs  of  the 
monastery  [Abbat],  not  in  Ireland  only  but  else- 
where (Reeves,  Eccl.  A)it.  129),  and  "thus  was 
the  monastic  bishop  exercising,  pro  hac  vice, 
the  monastic  jurisdiction  (Du  Cange,  Gloss,  iii. 
108-9). 

On  the  continent,  mostly  in  exempt  abbeys 
and  monasteries,  the  monastic  bishop  was  a  re- 
cognized official  in  the  8th  century,  as  in  the 
abbey  of  St.  Denis  near  Paris,  the  abbey  of  St. 
Martin  at  Tours,  the  monastery  of  Lobes  or 
Laubes  in  Belgium,  and  the  monastery  at  Salz- 
burg in  Bavaria  as  above  mentioned  (Todd,  S. 
Patrick,  48  sq.  treating  the  question  fully  with 
authorities ;  Lanigan,  Eccl.  Hist.  Ir.  ii.  254-5). 
Under  the  Benedictine  Rule  there  was  special 
provision  made  for  him  ;  "  igitur  ut  junioribus 
praesertim  fratribus  omnis  discurrendi  occasio 
tolleretur  ad  sacros  suscipiendos  ordines,  ad  re- 
quirendum  chrisma,  neve  adventu  episcoporum 
in  monasteria  ad  sacras  ordinationes  explendas, 
quies  monachorum  turbaretur,  plerique  epi- 
scopum ad  manum  semper  in  monasteriis  sive 
abbatem  sive  simplicem  monachum  habere  volue- 


MONASTIC  BISHOP 


1271 


runt  "  (Martene  et  Durand,  Tlies.  Nov.  Anecd.  t.  i. 
Praef.  ap.  Todd,  S.  Patrick,  69).  In  the  monas- 
tery of  Mount  Sinai,  in  the  11th  century,  the 
abbat  and  500  monks  had  their  own  bishop  (Todd 
ib.  67-8). 

But  regarding  the  monastic  bishop  a  further 
distinction  is  necessary.  Bishops  sometimes,  in 
the  first  zeal  of  monasticism,  lived  with  their 
clergy  in  a  quasi-monastic  state  (Bingham,  Orig. 
Eccl.  vii.  c.  2,  §  8)  to  assimilate  the  life  in  cities 
to  that  in  the  desert:  thus  St.  Augustine  of 
Hippo  "  factus  presbyter  mouasterium  intra  ec- 
clesiam mox  instituit,  et  cum  Dei  servis  vivere 
coepit  secundum  modum  et  regulam  sub  Sanctis 
Apostolis  constitutam  "  (Possidius,  Vita  S.  Aug. 
c.  6 ;  0pp.  S.  Aug.  t.  x.  App.  col.  260,  Venet. 
1729).  And  when  he  became  bishop  he  had 
"  in  ista  domo  Episcopi  meum  monasterium  cleri- 
corum "  (Serm.  49  de  Diver  sis,  t.  x.  519),  or 
bishops  demitted  their  episcopal  charges  and 
retired  to  monasteries  for  contemplation  and 
prayer.  But  neither  of  these  were  properly 
monastic  bishops.  Again,  according  to  Catholic 
rule,  ordination  and  consecration  could  only  be  to 
definite  charges,  and  not  dTToAeAi/yueVois"  at  large' 
(Bingham,  V7-ig.  Eccl.  iv.  c.  6),  yet  in  the  Celtic 
church  this  rule  (Cone.  Chalc.  c.  6)  seems  never 
to  have  been  closely  followed,  but  the  episcopate 
was  frequently  conferred  on  persons  who  were 
eminent  for  learning,  piety,  or  other  personal 
qualification,  as  it  was  also  in  the  East  (Sozomen, 
Hist.  Eccl.  1.  vi.  c.  33-4).  Hence,  in  the  Irish 
annals,  we  find  bishops  without  local  designation, 
or  named  only  in  connexion  with  the  place  where 
they  chanced  to  live  at  the  time  without  being 
either  diocesan  or  monastic.  Again  there  were 
groups  of  bishops,  seven  being  a  favourite  num- 
ber (Mart.  Doneg.),  and  also  in  single  monasteries 
a  large  company  of  bishops  under  the  abbat,  as 
at  Louth  a  hundred  bishops  under  Mochta 
(Colgan,  Acta  SS.  729,  c.  7).  The  evident  effect 
of  this  system  was  to  multiply  indefinitely  the 
number  of  bishops  both  without  and  within  the 
monasteries,  and  to  foster  that  restless  spirit 
which  was  attempted  to  be  checked  by  the 
synod  at  Herutford  (c.  4  in  its  disputed  reading, 
"  Ut  episcopi  monachi  non  migrent  de  loco  ad 
locum,"  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  c.  5),  which  carried 
so  many  Irish  bishops  across  to  the  continent, 
especially  after  the  monasteries  began  to  be 
plundered  by  the  Northmen,  and  which  called 
for  the  frequent  conciliar  enactments  against  the 
see-less  bishops,  the  episcopi  vagi,  vacantes,  and 
vagantes,  and  the  "  Scoti  qui  se  dicunt  episcopos 
esse"  (C.  Cabill.  c.  43)  [Bishop  V.]  both  in 
England  and  on  the  Continent.  Having  been 
trained  under  a  different  system,  they  came  into 
frequent  collision  with  the  diocesan  bishops,  and 
even  in  the  11th  and  12th  centuries  St.  Anselm 
of  Canterbury  and  St.  Bernard  of  Clairvaux  could 
regard  the  want  of  diocesan  organisation  in 
Ii-eland  as  a  serious  blot  on  the  whole  Irish 
church  (Ussher,  Brit.  Eccl.  Ant.  iv.  523),  a 
"  dissolutio  ecclesiasticae  disciplinae,  censurae 
enervatio,  religionis  evacuatio"  (S.  Bern.  Do 
Vit.  Mai.  c.  10). 

(Du  Cange,  Gloss.;  Fleury,  Eccl.  Hist.;  Reeves, 
Adanman's  Life  of  S.  Columba,  History  of  the 
Culdces,  and  Eccl.  Ant.  of  Down,  Connor,  and 
Dromore  ;  Todd,  S.  Patrick  ;  Mosheim,  Gh.  Hist. ; 
Monumenta  Hist.  Brit.;  Skene,  Celtic  Scotland, 
I  ii. ;  Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl.)  [J.  G.] 


1272 


MONESSA 


MONESSA,  virgin.   [Munessa.] 

MONEY.  Introduction. — The  appearance  of 
any  positive  indication  of  Christian  influence  on 
the  coins  of  the  Roman  emperors  has  been 
generally  considered  to  commence  under  Con- 
stantine  I.  the  Great,  since  during  his  reign  most 
of  the  public  money  bears  official  marks  of  the 
new  religion  which  he  embraced.  There  are, 
however,  a  few  isolated  examples  previous  to  his 
time,  which  are  of  sufficient  interest  to  need 
special  illustration ;  (1)  the  representation  of 
the  deluge  ;  (2)  a  symbol  like  the  monogram  of 
Christ ;  and  (3)  the  legend  in  pace." 

1.  Ohv.  AVT.  K.  A.  CenT.  CEOVHPOC 
n€PTI.  Bust  of  Septimius  Severus  to  the 
right,  laureated  with  paludamentum  and  cuirass. 

Rev.  em  AmNO0€TOV  APTGMA.  T. 
In  the  exergue  AflAMGriN.  {^Under  Artemas, 
Agonothetes  (or  judge  at  the  games)  for  the  third 
time  (money)  af  the  Apameans.']  Two  figures,  a 
male  and  a  female  within  an  ark,  on  which  is 
inscribed  NQG,  and  which  is  floating  on  some 
water.  Outside  the  ark  two  figures,  a  male  and  a 
female,  standing  as  if  in  adoration.  On  the  top  of 
the  ark  a  bird  perched ;  in  the  field  above  a  bii-d 


»  Professor  Churchill  Babington  has  kindly  called  my 
attention  to  the  coins  of  the  kings  of  Edessa,  and  has 
sent  me  the  following  note  respecting  them :— "  Among 
the  kings  of  Edessa,  Abgar  Bar  Manu,  or  Abgar  VIII. 
(who  reigned  153-188,  according  to  Langlois)  is  said  to 
have  been  '  a  holy  man,'  (iepb?  avrip  Jul.  Afric.  in 
Euseb.  Chron.  Olymp.  149,  1)  ;  and  as  he  patronized  the 
Christian  Bardesanes,  and  forbade  the  worship  of  Cybele, 
it  has  been  inferred  that  he  was  a  Christian,  and  this  in- 
ference is  thought  '  to  be  strengthened  by  the  fact  that 
on  the  coins  of  this  prince  the  usual  symbols  of  the  old 
national  worship  are  for  the  first  time  wanting  and  the 
sign  of  the  cross  appears  in  their  place '  (Neander,  Ch.  Hist. 
vol.  i.  p.  Ill  [Bohn],  following  Bayer,  Hist.  Osr.  et  Edess. 
ex  Num.  illustr.  lib.  iii.  p.  171,  who  figures  two  coins  of 
an  Abgarus,  contemporary  with  Severus,  and  bearing  his 
head  on  which  a  cross  appears  on  the  tiara).  The  cross 
is  formed  in  one  case  of  five  dots  (pearls),  in  the  other 
the  central  dot  becomes  oval.  The  chronology  of  these 
kings  is  doubtful.  Neander  places  Abgar  Bar  Jlanu 
between  160-170,  but  it  seems  impossible  in  any  case 
that  these  coins  belong  to  him.  The  cross,  however 
(apparently  of  five  united  dots),  is  found  on  a  coin  of 
Abgarus,  having  the  head  of  Commodus  on  the  reverse 
(Langlois,  Num.  de  I'Armenie,  pi.  iv.  No.  7),  who  may  be 
Abgar  VIII.  That  which  is  certain  about  these  coins  is 
that  on  some  coins  of  an  Abgar  contemporary  with 
Severus  a  cross  occurs  on  the  diadem,  while  on  others 
we  have  the  crescent  surmounted  by  a  star,  taken  by 
Bayer  and  Neander  to  be  the  symbols  of  the  old  national 
worship."  On  a  coin  of  Abgarus  and  Commodus  in  the 
British  Museum,  there  appears  to  be  on  the  diadem  of 
Abgar  a  +  or  X,  but  I  am  inclined  to  think  with  Pro- 
fessor Babington,  that  the  supposed  cross  on  these  coins 
of  Edessa  is  only  a  cruciform  star  or  ornament  without 
any  Christian  significance. 

On  a  coin  of  barbarous  fabric  of  the  Roman  emperor 
Tetricus  (267-273),  with  legend  okievs  avg  (Cohen, 
Suppl.  No.  26),  or  of  Tacitus  (275-270),  published  by 
Hasche  (Lex.  vol.  i.  pt.  ii.  p.  1098),  there  is  said  to  be  in 
the  field  a  cross,  but  in  both  cases  it  is  probably  a  star, 
though  it  may  be  that  these  pieces  were  issued  long  after 
at  the  epoch  of  Christianity.  A  cross  is  also  given  by 
Cohen  (Afed.  Imp.  vol.  vi.  pi.  xv.)  in  the  field  of  a  coin  of 
Constantius  Clilorus  and  Galerius  Maximian,  but  this 
coin  has  been  incorrectly  engraved  and  described  and  the 
object  is  really  a  star  (Madden,  Handb.  of  Horn.  Num. 
p.  168,  1861,  pi.  iv.  No.  3). 


MONEY 

flying  toward  the  ark,  holding  an  olive  branch 
in  its  claws.  M.  (Fig.  1  ;  Cabinet  des  Medailles, 
Faris.) 

The  remarkable  coins  giving  the  representa- 
tion of  the  deluge  were  issued  during  the  reigns 
of  three  emperors,  (1)  Sept.  Severus,  193-211, 
who  was  at  first  favourable  to  the  Christians, 
and  whose  son  Caracalla  had  a  Christian  nurse 
(TertuU.  ad  Soap.  iv. ;  cf.  Spart.  in  Carac.  1),  hut 
who  at  a  later  period  of  his  reign,  202,  allowed 
a  persecution  to  prevail  (Spart.  in  Scv.  17 ; 
Euseb.  B.  E.  vi.  c.  2);  (2)  Macrinus,  217,  under 
whom  the  church  enjoyed  peace,  and  (3)  Philip  I. 
244-249,  whose  Christian  tendencies  have  been 
the  source  of  much  discussion  (Moniglia,  de  Relig. 
utriusque  Phil.  Aug.  Diss,  duae,  Rom.  4to,  1741  ; 
Greppo,  A'^otes  hist.  biog.  etc.  concern,  les  prem. 
siecles  chr^t.  Lyons,  1841  ;  Milman,  ffist.  of 
Christianity,  vol.  ii. ;  Lardner,  Cred.  vol.  vii.  etc.), 
and  who  by  many  ecclesiastical  authors  has  been 
considered  the  first  Roman  Emperor  who  was  a 
Christian  (Oros.  Hist.  vii.  20 ;  Hieron.  de  Vir. 
HI.  52 ;  Chron.  ed.  Mai,  vol.  viii.  p.  646),  an 
honour  that  more  properly  belongs  to  Constan- 
tine  I.  the  Great  (Lactant.  Be  fals.  Eelig.  c.  1 ; 
Sulp.  Sev.  Sacr.  Hist.  ii.  33 ;  Euseb.  Vit,  Const. 
iv.  c.  75 ;  Theod.  H.  E.  v.  c.  39). 

The  type  of  these  coins  was  by  early  numis- 
matists and  scholars  (Falconeri,  Froelich,  Har- 
douin,  Bryant,  Barrington,  Milles,  etc.)  con- 
sidered to  refer  to  the  Greek  legend  of  the  flood 
of  Deucalion,  in  which  it  is  stated  that  Zeus  had 
resolved  to  destroy  all  mankind,  with  the  e.xcep- 
tion  of  Deucalion  and  Pyrrha,  whilst  the  letters  on 
the  ark  were  supposed  to  have  been  either  added 
by  a  forger  or  altered  from  NEQK  [opiav].  Nu- 
mismatists, however,  of  the  present  century  have 
not  failed  to  recognise  that  the  letters  on 
the  ark  are  certainly  N06  and  that  the  type 
refers  to  the  Noachian  deluge,  the  figures  both 
inside  and  outside  the  ark  representing  Noah 
and  his  wife,  in  the  latter  case  holding  up  their 
hands  in  thanksgiving  for  their  safety.  It  has 
been  suggested  (Eckhel,  Doct.  Num.  Vet.  vol.  iii. 
p.  137),  and  with  much  probability,  that  the  word 
NQG  was  placed  on  these  coins  so  that  there 
might  be  no  confusion  with  the  flood  of  Deuca- 
lion, in  a  similar  manner  as  on  the  coins  of 
Magnesia  in  Ionia  the  word  APPn  is  put  to 
show  that  the  vessel  thereon  represented  is 
the  ship  'Argo,'  in  which  history  makes  Jason 
and  his  colleagues  sail  in  search  of  the  golden 
fleece. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  distinguish  on  these  coins 
the  form  of  the  raven  from  that  of  the  dove, 
and  the  Bible  gives  an  account  of  the  presence 
of  only  these  two  birds.  In  the  short  descrip- 
tion of  the  flood  of  Deucalion,  by  Plutarch 
(De  Solert.  Animal,  xiii.  ed.  Didot)  there  is  allu- 
sion to  a  dove,  but  there  is  no  mention  of  an 
olive  branch  or  of  another  bird.  In  the  Chal- 
daean  accounts  of  the  deluge,  as  preserved  in  the 
fragments  of  Berosus  and  Abydenus  (Cory,  Anc. 
Frag.  2nd  ed.  pp.  28-34),  some  birds  were  twice 
sent  out  to  discover  if  the  waters  had  receded, 
and  the  second  time  they  returned  with,  instead 
of  an  olive  branch,  soma  mud  on  their  feet ;  whilst 
in  the  A.ssyrian  accounts  (G.  Smith,  Chald.  Acct. 
of  Genesis,  1876)  it  is  stated  that  "a  dove,  a 
swallow,  and  a  raven  "  were  sent  forth,  the  two 
former  of  which  returned  to  the  .ship,  but  the 
raven  did  not  come  back.     These  statements  are 


MONEY 

quite  contrary  to  that  in  Genesis,  as  also  to  the 
subject  shown  on  the  coins.  A  very  important 
feature  of  this  type  (Lenormant,  Met.  d'Arch. 
vol.  iii.  p.  199, 1853)  is  the  exactness  with  which, 
as  regards  the  raven,  it  agrees  with  the  Hebrew 
te.xt,  which  is  quite  at  variance  with  the  LXX 
and  Vulg.  In  these  latter  (Gen.  viii.  7)  the 
raven  is  stated  as  "  noi  returning  until  the  water 
had  dried  from  off  the  earth  "  (/caJ  i^e\8wv,  ovk 
aveffTpe^ev  eois  rov  ^■qpavOijvai  Th  vSwp  a-rrh 
rrjs  yrjs. — Qui  egrediebatur  et  7ion  revcrtcbatur, 
donee  siccarentur  aquae  super  terram),  whereas 
in  the  Heb.  text  we  read  that  the  raven  "  went 
forth  to  and  fro  until  the  waters  were  dried  up 
from     off     the     earth"    (aiK^I      Kl^*;      NV»1 

pts'n  bv^  □''^n  ni:bpy  "  Et  exiit  cgre- 

dierulo  et  redcundo,  donee  arescerent  aquae  de- 
super  terram,"  Walton,  Polygott ;  Kalisch,  Crit. 
Com. ;  Patrick,  Com.  etc.).  The  expression  "  to 
and  fro "  leaves  no  doubt  that  the  raven— a 
bad  messenger  and  Noah  chose  another,  the  dove 
— must  have  returned  at  intervals  to  the  ark, 
and  in  all  probability  rested  on  its  top,  as  indeed 
it  is  represented  on  these  coins. 

It  is  also  interesting  to  compare  the  type  of 
these  coins  with  the  representations  on  early 
Christian  monuments.  A  painting  of  the  3rd 
century,  in  the  catacombs  at  Rome  (Saviflien 
Petit,  3M.  d'Arch.  vol.  iii.  pi.  xxix.  Paris,  1853), 
shows  Noah  in  the  ark  and  a  dove  holding  an 
olive  branch  in  its  mouth  flying  towards  him ; 
Noah's  wife  is  not  represented,  nor  the  raven, 
but  one  cannot  fail  to  observe  the  striking 
similarity  of  the  shape  of  the  ark,  its  cover, 
the  figure  of  Noah  and  the  dove.  Though  the 
raven  is  not  found  on  any  of  the  paintings  of 
the  catacombs,  it  may  be  seen  on  a  bas-relief 
found  at  D'Jemila,  in  Algeria  (De  la  Mare, 
Bemie  Arch.  1849,  vol.  vi.  p.  196),  and  is  here 
occupied  in  devouring  the  carcases. 

It  now  remains  to  assign  a  reason,  if  possible, 
for  this  type  occurring  upon  the  coins  of  Apameia. 
In  the  first  place  there  was  a  Phrygian  legend 
of  a  great  flood  relating  to  Annacus  or  Nannacus, 
a  king  who  resided  at  Iconiura,  and  who  lived  to 
the  age  of  300  years.  When  he  died  the  tradi- 
tion was  that  all  mankind  would  be  destroyed 
(Steph.  Bjz.s.v.  'IkSviov;  Suidas,  s.v.  'SdvvaKos). 
There  is  not  much  doubt  that  the  Old  Testament 
influenced  this  tradition,  and  it  is  perhaps  not 
unreasonable  to  suppose  that  there  is  here  a 
reference  to  Enoch,  the  father  of  Methuselah, 
who  after  his  son's  birth  "  walked  with  God  300 
years"  (Gen.  v.  22).  Prof.  Ewald  indeed  has 
supposed  {Gesch.  d.  Volkes  Israel,  vol.  i.  p.  356) 
that  the  city  Enoch,  which  was  built  by  the 
eldest  son  of  Cain,  and  called  after  his  name 
(Gen.  iv.  17,  18),  refers  to  the  Phrygian  city  of 
Iconium,  at  which  Annacus  is  supposed  to  have 
resided.  In  the  second  place  the  curious  lines  in 
the  "Sibylline  Books"  {Orac.  Sibi/ll.  vv.  247- 
256,  261-267)  may  have  actually  suggested  to  the 
Apameans  the  types  for  these  coins.  They  are  as 
follows :  "  But  Noah  resting  some  days  sent 
again  the  dove  that  he  might  know  whether  the 
Deluge  had  ceased,  but  she  flying  up  and  down 
fled  away,  and  descending  to  earth  rested  a  little 
her  body  on  the  wet  earth  and  returned  bring- 
ing a  branch  of  an  olive  tree,  a  great  sign  of 
c^ood  news   ....   and  then  presently  he  sent 


MONE\ 


1273 


forth  another  bird  black-winged,  and  she   flew 

away  and  remained  on  the  earth There 

is  on  the  continent  of  black  Phrygia  a  high  and 

great  mountain  called  Ararat Here  arise 

the  springs  of  the  great  river  Marsyas.  On  its 
lofty  top  the  ark  rested  when  the  waters  receded." 
The  term  ki^wt6s,  "an  ark,"  which  occurs  in 
these  verses  is  of  special  interest,  for  not  only 
was  it  employed  by  the  LXX  (Gen.  vi.  14),  by 
the  Evangelists  (Matt.  xxiv.  38 ;  Luke  xvii,  27), 
and  by  the  Apostles  (Heb.  xi.  7  ;  1  Pet.  iii.  20) 
for  the  "ark  of  Noah  ;"  but  Apameia  itself  wa 
called  Cibotos  (Strab.  xii.  6  ;  Ptol.  v.  2),  probably 
on  account  of  the  great  wealth  collected  there 
it  being  a  great  emporium  next  in  dignity  to 
Ephesus  (Strabo,  xii.  8),  and  Ki$ar6s  signifies 
"  a  chest  "  or  "  coffer."  Moreover  that  the  ark 
was  supposed  to  rest  at  Apameia  is  testified  bj 
the  line  tvda  (pXf^es  fisydhov  Trora/xoD  Mapcruao 
iTi<pvKav,  for  the  river  Marsyas  ran  by  Apameia, 
and  was  also  itself  called  Cibotos,  as  testified 
by  coins  struck  at  the  time  of  Hadrian  (Madden, 
Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  1866,  vol.  vi.  p.  211,  pi.  vi. 
No.  4). 

Among  the  various  suppositions  which  may  be 
brought  forward  to  explain  the  appearance  of 
this  type,  whether  it  be  suggested  that  it  may 
have  been  produced  owing  to  the  semi-generous 
treatment  that  the  Christians  received  during 
the  reign  of  the  emperors  under  whicli  they  were 
issued,  it  is  certain  that  the  type  did  not  emanate 
from  a  Christian  sect.  The  deep  root  which  an 
ancient  tradition  of  the  Deluge — shown  by  the 
Phrygian  legend,  probably  greatly  influenced  by 
the  Biblical  account  and  the  minute  description 
in  the  Sibylline  books — had  taken  at  Apameia 
is  far  more  likely  to  have  originated  these  pieces. 
At  the  same  time  it  would  be  presumptuous  to 
suppose  that  they  might  not  have  been  designed 
by  a  Christian  artist,  for  the  worship  of  God  had 
long  circulated  throughout  Asia  Minor.  (For  a 
full  account  of  these  coins  see  Madden,  Num. 
Chron.  N.  S.  1866,  vol.  vi.  p.  173.) 

2.  Obv.  AVT.  K.  r.  M.  KV.  TPAIANOC 
A6K10C.  Bust  of  Trajan  Decius  to  the  right 
laureated,  with  pahidamentum. 

Rev.  En.  AVP.  AI-I-IANOV  B.  A;:^. 
A.  TO  B.  CTGI-ANH.  y-rrl  AvpnXiov  'A<p- 
tptdvou  Sis  &PXOVTOS  ayoovodeTOv  rh  S^vrepov 
<TTi<f)avr](p6pov.']  In  the  exergue  MAIONfiN. 
Bacchus,  holding  in  the  right  hand  a  vase  and 
in  the  left  a  spear,  seated  to  left  on  a  chair, 
which  is  on  a  car  drawn  by  two  panthers. 
Before  him  a  female  (Ariadne?)  walking  to 
left,  but  looking  at  Bacchus  and  carrying  a 
large  vine-branch  covered  with  grapes.  M. 
(Fig.  2  ;  Cabinet  des  MMailles,  Paris.) 

This  medallion  was  issued  during  the  reign  of 
Trajan  Decius  (249-251)  at  Maeonia  in  Lydia. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  engraver  has 
taken  care  to  place  the  monogram  between  two 
A's  (A^A)  in  the  middle  of  the  legend  at  the 
top  of  the  coin,  as  if  to  call  special  attention 
to  it. 

Suggestions  have  been  made  (Lenormant,  3W. 
d'Arch.  vol.  iii.  p.  196)  that  a  Christian  moneyer 
intended  to  introduce  on  this  coin  the  mysterious 
sio-n  of  the  new  Faith,  and  that  though  symbols 
ofa  similar  character  to  the  Christian  monogram 
occur  upon  other  monuments  anterior  to  Chris- 


1274 


MONEY 


tianity  (see  §  xv.),  yet  in  this  case  the  sign  is 
more  probably  the  work  of  a  Christian.  More- 
over, that  the  Bacchic  emblems,  appropriate  to 
the  institution  of  the  Eucharist,  may  also  be 
found  on  the  sarcophagus  of  St.  Constance  and 
on  the  mosaics  which  decorate  the  mausoleum 
of  this  princess  (Ciampini,  de  sacr.  Acdif.  a  Const, 
mag.  constr.  pi.  xxxii.  Rome,  1693).  This  opinion 
is  further  sustained  by  another  scholar  (De  Witte, 
Mel.  d'Arch.  vol.  iii.  p.  172),  who  adds  that  the 
title  &pxt»v  chosen  by  the  artist  in  which  to 
introduce  the  monogram  of  Christ  seems  to  offer 
a  direct  allusion  to  the  domination  and  the  reign 
of  the  Saviour. 

The  form  of  the  $  (  '  *  )  ^"^  ^^^  words 
'A(p<pidvov  and  ^Te(l>avn(p6pov  have  been  also 
considered  to  allude  to  the  form  of  the  cross 
(~\~),  but  it  would  be  hazardous  to  affirm  this, 
as  a  similar  manner  of  engraving  this  letter 
occurs  on  the  coins  of  the  Seleucidae,  of  Phila- 
delphia in  Lydia,  and  of  Sardes,  in  the  latter 
case  on  a  coin  of  Salonina,  who  is  supposed  to 
have  been  a  Christian  (see  par.  3  ;  Madden,  Num. 
Chron.  N.  S.  1866,  vol.  vi.  p.  218)  ;  at  the  same 
time  such  a  form  may  be  seen  on  the  top  of  the 
labarum  of  certain  coins  of  Constantine  the  Great 
to  which  I  shall  presently  allude  (§  vi.). 

It  must,  however,  be  remembered  that  under 
Trajan  Decius  the  Christians  were  grossly  per- 
secuted ("  Exstitit  post  annos  plurimos  exsecrahile 
animal  Decius,  qui  vexaret  Ecclesi.im,"  Lactant. 
de  Mart.  Fers.  c.  4).  Fabian,  bishop  of  Rome, 
the  first  authentic  martyr  pope,  was  one  of  the 
early  victims  (Milman,  Hist,  of  Christ,  vol.  ii. 
p.  188 ;  vol.  iii.  p.  329),  and  many  persons  were 
killed  throughout  the  empire.  Yet  the  quiet 
that  the  Christians  enjoyed  during  the  mild 
reign  of  his  predecessor  Philip,  and  its  effects, 
cannot  have  been  suddenly  stopped  even  by  this 
attempt  to  extirpate  Christianity,  and  it  is  not 
therefore  improbable  that  a  Christian  artist  here 
sought  surreptitious  means  of  protest  against 
the  tyranny  of  the  persecutors  of  the  church. 

I  may  add  that  Tryphonia  or  Cephinia,  the 
wife  of  Herennius  Etruscus,  son  of  Trajan 
Decius  and  Etruscilla,  was  probably  converted 
to  Christianity  with  her  daughter  Cyrilla  after 
her  husband's  death  (De  Witte,  op.  cit.).  Of  this 
empress  no  coins  are  extant. 

3.  Ohv.  CORN.  SALONINA  AVG.  Bust  of  Salo- 
nina to  the  right  on  a  crescent. 

Eev.  AVG.  [or  avgvsta]  in  pace.  Salonina 
seated  to  the  left  holding  an  olive-branch  and 
sceptre.  In  the  exergue  sometimes  the  letters 
M  S,  sometimes  P  or  S,  sometimes  S  I.  Billon. 
(Fig.  3  ;  British  Museum.) 

The  explanation  of  the  remarkable  legend  on 
this  coin  of  Salonina  {circ.  260-268)  was  first 
given  by  M.  de  Witte,  who  in  a  most  interesting 
memoir  published  in  1852  {Mem.  de  I' Acad.  Roy. 
de  Behjique,  vol.  xxvi. ;  cf.  Eev.  Num.  Beige, 
vol.  ii.  1853  ;  Mel.  d'Arch.  vol.  iii.  Paris,  1853) 
traced  the  origin  and  names  of  Salonina  the 
wife  of  Gallienus  —  carefully  distinguishing 
her  from  Pipa  or  Pipara  the  concubine; — the 
character  of  this  empress,  and  finally  attempted 
to  show,  and  not  without  success,  that  she  was 
a  Christian. 

It  has  been  amply  proved,  in  spite  of  many 
objections,  that  the  formula  EN  EIPHNH  or  IN 
PACE  was  exclusively  Christian  (Cavedoni,  Ragg. 


MONEY 

dei  Mon.  delle  Art.  Crist.  Modena,  1849),  that  is 
to  say,  not  in  vogue  among  the  pagans,  though 
it  was  used  previously  by  the  Jews  (Greppo, 
Not.  sur  des  Inscript.  ant.  tire'es  de  quelq.  tom- 
heaux  juifs  a  Borne,  Lyons,  1835).  It  was  more- 
over a  formula  of  Christian  apotheosis,  and  as 
such  has  been  treated  by  M.  de  Witte,  who  in 
the  papers  above  referred  to  has  supposed  that 
these  coins  are  commemorative,  and  were  struck 
by  order  of  Gallienus,  after  his  wife's  death.  A 
few  years  after,  two  finds,  one  in  1855,  consisting 
of  some  4000  coins,  the  other  in  1857,  consisting 
of  some  25  or  30,000  coins  of  silver  and  billon', 
among  which  were  some  of  the  pieces  of  Salonina,. 
with  the  legend  avg.  or  avgvsta  in  pace, 
proved  to  M.  de  Witte  (Bev.  Num.  1857,  p.  71> 
that  these  coins  must  have  been  issued  before 
265  and  consequently  durmg  the  lifetime  of 
Salonina,  an  opinion  that  was  shared  by  the  late 
M.  C.  Lenormant  {Rev.  Num.  1857,  pp.  243- 
245),  but  which  has  not  commended  itself  t« 
Mr.  C.  W.  King  {Early  Christ.  Num.  p.  49 
1873),  who  whilst  suppressing  all  mention  of  th 
authority  of  the  txo  fiiids  speaks  of  M.  de  Witte's 
conclusion  as  an  "  unlucky  after-thought." 

As  regards  the  letters  M  s  in  the  exergue,  Mr 
King  {op.  cit.  p.  xiv.)  is  of  opinion  that  theymusl 
stand  for  some  title,  and  that  Memoriae  Sanctas 
not  merely  gives  a  most  appropriate  sense,  but 
is  supported  by  the  Venerandae  Memoriae  on  the 
coins  of  Constantine  (§  xiii.).  The  fact,  however, 
is  that  other  letters  occur  in  the  exergue,  and 
the  same  may  also  be  found  on  pagan  types  of 
the  coins  of  Salonina,  and  on  the  coins  of 
Gallienus,  so  that  this  hypothesis  is  out  of  the 
question.  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the 
letters  bear  some  reference  to  the  mintage  or 
place  of  minting,  but  I  am  unable  to  offer  any 
satisfactory  solution. 

It  must  be  added  that  the  late  Abb^  Cavedoni 
considered  {Album.  Giornale  Lett.  vol.  xix.  Rome, 
1852)  M.  de  Witte's  suggestion  a  paradox,  and 
did  not  admit  his  interpretation  of  the  legend. 

§  i.  Chronological  and  Historical  Sketch  of  tlie 
Beign  of  Constantine. — Previous  to  commencing 
the  actual  description  of  the  coins  of  Constan- 
tine I.  with  Christian  emblems,  and  for  the  better 
understanding  of  their  arrangement  and  classi- 
fication, it  is  necessary  to  give  a  brief  chrono- 
logical and  historical  sketch  of  the  reign  of  this 
emperor. 

311,  In  the  year  311,  Constantine  I., 

being  determined  to  stop  the  tyranny 
of  Maxentius,  reviewed  in  his  own 
mind  all  considerations,  and  felt  it 
incumbent  on  him  to  honour  no- 
other  than  the  God  of  his  father 
Constautius  I.  Chlorus  (Euseb.  Vit, 
Const,  i.  c.  27).  He  is  consequently 
said  to  have  prayed  earnestly  to 
God,  and  whilst  thus  praying  with 
fervent  entreaty,  a  most  marvellous 
sign  appeared  to  him  from  heaven. 
About  midday,  when  the  sun  was 
beginning  to  decline,  he  saw  with  his 
own  eyes  in  the  heavens  the  trophy 
of  a  cross  of  light  placed  above  the 
sun,  and  bearing  the  inscription  BY 
THIS  CONQUER  (TOVm  N I KAX 
a  miracle  witnessed  by  his  whole 
army  (Euseb.  Vit   Const,  i.  c.  28). 


312. 


MONEY 

But  doubting  in  his  own  mind  what 
the  import  of  this  apparition  might 
be,  he  continued  to  meditate  till 
night.  During  his  sleep  the  Christ 
of  God  appeared  to  him  with  the 
sign  that  he  had  seen  in  the  heavens, 
and  commanded  him  to  make  a 
standard  resembling  the  sign  and  to 
use  it  as  a  safeguard  against  his 
enemies  (Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  i.  c.  29). 
So  soon  as  it  was  day  he  arose,  and 
calling  together  those  that  worked 
in  jewels  and  precious  stones,  he 
sat  in  the  midst  and  described  to 
them  the  figure  of  the  sign  he  had 
seen,  and  commanded  them  to  make 
one  like  it  in  gold  and  precious 
stones,  to  which  Eusebius  adds,  "  and 
I  also  have  seen  this  representation" 
{Vit.  Const,  i.  c.  30). 

The  description  of  the  standard 
of  the  cross,  called  by  the  Romans 
laharum,  is  minutely  given  by  Euse- 
bius {Vit.  Const,  i.  c.  31.  See  art. 
Labarum),  who  says  that  two 
letters  indicating  the  name  of  Christ 
by  means  of  the  first  letters  were 
placed  on  the  crown,  "  the  letter  P 
being  marked  diagonally  with  X  ex- 
actly in  its  centre  "  (xiaCoA'«'»'ou  '''oi 
p  Kara  rh  ixiaairarov),  which  would 

perhaps  rather  give  the  form  /j\ 
than  N^,  and  these  letters  the 
emperor  at  a  later  period  used  to 
wear  on  his  helmet.  The  form  of 
the  cross,  as  employed  by  the  soldiers 
on  their  shields,  is  given  by  Lactan- 
tius  {De  Mort.  Pers.  c.  44) — trans- 
versa S/  litera,  summo  capitecircum- 
flexo,  i.e.  Np . 

Encouraged  by  these  signs,  Con- 
stantine  advanced  against  Maxentius, 
whom  he  defeated  on  Oct.  27,  312, 
Maxentius  himself  being  drowned  in 
the  Tiber  while  endeavouring  to 
escape  over  the  Milvian  bridge.  Con- 
stantine  thus  became  sole  master  of 
the  Western  empire. 

Shortly  after  Constantine's  entry 
into  Rome,  he,  in  conjunction  with 
Licinius  I.  his  colleague,  "having 
first  praised  God  as  the  author  of  all 
their  successes,"  drew  up  a  full  and 
comprehensive  edict  in  favour  of  the 
Chi-istians,  and  then  sent  it  to 
Maximin,  ruler  in  the  east,  who 
fearful  of  refusing,  addressed  a  de- 
cree *•  commencing  lOVlVS  MAXI- 
MiNvs  AVGVSTVS,  etc.  (a  title 
assumed  by  him  after  the  death  of 
Galerius)  to  the  governors  under 
him,  respecting  the  Christians,  as  if 
of  his  own  free  will  (Euseb.  H.  E. 
ix.  c.  9). 


MONEY 


127; 


i>  The  original  edict  is  not  now  extant,  but  the  copy 
issued  by  Maximin  ia  given  by  Eusebius  in  Greek  (IT.  E. 


The  whole  Roman  people  received 
Constantine  as  their  benefactor.  The 
senate  who  paid  adoration  to  the 
laharum  (Prudent,  in  Symin.  494— 
496)  decreed  him  the  first  rank 
among  the  Augusti  (Lactant.  de  Mort. 
Pers.  c.  44),  and  perhaps  offered  him 
the  title  of  Maximus,  "  quem  sibi 
Maximinus  vindicabat,"  to  the  great 
grief  and  indignation  of  Maximin. 
"  Cognito  deinde  senatus  decreto,  sic 
exarsit  dolore,  ut  inimicitias  aperte 
profiteretur,  convicia  jocis  mixta  ad- 
versus  Iinperatorem  Maximum  di- 
ceret  "  (Lactant.  op.  cit.).  [See  under 
315.]  Constantine  erected  a  statue 
of  himself  in  the  most  frequented  part 
of  Rome,  and  ordered  a  long  spear  in 
the  form  of  a  cross  to  be  placed  in 
the  hands  of  the  statue,  and  the 
following  inscription  to  be  engraved 
on  it  in  the  Latin  language ; — By 
this  salutary  sigx,  the  true 
symbol  of  valour,  i  have  saved- 
your  city,  liberated  from  the 
yoke  of  the  tyrant.  i  have 
also  restored  the  senate  and 
Roman  people  to  their  ancient 

DIGNITY    AND   SPLENDOUR.      (Euseb. 

Vit.  Const,  i.  c.  40 ;  H.  E.  ix.  c.  9.) 
312-313.  In     312-313,     Constantine     and 

Licinius  were  at  Milan,  where  the 
latter  was  married  to  Constantia, 
the  half-sister  of  Constantine  (Lac- 
tant. de  Mort.  Pers.  c.  45 ;  Vict. 
Epit.  ;  Zosim.  ii.  17);  and  here  the 
two  emperors  issued  a  second  edict 
giving  liberty  to  the  Christians  in  par- 
ticular, and  to  all  men  in  general,  to- 
follow  the  worship  of  that  deity 
which  each  might  approve,  so  that 
thus  the  Divine  Being  {Divinitas) 
might  be  propitious  to  them  and  to 
all  their  subjects  (Lactant.  de  Mort. 
Pers.  c.  48;  Euseb.  H.  E.  x. 
c  5). 

In  the  meantime  the  impious 
Maximin  Daza,  taking  advantage  of 
the  marriage  festivities  which  were 
going  on  at  Milan,  marched  from 
Syria  into  Bithynia,  and  from 
thence  into  Thrace.  Licinius  pur- 
sued him,  and  in  a  pitched  battle  at 
Adrianople  defeated  him.  Maximin 
fled  to  Mount  Taurus,  and  thence  to 
Tarsus,  where  he  is  said  to  have 
given  glory  to  the  God  of  the 
Christians,  and  enacted  a  full  and 
complete  law  for  their  liberty 
(Euseb.  H.  E.  ix.  c.  10),  but  too- 
late,  for  being  seized  with  a  violent 
disease,  he  perished  miserably  (313). 
Licinius  thus  became  sole  master  of 
the  East,  and  on  arriving  at  Nico- 
media,  he  gave  thanks  to  God  for 
his  victory  (gratiam  Deo,  cujus 
auxilio  vicerat,  Lactant.  de  Mort. 
Pers.  c.  48),  and  repeated  the  edict 
in  favour  of  the  Christians  as  issued 
by  Constantine  and  himself  at 
Milan  (Lactant.  op.  cit.). 
314.  In   314  Constantine  and  Licinius- 


127G  MONEY 

quarrelled,  but  the  latter,  being  de- 
feated,  sued  for   peace,  which   was 
accepted. 
-315  In  315  the  title  of  Maximus  and 

the  diadem  were  officially  decreed  to 
Constantine. 

The  title  of  Maximus  is  given  to 
Constantine  by  Eumenius  in  his 
panegyric  pronounced  at  Treves  in 
310  {Paneg.  Const.  Aug.  Diet.),  but 
the  statement  cannot  be  accepted  as 
true  (Heyne,  Ccns.  xii.  Pcmeg.  Vet. 
in  his  Opusc.  Acad.  vol.  vi.  p.  80). 
Pagius  {Crit.  Baron,  ann.  311)  gives 
the  date  as  311  on  the  authority  of 
a  coin  having  on  the  obverse  max. 
and  on  the  reverse  VOTIS  V  MVLT.  x, 
but  Mediobarbus,  from  whom  the 
description  of  the  coin  is  taken,  is 
an  authority  of  no  value  (Eckhel, 
Doct.  JVum.  Vet.  vol.  viii.  p.  94). 
Some  modern  numismatists,  on  the 
other  hand  (Feuardent,  Bcv.  Num. 
1856,  p.  249;  Cohen,  Me'd.  Imp. 
vol.  vi.  p.  89),  think  that  coins  with 
this  title  were  not  struck  till  the 
end  of  his  reign.  The  title  was  pro- 
bably offered  to  him  in  312  by  the 
senate,  as  I  have  previously  stated, 
but  it  is  more  likely  that  it  was 
officially  granted  to  him  in  315, 
when  the  triumphal  arch,  to  com- 
memorate the  victory  over  Maxen- 
tius  in  312,  was  dedicated  to  him. 

IMP.      CAES.      FL.      CONSTANTINO 

MAXIMO    P.    F.    AVQVSTO    S.    P.    Q.    R. 

etc.  (Orelli,  Inscr.  No.  1075 ;  see 
§  xviii.  "  False  or  uncertain  coins 
of  Constantine  I.")  on  which  it  was 
proclaimed  that  by  the  greatness  of 
his  own  mind  and  the  inspiration  of 
the  Divinity  (instinctu  Divinitatis)  ' 
he  defeated  the  tyrant  Maxentius, 
and  this  view  is  confirmed  by  a 
genuine  brass  coin  preserved  in  the 
"  Musee  de  Vienne,"  having  on  the 
obverse  constantinvs  max.  avg. 
COS.  iiii  and  on  the  reverse  the 
legend  soli  invicto  COMiti  (Eckhel, 
Cat.  du  Musee  de  Vienne;  Cohen, 
M^d.  Imp.  Nos.  467,  468). 

It  is  extremely  probable  that 
the  senate  decreed  to  Constantine 
at  the  same  time  the  diadem  (see 
§  xvi.  "  Coins  of  Constantine  with 
the  diadem  "),  and  it  was  perhaps  on 
the    occasion  of  these  honours  that 


<=  The  words  instinctu  divinitatis  have  been  supposed 
by  some  (Guattini,  Mon.  Ant.  di  Emna,  p.  xciv.  1789 ; 
Bom.  descr.  p.  42,  1805 ;  Henzcii,  Suppl.  ad  Orell.  vol.  iii. 
p.  113)  to  have  been  written  over  the  effaced  words  nutu 
joviso.  m.  or  perhaps  Diis  faventihus, hut  Garrucci  quite 
sets  the  question  at  rest  by  assuring  us  (^Nuin.  Cost.  2nd 
ed.  p.  245  ;  Rev.  iVum.  1866,  p.  96)  from  personal  inspection 
that  the  marble  was  not  lower  in  the  portion  where  these 
words  occur  than  in  other  parts,  nor  are  the  letters  them- 
selves confused,  nor  are  there  any  traces  of  letters  to  be 
seen  that  could  have  been  previously  engraved.  It  may 
be  added  that  Constantino  himself  In  his  oration  to  the 
assembly  of  the  saints  (ap.  Euseb.  c.  26)  speaks  of  his 
services  as  owing  their  origin  to  the  inspiration  of  God 
(ef  CTTtjri'oias  ©eoC). 


323. 


325. 


337. 


MONEY 

Constantine  distributed  money  to 
the  people  as  attested  by  his  coins 
(constantinvs  max.  avg.  Bust 
with  diadem,  Cohen,  M^d.  Imp.  No. 
160,  from  Welzf). 

In  317  Crispus  and  Constantine  II., 
the  sons  of  Constantine  I.,  and  Licin- 
ius  II.  the  son  of  Licinius  I.,  were 
made  Caesars. 

In  321  Constantine  enjoined  all 
the  subjects  of  the  Roman  empire 
to  observe  the  "  Lord's  Day,"  and 
passed  an  edict  for  the  solemn  ob- 
servance of  Sunday  (Clinton,  F.  S. 
vol.  ii.  p.  91),  which  he  called  dies 
Solis  (Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  iv.  c.  18  ; 
Sozomen,  H.  E.  i.  c.  8). 

For  nine  years  there  had  been 
peace,  but  at  last,  in  323,  a  second 
war  broke  out  between  Constantine 
and  Licinius.  Two  battles  were 
fought,  and  in  the  second  Licinius 
was  utterly  defeated  and  obliged  to 
sue  for  pardon.  His  life  was  spared 
at  the  request  of  his  wife  Constantia, 
but  only  for  a  brief  period,  as  he 
was  put  to  death  in  the  next  year, 
324,  at  Thessalonica,  whei'e  he  had 
been  placed  in  confinement  (Euti-op. 
X.  6  ;  Hieron.  Chron. ;  Zosimus,  ii.  28  ; 
Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  ii.  c.  18 ;  //.  E. 
X.  c.  9). 

By  this  victory  Constantine  be- 
came sole  master  of  the  Roman 
world  (rector  totivs  ORBIS  on  a 
gold  coin  struck  at  Thessalonica, 
Madden,  Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  18G2, 
vol.  ii.  p.  48). 

On  Nov.  8  of  this  year  Constau- 
tius  II.  was  made  Caesar. 

About  325  the  combats  of  Gladi- 
ators were  abolished,  but  they 
appear  still  to  have  continued  till 
as  late  as  455  (Gibbon,  Rom.  Emp. 
ed.  Smith  vol.  iv.  p.  41,  note),  and 
perhaps  also  the  punishment  of  the 
cross  (Aur.  Vict.  Caes.  c.  41 ;  Sozo- 
men, H.  E.  i.  c.  8). 

330.  Dedication  of  Constantinople 
where  Constantine  abolished  idolatry 
and  built  churches  (Euseb.  Vit. 
Const,  iii.  c.  48),  placing  in  his 
palace  a  representation  of  the  cross 
composed  of  precious  stones  richly 
wrought  in  gold  ( Vit.  Const,  iii.  c. 
49). 

333.  Constans  made  Caesar. 

337.  Constantine  now  began  to 
feel  signs  of  failing  health,  aad 
visited  Ilelenopolis,  the  birthplace 
of  his  mother  Helena,  where  he  is 
said  to  have  for  the  first  time  re- 
ceived the  imposition  of  hands  with 
prayer,  in  fact  became  a  catechumen, 
after  which  he  proceeded  to  Nico- 
media,  where  he  was  baptized  by 
Eusebius,  bishop  of  Nicomedia, 
though  he  had  intended  to  defer  this 
rite  till  he  could  have  been  baptized 
in  the  river  Jordan.  He  soon  after 
died,  at  noon  on  the  feast  of  Pente- 
cost (Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  iv.  c.  61-64  ; 


» 


MONEY 

Socrates,  H.  E.  i.  39  ;  Sozomen,  ff.  E. 
ii.  c.  34  ;  Theodoret,  //.  E.  i.  c.  32). 
Delmatius  and  Hanniballianus,  and 
other  members  of  the  Imperial 
family,  excepting  Julian  and  Gallus, 
were  put  to  death,  and  the  three 
sons  of  Constantine  I. — Constan- 
tine  II.  Constantius  II.  and  Constans 
were  declared  Avgusti. 

From  these  statements  it  would  appear  that 
Constantine  the  Great  was  converted  to  Christi- 
anity about  the  year  312,  and  that  his  colleague 
Licinius  I.  pretended  to  embrace  the  same  faith 
at  or  about  the  same  period.  Still  many  acts  of 
his  reign  after  this  date  show  that  he  acted  in 
anything  but  a  Christian  spirit.  There  may  be 
specially  mentioned  :  (1)  the  murder  of  Licinius  I. 
in  324  contra  jus  sacramenti ;  (2)  the  murder  of 
his  son  Crispus,  and  the  young  Licinius,  a  boy 
of  eleven  years  of  age,  in  326 ;  and  (3)  the 
murder  of  his  wife  Fausta  in  327.^  For  these 
and  other  reasons,  especially  because  he  had  on 
his  coins  the  inscription  Sol  Invictus,  some  have 
considei-ed  (Niebuhr,  Hist,  of  Rom.  vol.  v.  p. 
359)  that  he  must  have  been  "  a  repulsive  phe- 
nomenon and  was  certainly  not  a  Christian."  Be 
this  as  it  may,  it  is  during  the  reign  of  Con- 
stantine that  Christian  emblems  appear  in  a 
marked  manner  on  the  coins  and  on  the  Roman 
dated  tituli. 

In  the  numismatic  studies  now  about  to  follow, 
it  will  be  seen  whether  Constantine  the  Great 
ordered  to  be  placed  on  the  imperial  coinage, 
either  openly  or  latently,  any  Christian  emblems 
from  the  time  when  he  fii'st  professed  Christi- 
anity in  312,  or  whether  he  deferred  so  doing 
till  323,  after  the  defeat  of  Licinius,  when  as 
"ruler  of  the  whole  world"  he  could  dare, 
without  opposition,  to  inscribe  upon  his  coins 
the  symbols  of  the  true  religion  of  Christ. 

§  ii.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.  and  Licinius  I. 
—  ?  312—?  317. 

1.    Obv.     IMP.     CONSTANTINVS    AVG.       Bust     of 

Constantine  I.  armed  in  cuirass  with  the  shoulder- 
belt,  holding  a  spear  slanting  over  right  shoulder, 
and  on  the  left  a  shield  on  which  is  figured  a 
horseman  striking  with  a  spear  a  barbarian. 
The  head  is  covered  with  a  helmet  divided  in 
the  middle  by  a  large  band,  on  which  is  engraved 

the  monogram  ^  between  two  stars. 

Bev.    VICTORIAE    LAETAE    PRINC.    PERP.      TwO 

victories  supporting  a  shield  placed  on  a  pedestal ; 
on  the  shield  vox.  P.  R. ;  on  the  pedestal  an  i ; 
in  the  exergue  B.  sis.  (2  Siscid.)     M. 

(Published  by  Angelo  Breventano,  in  Macar. 


MONEY 


127^ 


d  Gibbon  {Rom.  Emp.  ed.  Smith,  vol.  ii.  pp.  354,  355) 
thinks  that  there  is  reason  to  believe,  or  at  least  to  sus- 
pect, that  she  escaped  the  blind  and  suspicious  cruelty  of 
her  husband,  and  apparently  principally  on  a  statement 
in  an  oration  pronounced  during  the  succeeding  reign 
{Monod.  in  Constantin.  jun.  c.  4,  ad  calcem  Eutrop.  ed. 
Havercamp).  But  the  Abbe  Caveduni  asserts  (Ricerche 
Crit.  etc.  p.  4,  note)  that  the  supposed  Mmiodia  on  the 
death  of  Constantine  junior  has  been  proved  by  Wcsseling 
to  have  been  written  on  the  death  of  I'heodurus  Palaeolo- 
gus,  about  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  (Anonymi 
Orat.  Fun.  ed.  Frotschero),  whilst  Manso  (ieben  Ccm- 
stantins,  p.  65)  treats  the  suggestion  with  contempt. 
There  is,  however,  a  great  want  of  positive  proof  on  this 
question. 


Hagioglypta,  p.  159,  1856;  Baronius,  Ann.  ad 
ann.  312,  p.  510  ;  Sada,  Dialoghi  deU'Agostini, 
p.  17,  Rome,  1592  ;  Tanini,  SuppL  ad  Bandur. 
p.  275  ;  Caronni,  J/ws.  Hederv.  Nos.  3996,  3971 ; 
Cavedoni,  Bicerche,  p.  15,  Nos.  18,  19 — the  latter 
having  the  additional  letters  P.  F.  on  the  obverse 
with  neither  the  shield  nor  the  stars  ;  Garrucci, 
Num.  Cost.  2nd  ed.  p.  237,  No.  1 ;  Bev.  A^um. 
1866,  p.  81,  No.  1 ;  but  I  do  not  know  where 
this  actual  example  may  now  be.) 

2.  Obv.    IMP.      CONSTANTINVS     AVG.       Bust    of 

Constantine  I.  to  left,  armed  with  cuirass,  and 
with  the  shoulder-belt,  holding  a  spear  slanting 
over  right  shoulder,  and  on  the  left  a  shield,  ou 
which  is  a  horseman  striking  with  his  spear  a 
barbarian.  The  head  is  covered  with  a  helmet, 
divided  in  the  middle  by  a  large  band,  on  which, 
a  crescent  moon  and  a  small  globule  ;  on  each 
side  of  the  band  on  the  crown  of  the  helmet  the 

monogram  ^X^. 

Eev.  Same  legend  and  type ;  on  the  pedestal 
the  letter  X ;  ii  the  exergue  B.  SIS.  .^  (2 
Siscid.)  M.  (Fig.  4;  Cabinet  des  M€dailles, 
Paris.) 

Other  specimens  exist,  issued  at  another  mint, 
p.  T.  s.  T.  or  T.  T.  (^Prima,  Secunda  or  Tertia 
Tarracone),  the  first  and  last  of  which  are  in 
the  British  JIuseum,  on  which  the  monogram 
^  occurs.  On  another  example  in  the  British 
Museum,  with  reverse  legend  viCT.  laetae 
PRINC.  PERP.  there  is  certainly  a  star  of  eight 
rays — thus  ^|^  — on  either  side  of  the  band 
(Fig.  5),  whilst  the  rays  are  said  to  take  the  form 
of  a  Maltese  cross  on  some  pieces  struck  at  Treves 
and  at  London  (Lagoy,  Bev.  Mwn.  1857,  p.  196). 

3.  Obv.  IMP.  Lie.  LICINIVS  P.  F.  AVG.  Bust 
of  Licinius  I.  to  the  right,  laureated,  with 
cuirass. 

Bev.  Same  legend  and  type ;  on  the  pedestal 

X ;  in  the  exergue  A.  SIS.  ^  (1  Siscid.)  M. 
(British  Museum.) 

The  cross  (X)  on  t^e  pedestal  is  very  like 
the  one  on  the  coin  of  Constantine  (No.  2),  also 
struck  at  Siscia,  and  maybe  a  Christian  emblem, 
or  it  may  simply  be  intended  for  an  ornamenta- 
tion of  the  pedestal. 

§  iii.  Coins  of  Constantine  L,  Crispus,  and 
Constantine  11.— (1)  317-323. 

4.  Obv.  CONSTANTINVS  MAX.  AVG.  Helmeted 
bust  of  Constantine  I.  to  the  right,  laureated, 
with  cuirass. 

Bev.   VICTORIAE   LAETAE   PRINC.   PERP.    Same 

type,  on  the  pedestal  an  equilateral  cross  Cj.!] 
In  the  exergue  S.  T.  (Secunda  Tarracone.)     ^. 

(Garrucci,  Num.  Cost.  2nd  ed.  p.  239,  No.  3, 
pi.  No.  2  from  coll.  of  Sig.  L.  Depoletti,  dealer 
in  Rome;  cf.  Bev.  Num.  1866,  p.  83,  No.  3, 
pi.    ii.    No.   2,   where  the    reverse   is   engraved 

VICTORIAI   LEITAI  (sic)  PRINC.  PERP.) 

5.  Obv.  D.  N.  CRISPO  NOB.  CAES.  Head  of 
Crispus. 

Bev.  Same  legend  and  type :  on  the  pedestal 
an  equilateral  cross.     In  the  exergue        ?     M. 
(Garrucci  from  Tanini.) 

6.  Obv.    CONSTANTINVS     IVN.     N.    C.       Bust    of 

Constantine  II.  to  the  left,  radiated,  with  palu- 
damentum. 


1278 


MONEY 


Rev.  Sam'e  legend  and  type  :  on  the  pedestal 
an  equilateral  cross  c'^3  within  a  wreath.     In 

the  exergue  p.  ln.  {Prima  Londinio.)     M. 

(Fig.  6  ;  British  Museum.  Another  example, 
published  by  Garrucci  from  Tanini,  has  on  the 
obverse  the  additional  letters  FL.  CL.) 

Cavedoni  considered  {Eicerche,  p.  20)  the 
monograms  on  coins  Nos.  1  and  2  to  be  more 
like  stars,  or  monograms  composed  of  the  letters 
I  and  X,  the  initials  of  'ItjctoCs  XpicrToj,  but  they 

seem  to  have  really  the  form  of  y^ . 

As  to  the  date  of  issue  of  the  coins  above 
described  it  is  supposed  that  some  may  have 
existed  previous  to  323,  as  there  are  specimens 
of  the  coins  of  Constantine  II.  among  them,  and 
none  of  Constantius  II.  made  Caesar  in  that  same 
year  (Cavedoni,  Appcndice,  p.  6 ;  Garrucci,  op. 
cit.).  The  coin  No.  4,  bearing  as  it  does  the 
title  of  MAX.  {Maximus),  might  have  been  issued 
in  315,  in  which  year  the  Senate,  as  we  have 
seen,  granted  him  that  title,  whilst  the  coins  of 
Constantine  I.  (Nos.  1  and  2)  might  even  be  as 
early  as  312,  and  those  of  Crispus  and  Constan- 
tine II.  (Nos.  5  and  6)  as  early  as  317.  They 
are  all  probably  anterior  to  319,  and  certainly 
precede  the  year  323. 

The  first  two  coins  are  interesting  as  confirm- 
ing the  words  of  Eusebius  (Fj'i.  Const,  i.  c.  31  ; 
cf.  Sozomen,  H.  E.  i.  c.  8)  that  Constantine, 
besides  having  the  monogram  placed  upon  the 
laharum,  was  in  the  habit  of  wearing  it  upon  his 
helmet.  The  helmet  is  sometimes  ornamented 
with  pellets  or  stars,  and  the  former  are  no  doubt 
intended  to  represent  gems,  according  to  the 
account  of  his  panegyrist  Nazarius  (xxix.  5) — 
"  fulget  galea  et  corusca  luce  ge/nmarum  divinum 
verticem  monstrat,"  whilst  according  to  Philo- 
storgius  (H.  E.  i.  c.  6)  the  holy  sign  seen  in  the 
sky  by  Constantine  was  surrounded  by  stars 
that  encircled  it  as  a  rainbow — Kal  aartpuv 
avTcav  KvKXcf}  irepiOeovTtiiv  iptSos  Tpdiraj. 

The  words  victoriae  laetae  may  be  com- 
pared (cf.  Cavedoni,  Bicerche,  p.  16;  Disumina, 
p.  212)  to  the  scriptural  expressions  '^  Laetabor 
ego  super  eloquia  tua :  sicut  qui  invenit  spolia 
multa"  (Ps.  cxviii.  162),  ot  "Laetabuntur  .  .  .  . 
sicut  exultant  victores  capta  praeda,  quando 
dividunt  spolia  "  (Is.  ix.  3),  and  to  the  line  of 
Horace  (1  Sat.  i.  8) — "  Momento  cita  mors 
venit,  aut  victoria  laeta." 

§  iv.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.,  Licinius  I.,  Cris- 
pus, Licinius  II.,  and  Constantine  II. —  ?  319- 
323. 

7.  Obv.  CONSTAntinvs  avg.  Helmeted  bust 
of  Constantine  I.  to  the  right,  with  cuirass. 

Rev.  VIRTVS  EXERCIT.  Standard,  at  the  foot 
of  which  two  captives,  seated  ;  on  the  standard 

VOT.  XX.    In  the  field  to  left  S<^ .    In  the  exergue 

A.  SIS.  (1  Siscid.)     M.     (Garrucci,  from  Museo 
Kircheriano.) 

8.  Ohv.  IMP.  UCiNivs  AVG.  Helmeted  bust 
of  Licinius  I.  to  the  right,  with  cuirass. 

Rev.  Same  legend  and  type.     In  the  field  to 

left   yC'    III  the  exergue  AQ.  s.   {Aquileid  Se- 

cunda.')     M. 

(Fig.  7  ;  British  Museum.  There  is  a  similar 
example  in  the  Cabinet  des  2I€dailles,  Paris,  struck 
at  Thessalonica.) 


MONEY 

9.  Obv.  CRisPVS  NOB.  CAES.  Bust  of  Crispus 
to  the  left,  laureated,  with  cuirass,  and  holding- 
a  spear  and  shield. 

Rev.  Same  legend  and  type.     In  the  field  to 

left  ^.   In  the  exergue  AQ.  p.  {Aquilcid  prima.) 

M. 

(British  Museum.  A  similar  specimen  with 
AQ.  T.-tertia-  is  in  the  Cab.  des  Me'd.  Paris.) 

10.  Obo.  LiCiNivs  IVN.  NOB.  c.  Bust  of  Li- 
cinius II.  to  the  right,  laureated,  with  palvda- 
mentum  and  cuirass. 

Rev.  Same  legend  and  type.  In  the  field  to 
left   sL' .     In  the  exergue  P.  T.  (Prima  Tarra- 

cone.)    JE. 

(Fig.  8  ;  British  Museum.  Garrucci  describes 
another  example  from  the  collection  of  Signer 
Depoletti  with  T.  T.  in  the  exergue,  the  emperor 
on  the  obverse  holding  a  globe  surmounted  by  a 
victory.) 

11.  Obv.  LICINIVS  IVN.  NOB,  C  Same  type 
as  No.  10. 

Rev.  Same  legend  and  type.  In  the  field  a 
star  with  eight  rays.     In  the  exergue      ?     JE. 

(Cohen,  Suppl.  No.  3  from  coll.  of  31.  Poij- 
denot.) 

12.  Obv.   CONSTANTINVS    IVN.    NOB.    C.      Bust 

of  Constantine  II.  to  the  left,  laureated,  with 
cuirass,  and  holding  a  globe  surmounted  by  a 
victory. 

Rev.  Same  legend  and  type.  In  the  field  y^  , 
In   the   exergue   P.  ^  T.    {Prima    Tarraconc.) 

M.     (British  Museum.) 

Cavedoni  would  never  believe  that  the  sup- 
posed monogram  was  anything  more  than  a  star 
of  six  rays,  or  at  the  utmost  the  monogram  com- 
posed of  I  and  X,  the  initials  of 'Itjctov  j  Xpia-rSs. 
From  the  coins  of  this  series  which  I  have  been 
able  to  examine  (Nos.  8,  9,  10  and  12)  it  seems 

perfectly  clear  that  the  form  is  y^ ,  the  vertical 

line  terminating  in  a  globule  or  a  circle.  Cohen 
{3Ie'd.  Imp.  vol.  vi.  p.  83,  note;  Suppl.  p.  375, 
note)  agrees  with  Cavedoni  that  the  sign  is  a 
star,  which  view  he  considers  confirmed  by  the 
coin  of  Licinius  II.  (No.  11),  which  has  a  star  of 
eight  rays;  but  as  he  allows  that  the  monogram 

^P  (?)  sometimes  appears  on  the  coins  of  Crispus 
(No.  9),  there  is  no  reason  why  it  or  ^  or  «J^ 

should  not  occur  upon  the  coins  above  described. 
The  piece  with  eight  rays  proves  nothing,  and  we 
have  seen  that  on  the  helmet  of  Constantine 
there  was  sometimes  placed  a  star  of  eight  rays 
—  .^  —  instead  of  the  Christian  monogram. 
(See  under  No.  2  ;  Fig.  5.) 

I  do  not  myself  see  any  reason  to  doubt  that 
these  signs  were  intended  for  the  Christian 
monogram,  though  at  this  period  of  the  reign  of 
Constantine  expressed  on  the  coinage  in  some- 
what a  latent  manner. 

This  series  was  probably  introduced  about  the 
year  319.  It  is  anterior  to  323,  coins  of  both 
the  Licinii  being  common  to  it,  whilst  those  of 
Constantius  II.  Caesar,  are  wanting. 

§  V.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.  with  the  "  Mar& 
Conservator"  and  ^'- Sol  Invictus"  types. — 
?312— ?  323. 


MONEY 

It  was  at  one  time  considered  that  the  coins 
of  Constantine  I.  with  pagan  symbols  were  not 
entirely  excluded  till  323,  after  the  defeat  of 
Licinius,  but  on  no  safe  grounds,  as  the  coins 
bearing  the  names  and  types  of  Jupiter,  Hercules, 
and  Mars  never  bear  the  title  of  Maximus,  be- 
stowed upon  him  in  315,  from  which  it  may 
reasonably  be  inferred  that  all  these  coins  were 
struck  previous  to  312,  when  Constantine  openly 
professed  Christianity.  One  coin,  however,  of 
the  Mars  type  and  the  title  MAX.  has  been 
described  from  Tam'm  (Cohen,  ifed  Imj^.  No.  361), 
whilst  there  is  a  series  of  coins  of  Crispus  and 
Constantine  II.  with  the  tvpe  of  Jupiter  (Cohen, 
Med.  Imp.  vol.  vi.  pp.  197,  198,  Nos.  83-85; 
p.  234,  Nos.  143,  144),  which  were  certainly 
issued  posterior  to  317,  in  which  year  they 
were  created  Caesars,  but  the  type  was  not 
struck  in  any  mint  in  the  dominions  of  Constan- 
tine, but  in  those  subject  to  Licinius. 

Some  coins  of  Constantine  I.  with  the  legend 
MARTI  [or  MARTI   PATRl]  CONSERVATORI,  having 

for  type  the  bust  of  Constantine  (?)  with  the 
helmet  adorned  with  the  monogram,  or  Mars 
standing,  and  in  the  field  an  equilateral  cross 
or  on  his  shield  S^ ,  and  others  with  the  legend 
SOLI  iNVicro  COMITI,  the  sun  standing,  and  in 
the  field   nU     are  supposed  to  be  in  existence 

(Garrucci,  Num.  Cost.  2nd  ed.  p.  241  seq. ;  JRev. 
Num.  1866,  p.  86  seq.),  but  it  is  not  clearly 
established  that  the  "  monogram  "  is  not  a  star 
of  six  equal  rays ;  or  "  the  equilateral  cross  " 
the  Latin  letter  or  numerical  mark  X  drawn 
sideways.  On  available  specimens,  from  one  of 
which  a  drawing  is  given  (Fig.  9),  there  is  a 
symbol  which  appears  to  be  a  cross,  but  it  differs 
considerably  from  that  on  the  coins  previously 
described,  and  may  indeed  be  only  a  numeral  or 
a  letter. 

According  to  Zonaras  (^Ann.  xiii.  3)  Constan- 
tine placed  in  the  forum  of  Constantinople  the 
circular  porphyry  column  brought  from  Rome, 
and  on  it  he  put  the  brazen  statue  of  Apollo 
which  he  set  up  in  his  own  name,  substituting 
some  of  the  nails  of  the  passion  for  the  rays  of 
the  sun,  thus  assuming  with  "  singular  shame- 
lessness"  (cf.  Von  Hammer,  Const,  und  Bosp. 
vol.  i.  p.  162)  the  attributes  of  Apollo  and 
Christ,  from  which  circumstance  Garrucci  has 
found  no  difficulty  in  supposing  that  Constantine 
''changed  the  head  of  the  statue,"  and  fully 
intended  to  represent  himself  as  Sol  upon  his 
coins. 

Though  Eusebius  {Vit.  Const,  i.  c.  43 ;  cf.  Lac- 
tant.  de  Mort.  Pers.  c.  i.)  in  the  rhetorical 
language  of  the  time,  compares  Constantine  to 
the  sun  rising  upon  the  earth  and  imparting  its 
rays  of  light  to  all,  and  though  in  the  legend 
SOLI  INVICTO  COMITI  there  may  be  the  idea  of 
the  ancient  Sun-god  and  the  new  Sun  of  Right- 
eousness [see  art.  Christmas],  it  is  doubtful 
whether  Constantine  would  have  placed  the 
monogram  of  Christ  beside  the  image  of  the  Sol 
Invictus,  or  have  caused  himself  to  be  represented 
under  the  semblance  of  the  sun  together  with 
signs  of  Christianity. 

Should  the  coins  of  the  Mars  and  Sol  Invictus 
types  be  considered  subsequent  to  312,  in  any 
case  they  must  be  placed  before  323,  since  coins 
of  Constantius  Caesar  are  wanting  in  this  series, 


MONEY 


1279 


and  as  to  the  type  of  Sol  Invictus,  as  no 
specimens  of  the  coins  of  Licinius  II.  have  been 
discovered,  it  would  seem  that  it  was  first 
struck  by  the  two  Augusti,  Constantine  I.  and 
Licinius  I.,  and  secondly  by  Constantine  I.  and 
his  sons,  after  the  year  319,  when  the  quarrels 
between  Constantine  I.  and  Licinius  I.  had  pro- 
bably commenced. 

There  appears,  indeed,  to  be  little  doubt  that 
Constantine  I.,  after  he  had  conquered  Maxentius 
in  312,  found  himself  compelled  to  tolerate  for 
some  years  on  his  coins,  and  on  those  of  Crispus 
and  Constantine  II.,  some  of  the  heathen  types, 
such  as  the  3Iars  and  the  Sol  Invictus,  one  spe- 
cimen of  which,  with  the  title  max.  and  COS 
nil  gives  the  date  315  (see  §  i.),  whilst  the 
coins  of  Crispus  and  Constantine  II.  with  these 
types  cannot  be  anterior  to  317,  when  they  were 
made  Caesars.  Soon  after,  the  coins  with  the  Sun- 
type,  but  with  the  legend  CLARItas  REIPVBLIcae 
on  the  coinage  of  Crispus  and  Constantine  II. 
must  have  been  introduced  and  continued  in 
circulation  till  about  ?  317  or  319,  when  the 
new  coins  of  Constantine  !•.,  Crispus  and  Con- 
stantine II.  with  the  legend  victoriae  laetae 
PRINC.  PERP.  (§  iii.)  and  the  coins  of  Constan- 
tine I.  and  Licinius  I.  and  their  sons,  with  the 
legend  VIRTVS  EXERCIT.  (§  iv.)  became  universal. 

§  vi.  Coins  of  Constantine  /.,  Licinius  I., 
Crispus,  Constantine  II.  and  Licinius  II.  with 
the  spear  head  ending  in  a  cross. 

A.  ?  317  —  323.'  —  Ohv.  imp.  licinivs  avg. 
Bust  of  Licinius  I.  to  the  right,  helmeted,  with 
paludamentum  and  cuirass. 

Bev.  VIRTVS  EXERCIT.  Standard,  at  the  foot 
of  which  two  captives  seated ;  on  the  standard 
VOT.  XX.  The  top  of  the  staflf  of  the  laharum 
ends  in  a  cross.  In  the  field  to  right  and  left 
the  letters  s.  F.  In  the  exergue  aq.  s.  (^Aquileid 
Secunda.)     JE.     (Fig.  10  ;  British  Museum.) 

Similar  coins  exist  of  Licinius  I.,  Crispus, 
Licinius  II.,  and  Constantine  II.,  struck  at  Thessa- 
lonica,  and  at  Treves;  of  Constantine  I.  and 
Crispus  struck  at  Lyons,  and  of  Constantine  I. 
struck  at  Aries. 

B.  ?  321-323. —  Obv.  constantinvs  avg. 
Bust  of  Constantine  I.  to  the  right,  helmeted, 
with  cuirass. 

JiCV.  VIRTVS  EXERCIT.  Same  type.  In  the 
exergue  P.  ln.  (Prima  Londinio.)  jE.  (British 
Museum.) 


'  About  the  year  323,  after  the  defeat  of  Licinius  I. 
there  was  issued  at  the  mints  of  Lyons,  London  and 
Treves,  a  series  of  coins  of  Constantine  I.,  Crispus, 
Licinius  II.  and  Constantine  II.  Caesares  with  the 
legend  beata  trakqvillitas  and  the  type  a  globe  on  an 
altar  on  which  voiis  xx,  and  above  the  globe  three  stars. 

On  the  globe  may  be  seen  . : .  \] .  \.  -j-jJ  and  .^*, 
which  according  to  Cavedoni  (^Ricerche,  p.  20)  the  holy 
fathers  delighted  to  think  was  the  sign  of  the  cross  on 
the  four  cardinal  points  of  the  globe  (S.  Maximus  Taurin. 
Homil.  L.  quae  est  ii.  decruce;  Scdulius  Cam.  Paschal. 
1.  iii).  On  some  of  the  coins  of  the  kings  of  the  Bosphorus 
(Baron  de  KiJhne,  Descr.  du  Mus.  du  feu  le  Prince 
Kotschoubey,  St.  Petersbourg,  1857),  where  Christianity 
had  been  early  diffused,  dating  about  324  there  has  been 
thought  to  be  a  cross  (Cavedoni,  Appendice,  p.  18).  In 
1853  the  Count  Ouvaroff  discovered,  near  Sevastopol,  the 
pillars  and  mosaic  pavement  of  a  Christian  church  built 
in  the  4th  centuiy,  and  near  the  ruins  of  a  temple  of 
Venus  (Kiihne,  op.  cit.  pp.  447,  448). 


1280 


MONEY 


Similar  coins  exist  of  Crispus  and  Constan- 
tine  11. 

Of  the  series  of  these  coins  struck  at  Thessa- 
lonica  there  is  no  coin  of  Constantine  I.,  of  that 
struck  at  London  there  is  no  coin  of  Licinius  I. 
That  a  coin  of  Constantine  I.  of  this  series  was 
issued  at  Thessalonica  is  more  than  probable, 
as  lUyricum,  in  which  Thessalonica  was  situated, 
•was  added  to  the  dominions  of  Constantine  in 
314,  after  the  war  with  Licinius.  Whv  no  coin 
of  Licinius  I.  should  occur  in  this  particular 
branch  of  the  London  series  is  not  so  clear,  as 
coins  of  this  emperor  were  probably  struck  there 
up  to  321.  It  may  be  that  the  new  quarrel 
with  Licinius  had  commenced,  and  determined 
Constantine  not  to  strike  any  of  his  colleague's 
coins  at  London. 

The  coins  having  the  top  of  the  staff  of  the 
laharum  ending  in  a  cross,  were  admitted  in  the 
first  instance  by  Cavedoni  (Bicerche,  p.  9),  who 
published  from  the  Tresor  dc  Numismatique 
(P.  131,  PI.  Ixii.  No.  8)  a  gold  medallion  of 
Constantine  IL  with  the  legend  principi  ivven- 
TVTIS  and  having  in  the  exergue  the  letters 
CONS.  (Constantiyiopoli),  and  alluded  to  brass 
coins  with  the  legend  VIRXVS  exercit.  This 
example  is  not  specially  published  by  Cohen 
(cf.  Med.  Imp.  Xo.  5),  and  Cavedoni,  apparently 
forgetting  that  he  had  mentioned  this  medallion, 
came  to  the  conclusion  {Appendice,  p.  3)  that  the 
supposed  cross  on  the  top  of  the  laharum  was  not 
in  reality  a  cross,  but  only  had  the  appearance  of 
one,  being  nothing  more  than  small  pellets  in- 
dicating the  extremity  of  the  cords  or  holders 
or  other  ornaments  at  the  top  of  the  spear. 

Garrucci,  on  the  other  hand,  has  stated  {Num. 
Cost.  2nd  ed.  p.  252  ;  cf.  Eev.  Num.  1866,  p.  107, 
pi.  iii.  No.  15)  that  he  has  seen  a  coin  of 
Licinius  L  struck  at  Aquileia,  of  which  the  form 


of  the   cross   is   !  Ypi  1.      I  have   not,  however. 


myself  seen  any  specimens  of  coins  struck  at 
Aquileia  shewing  such  a  decided  cross,  and  it  is 
ditficult  to  say  in  most  cases,  whether  the  head 
of  the  spear  is  meant  to  express  a  cross  or  not. 
On   some  coins,  as  on  those   struck  at   Treves, 

Lyons,  and  Aries,  the  form  appears  to  be  *  |  *  ,  on 

others,  especially  on  those  issued  at  Thessalonica, 

the  form  becomes  more  a  cross  "4^. 

§  vii.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.,  Constantine  IL, 
and  Constanlius  II. 

326-333.     A.  icith  cross  Pt^^  in  field. — Obv. 

CONSTANTINVS  MAX.  AVG.  Bust  of  Constan- 
tine L  to  the  right,  with  diadem  and  with  palu- 
damentum. 

Rev.  GLORIA  EXERCITVS.  Two  soldiers  stand- 
ing, each  holding  a  spear  and  leaning  on  a  shield. 
Between  them  two  standards,  and  between  these 

a  cross  i^o^^-     In  the   exergue  AQ.  s.  {Aquileia 

Secunda.)     M.     (Fig.  11 ;  British  Museum.) 

Similar  coins  exist  of  Constantine  11.  and 
Constantius  II.  Caesares.  A  specimen  of  a  coin 
of  Constantine  II.  in  the  possession  of  Garrucci 
{Num.  Cost.   2nd  ed.  pi.  No.  11;   Sev.   Num. 


MONEY 

1866,  pi.  iii.  No.  11)  has  a  cross  with  a  square 
top  ^.     (See  §  XV.) 

The  type  of  the  two  soldiers  was  not  intro- 
duced till  after  the  death  of  Crispus.  These 
coins  must  have  been  struck  before  333,  because 
those  of  Constans  Caesar  are  wanting. 

B.  with  monogram  S^  in  field.  Similar  types 
of  Constantine  I.  (Fig.  12 ;  British  Museum), 
Constantine  II.,  and  Constantius  IL,  but  in  the 
exergue,  P.  or  s.  const.  {Prima  or  secunda  Con- 
stantind  [Aries].)     jE. 

This  series  must  have  been  struck  before 
333,  because  the  coins  of  Constans  Caesar  are 
wanting. 

Feu  ardent,  Cavedoni,  and  Garrucci  would 
limit  the  date  to  330,  supposing  that  the  exergual 
letters  const,  refer  to  Cunstayitinople,  but  it  has 
long  been  established  that  these  letters  should 
be  interpreted  Constantina,  the  name  given  to 
Aries  by  Constantine  the  Great,  probably  about 
312,  after  the  defeat  of  Maxentius  and  Maximin, 
when  he  improved  the  city  and  made  a  new 
town  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  It  is 
called  by  Ausonius  {Clarae  tirbes  viii.)  duplex, 
and  the  exergual  letters  CON.  or  CONST.  {Con- 
stantino) are  always  preceded  by  a  Latin,  differ- 
ential letter,  or  accompanied  by  of  i,  ii  or  iii  in 
the  field,  whilst  con.  or  cONS.  {Constantinopolis) 
are  followed  by  a  Greek  numeral  in  cases  where 
there  is  a  differential  letter  (cf.  F.  W.  Madden, 
Ilandb,  to  Rom.  Num.  p.  157  ;  Num.  Chron.  N.  S. 
1861,  vol.  i.  pp.  120,  180;  J.  F.  W.  de  Salis, 
Arch.  Journal,  vol.  xxiv. ;   Num.   Chron.  N.  S. 

1867,  vol.  vii.  pp.  326,  327). 

It  has  not  been  hitherto  observed  by  any 
numismatist  that  the  letter  X  of  the  word 
EXERCITVS  is  on  these  coins  placed  at  the  top 
of  the  coin  exactly  betweeii  the  two  standards, 
whilst  on  the  coins  with  the  same  legend  and 
two  soldiers  standing,  between  them  the  laharum, 
struck  at  a  later  date  (335-337  ;  §  sii.)  the  letter 
X  is  placed  in  the  centre  at  the  top  of  the  laha- 
rum. I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  arrange- 
ment is  not  accidental,  but  was  specially  intended 
by  the  artist. 

The  coin  engraved  (B.  with  -SJ^  ;  Fig.  12)  gives 
the  earliest  example  of  the  so-called  Constan- 
tinian  monogram  on  the  coins  of  Constantine. 

§  viii.   Coins  of  Helena  and  Theodora. 

After  328.  Obv.  fl.  ivl.  helenae  avg.  Bust 
of  Helena  to  the  right. 

Rev.  PAX  PVBLiCA.  Peace  standing  to  left, 
holding  olive-branch  in  the  right  hand  and  a  long 

sceptre  in  the  left.     In  the  field  to   left  ^. 

In  the  exergue  TR.  p.  {Treveris  prima.)  M. 
(Fig.  13  ;  British  Museum.) 

Obv.     FL.     MAX.     THEODORAE     AVG.       Bust     of 

Theodora  to  the  right,  laureated. 

Eev.  PiETAS  ROMANA.  Piety  standing,  carry- 
ing  an  infant.     In  the  field  to  left  ^  .     In 

the  exergue  tr.  p.  or  tr.  s.  M.  (British 
Museum.) 

Helena  was  the  mother,  and  Theodora  the 
mother-in-law  of  Constantine  the  Great. 

The  coin  of  Helena  has  been  supposed  by 
Cavedoni  {Ricerche,  p.  16)  to  have  been  struck 
about  the  year  326,  when  it  is  thought  that  she 


MONEY 

discovered  the  cross  of  our  Saviour,  and  he 
i|uotes  in  proof  of  his  assertion  a  passage  from 
St.  Ambrose  {de  Obitu  Theodosii,  47,  48),  but 
without  entering  into  the  question  of  the 
'■  legend  of  the  finding  of  the  cross "  [Cross, 
FINDING  of],  it  may  be  mentioned  that  Eusebius, 
who  gives  an  account  of  Helena's  visit  to  the 
holy  sepulchre,  says  nothing  about  the  discovery 
of  the  cross,  a  point  he  was  not  at  all  likely  to 
have  omitted  had  such  really  been  the  case  (  Vit. 
Const,  iii.  ».  43).  But  the  real  fact  is  that  both 
the  coins  of  Helena  and  Theodora  are  "restora- 
tion coins,"  and  struck  after  their  death  by  Con- 
stantine  the  Great,  and  therefore  after  328.  It 
will  be  noticed  that  the  legend  is  in  the  dative 
case,  and  that  neither  of  them  bear  the  title  of 
Diva  as  they  were  Christians.f  It  has  been 
insinuated  that  Helena  first  embraced  the 
Christian  faith,  and  gave  her  son  a  Christian 
education  (Theodoret,  H.  E.  i.  c.  18 ;  Gibbon, 
Bom.  Emp.  ed.  Smith,  vol.  ii.  p.  3,  note  10),  but 
Eusebius  positively  asserts  (^Vit.  Const,  iii.  c.  47) 
that  she  owed  her  knowledge  of  Christianity  to 
Constantino. 

Shortly  after  Constantine's  elevation  to  the 
purple  he  recalled  his  mother  (who  had  been 
set  aside  by  his  father  on  his  marriage  with 
Theodora),  and  either  before  Fausta  became  his 
wife  or  upon  the  occasion  of  his  marriage  in 
307,  he  issued  some  brass  coins  with  the  legends 
and  titles  favsta  N.  f.  {nohilissima  femina)  and 
HELENA  N.  F.  These  coins  have  on  the  reverse 
a  large  star  with  eight  rays  within  a  laurel 
wreath. s  Constantino  always  treated  his  mother 
with  the  highest  respect,  and  after  his  marriage 
gave  her  the  title  of  Augusta,  striking  gold  and 
brass  coins  in  her  honour  with  that  title,  the 
former  of  which  are  mentioned  by  Eusebius — 
Xpvcroli  re  voixiafxacn  Kal  rijv  avrris  iKTVirovixdai 
(lK6va.  ( Vit.  Const,  iii.  c.  47 ;  cf.  Sozomen,  H.  E. 
ii.  c.  2). 

§  ix.  Coins  of  "  ConstantinopoUs  "  and  "  Urhs 
Roma."— Aftev  330. 

Obv.  CONSTANTINOPOLIS.  Bust  of  the  city 
to  the  left,  helmeted  with  sceptre. 

Hev.  No  legend.  Victory  with  wings  extended 
walking  to  the  left,  holding  a  spear  in  the  right 
hand  and  resting   the  left  on  a  shield.     In  the 

field  to  the  left   nP  .     In  the  exergue  p.  CONST. 

{Prima  Constantino.)  jE.  (Fig.  14 ;  British 
Museum.) 

Obv.  [VRBS]  ROMA.  Bust  of  the  city  to  the 
left,  helmeted. 

Hev.  No  legend.     Wolf  suckling  twins ;  above, 

the  monogram  N^  I)etween  two  stars  with 
eight  rays.  In  the  exergue  p.  const.  (Prima 
Constantino.)     ^.     (Fig.  15  ;  British  Museum.) 


MONEY 


1281 


f  This  remark  must  not  however  be  taken  as  absolute, 
for  the  sons  of  Constantine  struck  coins  after  his  death 
givins  him  the  epithet  of  Divus  ($  xiii.). 

g  This  attribution  is  objected  to  by  Mr.  C.  W.  King 
(Karly  Christian  Numismatics,  pp.  36-39,  304),  wlio 
would  wish  to  assign  these  coins  of  Helena  to  the  wife  of 
Julian,  and  those  of  Fausta  to  some  lady  who  might  have, 
leen  the  wife  of  one  of  the  cousins  of  Julian,  or  to  the 
sister  (?)  of  Gallics  and.  Julian,  said  to  be  mentioned  by 
the  latter  in  his  epistles  to  the  Athenians.  I  am  not, 
however,  prepared  to  accept  Mr.  King's  conclusions. 
See  my  paper  in  the  Num.  Chrm.  N.  S.  1877,  vol.  xvii. 
p.  267. 


These  types  were  introduced  at  the  time  of 
the  dedication  of  Constantinople  in  330.  The 
pieces  above  described  were  not  however  issued 
at  Constantinople,  but  at "  Aries  "  {Constanlina  • 
§  vii.).  The  stars  on  either  side  of  the  monogram 
on  the  coin  with  VRBS  roma  recall  the  words  or 
Philostorgius  about  the  "holy  sign  surrounded 
by  stars,"  to  which  I  have  already  alluded 
(§  iii-)- 

Some  pieces  of  the  VRBS  ROMA  type  have 
been  published  (Eckhel,  Cat.  Mus.  Caes.  p.  480, 
No.  288)  with  the  letters  M.  OST.  Qloneta  Ostid), 
but  I  doubt  this  reading,  as  after  the  defeat  of 
Maxentius  in  312,  Constantine  transferred  the 
mint  of  Ostia  to  Rome  (Madden,  Num.  Chron. 
N.  S.  1862,  vol.  ii.  p.  47  ;  1865,  vol.  v.  p.  111). 

§  X.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.  and  Constan- 
tine //.—After  330. 

1.  Obv.  constantinvs  max.  avg.  Head  of 
Constantine  I.  to  the  right,  laureated. 

Rev.  SPES  pvblic[a  in  field  under  spes].  The 
labarum.  on  which  three  globules  ;  on  the  top  of 
the  staff  of  the  spear  N? ,  the  extremity  of  the 

spear  piercing  a  serpent.  In  the  exergue  cons. 
(Constantinopoli.)  M.  (Fig.  16 ;  Museum  of 
Berlin.) 

A  specimen  of  this  extremely  rare  and  in- 
teresting coin,  which  has  been  from  time  to 
time  published  by  different  writers  (Baronius, 
Gretzer,  Ducange,  etc.),  was  seen  in  the  cabinet 
of  the  Prince  de  Waldeck,  by  Eckhel,  and  was 
recognised  by  him  as  a  genuine  coin  (Doct.  Num. 
Vet.  vol.  viii.  p.  88).  The  drawings  usually 
given  of  it,  such  as  that  reproduced  after  Baro- 
nius, by  Aringhi  (Roma  Sott.  vol.  ii.  p.  705),  and 
again  engraved  by  Martigny  (Diet,  des  Antiq. 
Chr€t.  s.  V.  Serpent),  are  of  such  a  size  as  to  lead 
most  numismatists  to  suspect  it.  But  there  is 
no  doubt  that  at  least  two  genuine  specimens 
exist,  the  one  engraved,  for  the  cast  of  which 
I  am  indebted  to  Dr.  Friedlaender,  and  the 
example  in  the  "Museum  of  Prince  von  Wald- 
eck," published  by  Dr.  Friedlaender  (Blatter 
fiir  MUnzkunde,  vol.  i.  p.  149,  pi.  vi.  No.  6, 
Berlin,  1863). 

2.  Obv.  constantinvs  avg.  Bust  of  Con- 
stantine II.  to  the  right,  laureated. 

Rev.  Same  legend  and  type.  M.  (Fig.  17.) 
This  rare  little  piece,  of  the  smallest  size, 
smaller  even  than  the  similar  coin  of  his  father, 
which  I  have  introduced  here,  instead  of  in  its 
proper  chronological  place,  for  better  illustration, 
is  in  the  possession  of  the  Rev.  S.  S.  Lewis,  Fellow 
of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge,  who  most 
kindly  sent  it  to  me  to  see.  It  was  formerly 
in  the  Wigan  collection,  and  may  be  the  same 
as  that  published  by  Gaillard  (Descript.  des 
Mon.  do  J.  Garcia,  p.  304,  No.  4929,  pi.  x. 
No.  5).  It  has  been  published,  and  an  engrav- 
ing given  of  it  twice  the  actual  size,  by  Mr. 
C.  W.  King  (Early  Christ.  Num.  pp.  xvi.  xxiii. 
and  25  note,  engraved  on  title-page ;  cf.  art. 
Labarum),  who  has  allowed  himself  to  be  led 
away,  as  he  says,  by  the  "  practised  (and 
what  is  greatly  to  the  present  purpose),  the 
tmprcjudiccd  eye  of  his  draughtsman,"  who 
reads  the  word  DEO  on  the  labarum,  which  on 
examination  turns  out  to  be  nothing  more  than 
th-ee  pellets,  as  on  the  coins  of  his  father,  and 
which  probably  represent  gems  or  other  orna- 
ments of  the  labarum,  or  may  be  intended  for  the 


1282 


MONEY 


■three  stars  as  represented  on  the  coins  with  the 

BEATA  TRANQVILLITAS  tj-pe  (see  §  vi.  UOtc). 

Both  coins  bear  the  mint  mark  CONS,  which 
can  only  be  interpreted  Constantinopoli.  This 
being  the  case,  I  may  observe  that  they  are  the 
•only  coins  of  Constantine  I.  and  his  son  bearing 
positive  Christian  emblems  issued  at  the  mint  of 
•Constantiaople> 

The  coin  of  Constantine  I.  was  most  likely 
-struck  in  330  on  the  dedication  of  the  new 
capital ;  that  of  the  son  was  probably  issued 
after  his  father's  death  in  337  or  338,  as  it  is 
recorded  (Gibbon,  Rom.  Emp.  ed.  Smith,  vol.  ii. 
p.  366,  and  note  53)  that  "  at  the  personal  in- 
terview of  the  three  brothers,  Constantine  II. 
the  eldest  of  the  Caesars  obtained,  with  a  certain 
pre-eminence  of  rank,  the  possession  of  the  new 
capital,  which  bore  his  own  name  and  that  of 
his  father."  M.  Feuardent  (quoted  by  Mr.  King) 
would  assign  its  date  to  the  period  of  the  eleva- 
tion of  Constantine  II.  to  -the  rank  of  Augustus, 
in  the  last  days  of  his  father's  lifetime,  but  I  do 
not  know  of  any  authority  for  such  a  supposi- 
tion (cf.  Socrat.  JI.  E.  i.  c.  39  ;  Sozomen,  H.  E. 
ii.  c.  34 ;  Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  iv.  c.  63,  68). 

The  type  of  these  pieces  and  the  inscription — 
though  the  legend  is  by  no  means  a  new  one, 
■occurring  as  it  does  from  the  time  of  Commodus 
(Cohen,  Suppl.  p.  48-i) — indicate  how  "  the 
public  hope "  (cf.  Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  ii.  c.  29 ; 
iv,  c.  9)  was  centered  in  the  triumph  of  the 
Christian  religion  over  the  adversary  of  man- 
kind— "  the  great  dragon,  that  old  serpent, 
called  the  Devil  and  Satan  "  (Rev.  xii.  9  ;  xx.  2)— 
and  we  are  told  (Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  iii.  c.  3)  how 
Constantine  had  a  picture  painted  of  the  dragon 
— the  flying  serpent — beneath  his  own  and  his 
children's  feet  pierced  through  the  middle  with 
a  dart  and  cast  into  the  depths  of  the  sea  (jSe'Xet 
■Keirapixivov  Kara.  nf(Tov  rov  kvtovs  ;  cf.  Euseb. 
Const,  orat,  ad  Sa)wf.  Coetum,  c.  20). 

The  speai'-head  on  these  coins  ends  in  the 
monogram  of  Christ ;  on  those  struck  at  Thessa- 
lonica,  Aquileia,  London,  and  other  mints,  it  ends 
in  a  cross  (§  vi.). 

§  xi.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.,  Constantius  II., 
and  Constms.— 333-335. 

Ohv.  CONSTANTINVS  MAS.  AVG.  Bust  of  Con- 
stantine I.  to  the  right,  with  diadem  and  with 
paludamcntum. 

Mev.  VICTORIA  CONSTANTINI  AVG.  Victory 
walking  to  the  left,  holding  trophy  and  palm ; 

in   the    field    to    right    LXXii  ;    to    left    _E . 

In  the  exergue  s.  M.  an.  (Signata  moneta  An- 
tiochid.)    N.     (Fig.  18;  British  Museum.) 

Ohv.  CONSTANTIVS  NOB.  CAES.  Bust  of  Con- 
stantius  II.  to  the  right,  laureated,  with /»a/Mrfa- 
mentum  and  cuirass. 


t  On  certain  coins  of  Constantine  I.  struck  at  Constan- 
tinople, his  head  bears  the  nimbus  (see  }  xvii.),  whilst  on 
the  magnificent  gold  medallion  of  Constantius  II.  Caesar, 
also  struck  at  Constantinople  (Cohen.  JUed.  Imp.  No.  21, 
from  Musee  de  Tienne)  weighing  3920  grains  or  56  solidi, 
Constantine  I.  is  represented  standing  between  his  two 
sons  Constantine  II.  and  Constans,  whilst  a  hand  from 
Tieaven  crowns  him  with  a  wreath  (}  xiii.).  This  piece 
must  have  been  issued  between  323  and  337,  as  Con- 
stantius II.  is  Caesar,  and  perhaps  in  336  on  occasion  of 
his  marriage.  There  is  also  the  gold  medallion  of 
Constantine  II.  with  spear-head  ending  in  a  cross  and 
exergual  letters  cons,  (see  J  vi.). 


MONEY 

Hev.  viCTOPJA  CAESAR  NN.     Victory ;  in  field 

to  right  Lxxii ;  to  left  ^  but  probably  should 

be  an  eight-rnyei  star ;  in  the  exergue  S.  M.  an. 
AT. 

(Sabalier,  Icon.  Rom.  Imp.  pi.  xcvi.  No.  8 ;  Mon. 
Byz.  vol.  i.  p.  56,  but  incorrectly  attributed  to 
Constantius  Gallus.) 

Obv.  FL.  IVL.  CONSTANS  NOB.  C.  Bust  of  Con- 
stans  to  the  right,  laureated,  with  paludamentum 
and  cuirass. 

Rev.  VICTORIA  CAESAR  NN.    Victory  ;  in  field 

to  right  LXXii;  to  left  •^.  In  the  exergue 
S.  M.  AN.     AT.     (British  Museum.) 

These  gold  coins  were  probably  issued  about 
the  same  time.  They  cannot  have  been  struck 
before  333,  in  which  year  Constans  was  made 
Caesar,  and  perhaps  not  till  335,  when  Constan- 
tine celebrated  his  tricennalia,  and  divided  the 
empire  between  his  sons  and  nephews.  The 
mint  of  Antioch  was  in  the  dominions  of  Con- 
stantius II.,  and  the  form  _E  instead  of  sl?    is 

that  specially  employed  in  the  East  (see  §  xv.). 
The  figures  Lxxii  signify  that  72  solidi  were 
coined  to  the  pound,  Constantine  I.  having  re- 
duced the  aureus  about  the  year  312. 

It  was  at  Antioch  that  the  name  of  Xpiariauos 
was  first  used  (Acts  xi.  26)  about  the  year  44. 

§  xii.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.,  Constantine  IT., 
Constantius  II.,  Constans,  and  Delmatius — 335- 
337. 

A.  with   -^    on    labaruk. — Obv.   CONSTAN- 

TiNVS  MAX.  AVG.  Bust  of  Constantine  I.  to 
the  right,  with  diadem  and  with  paludamcntum 
and  cuirass. 

Rev.  GLORIA  EXERCITVS.  Two  soldiers  stand- 
ing, holding  spear  and  leaning  on  shield ;  be- 
tween them   the  laharum,  on   which   ^^-     In 

the  exergue  p.  const.  {Prima  Constantina — 
Aries.)     X..     (Fig.  19  ;  British  Museum.) 

This  coin  was  attriljuted  by  the  late  Mr.  de 
Salis  to  Constantine  II.,  but  a  comparison  with 
the  coins  of  this  Caesar,  as  also  with  those  struck 
at  Lyons  and  Siscia  when  he  became  Augustus, 
make  this  attribution  doubtful,  an  opinion  also 
hold  by  Mr.  Grueber  of  the  British  Museum 
(see  §  xix.). 

Similar  coins  occur  of  Constantine  II.  and 
Delmatius.  Those  of  Constantius  II.  and  of 
Constans  were  no  doubt  issued,  but  no  specimens 
are  in  the  British  Museum. 

B.  with  Sp  on  labarum. — Coins  of  Constan- 
tine I.,  Constantine  II.,  Constantius  II.,  Constans, 
and  Delmatius  exist.     (British  Museum.) 

The  coin  of  Constantine  I.  engraved  (Fig.  20 ; 
British  Museum)  was  also  attributed  by  the 
late  Mr.  de  Salis  to  Constantine  II.,  but  with 
even  less  reason  than  in  the  former  case. 

These  two  series  were  not  issued  before  335, 
as  the  type  is  found  on  coins  of  Delmatius,  who 
was  made  Caesar  in  this  year,  and  it  continues 
to  the  death  of  Constantine  I.  in  337.    (See  §  vii.) 

§  xiii.  Consecration  coins  of  Constantine  I. — 
337-338. 

Obv.  Divo  cons  [tantino  p]  [atri'].  Bust  of 
Constantine  I.  to  the  right,  veiled. 

Rev.  [aeterna]  pietas.     Constantine  stand- 


MONEY 

lug,  holding  spear  and  globe ;   above  the  globe 

•>P .  JE.     (Fig.  21  ;  British  Museum.) 

Varieties  of  this  coin  occur  with  either  _1_ 

or  ^P  or  X  struck  at  Lyons  and  at  Aries.   They 

must  have  been  issued  shortly  after  the  death  of 
Constantine  in  337,  or  at  latest  in  338.  Cave- 
doni  has  suggested  (Disamina,  p.  222)  that  this 
type  represents  the  statue  set  up  by  Constantine 
in  the  forum  of  Constantinople  (see  §  v.). 

Other  consecration  coins  were  struck  having 

the     legends     DV     [_DivUs]     CONSTANTINVS     AVG. 

[or  PT.  AVGG.  Pater  Augustorum],  and  IVST. 
YEN.  MEM.  [Jwsto  veiicrandae  memoriae]  IVST. 
VKXERAB.  or  VN.  MR.  [venerandae  memoriae'],  and 
especially  a  coin  of  which  the  following  is  a 
description : — 

Obv.  DV.  (rarely  Div.)  constantinvs  pt. 
AVGG.  Bust  of  Constantine  to  the  right,  veiled. 
Bev.  No  legend.  Constantine  in  quadriga  to 
right,  holding  his  hand  to  another  hand  which 
descends  from  heaven  to  receive  it ;  above,  a 
star.  In  exergue  S.  M.  AN.  e.  {Signata  moncta 
Antiochid  5.)  M.  (Fig.  22  ;  British  Museum.) 
Mr.  King  {Early  Christ.  Num.  p.  53;  cf. 
Eev.  J.  Wordsworth,  DiCT.  OF  Christ.  Biog. 
vol.  i.  p.  649)  speaks  of  these  coins  as  issued 
at  "Alexandria,  Antioch  and  Carthage  alone," 
but  no  coins  were  struck  at  Carthage  at  so 
late  a  date.  They  are  found  with  the  mint 
marks  of  Heracleia,  Alexandria,  Constantinople, 
Cyzicus,  Nicomedia  and  Antioch.  On  some 
specimens  there  is  no  star. 

With  reference  to  the  word  Divus,  the  sys- 
tem of  "consecration"  seems  to  have  obtained 
even  after  the  time  of  Constantine  I.  among 
his  Christian  successors;  Constantius  II.  "meruit 
inter  divos  referri"  (Eutrop.  x.  15);  Jovian 
"inter  divos  relatus  est"  (Eutrop.  x.  18)  ;  Valen- 
tinian  I.  was  consecrated  by  his  son  Gratian 
"  divinis  honorihus  "  (Auson.  ad  Grat.  act.  c.  8), 
to  which  may  be  added  the  name  of  Valen- 
tinian  II.,  as  appears  from  a  marble  of 
Chiusi  in  Tuscany  (Cavedoni,  Cimit.  Chius.  p.  45, 
Modena,  1853).  No  coins,  however,  bearing  the 
title  of  Divus  are  known  of  any  of  these  em- 
perors. 

The  coin  engraved  (Fig.  22)  is  especially  men- 
tioned by  Eusebius  as  representing  Constan- 
tine I.  in  the  act  of  ascending  to  heaven  {Vit. 
Const,  iv.  c.  73).  The  type  was  probably  sug- 
gested by  the  biblical  account  of  Elijah  taken  up 
to  heaven  in  a  chariot  and  horses  of  fire  (2  Kings 
11.  11  ;  cf.  vi.  17).  The  star  is  doubtless  the 
comet  alluded  to  by  Eutropius  as  appearing  after 
his  death  ("denunciata  mors  ejus  etiam  per 
crinitam  stellam"  &c.  Hist.  x.  8),  and  which 
reminds  one  of  the  stella  crinita  which  blazed 
for  seven  days  after  the  death  of  Julius  Caesar 
(Suet.  Jul.  Caes.  88  ;  cf.  Plin.  N.  H.  ii.  c.  25  ; 
Dion.  Cass.  xlv.  7  ;  Plut.  Caes.  69),  and  which 
is  represented  nn  his  coins  (Cohen,  He'd.  Imp. 
Nos.  20,  21).  The  star  was  originally  a  pagan 
symbol,  but  pagan  symbols  for  long  after  the 
time  of  Constantine  were  mixed  with  Christian 
ones.  There  may  be  specially  mentioned  the 
phoenix,  occurring  first  on  the  gold  consecration 
coins  of  Trajan  as  an  emblem  of  Eternity  (Mad- 
den, Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  1861,  vol.  i.  p.  95),  on  a 
.^old   coin   of  Hadrian    representing   Trajan  (?) 

CHRIST.   ANT. — VOL.   II. 


MONEY 


1283 


holding  a  phoenix  within  the  zodiac  (Madden, 
Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  1862,  vol.  ii.  p.  49),  on 
an  Alsxandrian  coin  of  Antoninus  Pius  with 
AIHN  (aeternitas,  Eckhel,  Doct.  Num.  Vet.  vol. 
iv.  p.  69),  and  again  reappearing  on  the  brass 
medallions  of  Constantine  I.,  with  the  legend 
GLORIA  SAECVLI  viRTVS  CAES,  and  probably 
struck  after  315,  as  they  bear  the  title  of  MAX. 
(Cohen,  No.  164),  and  on  coins  of  Constantius  II. 
and  Constans  when  Augusti  (Cohen,  Med.  Imp. ; 
see  §  xix.). 

The  "  hand  from  heaven  "  occurs  on  the  gold 
medallions  of  Constantius  II.,  to  which  I  have 
already  referred  (§  x.  note) ;  and  Eusebius  {de 
Laud.  Const,  c.  10)  speaks  of  the  Almighty  King 
extending  his  right  hand  from  above  and  giving 
Constantine  I.  victory  over  all  his  enemies. 

§  xiv.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.  and  IT.  v:ith 
cross,  not  previously  alluded  to. 

There  are  certain  coins  of  Constantine  I.,  some 
gold  with  legend  gloria  exercitvs  (Cohen, 
3fe'd.  Imp.  No.  17,  from  Tanini),  some  silver 
with  PAX  avgvstorvm  (Cohen,  No.  76,  from 
Muse'e  de  Vienne),  and  of  Constantine  II.  Caesar 
(brass)  with  BEATA  tranqvillitas  (Cohen,  No. 
86,  from  Ducange)  having  a  cross  either  in  the 
field,  or  on  the  standard,  or  on  the  helmet,  but 
of  what  form  it  is  impossible  to  say.  The  first 
mentioned  may  have  been  struck  between  326 
and  333 ;  the  second,  as  it  does  not  bear  the 
title  of  Maximus,  perhaps  before  315,  though 
this  rule  cannot  be  considered  as  absolute,  as 
coins  of  Constantine  I.  were  certainly  struck 
after  315  without  it  (§  iv.) ;  and  the  third 
about  323  (§  vi.). 

§  XV.  Remarks  on  the  Forms  of  the  Crosses 
adopted  by  Constantine  I. — There  is  not  much 
doubt  that  Constantine  did  not  invent  the  forms 
of  the  cross  or  monogram  which  appears  on  his 

coins.     The  monogram   ^  may  be  seen  on  the 

coins  of  Alexander  Bala,  king  of  Syria  (B.C.  146), 
and  on  those  of  the  Bactrian  king  Hermaeus 
(B.C.  138-120),  and  also  occurs  on  the  coins  of 
Trajan  Decius  (a.d.  249-251),  forming  part  of 

the  word  ASk  (Spx<"''''°0  ^°  which  I  have 
already  referred  (see  Introduction),  whilst  the 

complete  form  of  the  labarum  ^K  may  be  found 

on  the  coins  of  the  Indo-Scythian  king  Azes 
(B.C.  100),  and  on  those  of  the  Bactrian  kings 
Hippostratus  the  Great  (b.c.  140-135)  and  of 
Hermaeus  (B.C.  138-120),  which  monogram  has 
been  interpreted  Ortospana,  another  name  for 
Kabul  (Gen.  Cunningham,  Num.  Chron.  N.  S. 
1868,  vol.  viii.  p.  203,  pi.  vii.  Mon.  No.  46,  kc. ; 
E.  Thomas, iVw??!.  Chron.Yol.  iv.pl.  viii. No.  3).  The 

Np    may  have  sometimes  signified  X'PvffnvK6s. 

It  was  used  as  an  abbreviation  for  XPrjtrTo;', 
since  a  collection  of  passages  so  marked  might 
make  up  a  XP^""'""/^''^*'"-  It  also  stood  for 
X'9v(r6s  and  XP6vos  (Liddell  and  Scott,  s.v.  X), 
but  it  eventually  became  the  Christian  mono- 
gram composed  of  x  and  P,  the  two  first  letters 
of  the  name  of  XPio-roj. 

The  form  with  the  vertical  line   ending   in  a 

circle  or  a  pellet  (^-^   ^)  may  be  compared 

with   the   monogram   •s.U    supposed    to   signify 
"^^  4  0 


1284 


MONEY 


\l\lapxos,  to  that  occurring  on  the  coins 
or  the  Ptolemies- sg,  f^  ^,  ^,  to 
the   SU'   on  some  (though  rarely)  of  the  coins 

of  the  kings  of  the  Bosphorus,  and  to  the  star 
or  comet  above  the  heads  of  Julius  Caesar  and 
Augustus  (Letronne,  Inscript.  de  I'Egypte,  vol.  i. 
p.  433  ;  Mionnet,  Suppl.  vol.  is.  p.  22,  No.  122  ; 
Koehne,  Mus.  Kotschoubey,  vol.  ii.  p.  309  ;  Cohen, 
M^d.  de  la  B^pvh.  Bom.  pi.  xv.  No.  30). 

The  form  _E  occurs  on  the  coins  of  Tigranes, 

king  of  Armenia  (B.C.  96-64);  on  coins  of 
Arsaces  X.  XII.  and  XIV.  (B.C.  92-38)  forming 
TirPavoKepras  or  Tigranocerta,  the  capital  of 
Armenia  (Mionnet,  vol.  v.  p.  108,  No.  939; 
Cunningham,  Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  1868,  vol.  viii. 
p.  196)  ;  on  the  coins  of  the  Jewish  king  Herod  I. 
(B.C.  38),  and  on  the  coins  of  Chios  of  the  time 
of  Augustus  (Madden,  Jew.  Coinage,  pp.  83,  85, 
87,  244).  This  form  seems  to  have  been  that 
exclusively  used  in  the  East,  and  Letronne  states 
(£a  Croix  anse'e  in  IMn.  de  I'Acad.  vol.  xvi.)  that 

he  never  found  the  '^  on  any  of  the  Christian 

monuments  of  Egypt.  Its  adoption  was 
doubtless  from  its  affinity  to  the  crux  ansata. 
It  IS  the  only  monogram  in  the  Vatican  Codex 
(4th  cent.),  in  the  Codex  Bezae  Cantab.  (5th  or 
Gth  cent.),  and  in  the  Codex  Sinaiticus  (4th  cent.), 
where  it  occurs  in  four  places,  at  the  end  of 
Jeremiah,  twice  at  the  end  of  Isaiah,  and  in  the 
middle  of  the  word  ESTAVPCjJOH  in  the  8th 
vej".  of  chap.  xi.  of  Revelation  (Martigny,  Diet. 
p.  416). 

It  was  on  the  coins  struck  at  Antioch  (§  xi.) 

that  Constantine  first  introduced  the  _R ,  about 

the  year  335,  though  the  same  form  occurs  on 
the  coins  struck  after  his  death  at  Lyons  and 
(?)  Aries  (§  xiii.). 

The  earliest  example  of  the  equilateral  cross 

(5^  may  be  seen  on  the  breast  of  or  suspended 

from  the  neck  of  one  of  the  kings  on  the  slabs 
bi-ought  from  Nineveh  (Bonomi,  Nineveh  and  its 
Palaces,  pp.  333,  414;  cf.  p.  303).     At  a  later 

date  its  form  was  -j—  (De  Witte,  Mon.  Ce'ram. 

vol.    i.    pi.    xciii.))    sometimes   accompanied   by 

globules  7^,  as  on  vases,  both  of  which  symbols 

may   have   had   their  origin   in  the  sign  uJ— , 

which  occurs  on  the  coins  of  Gaza — frequently 
called  the  "  monogram  of  Gaza  " — on  monuments 
and  vases  of  Phoenician  origin,  on  Gallo-Celtic 
coins,  on  Scandinavian  monuments  called  "  Thor's 
hammer,"  and  on  Indian  coins  called  "  the  Swas- 
tika cross "  (Rapp,  Das  labarum,  etc.,  in  vol. 
xxxix.  of  the  Vereins  v.  Altertkumsfreundem  im 
Rheinlande,  1865 ;  Garrucci,  Num.  Cost.  2nd  ed. 
p.  242). 

The  three  principal  forms  of  crosses  in  anti- 
quity are  (1)  the  cross  X  called  decussata,  (2) 
the  cross  T  called  commissa,  and  (3)  the  cross 
~\--  called  immissa.     [Cross.] 

The  form  S^  was  doubtless  an  abbreviated 
monogram  of  the  name  of  Christ.      Julian  the 


MONEY 

Apostate,  in  speaking  of  his  hostility  against 
Christianity  in  his  satire  against  the  people  of 
Antioch,  writes  (Misopogon,  Jul.  Op.  p.  Ill,  Paris 
1583),  "  You  say  I  wage  war  with  the  Chi  and 
you  admire  the  Kappa "  (koJ  '6ti  Tro\ffico  r<S  Xi 
Tr66os  Se  v/xas  (taaai  tov  Kairira);  and  again  (op. 
cit.  p.  99),  "They  say  that  neither  the  Chi  nor 
the  Kappa  ever  did  the  city  any  harm  ;  it  is 
hard  to  understand  the  meaning  of  this  wise 
riddle  of  yours,  but  we  happen  to  have  been 
informed  by  some  interpreters  of  your  city  that 
they  are  initial  letters  of  names,  the  one  denoting 
Christ,  the    other  Constantius  "  (rb  XT,    <pr](rLi>^ 

oiiSfv  7]SiK-ii(re  Triv  it6Kiv,  oiiSe  tJ)  KccTTTro 

dr)\oTiv  5^i6e\eLV  rh  ixhv  Xpicrrhv  rh  Se  Kwuffrdv- 
Ttov).  • 

The  cross  "J"  is  in  the  form  of  a  Tau  and 
appears  to  be  a  variety  of  the  crux  ansata,  or 
"  cross  with  a  handle  "  found  on  Egyptian  and 
Assyrian  monuments.      It  was  sometimes  used 

in  the  same  manner  as  the  ^   in  the  middle  of 

the  name  of  the  deceased,  as  may  be  seen  on  a 
marble  of  the  3rd  century  in  the  Callixtine- 
cemetery  with  the  legend  IRE  ^  N  E. 

The  cross   -1-  has  been  generally  supposed  to 

be  the  kind  on  which  our  Lord  was  crucified, 
which  seems  further  corroborated  from  the  fact 
that  the  title  of  Hebrew,  Greek,  and  Latin  was 
placed  above  his  head  (Matt,  xxvii.  37)  or  over 
him  (Luke  xxiii.  38;  cf.  Mark  xv.  25)  or  over 
the  cross  (John  xix.  19)  and  so  would  have  a 

form  like  -+- 

De  Rossi  has  shown  (De  Christ,  tit.  Carth.  in 
vol.  iv.  of  Spicil.  Solesmense,  ed.  Pitra,  1858)  that 
no  Christian  monument  of  certain  date  before  the 
5th  century  gives  examples  of  the  crux  immissa, 
or  of  that  which  has  been  called  the  Greek  — 
— j—-  On  the  other  hand  an  epitaph,  which 
from  its  consular  date  is  earlier  than  the  reign 
of  Constantine,  proves  that  the  Christians  had 
a  monogram    composed   of  the  letters  i  and  X 

(^\7)(Tovs,  XpiffTos),  thus  formed  v^  (De  Rossi, 
Inscript.  Christ,  vol.  i.  p.  16,  1855). 

The  most  ancient  and  most  correct  form  of  the 
monogram  of  Christ  occurs  upon  a  monument  of 
Sivaux  in  France,  which  is  considered  by  De 
Rossi  (^Bullet.  Arch.  Christ,  p.  47,  1863)  earlier 
than  the  time  of  Constantine,  having  the  arms 

of  the  cross  of  great  length  ^^^^^  •  [In- 
scriptions, I.  p.  856,  where  it  is  engraved.] 
This  was  not  long  afterwards  modified,  and  it  is 

at  the  time  of  Constantine  that  the  >P  occurs 

for  the  first  time  on  the  Roman  dated  tituli. 
There  has  been  discovered  (De  Rossi,  Bullet. 
p.  22,  1863)  a  monument  of  the  year  323,  which 
is  precisely  the  year  of  the  defeat  of  Zicinius, 

having  on  it  the  monogram   sp .      De  Rossi  has 

also  published  (Inscr.  Christ,  vol.  i.  No.  26)  a 

fragment  with  the  inscription  [vi]xiT  ....  •J? 

.  .  .  GAL.  COXSS.  which  he  thinks  might  perhaps 
be  of  the  year  298,  when  Faustus  and  Callus 
were  consuls,  adding  that  if  he  could  only  find 
the   missing   portion  and  it  bore  the  name  oi 


MONEY 

Faustus,  auro  contra  ct  gemmis  cariorcm  aesti- 
maret.  It  is,  however,  more  than  probable 
that  the  Gallus  in  this  inscription  was  consul 
at  a  much  later  date;  indeed  it  has  been 
suggested  that  this  inscription  refers  to  the 
ernperor  Constantius  II.  and  Constantius  Gallus 
Caesar,  who  were  consuls  in  352,  o53,  and 
354-  (^Edinburgh  Review,  vol.  cxx.  1864,  p.  229). 
Other  marbles  of  the  years  331,  339,  341,  and 

343  are  known.  In  347  the  form  .^  occurs, 
but  not  for  long,  for  the  N/  is  dropped,  and  this 
form  together  with  the  old  one  continues  in  exist- 
ence tin  the  end  of  the  4th  centurj'.  From  the 
5th  century  the  p  disappears  and  the  Latin  cross 

■4-  or  the  Greek  _i-  take  the  place  of  the 
monograms,  so  that  after  405  the  ^  (at  Rome 
at  least)  especially  on  epitaphs  is  entirely 
eclipsed,  and  the  plain  cross  is  found  on  all 
monuments  (Martigny,  Did.  des  Antiq.  Chre't. 
p.  416)  excepting  on  coins. 

The  form  of  the  cross  on  some  of  the  coins  of 

Constantine  struck  at  Aquiloia  is  t^-  This 
has  been  supposed  by  Cavedoni  (Kuove  Sicerche, 
p.  3)  to  be  not  the  Lati7i  but  the  Alexandrian 
or  Egyptian,  an  opinion  not  acceded  to  by  Gar- 
rucci  (Num.  Cost.  2nd  ed.  p.  259),  and  it  may 
be  noticed  that  Garrucci  has  published  a  coin 
with  a  square  instead  of  a  rounded  top  {Num. 
Cost.  2nd  ed.  pi.  No.  11;  Rev.  iVMm.1866,  pi.  iii. 
No.  11;  see  §  vii.).  It  is  certainly  very  doubt- 
ful if  the  cross  on  the  coins  of  Aquileia  is  the 
crux  ansata,  and  even  Borghesi  did  not  know 
what  the  rounded  extremity  could  have  in  com- 
mon with  the  handle  of  the  Egyptian  cross,  for 
the  cross  called  ansata  has  not  a  round  but  an 
ovoid  top,  into  which  the  hand  might  be  intro- 
duced, as  may  be  seen  on  existing  monuments 
(Wilkinson,  Anc.  Egyptians,  1841,  Suppl.  pi.  20, 
21,  etc.). 

As  to  the  rounded  top,  Garrucci  suggests 
{Num.  Cost.  2nd  ed.  p.  261)  that  it  may  have 
been  meant  to  allude  to  the  sacred  head  of  the 
Eedeemer,  which  was  thus  intended  to  be  re- 
presented projecting  above  the  cross,  an  idea 
considered  by  Cavedoni  {Rivista,  p.  216)  a 
"whimsical  fancy,"  as  "everyone,"  he  says, 
"  knows  that  that  most  sacred  head  rested  below 
the  beam  of  the  cross  itself."  But  Cavedoni 
is  decidedly  wrong,  as  the  following  earliest 
examples  of  the  crucifix  show  the  head  above 
the  cross  beam ;  (1)  crucifixes  on  a  cornelian 
and  an  inedited  ivory  of  the  5th  century 
(Garrucci,  Diss.  Arch.  p.  27);  (2)  crucifix  of 
the  Syrian  codex  in  the  Laurentiau  library  at 
Florence,  dated  586  by  its  writer  the  monk 
Rabula  (Assemani,  Bibl.  Laurent.  Medic.  Cat. 
pi.  xxiii.  Florence,  1742)  ;  (3)  the  pastoral  cross 
and  reliquary  of  Theodolinda,  Queen  of  Lom- 
bardy,  who  died  in  628  (Martigny,  Diet,  des 
Antiq.  Chret.  p.  191)  ;  (4)  crucifix  of  the 
cemetery  of  St.  Julius  or  St.  Valentinus  (Bot- 
tari,  Sculture,  etc.  vol.  iii.  192  ;  Rome,  1737- 
1754) ;  to  which  may  be  added  the  curious 
graffito,  giving  a  caricatured  representation  of 
the  crucifixion  drawn  at  the  end  of  the  2nd 
or  the  beginning  of  the  3rd  century  (see  art. 
Crltifix). 


MONEY 


1285 


§  xvi.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.  with  the  diadem — 
P315-.337. 

Without  entering  into  the  history  of  the 
introduction  of  the  diadem  at  Rome,  by  the 
emperors,  it  is  certain  that  Constantine  I.  was 
the  first  to  unhesitatingly  adopt  it,  as  testified 
by  his  coins,  and  indeed  he  is  said  to  have  always 
worn  it.  ("  Habitum  regium  gemmis  et  caput 
exornans  perpetuo  diademate."  Aurel.  Vict. 
Epit.  141.) 

It  has  been  supposed  (Eckhel,  Doct.  Num.  Vet. 
vol.  viii.  p.  80)  that  Constantine  adopted  the 
diadem,  wishing  to  liken  himself  to  Alexander 
the  Great,  on  whose  coins  an  efligy  of  a  very 
similar  character  may  be  seen,  but  according  to 
the  authority  of  St.  Ambrose  {de  Obitu  Theod. 
47,  48)  the  empress  Helena,  at  the  time  when 
she  is  supposed  to  have  discovered  at  Jerusalem, 
about  326,  the  fragment  of  our  Saviour's  cross, 
together  with  two  of  the  nails  (one  of  which 
was  used  for  the  bridle  of  his  horse,  the  other 
for  his  diadem),  sent  to  her  son  Constantine  a 
diadem  studded  with  gems,  which  has  been  iden- 
tified with  the  iron  crown  of  Lombardy  at  Monza 
cathedral  [Crown]  ;  moreover  the  senate  is 
said  {Anonym.  Paneg.  viii.  25 ;  Tillemont,  Const. 
note  33) — probably  in  315  when  he  was  decreed 
the  title  of  Maximus  (see  §  i.  under  315) — to 
have  specially  granted  a  diadem  to  Constantine. 

The  coin  engraved  (Fig.  23  ;  British  Museum) 
shows  Constantine  with  the  diadem,  and  with 
his  head  represented  looking  upward  towards 
heaven,  and  Eusebius  states  {Vit.  Const,  iv.  c. 
15)  that  "  he  directed  his  likeness  to  be  stamped 
on  the  gold  coins  of  the  empire  with  the  eyes 
uplifted  as  if  praying  to  God,"  adding  that  "this 
money  became  current  throughout  the  whole 
Roman  world."  It  was  doubtless  to  this  coinage 
that  his  apostate  nephew  Julian  sneeringly 
alludes  in  his  "  Caesars "  when  he  speaks  of 
Constantine  being  enamoured  of  the  moon,  upon 
whom  he  kept  his  eyes  constantly  fixed,  and  from 
the  style  of  his  hair  and  face  leading  the  life  of 
a  female  hairdresser.  Constantine  also  had  his 
full-length  portrait  placed  over  the  entrance 
gates  of  his  palaces  with  the  eyes  upraised  to 
heaven  and  the  hands  outspread  as  if  in  prayer 
(Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  iv.  c.  15),'  though  this  form 
of  adoration  likewise  obtained  among  the  pagans 
(Virg.  Aen.  i.  93  ;  Demosth.  adv.  Macart.  1072). 
The  diadem  also  may  be  found  on  the  coins  of 
all  Constantine's  sons  Caesars,  and  Eusebius 
says  {Vit.  Const,  i.  c.  18)  that  it  was  a  special 
distinction  of  the  Imperial  Caesars. 

§  xvii.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.  and  his  Family, 
with  the  Nimbus. 

Several  coins  and  medallions  of  Constantine  I., 
of  his  wife  Fausta,  and  of  his  sons  Crispus, 
Constantine  II.,  and  Constantius  II.  with  the 
nimbus,  some  of  which  were  issued  at  Constanti- 
nople, are  p-i-'en  by  Cohen,  but  very  few  are 
now  in  existence.      The  absurd  brass  medallion 


i  The  Rev.  J.  Wordsworth  (Smith,  Diet,  of  Christ. 
Biog.  vol.  i.  p.  649)  speaks  of  the  coins  as  "  having  no 
traces  of  the  hands  mentioned  by  Eusebius,"  but  this 
author  does  not  mention  the  hands  in  connection  with  the 
coins  oil  which  the  face  is  •'  stretched  out  or  up  towards 
God  {avaT,Ta,x4vo,  nph,  ©ebv),  but  in  connection  with 
the  picture  where  the  hands  are  said  to  have  been 
■'  stretched  forth  "  (™  X"P«  «'  «TeTa,xeVo9)  in  the  attitude 
of  prayer.  ^  ^  ^ 


1286 


MONEY 


of  Crispus,  with  legend  SALVS  et  SPES  sppvb- 
LiCAE  (sic)  and  Christ  seated  facing,  holding  a 
cross,  etc.,  and  in  the  exergue  S.  P.  Sancfus 
Petrus!  (Cohen,  No.  27),  is  evidently  an  altered 
piece,  the  "  XP-PVBLICAE  "  being  substituted  for 
"  REIPVBLICAE,"  "the  cross "  for  "a  globe," 
and  "the  figure  of  Christ"  for  "Constantiue 
with  nimbus  seated  facing,"  as  may  be  seen  on 
a  genuine  medallion  of  Constantine  ;  S.  P.  should 
certainly  be  S.  R.  (Secunda  Roma).  After  Constan- 
tine's  death  his  sons  continued  striking  coins  re- 
presenting their  father  with  the  nimbus  (Cohen, 
Constans,  No.  3,  No.  34),  and  they  very  soon 
frequently  adopted  it,  a  custom  continued  under 
their  successors,  and  especially  on  the  splendid 
gold  medallions  of  Valens  preserved  at  Vienna 
(Cohen,  Nos.  1,  6,  8,  and  10). 

Some  of  the  coins  of  the  Roman  emperors 
earlier  than  the  time  of  Constantine,  are  deco- 
rated with  this  symbol,  notably  those  of 
Claudius,  Trajan,  and  Antoninus  Pius  (Madden, 
Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  1868,  vol.  viii.  p.  34),  so  that 
its  presence  gives  no  direct  proof  of  the  Christi- 
anity of  Constantine,  though  it  was  doubtless 
adopted  in  this  sense. 

§  xviii.  False  or  uncertain  coins  of  Constan- 
tine I.  arid  II. 

(1)  Silver  medallion  representing  Constantine 

holding   standard   on   which    sp,    and   in   the 

exergue  R.  P.  (Garrucci,  Num.  Cost.  2nd  ed.  p.  248, 
from  Caronni) ;  (2)  the  brass  medallion  with 
legend  IN  HOC   sin.   (sic)   VIC.   and   monogram 

y^  ;  above  a  star  ;  totally  remade  from  a  large 
brass  coin  of  the  time  between  Trajan  Decius 
and  Gallienus  (Cohen,  Mdd.  Imp.  vol.  vi.  p.  119 
note);  (3)  the  brass  medallion  of  the  contor- 
niate  style,  having  for  legend  the  entire  inscription 
on  the  arch  of  Constantine,  placed  thereon  to 
commemorate  the  defeat  of  Maxentius  in  312. 
Its  authenticity  was  vindicated  by  the  compiler  of 
the  Pembroke  Sale  Catalogue  (p.  297),  but  whether 
it  sold  as  a  genuine  piece  I  am  unable  to  say  ;  see 
§  i.  under  315  ;  (4)  the  gold  coin  with  the  legend 

VICTORIA  MAXVMA  and  type  A  nU  CjJ  pub- 
lished by  Garrucci  and  accepted  as  genuine  by 
other  modern  writers  (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq. 
Ghre't.  p.  458  ;  see  Art.  A  and  tl) ;  it  is  not  pub- 
lished by  Cohen ;  (5)  the  coin  with  legend  BAP. 
NAT.  supposed  to  refer  to  the  baptism  of  Con- 
stantine, but  which  by  the  alteration  of  one 
letter   becomes  B.  R.  p.  nat.    {Mono  ncipublicae 

NATo) ;    (6)  coins  with  the  monogram   s^   on 

the  helmet,  and  .^  or  _R,  trace  en  creux 
on  a  pedestal  supporting  a  shield,  on  which  VOT. 
p.  R.,  originally  published  by  Garrucci  (Num. 
Cost.  1st  ed.  Nos.  13  and  16),  and  now  considered 
by  him  to  be  false  (Num.  Cost.  2nd  ed.  p.  253 ; 
liev.  Num.  1866,  p.  110).  To  which  may  be 
added  the  silver  piece  of  Constantine  II.  Caesar, 
described  incorrectly  as  a  gold  coin  from  Tristan, 
by  Garrucci  (Num.  Cost.  1st  ed.  No.  10),  with 

the  legend  VICTORIA  AVGG.  and  in  the  field  — j-, 
a  piece  which  has  been  in  all  probability  con- 
founded with  the  coins  of  Constantine  III.  (407- 
411)  with  the  legend  VICTORIA  AAAVGGGG. 
§  xix.  Coins  of  Constantino  II.,  Constantius  II., 


MONEY 

and  Constans  Angusti — Introduction  of  A  and  (l) 
on  coins. 

After  the  death  of  Constantine  I.  the  type  of 
the  two  soldiers  and  the  legend  GLORIA  EXER- 
CITVS  was  continued  by  his  three  sons.J  The 
cross  on  the  labarum  is  of  three  forms  : 

(1)  _T_  .      (Fig.    24.) 

(2)  \^.  Of  this  series  I  have  not  seen  any 

coin  of  Constantine  II.,  but  it  doubtless  exists. 
That  attributed  by  the  late  Mr.  de  Salis  I  have 
restored  to  Constantine  I.  (see  §  xii.).  The  coins 
of  Constantius  II.  and  Constans  of  this  series 
are  in  the  British  Museum. 


(3)   ^.     (Fig.  25.) 


On  some  coins  all  three  emperors  have  the 
title  of  Maximus.  The  coin  engraved  (Fig.  25) 
was  struck  at  Siscia,  but  similar  pieces  with  the 
title  MAX.  were  issued  at  Lyons.  They  are 
erroneously  attributed  by  M.  Feuardent  (Bev. 
Num.  1856,  p.  253,  pi.  vii.  No.  2)  to  Con- 
stantine I.  the  Great. 

The  same  type  continues  for  a  short  time  after 
the  death  of  Constantine  II.  in  340,  but  only  with 

the   symbols    'VT    and    S,^    on  the  labarum,'^ 

but  many  other  types  were  introduced,  among 
which  may  be  noticed  the  fel.  temp,  reparatio 
(Felix  temporis  reparatio),  bearing  on  the  labarum 

all  the  three  forms—  fl^,  X,  "M-  ^^'^-  ~^^' 
The  "  happy  reparation  "  did  not  however  extend 
to  the  softening  of  manners,  for  the  types  of  the 
coins  as  a  rule  represent  scenes  of  the  grossest 
cruelty.  At  the  introduction  of  Christianity 
artistic  style  seems  to  have  perished,  and  the 
coinage  of  this  and  later  periods,  to  quote  M. 
Cohen's  expression  (Me'd.  Imp.  vol.  vi.  p.  264, 
note),  can  be  summed  up  in  two  words — "  mono- 
tonie  dans  les  types,  lorsqu'ils  ne  sont  pas  bar- 
bares,  barbaric  lorsqu'ils  ne  sont  pas  monotones." 

It  is  during  the  reign  of  Constantius  II.  that 
the  brass  coins  with  the  inscription  HOC  SIGXO 
VICTOR  ERis  are  first  issued  (Fig.  27),  a  legend 
which  is  repeated  on  the  coins  of  Vetranio  (350) 
and  of  Constantius  Gallus  (351-354). 

The  most  impoi-tant  innovation  of  this  period 
was  the  introduction  of  the  letters  A  and  U)- 
I  have  already  pointed  out  (§  xviii.)  that  the 
coin  of  Constantine  I.  with  these  letters  cannot 
be  relied  on,  and  I  have  now  further  to  state 
that  many  numismatists  and  others  (Garrucci, 
Martigny ;  see  art.  A  and  Ci)  have  accepted 
as  genuine  a  gold  coin  of  Constantius  with  the 


i  For  the  classification  in  tbis  section  of  the  coins  of 
the  sons  of  Constantine  with  the  legend  gloria  ex- 
ERcrrvs,  which  is  fully  developed  in  mj-  paper  in  the 
Kumismatic  Chronicle,  (N.  S.  1878,  vol.  xviii.  p.  23),  I 
am  indebted  to  the  labours  of  the  late  Mr.  de  Salis. 

k  On  some  of  the  coins  of  Constans  and  Constantius  II. 
the  letter  M  occurs  on  the  labarum,  which  M.  de  Witte 
has  suggested  {Rev.  Num.  1857,  p.  197)  may  be  the  initial 
letter  of  ihe  Virgin  Mary,  and  Mr.  King  {Early  Christ. 
Num.  p.  43)  of  Magnentius,  commander-in-chief  under 
Constans,  but  neither  of  these  theories  is  worthy  of 
serious  thought.  Moreover  the  letters  0,  C,  G,  I,  S,  T,  or 
V,  also  occur  on  the  labarum,  and  how  are  these  to  be 
interpreted  ?    I  cannot  explain  the  letters. 


MONEY 

A  SP  CO  which  turns  out  to  have  been 
described  originally  by  Banduri  (vol.  ii.  p.  227) 
as    A     >^     Q ;    but   the   authenticity  of  the 

piece  is  very  doubtful.  These  letters  do  how- 
ever occur  upon  the  second  brass  coins  of 
Constantius  II.  (Fig.  28),  struck  about  (?)  350- 
353,  and  also  on  a  rare  silver  medallion  of 
Constans  in  the  'Musee  de  Vienne'  (Cohen, 
Med.  Imp.  No.  28),  on  which  are  represented 
four  military  standards,  on  the  second  the 
letter  A.  on  the  third  Cx).  and  above  Sp 
and  issued  at  Eome.  It  has  been  suggested 
(Cavedoni,  Appendice,  p.  15)  that  Constans  in 
striking  this  medallion  at  Rome  wished  to 
testify  his  adherence  to  the  Catholic  dogma 
of  the  divinity  and  eternity  of  the  Incarnate 
Word,  in  opposition  to  the  Arian  heresy 
favoured  by  his  brother  Constantius,  and  it  may 
have  been  struck  soon  after  the  council  of 
Sardica  in  347.  Though  the  letters  A  and  CiJ 
were  probably  employed  perhaps  even  as  early 
as  the  council  of  Nice  in  325  (art.  A  and  n),  it 
was  not  till  about  347  that  they  commenced  to 
come  into  general  use  in  any  case  on  coins.  As 
to  the  form  CO  instead  of  O,,  Garrucci  asserts 
{Hagioglypta,  p.  168)  that  the  D.  nowhere  occurs 
on  any  authentic  Christian  monument,  and  con- 
demns, as  also  does  De  Rossi,  a  ring  published 
by  Costadoni  on  which  is. a  dolphin  between  the 
letters  A  and  Ci. 

§  sx.  Coins  of  Nepotian,  Vetranio,  Magnentius, 
Decentius,  Constantius  Gallus,  and  Julian  the 
Apostate. 

Nepotian  made  himself  master  of  Rome  in 
350,  and  issued  gold  coins  with  the  legend 
VRBS  ROJIA  and  the  type  Rome  seated  holding  a 

globe  surmounted  with  Np  C"^")  "^^^  ^^^ 
killed  after  a  reign  of  twenty-eight  days. 
Vetranio,  on  hearing  of  the  death  of  Constans 
and  the  revolt  of  Magnentius,  had  himself  pro- 
claimed emperor  at  Sirmium,  and  produced  a 
new  legend  salvator  reipvblicae  with  the 
type  of  himself  holding  the  laharum,  on  which 

y^.     He    also  repeated  the  coinage   with  the 

legend  HOC  SIGNO  victor  eris.  The  usurper 
Magnentius  (350-353)   and    his    son    Decentius 

struck  coins   with    the  A    ^P    CO    at  Amhian- 

nm  (Amiens),  a  mint  that  was  suppressed  soon 
after  his  death  by  Constantius  II.  On  the  coins 
of  Constantius  Gallus  Caesar  (351-354)  the 
HOC  SIGNO  VICTOR  ERIS  again,  and  for  the  last 
time,  occurs.  Some  coins  of  this  prince  with 
the  Isis  reverse  shew  that  he  to  a  certain  extent 
must  have  embraced  the  pagan  opinions  of  his 
brother  Julian. 

Immediately  on  the  accession  of  Julian  the 
Apostate  (355-363)  all  Christian  emblems  were 
abolished,  and  pagan  customs  and  worship  were 
re-established.  In  consequence  most  of  the  coins 
of  this  emperor  bear  the  image  of  Apollo,  Jupiter, 
the  DEVS  sanctvs  nilvs,  and  of  many  Egyptian  . 
deities,  Anubis,  Serapis,  Isis,  etc.,  several  of 
them  giving  representations  of  himself  as  Ser- 
apis, and  his  wife  Helena  as  Isis.  It  is  then 
hardly  to  be  expected  that  any  coin  of  this 
pricce  would  be  in  existence  bearing  Christian 


MONEY 


1287 


signs,  and  yet  one  has  been  published  — a  bronze 
medallion— representing  Julian  holding  a  stan- 
dard, beneath  which  is    s^    (Cohen,  Me'd.  Imp. 

No.  51,  from  Wiczay).  The  only  point  in  its 
favour  is  that  it  shews  Julian  as  bearing  the 
title  of  Caesar,  and  if  really  authentic  must 
have  been  struck  immediately  on  his  appoint- 
ment to  that  honour  in  355.  I  cannot  however 
say  that  the  medallion  is  above  suspicion. 

§  xxi.  Coins  from  the  Accession  of  Jovian  (363) 
to  the  death  of  Theodosius  the  Great  (395). 

Under  Jovian,  the  successor  of  Julian  the 
Apostate,  although  a  few  coins  bearing  pagan 
types  with  the  legend  vota  pvblica  occur,  and 
which  continue  to  circulate  during  the  reigns  of 
Valentinian  I.,  Valens,  and  Gratian,  Christian  em- 
blems again  re-appear,  and  the  laharum  termin- 
ating in  a  cross  together   with  the  monogram 

N^  or  the  simple  laharum  are  of  common  oc- 
currence (Cohen,  Me'd.  Imp.  Nos.  17,  21).  The 
coin  of  Jovian  which  has  been  published  by  some 
(Sabatier,  Mon.  Byz.  vol.  i.  pp.  34,  58  ;  Martigny, 
Diet.  p.  460;  King,  Early  Christ.  Num.  p.  84), 
as  struck  at  Bavenna,  cannot  be  genuine,  as 
Ravenna  was  not  established  as  a  mint  till  the 
reign  of  Honorius  (Madden,  Num.  Chron.  N.  S. 
1861,  vol.  i.  p.  181;  1862,  vol.  ii.  pp.  60,  253; 
Handb.  of  Bom.  Num.  p.  159). 

Under  Valentinian   I.  the  most  notable  rein- 

troduction   is   that  of  the  form    _£    which  is 

generally  carried  at  the  top  of  the  sceptre  held 
by  the  emperor  (Cohen,  3Ie'd.  Imp.  No.  20),  but 
sometimes  occurs  in  the  field  of  the  coin  (No.  25). 
Similar  emblems,  as  also  the  laharum  adorned 

with  the  )K  °r  X  continue  on  the  coins 
during  the  reigns  of  his  brother  Valens,  the 
usurper  Procopius,  of  his  sons,  Gratian  and  Valen- 
tinian II.  and  Theodosius  I.  the  Great.i  The 
coins  both  of  gold  and  brass  of  Aelia  Flaccilla, 
the  wife  of  Theodosius  I.,  who  was  much  esteemed 
for  her  piety,  also  exhibit  interesting  Christian 
emblems,  among  the  most  striking  of  which 
is  the  type  of  victory  seated   inscribing  on  a 

shield   the    s^    (Cohen,  Me'd.  Imp.   No.    1),  a 

reverse  that  occurs  frequently  afterwards  on  the 
coins  of  other  empresses ;  whilst  the  coins  of 
Magnus  Maximus,  usurper  in  Britain  and  Gaul, 
and  of  his  son  Victor  (bono  reipvblicae  nati) 


1  The  form  comob  which  may  be  explained  Constan- 
tinae  [Aries]  Moneta  72,  or  Ohryza  "  pure  gold,"  appears  for 
the  first  time  on  the  gold  coins  under  Valentinian  II.  and 
Theodosius  I.,  and  is  exclusively  a  Western  mint  viark ; 
the  form  conob  Constantinopoli  12,  occurs  only  on  the 
coins  of  Constantinople  and  for  the  first  time  under  Graiian, 
Valentinian  II.,  and  Theodosius  I.  (Madden,  Num.  Chron. 
N.  S.  1861,  vol.  i.  pp.  123,  124),  and  they  both  continue 
till  about  the  time  of  Justinian  I.,  when  conob  is  used 
throughout  the  empire  on  the  Byzantine  gold.  I  am  in- 
clined to  think  with  Messrs.  Finder  and  Friedlaender 
{Aeltere  Miinzkunde,  1851 ;  of  De  lu  Sign,  des  Lettres 
OB,  Berlin,  1873)  that  the  letters  OB  stand  for  "72 
solidi,"  coined  from  one  pound  of  gold  (JVujn.  Chron. 
N.  S.  1861,  vol.  1.  p.  177;  vol.  ii.  p.  240),  but  the  late 
Mr.  de  Sails  considered  {Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  1867,  vol.  vii. 
p.  327),  that  M.  de  Petigny  (View.  Num.  1857,  p.  115) 
gives  most  convincing  arguments  for  reading  Obryza 
"  pure  gold." 


1288 


MONEY 


and  of  Eugenius,  usurper  in  Gaul,  shew  more  or 
less  the  same  symbols. 

§  xxii.  Division  of  tlie  Empire  (395).  A.  The 
West  to  end  of  Western  empire  (476).  B.  2'he 
East  to  the  time  of  Leontius  (488). 

A.  The  West.— After  the  death  of  Theodosius  I. 
the  empire  was  divided  between  his  two  sons 
Arcadius  and  Honorius,""  the  former  taking  the 
Eastern,  the  latter  the  Western  proviuces.  About 
this  time  the  type  of  Victory,  holding  a  globe 
surmounted  by  a  cross,  is  introduced  (Arcadius, 
Sabatier,  ulfon.  Byz.  vol.  i.  p.  404;  Jfonorius, 
Cohen,  JMZ.  Imp.  No.  24),  and  the  Greek  cross 
may  be  seen  on  the  exagia  solidi  of  Arcadius, 
Honorius,  and  Theodosius  II.  (Cohen,  No.  6, 
Sabatier,  pi.  iii.  No.  9).  On  a  gold  coin  of 
Honorius  struck  at  Ravenna,  in  tne  collection  of 
Dr.    John    Evans,    the    emperor   is   represented 

holding  a   spear,  surmounted   by    _t_,    on  the 

head  of  an  animal  which  appears  like  a  lion 
with  a  serpent's  or  dragon's  tail. 

On  certain  coins  of  Aelia  Galla  Placidia,  wife 
of  Constantius  III.,  the  colleague   of  Honorius 

for  a  few  months,  the  "^P  or  a  cross,  is  re- 
presented on  her  right  shoulder,  whilst  the  ^ 

is  within  a  wreath  on  the  reverse  (Cohen,  Nos.  1 
-16),  and  the  hand  from  heaven  crowning  the 
empress  is  introduced  (Cohen,  Nos.  2,  10,  11),  as 
had  also  been  the  case  on  the  coins  of  Eudoxia  in 
the  East. 

The  usurper  Priscus  Attains  seems  to  have 
dropped  Christian  emblems,  and  Rome  having 
been  sacked  by  Alaric  who  placed  him  on  the 
throne,  he  dared  to  strike  silver  medallions  twice 
the  size  of  a  five-shilling  piece,  and  gold  and 
silver  coins  with  the  presumptuous  legend 
INVICTA  ROMA  AETERNA  (Cohen,  Nos.  1,  3-5). 
The  usual  emblems  occur  on  the  coins  of  John, 
proclaimed  emperor  in  423. 

Yalentinian  HI.  appears  to  have  been  the  first 
emperor  who  wore  (^  cross  on  his  diadem,  if  the 
gold  medallion  is  genuine  (Cohen,  No.  1,  from 
Banduri),  and  on  other  coins  (Cohen,  No.  11), 
holding  a  cross  and  a  globe  on  which  Victory, 


"  Diuring  the  reign  of  Honorius  some  brass  medals  were 
issued  representing  in  most  cases  the  head  of  Alexander, 
but  sometimes  that  of  Honorius,  and  on  the  reverse  an 
ass  suckling  her  young,  accompanied  by  the  legends  d.  n. 
iHv.  (sic)  xps  DEI  FiLivs  or  lovrs  Fn-n's  or  asina,  or  as 
on  a  large  medallion  of  the  contorniate  class,  the  mono- 
gram SL^ .  The  efSgy  of  Alexander  the  Great  seems  to 
have  been  considered  as  a  "  pmtection  "  (Treb.  Poll. 
"XXXTTE."  14).  John  Chrysostom  {Homil.  ii.  No.  5 ; 
of.  Montfaucon,  Op.  Chrys.  vol.  ii.  p.  243)  reproached 
certain  bad  Christians  of  his  time  for  wearing  as 
amulets  on  their  heads  or  feet  medals  of  bronze  with 
the  head  of  Alexander  the  Macedonian  {voixiaij-aTo. 
\akKa.  'AAefai'Spov  ToO  MaKeJ6i'05  rais  Ki<i>aXa.l%  koX 
Tots  TToirl  mpiiicrixovvTuiv).  These  medals  were 
thought  by  Eckhel  {Doct.  Xum.  Vet.  vol.  viii.  p.  173)  to 
be  symbolic  representations  made  by  the  Christians,  but 
Tanini  appears  to  have  been  of  opinion  that  they  were 
satirical  pieces  fabricated  by  the  Pagans  to  turn  into 
derision  the  name  of  Christian,  whilst  Cavedcni  {Rev. 
Num.  1857,  p.  314),  thinks  that  "they  are  the  work  of 
certain  evil  Christians  or  the  Gnostics  or  Basilidians, 
who  employed  these  medals  as  'pierres  astriferes'  to 
circulate  among  the  people  their  false  and  detestable 
doctrines."    [.See  Medals,  below.] 


MONEY 

he  changes  the  ordinary  captive  trampled  under 
foot  to  a  human-headed  serpent,  a  custom  fol- 
lowed by  many  of  his  successors.  The  type  of 
the  emperor  holding  the  mappa  or  volumen  and 
a  long  cross  was  also  introduced  (Cohen,  No.  21). 
His  wife  Licinia  Eudoxia  also  bore  the  cross  on  her 
diadem  on  her  coins  struck  in  Italy  (Fig.  29 ;  Cohen, 
No.  1).  A  very  rare  gold  coin  of  this  empress 
(De  Salis,  Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  1867,  vol.  rii.  pi. 

viii.  No.  1)  has  the   ^^   surrounded  by  a  circle 

and  the  legend  SALVS  ORiENTiS  felicitas  OCCI- 
DENTIS.  It  was  struck  on  the  occasion  of  her 
marriage  in  437,  and  she  was  so  called  because 
Theodosius  II.  had  no  son,  and  the  Eastern  em- 
pire seemed  likely,  as  well  as  the  Western,  to 
become  the  inheritance  of  his  eldest  daughter's 
issue  (De  Salis,  op.  cit.  p.  206).  Some  coins  of 
his  sister  Justa  Grata  Honoria  bear  the  legend 
BONO  reipvblicae  (Cohen,  No.  1). 

The  usual  types  occur  on  the  coins  of  Petro- 
nius  Maximus,  Avitus,  Majorian,  Anthemius, 
and  his  wife  Eufemia,  but  on  one  coin  of  this 
emperor  representing  Anthemius  and  Leo,  there 
is  between  them  a  tablet  (surmounted  by  a  cross) 
on  which  is  inscribed  the  word  PAX  (Cohen, 
No.  9).  On  the  accession  of  Olybrius  he  dared 
to  introduce  the  legend  SALVS  mvndi,  engraving 
on  his  coin  a  large  cross,  though  he  only  enjoyed 
a  reign  of  about  three  months  and  thirteen  days. 
The  coins  of  Glycerins,  Julius  Nepos  and  Romu- 
lus Augustus  (Fig.  30),  the  last  emperor  of  the 
Western  empire,  offer  the  usual  symbols. 

B.  The  East. — Under  Arcadius,  as  already 
pointed  out,  the  type  of  Victory  holding  a  globe 
surmounted  by  a  cross  was  introduced.  Coins 
with  the  legend  NOVA  spes  reipvblicae  and 
the  type  of  Victory  resting  on  a  shield  were 
struck  (Sabatier,  Mon.  Byz.  No.  17),  matching 
the  coins  of  his  wife  Eudoxia,  with  the  legend 
SALVS  RiPVBLiCAE,  (sic)  and  the  type  of  Victory 
inscribing  on  a  shield  the  ^  (Fig.  31;  Sabatier, 

No.  3),  a  type  that  was  already  in  vogue  at  the 
time  of  her  mother-in-law  Flaccilla.  The  question 
of  the  attribution  of  the  coins  bearing  the  names 
of  Eudocia  and  Eudoxia  was  for  a  long  time  in- 
volved in  great  obscurity  till  set  at  rest  by  the 
late  Mr.  de  Salis  {Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  1867,  vol.  vii. 
p.  203) ;  and  many  coins  bearing  the  name  of 

Eudoxia  with  the    nB,  given   by   Sabatier  to 

the  wife  of  Theodosius  II.,  are  now  attributed  to 
the  wife  of  Arcadius. 

Theodosius  II.  issued  coins  with  the  legend 
GLORIA  ORVis  (sw)  TERRAR.  representing  himself 
holding  the  labarum  and  a  globe  cruciger,  and  all 
the  coins  with  the  name  EVDOCIA  belong  to  the 
wife  of  this  emperor  (Fig.  32). 

In  451  Marcianwas  proclaimed  emperor  owing 
to  the  influence  of  Pulcheria,  the  sister  of  Theo- 
dosius II.,  whom  he  married,  and  who  was  at 
this  time  about  fifty  years  of  age.  A  gold  coin 
was  struck  by  Marcian  to  commemorate  this 
event,  bearing  the  legend  FELiciTER  nhbtiis  (see 
Madden,  Num.  Chron.  N.S.  1878,  vol.  xviii.  p.  47, 
and  "Addenda,"  p.  199)  representing  Marcian  and 
Pulcheria,  both  with  the  nimbus,  standing  joining 
hands  ;  in  the  middle,  Christ,  with  the  nimbus 
cruciger,  standing  and  placing  his  hands  on  their 
shoulders  (Fig.  33).  This  piece,  which  is  one  of 
the  most  interesting  examples  of  Christian  Nu- 


MONEY 

■mismatics,  is  preserved  in  the  Hunter  Museum, 
Glasgow,  and  I  am  indebted  to  Prof.  Young,  M.D., 
Curator  of  the  Museum,  for  sending  me  an  im- 
pression of  it  (of.  Eckhel,  Doct.  Num.  Vet.  vol.  viii. 
p.  191  ;  Sabatier,  No.  2).  The  coins  of  Pulcheria 
bear  similar  types  to  those  of  the  other  empresses. 

Some   coins    of  Leo    I.  shew  the  _E  in  the 

field  (Sabatier,  pi.  vi.  No.  24),  and  represent 
him  holding  the  mappa  and  long  cross  (No.  19), 
as  on  the  coins  of  Valentinian  III.  previously 
alluded  to,  but  the  type  of  the  coins  of  his 
wife  Verina,  as  well  as  those  of  Leo  IL  and 
Zeno  (with  the  exception  of  the  brass  coins  of 
the  latter  with  INVICTA  ROiiA  and  S.  C.  Senatus- 
consultd),  his  wife  Ariadne,  of  Basiliscus,  his  wife 
Zenonis,  and  sou  Marcus,  and  of  Leontius,  do  not 
exhibit  any  novelty  of  type, 

§  xxiii.  Coins  of  the  Empire  of  the  East  from 
the  time  of  Anastasius  (491)  to  the  taking  of 
Constantinople  by  Mahomet  II.  (1453). 

The  true  Byzantine  type  of  coinage  commences 
under  Anastasius  (491-518),  who  instituted  a 
monetary  reform.  During  his  reign,  as  well  as 
during  that  of  Justin  L  (518-527),  the  types  of 
the  gold  and  silver  coins  ai-e  principally  the 
usual  Victory  holding  a  globe,  on  which  is  a  cross, 
or  else  a  large  cross,  or  a  staff  surmounted  by  the 

Np  ,  whilst  the  ^^    ȣ  or  M/  are  of  frequent 

occurrence.    The  A  _E,  Cjl)  or  yz.  J^  ^  may 

be  found  on  the  small  silver  coins  of  Justin  L 
(Sabatier,  Mon.  Byz.  pi.  ix.  Nos.  25,  26),  a  type 
likewise  appearing  on  those  of  Justinian  L  (Sab. 

pi.  xii.  Nos.  12,  15,  cf.  A  "T"  CO  on  jE  coins,  pi. 

xvii.  Nos.  36-38)  and  Mauricius  Tiberius  (Sab. 
pi.  xxiv.  No.  14).  The  copper  coinage  now 
under  Anastasius  for  the  first  time  bears  an 
index  of  its  value,  which  generally  occupies  the 
whole  of  the  field,  almost  always  accompanied 
by  crosses.     One  specimen   shews    the  emperor 

Justin  I.  wearing  the    S?    on  his  breast  (Sab. 

pi.  X.  No.  1),  or  the  -T-  on  his  head  (No.  2). 

In  527  Justinian  was  associated  to  the  empire 
by  his  uncle  Justin,  and  coins  were  struck  of 
gold  and  copper  bearing  both  their  portraits. 
On  a  very  rare  copper  piece,  formerly  in  the 
collection  of  the  late  Mr.  de  Salis,  and  now  in  the 
British  Museum,  the  word  vita  appears  for  the 
first  time  (Fig.  34;  Sab.  pi.  si.  No.  22),  a  form  em- 
ployed afterwards  by  Justin  II.  and  Sophia  (Sab. 
pi.  sxi.  Nos.  10,  12,  13),  and  Mauricius  Tiberius 
(Sab.  pi.  xxiv.  No.  20),  signifying,  according  to 
the  late  Baron  Marchant  and  M.  de  Saulcy,  '■'■Sit 
longa  vita,"  but  which  the  Abbe  Martigny 
{Bict.  des  Antiq.  Chr€t.  p.  464)  thinks  may  refer 
to  the  sign  of  the  cross  as  the  source  of  true  life. 
In  favour  of  the  first  interpretation  M.  Sabatier 
mentions  (vol.  i.  p.  170)  the  words  vixCAS  or 
NiKA  on  the  contorniates  and  the  legend  Ne 
Vireat  (but  probably  Nosier  pgrpeiwMs)  on 
the  brass  coins  (Sab.  pi.  xxvii.  No.  26)  of  Focas 
and  Leontia  (602-610),  as  also  the  letters 
p.  A.  MML.  or  p.  A.  MVL.  on  the  coins  of 
Theodosius  III.  (716),  Leo  the  Isaurian  (716-741), 
.and  Constantine  V.  and  Leo  IV.  (751-755),  these 
being  interpreted  Per  Knnos  mvltos  {yivaf],  but 
Mr.  de  Salis,  who  states  that  the  legend  mvltvs 


MONEY 


1289 


or  MVLTVS  ANNis  occurs  for  the  first  time  on  the 
coins  of  Justinian  IL  without  the  letters  pa, 
considered  (i?cu.  Num.  1859,  p.  441)  that  these 
letters  signified  PATHR  or  pathr  avgvsti,  an 
opinion  that  M.  Sabatier  seems  to  have  adopted 
in  other  parts  of  his  work  (vol.  i.  p.  74 ;  vol.  ii. 
p.  46).  It  may  be  mentioned  that  the  Abbd 
Cavedoni  preferred  to  read  Perpetuus  Augustus 
MVLtoties  or  MYhtimodis  (Bev.  Num.  1859,  p. 
399)  ;  but  this  interpretation  is  doubtful. 

On  the  death  of  his  uncle,  Justinian  I.  suc- 
ceeded to  the  throne  (527-565),  and  about  his 
twelfth  year  introduced  his  portrait  full-faced 
on  the  copper  coinage,  adding  the  word  anno 
together  with  a  number  marking  the    year  of 

his    reign.      The    n^    (reversed)   is    also   fixed 

on  the  breast  of  this  emperor  (Sab.  pi.  xii. 
No.  22),  set  as  it  seems  on  a  plate  surrounded 
by  gems  (Fig.  35),  and  the  form  M/  occupies  the 

whole  of  the  reverse  of  some  of  the  small  copper 
coins  (Sab.  pi.  xvii.  Nos.  2  and  9). 

The  coins  of  the  Ostrogoths  in  Italy,  com- 
mencing at  the  overthrow  of  Romulus  Augustus 
(476-553),  which  genei-ally  bear  the  portraits 
of  Anastasius,  Justin  I.,  and  Justinian  I.,  and 
many  of  which  carry  on  the  farcical  legend  of 
INVICTA  ROMA,  as  well  as  the  coins  of  the  Van- 
dals in  Africa  (428-534),  do  not  require  any 
special  allusion  in  connexion  with  the  present 
subject. 

The  reign  of  Justin  II.  (565-578),  with  the 
exception  of  the  pieces  of  himself  and  wife 
Sophia  with  the  inscription  vita,  to  which  I 
have  already  alluded,  offers  no  new  types. 

Under  his  successor  Tiberius  II.  Constantine 
(578-582)  the  cross  is  placed  on  four  steps  (Sab. 
pi.  xxii.  No.  13),  or  on  a  circle  or  globe  (Sab. 
pi.  xxii.  Nos.  17,  18),  types  that  become  espe- 
cially common  under  Hei-aclius,  whilst  on  some 
of  his  coins  he  is  represented  holding  the  volu- 
meji,  and  a  sceptre  surmounted  by  an  eagle, 
above  which  a  cross  (Sab.  pi.  xxii.  No.  15  ;  xxiii. 
Nos.  1,  2,  and  13),  a  type  occurring  on  the  coins 
of  Mauricius  Tiberius  (582-602),  who  also  issued 
a  very  rare  solidus  (of  which  a  woodcut  is  given 
by  Sabatier,  vol.  i.  p.  238),  representing  himself 
holding  the  volumen  and  long  cross,  and  on  the  re- 
verse Victory  holding  a  long  sceptre  terminating 

in  _H,  and  a  cross  on  a  globe  (see  the  descrip- 
tion of  a  coin  of  Leo  I.  §  xxii.).  The  coins  of 
Focas  (602-610)  are  of  the  usual  type. 

Heraclius  (610-641),  who  issued  coins  of  himself 
and  sons  Heraclius  Constantine,  and  Heracleonas, 
with  the  title  of  Consul,  an  office  that  was  not 
definitely  abolished  till  the  reign  of  Leo  VI.  (886- 
912),  produced  the  legend  D6VS  ADIVTA 
ROMAN  IS  (Fig.  36;  Sab.  pL  xxix.  No.  23)  on 
his  silver  coins,  a  legend  which  continued  on  the 
coins  of  his  successors  down  to  the  time  of  Jus- 
tinian II.  (685).  Some  of  his  copper  coins  present 
an  entirely  new  feature,  in  that  the  legend  is 
completely  Greek,  instead  of  the  curious  mixture 
of  Greek  and  Latin,  and  also  reverts  to  the 
Constantinian  legend  GN  TaTO  NIKA  (Sab. 
pi.  xxviii.  No.  26),  which  appears  m  the  form 
eh  SOVSCjO  hICAS  or  hICASG  on  the 
coins  of  Basil  II.  and  Constantine  XL  (Sab. 
pi.    xlviii.    Nos.    15,    16),  and   GN    TOVTU) 


1290 


MONEY 


N I KATG  on  those  of  Michael  YII.  and  Maria 
(Sab.  pi.  li.  No.  11). 

The  late  Dr.  Finlay  has  suggested  (Greece  under 
the  Romans,  p.  544)  that  the  copper  coins  of  rude 
fabric  with  the  GN  TSTO  NIKA  legend 
were  probably  coined  by  Heraclius  for  the 
use  of  the  troops  and  provincials  during  his 
Persian  campaigns,  to  whi,ch  theory,  with  the 
exception  of  the  words  "  rude  fabric,"  as  these 
coins  are  no  ruder  than  the  rest  of  the  copper 
currency,  the  Hon.  J.  L.  Warren  assented,  adding 
"  that  such  a  type  would  be  peculiarly  appro- 
priate in  a  war  against  the  crescent  and  the 
infidels,  thus  readopting  the  laharum  motto, 
translated,  however,  and  thereby  shewing  how 
essentially  Greek  the  empire  had  become  "  {Num. 
Chron.  N.  S.  1861,  vol.  i.  p.  229).  The  same 
type  was  copied  by  Constans  (641-668),  and  an 
interesting  account  of  some  coins  of  this  emperor 
and  his  sons,  discovered  in  the  island  of  Cyprus, 
has  been  written  by  Mr.  Warren  {op.  cit.  p.  42). 
During  the  short  reign  of  Theodosius  III.  (716) 
some  small  silver  coins  were  struck  (Sab.  pi. 
x.xxix.  No.  3)  bearing  the  legend  AMGNITAS 
D€l  (the  loving-kindness,  i.e.  the  grace  of  God) 
within  a  wreath  of  myrtle. 

During  the  reign  of  Constantine  V.  Coprouy- 
mus,  and  his  son  Leo  IV.  (751-775),  the  hand 
"descending  from  heaven"  occurs  on  the  gold 
coinage  (Sab.  pi.  xl.  No.  22),  and  the  form  in 
which  the  hand  is  held  is  supposed  to  express  the 
sacred  letters  IC— XC  (DiCT.  of  Christ.  Antiq. 
I.  p.  199).  The  hand  also  occurs  on  the  coins 
of  John  I.  Zimisces,  Michael  IV.,  Michael  VI., 
Alexius  I.  Comnenus,  John  II. Comnenus,  Manuel  I. 
Comnenus,  Isaac  II.  Angelus,  John  VIII.  Palae- 
ologus,  and  on  those  of  the  emperors  of  Trebi- 
zond.  The  legend  IhSMS  XPIS5MS  NICA, 
with  the  type  of  a  large  cross  on  three  steps, 
first  appears  on  his  silver  coins  (Sab.  pi.  xl. 
No.  25),  though  on  a  copper  coin  with  the 
effigies  of  Leo  III.  (dead),  Constantine  V.,  and 
Leo  IV.  (Sab.  pi.  xl.  No.  17),  the  letters  x  N 
for  -Kristus  Neca  may  be  found.     Sometimes  the 

X-N 

letters  are  triplicated,  x-N  as  on  coins  of  Irene 

x-N 
(Sab.  pi.  xli.  no.  13).  This  legend  was  continued 
on  the  silver  coins  of  Leo  IV.  (775-780),  and 
of  Constantine  VI.  and  Irene  (780-797),  but 
Nicephorus  I.  Logothetes  struck  it  on  a  gold 
coin  (Sab.  pi.  xli.  No.  14),  and  it  is  generally 
found  on  the  silver  till  the  reign  of  John  I. 
Zimisces  (969-976),  on  whose  coins  the  face  of 
the  emperor  is  represented  within  a  circle  sur- 
rounded  by  the  letters    ,  .    ^    (Sab.  pi.  xlvii. 

No.  19).  On  some  of  his  brass  coins  (Sab.  pi. 
xlviii.  No.  6),  as  also  on  those  of  Alexius  I. 
Comnenus  (Sab.  pi.  lii.  Nos.  18,  19),  and  An- 
dronicus  IV.  Palaeologus  (Sab.  pi.  Ixiii.  no.  1), 


the  legend  is 


Alexius  I.  was  the  first 


emperor  who  was  really  Greek,  and  Latin  le- 
gends are  after  his  time  no  longer  to  be  found 
on  the  Byzantine  coinage.  It  was  on  the  coins  of 
Michael  I.  Rhangabe  (811-81.!),  with  the  legend 
IhSlJS  XPIS5MS  NICA(Sab.  pl.xlii.No.  3), 
that  the  words  6ASIL1S  ROmAIOh  were 
first  introduced,  "  a  sad  acknowledgment  of  a 
rival  Romanorum  Lnperator"  {Sat.  Review, Sunn  1, 


MONEY 

1861);  andTheophilus  (829-842)  on  some  coins  of 
the  same  legend  and  type  (Sab.  pi.  xliii.  No.  10), 
calls  himself  OeOFILOS  ?>gLOS  XPISSUS 
PISTOS  eh  AVSO  bASlLEU  ROMAlOh, 
whilst  on    some  of  the  same  type  he  inscribes 

CVRIG    bOHOH     TO    SO    aOVLO^G 

Kvpii  fiorjdei  ry  tr^  SovXcj!  {Lord  protect  ih]/ 
servant). 

The  principal  Christian  types  on  the  Byzan- 
tine coinage  may  be  classified  in  the  following 
manner : — 

A.  Christ. — During  the  reign  of  Justinian  II. 
(685-695),  who  had  been  deposed  on  account 
of  his  cruelties  in  695  and  banished  to  the 
Chersonese  by  Leontius  witli  his  nose  cut 
off,  and  hence  his  name  of  Rhinotmetus 
('Pij'Jt/utjtos),  but  who  was  restored  to  the 
throne  together  with  his  son  Tiberius  in  705, 
many  innovations  were  introduced,  the  most 
notable  of  which  is  the  bust  of  Christ  holding 
the  gospels  and  giving  the  benediction,  with 
the  legend  dH.  IhS.  ChS.  RGX  RGGOAn- 
TIMm,  and  on  the  reverse  the  emperor  holding 
a  long  cross  with  the  title  of  SGRH.  ChRISSl 
adopted  by  himself.  On  some  of  the  coins  the 
emperor  holds  a  globe  (on  which  is  the  word 
pax),  surmounted  by  a  cross  (Fig.  37  ;  Sab. 
pi.  xxxvii.  No.  2).  The  former  legend  is  gener- 
ally found  on  the  gold  coins,  but  it  some- 
times occurs  on  the  silver  and  copper,  and  it  is 
always  accompanied  by  the  type  of  Christ  repre- 
sented in  the  four  following  ways : — 

(1)  Bust  of  Christ  facing  on  a  cross  on  the  coins 
(Fig.  37)  of  Justinian  II.  Rhinotmetus  (685-695) 
and°on  his  coins,  with  his  son  Tiberius  IV.  after 
his  restoration  (705-711).  From  the  reign  ot" 
Leo  III.  the  Isaurian  (716-741),  the  first  of 
the  Iconoclasts,  to  that  of  Irene  (797-802), 
all  images  of  Christ,  the  Virgin,  and  Saints 
were  abolished,  though  the  legend  IhSHS 
XPISC4C  NIKA  without  any  image,  as  I 
have  above  shewn,  was  introduced  during  the 
reign  of  Constantine  V.  and  his  son  Leo  (751- 
775).  The  bust  of  Christ  facing  on  a  cross 
was  again  produced  (Sab.  pi.  xlii.  No.  1)  oa 
the  coins  of  Michael  I.  Rhangabe  (811-813),  and 
after  another  interval  of  about  30  years,  on 
those  of  (Sab.  pi.  xliv.  No.  7)  Michael  III.  and 
his  mother  Theodora  (842-856),  and  on  those 
of  Michael  III.  (Sab.  pi.  xliv.  No.  12)  when 
reigning   alone  (856-866),  but  with  the  legend 

IhSMS  XPISSOC^  .  On  a  brass  coin  of 
Michael  VIL  Ducas  (1071-1078;  Sab.  pi.  li. 
No.  8)  the  bust  of  Christ  on  the  cross  occurs- 
between  tico  stars  but  icithout  any  legend. 

(2)  Rust  of  Christ  facing  on  a  cross  with 
nimbus,  from  the  reign  of  Constantine  X.  and 
Romanus  II.  (948-959)  to  that  of  Isaac  I. 
Comnenus  (1057-1059).  The  nimbus  is  gene- 
rally adorned  with  gems.  [Sab.  pi.  xlvi.  No.  18 ; 
xlvii.  Nos.  10-12,  17  ;  xlviii.  Nos.  10,  19,  20 ; 
xlix.  Nos.  3,  5  ;  1.  No.  1.] 

(3)  Christ  tcith  nimbus  cruciger  seated  facing, 
sometimes  holding  the  right  hand  raised,  from  the 
reign  of  Basil  1.  and  Constantine  IX.  (869-870) 
to  that  of  Manuel  I.  Comnenus  (1143-1180). 
[Sab.  pi.  xliv.  No.  22 ;  xlvi.  Nos.  1,  3,  4,  6,  12  ; 
xlix.  Nos.  2,  4,  16,  17 ;  1.  Nos.  2,  6,  10 ;  Ivi. 
No.  3.]  It  was  on  the  coins  of  this  type  (Sab., 
pi.  xlix.  No.  17)  that  Isaac  I.  Comnenus  changed 


MONEY 

the  type  of  the  gold  coinage  of  the  empire,  and 
impressed  on  it  his  own  figure  with  a.  drawn 
sword  in  his  right  hand,  thereby,  as  the  Byzan- 
tine writers  pretend,  ascribing  his  elevation  to 
the  throne,  not  to  the  grace  of  God,  but  to  his 
own  courage  (Finlay,  Hist,  of  Byz.  and  Greek 
Empires,  vol.  ii.  p.  12). 

(4)  Christ  with  nimbus  cruciger  standing  facing 
on  the  coins  (Sah.  pi.  xlix.  No.  13)  of  Theodora 
(1055-105G).     See  Types  of  Virgin  (j). 

On  a  gold  coin  of  Romanus  I.  Constantine  X. 
and  Christophorus  (920-944),  Christ  is  repre- 
sented with  a  cross  at  the  back  of  his  head, 
standing  crowning  the  emperor  Komanus  I.  (Sab. 
pi.  xlvi.  No.  10). 

The  type  of  Christ  also  occurs  in  the  follow- 
ing various  types,  accompanied  by  the  letters 
Tc — XC  ('I'JO'oCs  Xpta-rSs)  : — 

(5)  Bust  of  Christ  facing  on  a  cross  with  nim- 
bus.— The  letters  Jc — X^  and  this  type  first 
appear  on  the  brass  coins  of  John  I.  Zimisces 
(969-976),  but  with  the  addition  in  some  cases 
of  the  word  6MMAN0VHA,and  on  the  reverse 
+  IhSUS  XPISTUS  bASILeU  bASIL€ 
(Fig.  38 ;  Sab.  pi.  xlviii.  Nos.  3,  5,  6,  7,  8),  and 
the  attribution  of  these  anonymous  coins  to 
John  I.  Zimisces  is  founded  on  a  passage  of  Scy- 
litzes  and  of  Cedrenus,  where  it  is  said  that 
"  this  emperor  ordered  to  be  placed  upon  the 
coins  the  image  of  the  Saviour,  which  had  not 
been  done  before,  and  on  the  other  side  Latin 
letters  forming  the  sentence,  iesvs  christvs  rex 
REGUM  "  (Sab.  vol.  ii.  p.  143),  but  this  statement 
can  only  refer  to  these  copper  coins,  as  the  bust 
of  Christ  occurs  (as  I  have  shewn  (1))  on  the 
coins  of  other  metals  of  earlier  dates.  The  same 
letters  are  sometimes  connected  with  the  word 

NIKA  (see  above)    —  —     (Sab.  pi.  xlviii.  No. 

^  ^     N  1  I K  A      ^  '^ 

6;  lii.  Nos.  18,  19;  iviii.  No.  18;  Ixiii.  No.  1), 
a  form  of  legend  also  occurring  on  the  copper 
coins  of  Romanus  IV.  Diogenes  (1067-1070), 
but  here  representing  the  bust  of  Christ  without 
the  cross  or  nimbus,  and  with  three  globviles 
on  either  side  of  His  head  (Sab.  pi.  Ii.  No.  3). 

The  type  continues  from  the  time  of  Theodora 
(1055-1056)  to  that  of  John  VIII.  Palaeologus 
(1423-1448).  On  some  of  his  coins  (Sab.  pi.  Ixiii. 
Nos.  19,  20),  as  well  as  on  those  of  his  prede- 
cessor Manuel  II.  (Sab.  pi.  Ixiii.  Nos.  7,  9,  10), 
the  bust  of  Christ  is  surrounded  by  stars  or 
crosses  with  the  legend  0V.XAPIT1  BACIAGC 
TOO  PCjOMGCjON  ''By  the  grace  of  God,  King 
of  the  Romans," — equivalent  to  the  Dei  gratia  on 
our  own  coinage.  It  is  sometimes  accompanied  by 
the  legend  KGROHOGI  for  Kt^fG  BOH06I, 
as  on  the  coins  of  Alexius  I.  Comnenus  (Sab. 
pi.  liii.  No.  10),  and  Manuel  I.  Comnenus  (Sab. 
pl.  Iv.  Nos.  5  and  10 ;  Ivi.  No.  5). 

(6)  Christ  with  nimbus  cruciger  seated  facing, 
on  a  brass  coin  of  John  I.  Zimisces  (969-976  ; 
Sab.  pl.  xlviii.  No.  4)  having  on  the  reverse 
ISXS  6ASlLe  6ASILI,  and  on  a  very  rare 
brass  coin  of  Constantine  XIII.  Ducas  and  Eudocia 
(1059-1067  ;  Sab.  pl.  1.  No.  9),  and  from  the 
time  of  Michael  VII.  Ducas  (1071-1078)  to  that 
of  Andronicus  IV.  Palaeologus  (1371-1373).  [See 
under  C.  Saints  and  Fig.  41.] 

The  words  KG.  ROH0GI  are  sometimes 
added  on  the  coins  of  Alexius  I.  and  John  II., 
whilst  on  some  of  Andronicus  II.  Palaeologus  and 


MONEY 


1291 


Andronicus  III.  (1325-1328)  the  legend  is  in  full 
KVPIG   BOH0G1  (Sab.  pl.  l.xi.  Nos.  14,  15). 

On  some  of  the  coins  of  Michael  VIII.  (1261- 
1282;  Sab.  lix.  Nos.  3-6),  Christ  v.ith  nimbus 
cruciger  or  nimbus  is  seated  blessing  the  kneeling 
emperor,  who  is  generally  accompanied  by  the 
Archangel  Michael. 

(7)  Christ  with  nimbus  standing  facing,  some- 
times crowning  or  blessing  the  emperor  or  em- 
perors, on  coins  from  the  time  of  Michael  VII. 
(1071-1078)  to  that  of  Andronicus  II.  and  III. 
(1325-1328).  [Sab.  pl.  Ii.  Nos.  5,  18;  lii.  Nos. 
16,  17  [with  KG.  ROH0GI],  20;  liii.  No.  18; 
Iv.  No.  2  ;  Ivii.  Nos.  4,  5,  11 ;  Ix.  Nos.  1-5,  13, 
14  ;  Ixi.  Nos.  7-9,  13.] 

The  letters  Jq — xC  occur  on  some  coins  of 
Alexius  I.  (Sab.  pl.  lii.  No.  22)  and  Manuel  I.  (pi. 
Ivi.  No.  8),  having  for  type  a  six-rayed  cross  on 
three  steps. 

B.  The  Virgix. — The  Virgin  Mary  is  re- 
presented on  the  Byzantine  coinage  in  various 
postures,  generally  accompanied  by  the  letters 
MR — 0V  (Mtjtip  @€ov)  ; — 

(a)  Bust  of  Virgin  veiled  facing  and  hands 
raised,  on  coins  of  Leo  VI.  (886-912).  In  this 
instance  we  have  the  name  MARIA  in  full  as  well 
as  the  letters  IvfR — ©y  (Fig.  39 ;  Sab.  pl.  slv. 
No.  11). 

(5)  Bust  of  Virgin  with  nimbus  facing  and 
hands  raised,  first  occurs  (Sab.  pl.  xlvii.  No.  9) 
on  the  brass  coins  of  Theophano  (963)  and  on 
those  (Sab.  pl.  xlviii.  No.  9)  of  John  I.  Zimisces 
(969-976),  and  may  also  be  found  on  the  coins 
of  many  emperors  down  to  the  time  of  (Sab. 
pl.  Ixi.  No.  5)  Andronicus  II.  and  Michael  IX. 
(1294-1320). 

On  a  coin  of  Constantine  XII.  Monomachus 
(1042-1055;  Sab.  pl.  xlix.,  No.  12)  the  Virgin 
of  Blachernae  [M.  RAAKG6N1TICA  sic-]  is 
represented.  Blachernae  was  a  suburb  of  Con- 
stantinople, which  was  taken  into  the  city 
under  Heraclius,  and  the  empress  Pulcheria  is 
said  to  have  erected  a  temple  to  the  Virgin 
called  jEdes  Blachernianae,  which  Justin  I.  re- 
stored. On  account  of  the  many  miracles  said 
to  have  been  performed  here,  the  temple  and 
image  were  held  in  high  esteem  (Chron.  Alex. 
ad  ann.  Ileracl.  xv.  and  xvii. ;  Ducange,  Const. 
Christ,  lib.  i.  c.  xi. ;.  Madden,  Num.  Chron.  N.  S. 
vol.  xviii.  p.  207 ;  pl.  vii.  No.  10). 

(c)  Bust  of  Virgin  with  nimbus  facing,  holding 
a  medallion  of  Christ  on  her  chest,  from  the  time 
of  (Sab.  pl.  xlvii.  No.  18)  John  I.  Zimisces  (969- 
976)  to  that  of  (Sab.  pi.  Ii.  Nos.  7,  9)  Michael 
VII.  Ducas  (1071-1078),  and  sometimes  accom- 
panied by  the  legend  OKE  BOH0GI  (OeorJ/ce 
0oj]d€i,  mother  of  God,  help).  In  some  cases  the 
medallion  rests  on  her  chest  whilst  the  hands  are 
raised  as  on  the  coins  of  (Sab.  pl.  Ii.  No.  17) 
Nicephorus  III.  (1078-1081),  of  (Sab.  pl.  lii. 
Nos.  9-11,  21)  Alexius  I.  Comnenus  (1081-1118), 
and  of  (Sab.  pl.  liv.  No.  14)  John  II.  Comnenus 
(1118-1143).  On  the  coin  of  John  Zimisces 
there  is  the  legend  m6R0Ll— DGDOZASITl 
-  OGISSGGL-niZCJhOM  -^  CAnOsK- 
which  ajjpears  to  be  M^rep  @(ov  Zi^olaff ixivt) 
(5  (Is  (Te  iXiri^wv  ovk  awoTfv^eTai  Kvpiov,  0 
glorified  mother  of  God,  he  that  trustcth  in  thcc 
shall  not  fail  of  the  Lord.  (Madden,  Num.  Chron. 
N.  S.  vol.  xviii.  p.  209  ;  pl.  vii.  No.  11.) 

((f)  Bust  of  Virgin  with  nimbus  within  walls,^ 
on  the  coins  of  (Sab.  pl.  lis.  No.  3)  Michael  VIII. 


1292 


MONEY 


Palaeologus  (1261-1282),  of  (Sab.  pi.  \x.  Nos. 
1-4)  Andronicus  II.  Palaeologus  (1282-1328), 
and  of  (Sab.  pi.  Ix.  Nos.  13,  14)  Andronicus  II. 
and  his  son  Michael  IX.  (1294-1320). 

The  walls  are  those  of  Constantinople,  and  the 
type  commemorates  the  restoration  of  the  Greels 
emperors  at  Constantinople  after  it  had  been 
tinder  the  sway  of  the  Latins  for  nearly  fifty- 
eight  years.  Pachymer  of  Nicaea,  who  flourished 
during  the  reign  of  Michael  VIII.,  records  that 
"  Michael,  after  the  taking  of  Constantinople, 
changed  the  type  of  the  old  coins,  engraving 
instead  a  representation  of  the  city,"  but  at  the 
same  time  he  debased  the  standard  of  the  mint, 
and  issued  coins  containing  only  15  parts  of  gold 
and  9  of  alloy  (Pachymer,  ii.  343  ;  Finlay,  Hist, 
of  Byz.  and  Greek  Empires,  vol.  ii.  p.  436).  The 
obverse  type  on  his  coins  represents  the  emperor, 
presented  by  the  archangel  Michael,  kneeling  to 
Christ  seated,  or  the  emperor  in  prostration 
before  Christ  standing,  or  the  two  emperors 
blessed  by  Christ.     [_T!,pes  of  Christ,  (6),  (7).] 

(e)  1  irgin  with  nimbus  seated  facing,  on  coins 
of  John  II.  Comnenus  (1118-1143)  but  with  the 
hands  outspread  (Sab.  pi.  liv.  No.  13),  of  (Sab.  pi. 
Iv.  No.  6 ;  Ivi.  No.  4)  Manuel  I.  Comnenus 
(1143-1180),  and  of  (Sab.  pi.  lis.  No.  5)  Michael 
VIII.  Palaeologus  (1261-1282).  (Sab.  pi.  kiv.- 
Ixvi.) 

(/)  Virgin  with  nimbus  seated,  holding  medallion 
of  Christ,  from  the  time  of  Michael  VII.  Ducas 
(1071-1078)  to  that  of  Andronicus  II.  and 
Michael  IX.  (1294-1320).  [Sab.  pi.  Ii.  No.  6 ; 
Hi.  No.  1 ;  liii.  No.  18 ;  liv.  No.  1 ;  Iv.  No.  11 ; 
Ivi.  No.  14 ;  Ivii.  No.  Ih ;  Ix.  No.  16.] 

(g)  Virgin  with  nimbus  standing,  hands  raised 
and  medallion  of  Christ  on  her  chest,  on  the  coins 
of  (Sab.  pi.  lii.  Nos.  8,  12)  Alexius  I.  Comnenus 
(1081-1118),  of  (Sab.  pi.  Ivii.  No.  4)  Androni- 
cus I.  Comnenus  (1182-1185),  all  with 
KG.  ROHOei,  and  of  (Sab.  pi.  Ivii.  No.  20; 
Iviii.  No.  5)  Isaac  II.  Angelus  (1185-1195).  On 
some  of  the  coins  of  Andronicus  II.  the  Virgin 
holds  the  medallion  with  both  hands  (Sab.  pi.  Ivii. 
Nos.  5,  11). 

(K)  Virgin  with  nimbus  standing  on  a  cushion 
holding  the  infant  Christ,  with  nimbus  cruciger,  in 
her  arms,  on  the  gold  and  silver  coins  of  (Sab.  pi.  1. 
Nos.  14, 15)  Romanus  IV.  Diogenes  (1067-1070). 
On  these  coins  the  legend  riAPOGNG  COI 
nOAVAING  00  HAniKG  HANTA  KAT- 
OP0OI  (0  glorious  Virgin,  he  that  trusteth  in 
thee  prospers  in  all  things)  forms  an  hexameter 
line.    (Fig.  40.) 

(i)  Virgin  with  nimbus  standing  facing  and 
hands  raised  or  arms  folde  I.  from  the  time  of 
(Sab.  pi.  slix.  No.  11)  Constantine  XII.  Mono- 
machus  (1042-1055)  to  that  of  Alexius  I.  Com- 
nenus (1081-1118).  [Sab.  pi.  1.  No.  7  ;  Ii.  No.  6  ; 
lii.  No.  7.]  On  the  coin  of  Constantine  XII. 
there  is  the  legend  AGCHOINA  OCjOZOIO 
GVOEBH  MONOMAKON  {Lady mayest  thou 
jJreserve  the  pious  Monom'ichus).  On  some  speci- 
mens the  words  ©KG.  ROH0GI  occur. 

On  other  coins  the  Virgin  is  represented  side- 
faced  as  on  those  (Sab.  pi.  Ivi.  Nos.  12,  13)  of 
Manuel  I.  Comnenus  (1143-1180). 

(J)  Virgin  with  nimbus  standing  crowning  em- 
peror, sometimes  half-length,  on  coins  of  (Sab.  pi. 
xlvii.  No.  17)  John  I.  Zimisces(969-976),  on  which, 
in  addition  to  the  letters  M0  above  her  head, 
there  is  added  the  legend  0GOTOO.  6OH0. 


MONEY 

ICx)  OGSP  (mother  of  God  help  the  Lord  John) 
[A.  Christ,  No.  2],  and  from  the  time  of 
Romanus  III.  Argyrus  (1028-1034;  Sab.  pi. 
xlix.  No.  2)  to  that  of  (Sab.  pi.  Iv.  Nos  7,  12 ; 
ivi.  Nos.  2,  3)  Manuel  I.  Comnenus  (1143-1180). 
On  gold  coins  of  (Sab.  pi.  xlvii.  No.  12)  Nice- 
phorus  II.  Focas  (963-969),  and  of  (Sab.  pi.  Ixvii. 
No.  1)  John  Angelus  Comnenus,  emperor  of 
Thessalonica  (1232-1234),  the  Virgin  is  repre- 
sented half-length  presenting  a  long  cross  to  the 
emperor ;  on  some  of  Michael  VIII.  Palaeologus 
(1261-1282;  Sab.  pi.  lix.  Nos.  10,  11)  she  is  re- 
presented half-length  holding  the  labarum  on  which 
"T" ;  and  on   a   brass    coin    of  (Sab.    pi.   Ixii. 

No.  17)  John  V.  Palaeologus  (1341-1391),  the 
Virgin  and  Umperor  are  shaking  hands.  On 
another  (Sab.  pi.  xlix.  No.  13)  of  Theodora  (1055- 
1056),  to  which  I  have  already  alluded 
[A.  Christ,  No.  4],  she  is  standing  full-length 
with  Theodora,  both  holding  the  labarum. 

C.  Saints. — The  figure  of  a  saint  (generally 
standing)  was  first  introduced  by  Michael  VI. 
(1056-1057).  The  following  are  the  saints  and 
angels  represented — St.  Alexander,  on  a  sold  coin 
of  Alexander  (912-913  ;  Sab.  pi.  xlvi.  ''No.  3)  ; 
St.  Michael,  on  coins  of  Michael  VI.  (Sab. 
pi.  xlix.  No.  16)  and  of  Isaac  II.  Angelus 
(Sab.  pi.  Ivii.  Nos.  15,  16,  17)  and  other 
emperors ;  St.  Constantine,  on  coins  of  Alexius 
I.  Comnenus  (Sab.  pi.  lii.  Nos.  16,  17);  St. 
George,  on  coins  of  John  II.  Comnenus  (Fig.  41 ; 
Sab.  pi.  liii.  No.  15,  [A.  Christ,  No.  6]), 
and  other  emperors ;  St.  Iheodore,  on  coins  of 
Manuel  I.  Comnenus  (Sab.  pi.  Iv.  No.  2),  &c. ; 
St.  Demetrius,  on  coins  of  Manuel  I.  Comnenus 
(Sab.  pi.  Iv.  No.  9),  kc. ;  St.  Andronicus,  on 
coins  of  Andronicus  II.  and  III.  (Sab.  pl.  Ixi.  No. 
17);  St.  Eugenius,  on  the  coins  of  the  emperors 
of  Trebizond  (Sab.  pl.  Ixvii.-lxx. ;  some  on 
horseback);  St.  John,  on  the  coins  of  John  I. 
Axouchos,  emperor  of  Trebizond  (Sab.  pl.  Ixvii. 
No.  9,  bust  facing ;  No.  10  standing) ;  and  some 
unknown. 

The  winged  head  or  body  of  a  seraph  occurs  on 
the  brass  coins  of  Andronicus  I.  Comnenus  (Sab. 
pl.  Ivii.  Nos.  9,  10),  of  Andronicus  II.  and 
Michael  IX.  (Sab.  pl.  Ix.  No.  19  ;  Ixi.  No.  11), 
and  John  III.  Ducas  emperor  of  Nicaea  (Sab.  pl. 
Ixiv.  No.  15)  very  similar  in  form  to  the  seraphim 
engraved  in  the  article  Angels  and  Arch- 
angels (§  14). 

On  some  coin.''  of  Romanus  I.  and  II.,  Con- 
stantine X.,  Nicephorus  Focas,  John  Zimisces, 
Basil  II.,  Manuel  I.  Comnenus,  and  Alexius  III., 
the  initial  letters  of  the  names  of  these  emperors 
are  so  placed  as  to  form  a  cross  (Sab.  pl.  i.  Nos. 
54-60,  63,  68,  69),  in  some  cases,  as  on  the  coins 
of  Romanus  I.  and  II.,  taking  the  form  of  an 
anchor,  whilst  on  those  of  Romanus  IV.,  Alexius  I. 
Comnenus,  and  Baudouin  (Nos.  65,  67,  71),  the 
initials  are  figured  around  a  Maltese  cross. 

There  are  yet  one  or  two  curious  pieces  to 
which  I  must  allude.  During  the  reign  of 
John  I.  Zimisces  (969-976)  some  brass  coins  or 
tokens  were  issued  (1)  having  on  the  obverse 
the  bust  of  Christ  with  nimbus  and  the  letters 
10— XO,  and  on  the  reverse  the  legends 
0GOAAN  -  GIZGITOV  -  OHGNHTAO  - 
0TPG4>(jl)N,  and  (2)  on  the  obverse  AA— 
NGIZGI— 0GCjO,  and  on  the  reverse  OGAG— 
CONflTCx)— XON,   which   may  be  interpreted 


MONEY 

Oero  Savel^ei  robs  irfv-qras  6  rp4(pwv  and  Aavel^n 
©6^  6  i\io)v  vroixov  {He  that  hath  pity  on  the 
poor  lendeth  unto  the  Lord).  Both  are  transla- 
tions of  the  same  Hebrew  verse  (Prov.  six.  17), 
and  the  latter  is  the  exact  translation  of  the  LXX. 
These  pieces  have  been  published  by  Dr.  Fried- 
laender  {Num.  Zeitschrift,  vol.  ii.  Vienna,  1870); 
the  first  is  in  the  collection  of  Prince  Philip  of 
Saxe-Coburg,  the  second  in  the  museum  of 
Basle.  Dr.  Freidlaender  remarks  that  "it  is 
curious  that  the  coins  of  smallest  value  are  al- 
ways those  which  remind  the  possessor  to  give 
them  to  the  poor." 

Another  brass  coin  or  medal  wit'h  the  legend 
ANACTACIC  has  also  been  attributed  to  this 
reign,  but  the  piece  is  not  above  suspicion. 
(Madden,  iYmot.  Chron.  N.  S.  1878,  vol.  xviii. 
p.  191.)     [See  Medals  below.] 

To  the  time  of  John  II.  Comnenus  (1118- 
1143),  according  to  the  late  Baron  Marchant 
{Mel.  de  Num.),  or  to  that  of  John  V.  Palaeologus 
(1341-1391),  according  to  the  late  Mr.  de  Salis, 
and  with  greater  probability,  a  most  remarkable 
piece  is  attributed,  of  which  the  following  is  a 
description  : — 

Ohv.  The  emperor  with  nimbus  standing 
facing,  holding  cross  and  labarum  (surmounted 
by  cross)  on  which  X. 

£ev.  The  Magi  worshipping  and  making  offer- 
ings to  the  Virgin  Mary,  who  holds  a  child  in  her 
lap.  The  Virgin  wears  the  nmi^Ms  and  is  seated, 
raising  her  right  hand.     Between  the  Magi  and 

the  Virgin  the  letters  ^^^°^.  (Fig.  42.) 

This  piece,  which  is  in  the  British  Museum,  is 
considered  by  Mr.  Grueber  to  be  undoubtedly 
genuine.     The  shape  of  the  labarum  is  uncertain, 


MONEY 


1293 


but  appears   to  be 


The   inscription   is 


perhaps  eVA07€'Te,  or  rather  EVA07WG'"7> 
which  is  not  improbable,  as  the  Virgin  Mary 
was  hailed  by  her  cousin  Elizabeth  as  "  Blessed 
among  women,  and  blessed  the  fruit  of  her  womb" 
{iv\oyi]fj.ivn  (TV  fv  yvvai^),  Kol  evKoyn/xiPos  6 
Kapirhs  Tris  Koi\(as  ffov,  Luke  i.  42). 

Another  specimen  of  very  similar  reverse 
type,  but  having  on  the  obverse  the  bust  of 
Christ  facing  with  nimbus  and  the  legend 
EMMANVHL  {sic)  was  formerly  in  the  Pem- 
broke Collection,  and  passing  into  the  cabinet  of 
the  late  Mr.  Wigan,  is  now  in  the  collection  of 
the  Rev.  S.  S.  Lewis,  who  has  published  and 
engraved  it  in  the  new  illustrated  edition  of 
Dr.  Farrar's  Life  of  Christ  (p.  21,  ed.  Cassell, 
Petter,  and  Galpin).  Mr.  Lewis  kindly  sent  me 
the  piece  to  see,  and  I  must  confess  that  I  am  not 
altogether  favourably  impressed  with  its  appear- 
ance. I  may  observe  that  Mr.  Burgon  the  author 
of  the  Pembroke  Sale  Catalogue  (p.  324)  classed 
it  among  "  early  fabrications  in  copper  bearing 
imaginary  types,"  and  stated  that  "the  com- 
position can  hardly  be  regarded  as  genuine,  but 
as  the  metal  and  surface  are  antique,  it  must  (if 
false)  have  been  produced  by  means  of  a  punch 
and  an  engraving  tool,  principally  by  the  former. 
The  workers  in  Niello  in  Italy  in  the  15th  cen- 
tury used  their  tools  in  a  manner  which  is  al- 
most inconceivable."  If,  however,  there  is  no 
doubt  about  the  authenticity  of  the  piece  in  the 
British  Museum,  we  can  hardly  reject  this  one 
as  spurious  only  on  account  of  its  composition. 


The  two  birds  (doves  ?)  in  the  exergue  of  the 
reverse,  Mr.  Lewis  {op.  cit.)  suggests  may  "  deli- 
cately symbolise  the  purification."  [See  Medals, 
below.] 

It  may  be,  as  Martigny  has  suggested  {Diet, 
des  Antiq.  Chr^t.  p.  38o),  that  medals  or  medal- 
lions of  this  description  were  frequently  struck 
for  suspending  round  the  neck,  as  was  done  with 
some  of  the  verves  dor€s  with  the  same  subject 
(Garrucci,  Vetri,  iv..No.  9). 

The  representation  of  the  adoration  of  the 
Magi  on  both  these  pieces,  especially  on  the 
latter,  is  somewhat  similar  to  that  on  a  fresco 
of  the  cemetery  of  Callistus  engraved  by  Mar- 
tigny {op.  cit.  I.  c),  or  to  that  on  a  fresco  in  the 
cemetery  of  St.  Marcellinus,  engraved  by  the 
Rev.  W.  H.  Withrow  {Catacombs  of  Rome,  p. 
305.  1877.)     (Compare  p.  1299.) 

In  conclusion  I  must  record  my  thanks  to 
Mr.  H.  A.  Grueber,  assistant  in  the  Department 
of  Coins  and  Medals,  British  Museum,  for  the 
trouble  that  he  has  had  in  superintending  the 
casting  of  most  of  the  coins  here  engraved,  and 
for  the  readiness  with  which  he  has  answered 
my  numerous  queries. 

The  principal  works  referred  to  are  as  follows  : 
— Feuardent,  Me'dailles  de  Constantin  et  de  ses  fils 
portant  des  signes  de  Christianisme  in  the  Bevu/; 
Numismatiqv£,  1856,  p.  247 ;  C.  Cavedoni, 
Eicerche  critiche  intorno  alle  medaglie  di  Costan- 
tino  Magno  e  de'  suoi  figliuoli  insignite  di  tipi  e 
di  simboli  Cristiani  in  the  Opuscoli  Religiosi  Let- 
terarii  e  Morali,  I.  iii.  pp.  37-61,  Modena,  1858 
(tirage  k  part  27  pages) ;  Nuove  ric.  crit.  intorno 
alle  med.  Costantiniane  insignite  delV  effigie  della 
Croce  in  the  Opuscoli  Religiosi,  etc.,  I.  iv.  pp. 
53-63,  Modena,  1858  (tirage  a  part  11  pages); 
R.  Garrucci,  Numismatica  Costantiniana  portante 
segnidi  Cristianesimo,  in  his  VetriOrnati  di  figure 
in  oro  trovato  nei  Cimiteri  dei  Cristiani  primitivi 
di  Roma,  pp.  86-105,  Roma,  1858  ;  C  Cavedoni, 
Appendice  alle  ricerche  critiche,  etc.,  in  the  Opus- 
coli Religiosi,  etc.,  I.  v.  pp.  86-105,  Modena, 
1859  (tirage  a  part  20  pages) ;  H.  Cohen,  Me'- 
dailles  Imp€riales,  vols.  v.  and  vi.  Paris,  1861, 
1862,  vol.  vii.  (Supplement),  1868 ;  J.  Sabatier, 
Monnaies  Byzantines,  2  vols.  Paris,  1862 ;  R. 
Garrucci,  A^um.  Cost,  o  sia  dei  segni  di  Cris- 
tianesimo sulle  monete  di  Costantino,  Licinio  e  loro 
figli  Cesari,  in  his  Vetri  ornati  di  figure  in  oro, 
p.  232,  Roma,  1864  [a  partial  ti-anslation  of  this 
paper,  by  M.  de  Witte,  omitting  the  introduction 
(pp.  232-235)  and  the  concluding  remarks  (pp. 
253-261),  appeared  in  the  Revue  Numismatiqiw, 
1866,  p.  78,  which  has  been  translated  into 
English  (but  must  be  used  with  caution)  by  Mr. 
C.  W.  King,  Early  Christian  Numismatics  and 
other  Antiquarian  Tracts,  1873]  ;  C.  Cavedoni, 
Disamina  nella  nuova  edizione  della  Num.  Cost, 
del  P.  Rajfaele  Garrucci  d.  C.  d.  G.  in  the  Rivista 
della  Num.  ant.  e  modern,  vol.  i.  pp.  210-228, 
Asti,  1864;  R.  Garrucci,  Note  alia  Num.  Cost,  in 
the  Disscrtazioni  Arch,  di  vario  argomento,  vol.  ii. 
pp.  23-30,  Roma,  1865  ;  Martigny,  Numismatique 
Chr€ticnne  in  the  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chr€t.  Paris, 
1865  ;  F.  W.  Madden,  Christian  Emblems  on  the 
coins  of  Constantine  I.  the  Great,  his  family  and 
his  successors  in  the  Numismatic  Chronicle,  N.  S. 
1877,  vol.  xvii.  pp.  11,  242;  1878,  vol.  xviii.  pp. 
1,  169.  [F.  W.  M.] 


Passmg  : 


the  Eastern  Empire  to  Western 


1294 


MONEY 


Europe,  we  find  that,  from  the  reign  of  Ho- 
norius  downwards,  the  gradual  loss  of  territory 
to  the  Roman  empire  is  marked  by  the  intro- 
duction of  new  coinages  issued  by  the  barbarian 
invaders  in  place  of  that  which  proceeded  from 
the  imperial  mints.  In  most  cases,  however, 
these  new  issues  begin  as  mere  imitations  of  the 
Western  or  Eastern  imperial  coins,  and  it  is  not 
till  long  subsequent  to  their  acquisition  of  a 
country  that  the  barbarian  nations  institute 
distinctly  recognisable  series  of  coins.  The  fact 
is,  that  the  imperial  coinage  had  been  so  long 
the  coinage  of  the  Roman  world  that  it  was  only 
gradually  that  the  Teutonic  invaders  conceived 
the  possibility  of  substituting  a  separate  coinage 
of  their  own.  The  length  of  time  which  often 
elapsed  between  the  settling  of  these  invaders 
in  Roman  territory  and  their  first  issue  of  a 
coinage  on  which  the  name  of  the  emperor  is 
replaced  by  that  of  a  barbarian  king,  is  exem- 
plified in  the  case  of  the  Visigoths,  who  under 
Astaulf  in  410  established  a  kingdom  in  Aqui- 
tania,  but  who  did  not  begin  a  national  coinage 
until  the  reign  of  Leovigild  (573),  the  first 
king  of  all  Sjiain.  Indeed  Pi-ocopius  complains 
of  the  audacity  of  the  Prankish  king  (Theode- 
bert),  who  for  the  first  time  ventured  to  strike 
gold  coins  "  bearing  his  own  portrait,  not  that  of 
the  emperor  as  was  [heretofore]  the  [universal] 
custom ;"  and  adds  with  slight  exaggeration : 
"the  king  of  the  Persians,  indeed,  used  to  strike 
silver  money  of  his  own ;  but  it  was  not  lawful 
either  for  him  or  for  any  other  barbarian  king  to 
make  his  gold  coins  with  a  portrait  of  the 
ruler."  {Bell.  Goth.  iii.  33.)  This  was  about 
the  year  544. 

It  is  obvious  that  this  long  period  of  imitation 
must  have  had  a  great  effect  upon  the  symbols 
of  all  kinds  which  appear  upon  coinages  of  the 
West,  and  accordingly  we  find  that  the  Christian 
symbols  upon  these  coins  are  generally  taken 
directly  from  the  money  of  Constantinople.  We 
may  divide  the  barbarian  coinages  of  Western 
Europe  from  the  accession  of  Honorius  to  that 
of  Charlemagne  into  six  distinct  classes,  struck 
respectively  by : 

(1)  The  Vandals  in  Africa  from  Huneric  to  the 
defeat  of  Gelimir  at  Trikameron,  that  is  from 
477  to  533. 

(2)  The  Visigoths  in  Spain  from  Leovigild  to 
the  defeat  of  Roderic  at  the  battle  of  Guadelata, 
from  573  to  711. 

(3)  The  Ostrogoths  in  Italy  from  Theodoric, 
493  to  the  battle  of  Mons  Lactanus,  553.  These 
were  followed  by : 

(4)  The  Lombards,  who  include  not  only  the 
Lombard  kings  at  Pavia,  but  likewise  the  dukes 
of  Benevento  and  Spoleto,  who  struck  coins.  The 
coinage  of  Pavia  and  Lucca  lasted  from  the  time 
of  Aripert,  G53,  down  to  the  conquest  of  the 
kingdom  of  Italy  by  Charles  in  774 ;  the  coin- 
age of  Benevento  continued  till  the  death  of 
Radeohis  in  955. 

(5)  The  Merovingians,  who  began  to  strike 
coins  about  544,  under  Theodebert,  king  of 
Austrasia,  and  continued  their  issue  until  a  new 
coinage  was  introduced  by  the  Karling  dynasty. 

(6)  The  English,  who  may  have  brought  a 
coinage  with  them  into  this  country,  but  who 
cannot  with  certainty  be  credited  with  a  national 
issue  until  the  time  of  Peada,  a  king  of  Mercia, 
about  655. 


MONEY 

On  the  first  and  third  of  these  six  classes,  the 
coins  of  the  Vandals  and  the  Ostrogoths,  Chris- 
tian symbols  are  curiously  conspicuous  by  their 
absence.  On  the  Vandal  money  none  appears 
save  upon  some  copper  coins  of  doubtful  attri- 
bution;  on  the  money  of  the  Ostrogoths  the 
only  exception  is  found  in  the  large  cross  which 
appears  upon  the  embroidered  robe  on  the  bust 
of  Theodahat  as  displayed  upon  his  copper  coins, 
and  in  the  crosses  upon  some  nameless  copper 
coins  struck  at  Rome  during  the  time  of  Ostro- 
gothic  rule,  but  not  necessarily  by  the  authority 
of  the  barbarians  themselves. 

Yet  if  we  were  inclined  to  attribute  this  want 
of  Christian  symbols  to  the  Arian  proclivities  of 
the  Vandals  and  the  Ostrogoths,  we  should  find 
that  our  conclusions  were  defeated  by  the  money 
of  Leovigild,  the  last  Arian  king  of  Spain.  He 
seems  to  have  adopted  three  types  for  his  money, 
which,  with  little  change,  run  through  the 
whole  series  of  the  coinage  of  this  dynasty. 
The  first  presents  on  the  obverse  the  rude 
representation  of  a  head  or  bust ;  on  the  reverse 
a  cross  hausse'e,  or  raised  upon  three  steps,  a 
type  which  was  first  introduced  by  Tiberius  II. 
(574-582),  and  was  probably  adopted  by  Leovi- 
gild about  the  period  of  the  second  date.  The 
engraved  coin,  which  is  one  of  Chintila,  struck 
at  Narbonne,  will  give  an  adequate  idea  of  this 
type,  for  it  is  the  peculiarity  of  this  series  that 
the  style  and  fabric  of  its  coins  varies  scarcely 
at  all  during  the  whole  period  of  nearly  a 
century  and  a  half  during  which  they  continued 
to  be  struck.  The  obverse  reads  +  chintila 
REX ;  the  reverse,  narbona  piv[s]  :  the  name  of 
city  of  minting,  Narbonne  (Fig.  43). 

This  type  of  the  cross  hauss^e  is  the  only  one 
which  can  be  distinctly  recognised  as  Christian. 
But  it  is  curious  that  the  cross  is  not  adopted 
upon  the  coins  of  Leovigild's  catholic  son  San 
Hermengild.  He  adopts  Leovigild's  second 
type,  which  is  also  an  imitative  one,  copied 
from  the  Victoria  Augusta  coins  of  Rome  and 
Constantinople.  The  reverse  represents  a 
winged  figure  (Victory)  walking  to  the  right, 
and  holding  in  her  right  hand  a  wreath.  Around 
the  usual  Roman  legend  victoria  avg  is  re- 
placed by  the  name  of  the  king,  or  an  attempt 
at  the  legend  inclytvs  rex.  (See  Heiss,  Mon. 
dcs  Hois  Wisigoths  d'Espagtie,  pi.  i.  Nos.  1-3, 
and  pi.  ii.  Nos.  1-3.)  Now,  though  this  coin  is 
undoubtedly,  as  for  as  the  origin  of  its  type 
goes,  of  a  pagan  character,  it  is  equally  certain 
that  it  is  impossible  in  the  history  of  Christian 
iconography  to  separate  accurately  the  Angel 
from  the  Victory  or  Nike  of  the  Romans  and 
Greeks;  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
figure  upon  the  Visigothic  coins  would  have 
passed  in  these  days  and  in  popular  estimation 
for  an  angel.  The  third  characteristic  type  of 
the  Visigothic  coinage  represents  simply  a  rude 
bust  on  either  side,  and  is  devoid  of  any  attempt 
at  symbolism.  In  addition  to  the  Christian  types, 
we  have  on  one  coin  of  Leovigild  the  letters  A  (u. 
and  on  one  of  St.  Hermengild  the  legend  Begi  a 
Deo  Vita,  an  almost  unique  instance  of  pious 
instruction  upon  a  Visigothic  coin. 

The  Lombards  may  lay  claim  to  more  ori- 
ginality than  the  Visigoths,  ia  that,  upon  their 
pieces,  a  most  undoubted  angel  is  portrayed, 
with  a  legend  shewing  that  he  is  intended  to 
represent  the  Archangel  Michael.   The  engraving- 


MONEY 

<Fig.  44)  represents  a  coin  of  Cunipert  of  this  type. 
The  obverse  reads  dn  cvni  nc  pkrt.  Diademed 
bust  to  right,  wearing  paludamentum ;  in  front, 
uncertain  letter,  D?  Kev.  scs  mi  hahil.  St. 
I\Iichael  standing  to  left,  holding  long  cross 
pommde  in  right,  and  on  left  arm,  round  shield. 
This  angel  seems  to  have  been  held  in  especial 
honour  by  the  Lombards,  to  have  been,  in  fact, 
in  some  sort  their  patron.  He  is  mentioned 
several  times  by  Paulus  Diaconus  (iv.  47, 
V.  3,  41),  and  we  gather  that  there  were  in 
Warnefrid's  time  many  churches  and  cities 
dedicated  to  him.  The  cathedral  of  St.  Michael 
at  Pavia  was  the  scene  of  the  coronation  of  the 
Lombard  kings,  and  some  have  considered — 
though  without  satisfactory  reasons — that  the 
now  standing  church  of  San  Michele  dates  from 
their  time.  Following  the  observable  tendency 
of  middle-age  Catholicism  to  prefer  the  cult  of 
saints  to  that  of  angels,  the  majority  of  these 
churches  and  cities  probably  became  in  later 
days  re-dedicated  to  some  more  human  and  more 
popular  object  of  reverence. 

The  later  Lombardic  coins  abandon  the  type 
of  St.  Michael  and  adopt  for  their  reverses  either 
a  flower  pattern,  or  else  the  cross  potent,  having 
one  limb  longer  than  the  other  three.  Those  of 
the  dukes  of  Benevento,  who  form  a  lesser 
branch  of  the  Lombards  in  Italy,  imitate  more 
closely  the  contemporary  coinage  of  Constan- 
tinople, generally  displaying  on  the  obverse  the 
bust  of  the  duke  facing,  and  on  the  reverse  the 
long  cross  potent  and  hausse'e  upon  three  steps, 
known  under  this  form  as  the  Byzantine  cross. 
(See  Fig.  53.)  The  coins  likewise  bear  not  in- 
frequently the  legend  SAN  michalis,  although 
only  in  one  instance  do  they  display  the  image 
of  the  archangel. 

We  now  turn  to  the  coinage  of  the  Franks, 
which,  as  has  been  said,  begins  with  Theodebert, 
the  second  king  of  Austrasia,  the  son  of  Thierry, 
and  grandson  of  Clovis.  Dating  from  an  earlier 
period  than  the  last  two  series,  the  imitative 
character  of  the  Frankish  money  is  much  more 
apparent  than  that  of  the  Visigothic  or  Lom- 
bardic coinages.  All  the  types  of  Theodebert 
are  borrowed  directly  from  Constantinople  with 
no  change  but  the  substitution  of  the  Mero- 
vingian's name  upon  the  obverse.  The  most 
common,  as  also  the  most  Christian,  type  is  that 
given  in  the  engraving  (Fig.  45),  and  is  taken 
from  the  contemporary  coinage  of  Justinian.  It 
aftords  a  good  example  of  a  Victory  which  has 
just  passed  through  the  transitional  stage  and 
become  an  angel,  while  the  legend  on  the  re- 
verse VICTORIA  AVGGGA  still  remains  to  betray 
its  origin.  The  attitude  of  the  figure  upon  these 
coins,  or  on  those  of  Justinian,  may  be  compared 
with  that  of  an  angel  which  is  carved  in  ivory 
upon  a  beautiful  consular  diptych  of  this  epoch, 
now  in  the  British  Museum. 

As  time  went  on  a  change  takes  place  in  the 
Merovingian  money,  which  is  not  paralleled 
in  that  of  any  other  country  of  Europe.  Not 
only  does  it  depart  more  and  more  from  the 
imperial  type,  but  a  coinage  bearing  the  name 
of  no  king,  only  that  of  the  moneyer  who 
struck  it,  and  of  the  town  where  it  was  minted, 
is  introduced  alongside  the  regal  issue.  It  seems 
probable  that  the  Frankish  kings  never  asserted 
the  right  of  exclusive  coinage  ;  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, that  it  was  within  the  faculty  of  almost 


MONEY 


1295 


any  local  goldsmith  to  strike  these  coins  for 
particular  or  local  purposes.  There  is  no  reason 
to  believe,  as  has  been  thought  by  some,  that 
this  non-regal  money  was  issued  by  the  authority 
of  a  religious  see  or  order.  Most  of  the  later 
Merovingian  coins,  whether  royal  or  not,  are  ot 
the  kind  known  as  trientes  or  tremisses,  one- 
third,  that  is,  of  the  solidus  aureus.  Their  type 
generally  displays  a  head  upon  the  obverse,  and 
on  the  reverse  a  cross  of  some  sort.  Two  coins 
of  the  royal  issue  with  rather  peculiar  symbols 
are  engraved  beneath,  Figs.  46  and  47.  The  first 
which  was  struck  by  Charibert  II.  (630-631) 
reads : 

Obv.  TEVDOSVS  (Theodosius?)  moneta.  Bare 
head  to  right. 

Eev.  CiiARiBERTVS  RE.  Figure,  probably  a 
chalice  surmounted  by  a  cross  (Conbrouse, 
Monnaies  Kationales  de  France,  pi.  22).  The 
second  is  a  coin  of  Clovis  or  Chlodvig  II.  (638- 
656). 

Obv.  CLOTHOVICHVS  R.  Helmeted  bust  to 
right. 

I?ev.  MONETA  PALAT  I.  Cross  hausse'e,  and 
terminating  in  open  chrism.  On  either  side  of 
cross  ELI  Gi  (Conbrouse,  3Ion.  Nat.  de  France, 
pi.  18).  The  Eligius,  whose  name  appears  upon 
this  rare  and  interesting  piece,  is  St.  Eloi,  the 
treasurer  of  Dagobert  I.  and  Clovis  II.,  who 
before  his  elevation  to  this  post  had  been  a  gold- 
smith and  moneyer  under  Clotaire  II.  (See  Life 
of  St.  Eloi,  by  St.  Ouen  in  D'Achery's  Spicile- 
giiim,  vol.  ii.  p.  76.) 

A  great  variety  is  observable  in  the  symbols  dis- 
played upon  the  Merovingian  coins,  though  they 
are  nearly  always  of  a  religious  character.  The 
most  common  device  is  a  short  square  even- 
limbed  cross,  which  rests  sometimes  upon  a  step 
or  ball.  The  Christian  monogram  appears,  but 
is  not  common.  The  two  unusual  and  inter- 
esting types  given  here  (Figs.  48  and  49)  repre- 
sent a  Calvary,  on  either  side  of  which  a  man 
is  standing,  and  a  monstrance  raised  upon  three 
steps.  They  are  taken  respectively  from  a 
silver  coin  of  Le  Mans  and  a  gold  triens  of 
Angers  (Conbrouse,  o.  c.  Types  M^rov.  pi.  iv. 
Nos.  16  and  24). 

Of  the  coinages  whereof  we  have  been  speaking, 
the  Vandal  ic  and  Ostrogothic  belong  to  the 
period  which  preceded  the  introduction  of  the 
genuine  barbaric  gold  coinage  into  Europe,  and 
are — with  the  exception  of  a  few  coins  which 
display  the  monogram  of  Theodoric  —  coinages 
in  silver  and  copper  only.  The  money  of  the 
Visigoths,  the  Lombards,  and  the  Franks,  which 
are  more  distinctly  national  and  barbarian  issues, 
are  almost  as  exclusively  coinages  in  gold  ;  for 
when  the  invaders  obtained  full  possession  of 
a  Roman  province  they  seem  nearly  to  have 
discarded  the  use  of  silver  coins.  In  our  own 
country,  on  the  other  hand,  and  probably  also 
in  the  region  of  the  Lower  Rhine,  a  silver 
coinage  was  almost  the  only  currency,  and  if 
some  of  the  gold  tremisses — or,  as  they  were 
called  here,  thryms — found  their  way  across  the 
Channel,  their  appearance  must  be  regarded  as 
quite  exceptional.  This  fact  forms  a  marked 
contrast  between  the  coinage  of  England  and 
that  of  the  greater  part  of  continental  Europe. 
The  silver  coins  which  were  in  use  in  England 
before  the  rise  of  the  Karling  dynasty  were  the 
sceattas,  small  and  thick  pieces,  weighing  some 


1296 


MONEY 


nineteen  or  twenty  grains :  in  the  north  how- 
ever, th<at  is,  in  the  countries  of  Bernicia  and 
Deira,  a  copper  coin,  the  styca,  supplied  the 
place  of  the  sceatt.  Some  few  of  the  sceattas 
Dear  the  names  of  known  sovereigns,  and  in 
that  case  their  date  is  of  course  determinable. 
The  earliest  piece  of  this  description  bears  in  runic 
letters  the  name  of  Paeda,  a  son  of  Penda,  king  of 
Mercia,  who  reigned  about  655.  The  greater 
part  of  these  early  coins  however  are  without 
intelligible  legend.  They  bear  a  few  letters  of 
the  Roman  character,  which  seem  to  have  been 
nothing  but  rude  and  ignorant  copies  of  the 
legend  upon  some  imperial  coin.  Their  types  are 
so  numerous  that  a  detailed  description  of  them 
is  impossible ;  but  the  reader  may  consult  the 
plates  in  Ruding's  Annals  of  the  Coinage,  and  in 
Hawkins's  English  Silver  Coins,  2nd  ed.  A  great 
majority  of  these  sceattas  have  one  or  more  crosses 
upon  the  field,  and  this  fact  has  led  numismatists 
to  infer  that  those  pieces  upon  which  no  such 
symbol  occurs  were  struck  before  the  conversion 
of  the  English  to  Christianity.  M.  Dirks 
(Fevue  de  la  Num.  Beige,  5th  series,  vol.  ii.), 
who  has  devoted  special  attention  to  this  class  of 
coins,  has  gone  further  than  this,  and  signalised 
some  types  as  bearing  a  distinctly  heathen 
character,  the  head  of  Wodiu,  the  Fenriswulf, 
the  sea  monster  Jormundgandr,  &c.  On  this 
point  it  is  difficult  to  pronounce  with  certainty. 
It  is  extremely  probable  that  most  of  the  sceattas 
were  copies,  more  or  less  remote,  of  Roman  coins ; 
^Ir.  Hawkins  in  his  Cuerdale  Find  has  given  an 
instance  of  an  undoubted  copy  separated  by 
a  distance  of  nearly  five  hundred  years  from 
its  original ;  therefore  neither  the  presence  nor 
absence  of  Christian  symbols  upon  these  name- 
less pieces  can  be  taken  as  conclusive  evidence 
of  the  time  at  which  they  were  first  issued. 

The  earliest  known  coin  among  the  stycas 
merits  particular  notice.  It  was  struck  by 
Ecgfrith,  king  of  Northumbria  (670-685),  and 
bears  upon  the  reverse  a  radiate  cross,  with  the 
legend  -J-  LVX  or,  as  we  may  perhaps  read  it, 
LVX  X  {Lux  Christus,  Christ  is  [my]  light).  (See 
Silver  Coins  of  England,  2nd  ed.  No.  99,  and 
Ruding,  AnnoHls,  vol.  iii.  pi.  28  ap.)  This  king, 
who  is  called  "  rex  religiosus  "  by  the  biographer 
of  St.  Wilfi-ed,  appears  to  have  been  in  his  earlier 
days  a  great  friend  of  religion  and  of  the  arch- 
bishop of  York.  The  types  of  the  subsequent 
Northumbrian  stycas  is  a  small  cross  on  one  or 
both  sides  enclosed  by  the  legend,  without  fur- 
ther ornamentation  or  symbolism. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  8th  century,  and  after 
the  rise  of  the  Karling  dynasty  upon  the  conti- 
nent, pennies  superseded  the  sceattas  in  the 
central  and  southern  districts  of  England,  while 
stycas  and  some  sceattas  continued  to  be  coined 
in  the  north.  The  penny  usually  displays  a 
cross  upon  the  reverse,  and  this  cross  is  treated 
in  curious  ornamental  devices ;  but  the  coin  is 
without  any  other  religious  symbolism.  Types 
of  the  early  English  penny  may  be  ound  in 
the  works  of  Hawkins  and  Ruding. 

Beside  the  royal  money,  coins  were  struck  by 
the  archbishops  of  York  and  Canterbury,  by 
the  former  stycas,  by  the  latter  pennies.  The 
earliest  of  these  episcopal  coins  seems  to  have 
been  struck  by  Ecgberht,  archbishop  of  York, 
from  730  to  766,  conjointly  with  his  brother 
Eadberht,  king  of  Northumbria.     One  side  reads 


MONEY 

ecgberht[ar  ?].  Figure  standing  between  two 
long  processional  crosses.  The  figure  seems  to 
wear  a  sort  of  three-cornered  hat,  which  may 
very  probably  be  intended  for  a  mitre.  The 
other  side  reads  eotberhtvs,  and  represents  a 
figure  standing  (Hawkins  (102),  p.  67,  and  Rud- 
ing, iii.  3  ;  the  engraving  in  the  lattei',  howevei', 
is  very  faulty). 

The  other  archbishops  of  York  of  whom  we 
have  coins  are,  Eanbald,  780  to  796 ;  Vigmund, 
831  to  854 ;  and  Ulfhere,  854  to  895.  These 
coins,  which  are  stycas,  follow  in  type  those 
of  the  contemporary  Northumbrian  kings,  as 
described  just  now. 

The  archbishops  of  Canterbury,  whose  pennies 
resemble  in  type  those  of  the  kings  of  Kent,  and 
subsequently  those  of  the  kings  of  England,  are 
Jaeuberht,  763  to  790  ;  Ethilheard,  790  to  803  ; 
Wulfheard,  803  to  830  ;  Ceolnoth,  830  to  870 ; 
Ethered,  871  to  890;  Plegmund,  891  to  923. 

We  have  said  that  when  the  Karling  dynasty 
came  into  power  it  introduced  a  new  coinage  of 
silver  to  supersede  the  old  Merovingian  gold 
money;  and  the  latter  began  from  that  time 
rapidly  to  disappear.  Pepin  the  Short  struck 
denarii  or  pennies  of  a  new  pattern  and  fabric, 
bearing  no  resemblance  either  to  the  current 
gold  coinage  or  to  the  older  denarii  of  Rome. 
In  781,  we  find  a  decree  of  Charles  the  Great 
ordering  that  the  new  denarii  shall  be  current 
throughout  the  Frankish  kingdom ;  and  from 
this  time  it  would  appear  that  the  coining 
of  gold  almost  ceases  in  western  Europe.  The 
types  of  this  money  of  Pepin  and  Charles  are 
as  rude  as  they  are  original.  All  attempt  at 
a  face  or  bust  is  for  the  most  part  abandoned : 
sometimes  nothing  but  an  inscription  is  given 
on  either  side,  but  generally  the  name  of  the 
king  is  displayed  in  a  monogram  disposed 
round  the  four  limbs  of  a  cross,  somewhat 
like  the  monogram  of  the  word  Roma  in 
the  figure  51.  Generally,  too,  a  cross  occupies 
the  centre  of  the  reverse,  a  cross  of  a  some- 
what new  shape.  It  is  the  cross  pattde  which 
from  this  time  becomes  almost  universal  upon 
European  coins,  a  small  even-limbed  cross 
slightly  broadening  towards  its  extremities. 
"  We  must  observe  the  position  of  the  cross.  It 
has  its  limbs  of  equal  length,  and  they  are 
slightly  pat^  at  the  ends  ;  the  cross  is  alaise'e 
and  detached,  its  limbs  not  touching  the  circle 
which  surrounds  the  field  and  separates  the 
legend.  A  cross  of  this  description  only  appears 
quite  accidentally  upon  the  Roman  money  of  the 
preceding  centuries :  it  appears  occasionally  on 
the  Merovingian  coins  ;  it  became  common,  and 
at  length  indispensable  on  those  of  the  Car- 
lovingians,  and  no  other  sort  was  used  "  (Lelewel, 
Num.  du  Moyen  Age,  tom.  i.  p.  87  :  see  Fig.  13). 
After  his  conquest  of  Italy,  and  for  the  use  of 
that  country,  Charles  seems  to  have  struck  coins 
bearing  his  bust,  represented  like  that  of  the 
Roman  emperors.  He  also  introduced  a  very 
important  type,  which  became  common  upon 
the  coins  of  many  succeeding  emperors.  It 
represents,  probably,  the  front  of  the  basilica 
of  St.  Peter  with  the  legend  XRISTIANA 
RELIGIO  (Fig.  50).  Fig.  51  a  coin  engraved  by 
Conbrouse,  which  is  supposed  to  have  been 
struck  either  to  commemorate  the  restitution  of 
Adrian  I.  to  his  rights  and  the  assumption 
by    Charles   of   the   titles   king    of    Italy   and 


MONEY 

p.-itrician  of  Eome,  or  else  to  commemorate 
Charles's  crowning  as  emperor  on  the  famous 
Christmas  of  800,  is  of  doubtful  authenticity. 
Both  these  coins  are  silver  denarii  (Oom- 
brouse,  pi.  162).  Fig.  52  also  represents  a  type 
which  is  peculiar  to  Charlemagne  (Lelewel, 
i.  88).  The  double  triangle  is  of  course  a 
Christian  type,  the  triangle  being  a  symbol  of 
the  Trinity.  But  it  is  also,  as  Solomon's  seal, 
a  type  frequently  in  use  among  the  Arabs,  and 
is  to  be  met  with  upon  coins  of  the  'Abbasee 
dynasty  as  early  as  783  (Tiesenhausen,  Mon.  des 
Khalifes  Or.  p.  108,  No.  997). 

In  the  time  of  Charlemagne  we  have  also  to 
notice  the  beginning  of  a  papal  coinage.  The 
rare  coins  of  Adrian  I.  were  probably  struck 
subsequently  to  the  overthrow  of  the  Lombardic 
kingdom  in  774.  They  are  denarii,  and  repre- 
sent the  bust  of  the  pope,  facing,  in  a  style  copied 
from  the  coinage  of  Constantinople  (Fig.  53).  The 
legend  is  hadri  anvs  p^  p*  ;  on  either  side  of 
head,  i  B. 

Bev.  VICTOR  lA  DNN  '.• .  Long  cross  haussee 
on  two  steps,  and  having  three  limbs  potent, 
called  also  a  Byzantine  cross ;  on  either  side 
R  fO ;  in  exergue  COXOB.  (See  Lelewel,  o.  c. 
torn.  1.  p.  116.)  The  above  is  probably  the  oldest 
papal  coin.  Lelewel  attributes  one  uncertain 
piece  to  Deodatus  as  early  as  the  6th  century  ; 
and  Fig.  54  has  by  some  numismatists  been  con- 
sidered the  proof  of  a  coin  of  Gregory  II. 
(715-731).  In  spite  of  the  gre  ii,  however, 
this  attribution  is  extremely  doubtful.  With 
the  exception  of  these  rare  papal  coins,  and 
of  the  coins  which  continued  to  be  struck  by 
the  dukes  of  Beneventum  down  to  the  middle 
of  the  10th  century,  Charlemagne's  denarii 
formed  the  coinage  of  western  continental  Europe 
(Fig.  55).  In  our  country  the  introduction  of 
these  denarii  was  followed  by  the  substitution  of 
the  penny  for  the  sceatt,  whereby,  with  a  change 
of  form  and  a  slight  change  of  weight,  the 
coinage  of  England  was  brought  into  harmony 
with  that  of  the  continent.  The  shape  of  the 
cross  is  approached  to  that  on  the  money  of 
Charlemagne,  that  is  to  say  it  is  now  generally 
an  even-limbed  cross  occupying  the  centre  of  the 
coin,  and  rather  a  definite  part  of  its  structure 
than  a  mere  symbol.  In  fact,  from  this  time 
forward  throughout  Europe  the  general  tendency 
of  the  coinage  is  to  assume  an  architectural 
design,  and  following  the  same  impulse,  the 
cross  upon  it  becomes  architectural  rather  than 
pictorial.  [C.  F.  K.] 

It  is  probable  that  the  earliest  coins  of  Venice 
belong  also  to  this  period.  In  the  Numis- 
matica  Veneta,  o  serie  di  monete  e  medaglie  dei 
Dogi  di  Venezia  (Venezia,  Giuseppe  Grimaldo 
tip.  calc.  editore),  1856,  indeed  accounts  and 
figures  are  given  of  the  coins  of  ten  doges  who 
ruled  in  Venice  from  A.D.  697-827  ;  but  many 
of  these  earlier  pieces  are  admitted  by  the 
author  to  be  forgeries,  and  all  labour  under 
grave  suspicion.  The  type  of  the  dins  pub- 
lished as  genuine  is,  in  nearly  every  case, 
a  cross  sometimes  neatly,  sometimes  rudely 
formed,  the  limbs  of  which  are  nearly  equal, 
being  occasionally  of  the  Maltese  type.  It 
occurs  eithei  at  the  head  of  the  legend,  or  in 
the  centre  of  the  coin,  or  in  both  one  and  the 
other  on  the  money  of  Paoluccio  Anafesto  (G97- 
717),  Marcello    Tegalliano   (717-726),    Teodato 


MONEY 


1297 


Ipato  (726-737),  Galla  Gaulo  (755-756), 
Domenico  Monegario  (756-764),  Giovanni  Gal- 
bajo,  f\ilse,  (787-804),  Obeleiro  Antenoreo, 
false,  (804-810),  Angelo  Partecipazio  (810-827). 
Some  deniers  attributed  to  the  last-named  doge 
are,  however,  undoubtedly  genuine.  They  are 
of  the  temple  type  of  Fig.  50,  bearing  upon 
one  side  a  cross  with  an  obscure  legend,  pscv 
SERVA  ROMANO  IMP,  of  which  no  interpreta- 
tion is  proposed  by  the  editor,  possibly  stand- 
ing for  Ferpi'tuum  securum  serva  Romanorum 
iinperium ;  and  on  the  other  side  a  temple,  as  on 
coins  of  Charlemagne  and  Louis  le  Diibonnaire, 
with  legend,  xpe  (Christe)  salva  venecias.' 
This  money  (of  which  there  is  a  specimen  in  the 
British  Museum)  is  believed  to  have  been  struck 
at  the  time  when  the  Venetians  concluded  a  peace 
with  Charlemagne,  after  the  discomfiture  which 
they  inflicted  on  Pepin,  A.D.  810. 

Coins  with  the  legend  CRISTUS  imper',  and  of 
a  degraded  form  of  the  temple  type,  though 
ascribed  by  Schweitzer  (^Serie  delle  monete  e 
medaglie  d'Aqnileja  e  di  Venezia,  Trieste,  1848) 
to  the  very  beginning  of  the  9th  century  are, 
almost  without  doubt,  of  a  much  later  date. 

[C.  F.  K.  and  C.  B.] 

Medals. 

Medals,  as  the  word  is  commonly  used  by 
English  writers,"  designate  objects  in  metal  which 
resemble  coins  in  general  appearance,  but  which 
were  not  made  to  pass  as  money.  More  usually 
they  bear  devices  on  both  sides,  but  occasionally 
on  one  side  only  (jplaqties).  Medals  may  comme- 
morate events  or  persons,  or  may  be  used  for 
purposes  of  devotion,  or  as  charms,  or  be  employed 
for  ornamental  purposes,  being  inlaid  in  Christian 
ecclesiastical  furniture  of  various  kinds.  But 
as  they  are  commonly  classed  under  Numis- 
matics, this  article  would  not  be  complete  with- 
out some  notice  of  the  few  Christian  medals 
which  have  come  down  to  us  from  the  period 
embraced  in  this  work.  The  following  are  the 
principal  subjects  represented : — 

(1)  Christ  as  the  Good  Shepherd.  A  bronze 
medallion  (4i  inches  in  diameter)  of  rough 
work  (di  rozza  maniera)  has  this  most  an- 
cient subject  of  Christian  art  on  both  sides. 
On  the  obverse  the  Shepherd  (without  nimbus) 
is  turned  to  the  left,  dressed  in  a  tunic,  with 
buskins  on  his  legs,  the  feet  bare,  his  right 
hand  placed  on  his  head,  his  left  hand  resting  on 
a  staft'  upon  the  ground ;  his  right  heel  leans  on 
his  left  instep.  On  either  side  is  a  tree,  consi- 
dered by  Buonarotti  to  be  a  palm,  by  Perret 
(with  perhaps  better  reason)  to  be  an  olive ;  in 
the  middle  a  sheep  (of  small  size).  The  Shep- 
herd is  here  sad,  going  in  search  of  the  lost 
sheep,  intended  to  be  represented  in  the  distance. 
The  reverse  has  two  trees  nearly  as  before,  but 
the  Shepherd  (turned  to  the  left  as  before)  now 
holds  no  staff,  but  the  sheep  (of  much  larger 
size)  across  his  shoulders,  holding  two  of  its  legs 
by  either  hand.     This  medal  has  been  gilt. 

Found  in  the  Catacombs  of  Rome.  Described 
and  figured  by  Buonarotti,  Osservazioni  sopra 
alcuni  frarmnenti  di  vasi  antichi  di  vetro,  pp. 


"  Gibbon  however  often  speaks  of  coins  as  medals ;  so 
also  the  French  writers  in  general  style  them  medailtes. 
Knglibh  and  French  writers  alike  use  medalluni  for 
either  a  coin  or  medal  of  large  size. 


1298 


MONEY 


24-28,  tav.  iv.,  and  after  him  by  Ferret,  Cata- 
comhes  de  Rome,  vol.  vi.  p.  118,  and  vol.  iv.  pi. 
xvii.  nos.  5  and  7.  Perhaps  of  the  3rd  or  4th 
century. 

There  are  other  bronze  medals  exhibiting 
Christ  as  the  Good  Shepherd.  One,  now  in 
the  Vatican  Museum,  having  a  design  on  one 
side  only,  gives  him  (without  nimbus)  standing 
to  the  right  beneath  a  tree  (mistico  olivo,  De 
Rossi) ;  a  dog  near  his  feet  looking  up :  in  the 
landscape  at  different  heights  are  seen  seven 
sheep,  standing,  lying  down,  feeding  or  playing; 
another  tree  halfway  up  the  landscape  on  the 
other  side.  Diameter  1^  inches,  with  a  ring  for 
suspension.  Considered  by  De  Rossi  to  be  not 
later  than  the  3rd  century  (BuUett.  Arch.  Crist. 
1869,  p.  42,  tav.  n.  1).  He  quotes  (p.  39)  Marini's 
MS.  description  of  another  most  interesting 
medal  of  this  class,  formerly  in  the  collection  of 
Cardinal  Stefano  Borgia,  but  which  he  has  in 
vain  endeavoured  to  trace.  "  Velitris  in  Museo 
Borgiano  in  orbiculo  aereo  incuso  in  antica  parte 
capita  se  invicem  respicientia  SS.  Petri  et  Pauli 
et  litterae  petrvs  pavlvs,  supra  ^,  infra  duae 
aviculae  bibentes :  in  postica  stat  pastor  dextra 
innexus  pedo,  sinistra  ostentans  fistulam,  ad 
pedes  canis  domiuum  respiciens,  hinc  inde  oves 
et  inscriptio — 

SECVNDINE  vrv 

AS." 

A  variety  of  scenes  from  the  Old  and  New 
Testament  is  combined  in  the  following  thin 
bronze  plaque,  which  Buonarotti  suspects  was 
intended  for  a  processional  cross  ;  it  would  be  suit- 
able enough  for  insertion  into  a  pastoral  staff';  but 
was  probably  made  for  neither  the  one  nor  the 
other  in  the'first  instance  ;  a  casket  is  at  least  as 
likely  to  have  had  it  thereon.  Christ,  as  the  Good 
Shepherd,  in  the  centre  bearing  a  sheep,  two 
other  sheep  are  at  his  feet.  About  him,  in  four 
compartments,  are  the  following  nine  subjects 
taken  from  the  Old  Testament,  having  (or  sup- 
posed to  have)  some  connexion  with  the  Saviour 
(see  Buonarotti,  u.  s.  pp.  1-3). 

In  the  first  one  :  (a)  Adam  and  Eve  ;  (6)  Noah 
in  the  Ark,  welcoming  the  dove  ;  (c)  Jonah  rest- 
ing under  a  gourd. 

In  the  second  :  (cT)  The  Sacrifice  of  Abraham  ; 
(e)  Daniel  in  the  Lions'  Den. 

In  the  third:  (/)  Moses  striking  the  Rock; 
(g)  Samson  bearing  the  gates  of  Gaza. 

In  the  fourth:  (A)  Jonah  swallowed  up  by 
the  whale  ;  (i)  Jonah  vomited  up  by  the  whale. 

Diameter,  1 1  inch.  Found  in  the  cemetery 
of  St.  Fontianus;  first  published  by  Ciampini, 
De  duobits  Emblem.,  p.  4,  Rom.  1691,  then  by 
Buonarotti  (m.  s.  tav.  1),  from  which  an  enlarged 
copy  is  given  in  Ferret,  Catacombes,  vol.  vi.  p. 
120  and  vol.  iv.  pi.  xx.  n.  7.  It  does  not  appear 
where  this  most  interesting  monument  now  is. 
To  judge  from  the  figures  it  would  seem  to  be 
very  ancient,  perhaps  even  as  early  as  the  3rd 
century  (Fig.  56). 

The  Good  Shepherd  appears  in  fine  (as  it 
would  seem)  on  one  side  of  a  medal  described 
below. 

(2)  Portraits  of  Christ. — These  are  not  found 
upon  coins  till  the  reign  of  Justinian  Rhinotmetus 
(685-711),  and  it  is  by  no  means  clear  that  all 
the  medals  which  have  them  are  not  later  still. 
The  earliest  in  all  likelihood,  and  certainly  the 


MONEY 

most  important,  is  a  massive  plaque  of  gold,  on 
one  side  of  which  the  face  of  the  Saviour  in  low 
relief  is  represented  in  the  centre,  the  eyes  being 
formed  by  garnets  or  by  pastes  in  imitation  of 
them.  Around  it  in  six  compartments  is  the 
chrisma  formed  of  X  and  R  (not  F),  and  from 
the  transverse  bar  of  the  cross  are  suspended  a 
and  01.  "Ces  lettres  sont  decoupees  a  jour." 
Ornaments  in  the  centre  are  formed  of  enamels 
cloisson€s.  Reverse  plain.  Diam.  63  mill. ;  weight 
39  grammes.  Acquired  in  1855  for  the  Biblio- 
thfeque  Nationale  at  Paris,  having  been  found  a 
few  years  previously  at  Linon  in  the  department 
of  Fuy-de-D6me.  Referred  to  the  Merovingian 
period'  by  M.  Chabouillet  {Catal.  des  Came'es,  &c., 
n.  2711,  p.  402).  Three  holes  in  the  margin 
shew  that  it  had  been  used  for  insertion  into 
some  piece  of  ecclesiastical  furniture."  See 
under  n.  3. 

(3)  Infant  Saviour  adored  by  the  Magi. — Three 
medals  on  which  this  subject  is  represented  are 
known,  and  there  has  been  much  controversy 
about  the  age  of  one  of  them  ;  none  of  them  can 
be  earlier  than  the  5th  century,  and  all  may 
probably  be  much  later,  perhaps  even  lower  than 
the  period  embraced  in  this  work. 

(a)  Obv.  Bust  of  the  Saviour,  with  circular 
nimbus,  between  two  stars  (/.  e.  seen  in  heaven), 
holding  a  wreath  in  each  hand,  crowns  two 
saints  (without  nimbus)  in  long  drapery,  each 
holding  a  long  cross  in  one  hand,  and  holding  up 
the  other  towards  another  larger  long  cross 
between.  On  one  side  of  this  cross  is  a,  and  on 
the  other  co.  A  boy,  holding  a  candle  (an 
oblate)  on  the  left,  approaches  one  of  the  saints : 
folds  of  drapei'y  on  each  side  the  coin  indicate  a 
ciborium  in  the  apse  of  a  church  in  which  the 
scene  is  placed.  Jiev.  The  Virgin  (without 
nimbus)  seated  on  high  chair  to  right,  a  stool 
before  her  ;  on  her  lap  the  infant  Saviour  (witli 
circular  nimbus),  before  them  three  magi  standing 
in  short  drapery,  each  holding  a  round  object  in 
his  hand  ;  above  the  Saviour  is  a  short  cross 
(approaching  in  form  to  the  Maltese);  higher 
up  a  dove  holds  a  branch  ;  above  the  middle 
magus  is  a  star.  iE  IJ  inch  ;  figures  in  in- 
taglio. Space  below  exergual  line  on  both  sides 
empty.  In  the  Vatican.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  55, 
tav.  n.  9.)  The  composition  of  the  Saviour 
crowning  the  saints  is  compared  by  De  Rossi  to 
that  in  the  apse  of  the  church  of  SS.  Primo  and 
Feliciano  in  Rome  (A.D.  645),  figured  by  Ciam- 
pini ;  he  inclines  to  place  the  medal  in  the  6th 
or  7th  century. 

(6)  Obv.  The  Saviour  standing  cm  a  stool, 
front  face,  in  long  drapery  (with  circular 
nimbus),  between  two  stars,  holding  a  cross  of 
double  limbs,  each  botone  ;  on  either  side  of  him 
angel  looking  towards  him  with  circular  nimbus, 
palm-branch  behind.  Hev.  Virgin,  Child  and 
magi,  standing  nearly  as  before  ;  star  above  the 
Child  ;  dove  with  branch  above  the  magi ;  palm- 
branch  behind  the  Virgin's  chair.  Below  the 
exergual  lines  on  both  sides  two  stags  drinking ; 
facing  each  other,  and  a  stream  between  them. 
M  1^  inch ;     figures   in    intaglio ;    very   rude 


»  The  golden  Saxon  bracteate,  represented  by  Wise, 
Catal.  Num.  Bodl.  t.  xvii.  and  described  at  length  by 
Pegge  in  the  first  volume  of  the  Archacologia,  p.  1?9. 
sqq.,  is  probably  rather  too  late  for  this  work.  It  re- 
presents the  bust  of  the  Saviour,  and  reads  ego  a  &  w. 


MONEY 

work.  In  the  Vatican.  The  composition  ot  the 
obverse  is  compared  by  De  Rossi  with  that  of  a 
mosaic  of  St.  Michael  in  Ravenna,  A.D.  545  ;  he 
thinks  it  earlier  than  the  8th  century,  from 
which  time  he  finds  no  medals  with  figures  in 
intaglio  (u.  s.  pp.  55,  56,  tav.  n.  10).  this  and 
the  preceding  were  referred  to  the  age  of  the 
Coraneni  by  Marangoni,  who  wrongly  considered 
them  as  money  (see  De  Rossi,  u.  s.),  but  he  may 
perhaps  not  have  erred  greatly  as  to  their  age. 
A  coin,  having  an  emperor  on  one  side,  supposed 
by  Mr.  Madden  to  be  John  Comnenus,  or  John 
Falaeologus,  is  described  and  figured  in  the 
Num.  Chron.  1878,  p.  194,  pi.  x.  n.  10,  which 
has  a  similar  reverse  with  the  adoration  of  the 
(three)  magi,  but  they  are  here  kneeling  ;  the 
Virgin  alone  has  a  circular  nimbus  [p.  1293]. 

(c)  Ohv.  Emmanvhl  {sic).  Bust  of  the  Saviour, 
full  taced,  draped,  with  cruciform  nimbus ;  each 
limb  of  the  cross  double,  enclosed  in  a  circle. 
Mev.  Virgin  seated  to  left,  the  Child  on  her  lap : 
star  above  ;  three  magi  standing  before  them  with 
offerings  ;  below  exergual  line  two  birds  (doves  ?) 
(^E.  nearly  1  inch).  Collection  of  Rev.  S.  S. 
Lewis,  formerly  in  the  Pembroke  Cabinet  (Catal. 
Pemb.  Coll.  [by  Burgon],  p.  324  (1848).  Figured 
in  Peiiib.  Plates,  iii.  t.  115  (1746);  Farrar's 
Life  of  Christ,  p.  21  (reproduced  here.  Fig.  57)  ; 
Kum.  Chron.  1878,  p.  194,  pi.  x.  n.  11.  An 
example  of  this  medal  was  formerly  in  the  pos- 
session of  Pasqualini,  who  corresponded  in  1601 
with  Peiresc  about  it ;  the  latter  thought  it  no 
older  than  John  Zimisces,  and  regarded  it  as  a 
piece  of  his  money,  being  herein  followed  by 
Ducange,  Banduri,  and  Eckhel.P  Pasqualini 
perceived  that  it  was  a  medal,  and  placed  its 
antiquity  much  higher.  It  came  into  the 
Kirchorian  IMuseum,  but  has  been  since  lost ;  but 
a  drawing  by  Menetrier  made  in  1629  (which 
we  now  perceive  to  be  about  three  times  the  size 
of  the  original),  was  reproduced  in  1869  by  De 
Rossi,  M.  s.  p.  44,  n.  5.  The  latter  considers  the 
piece  of  the  second  half  of  the  5th  century,  or 
of  the  first  half  of  the  6th.  He  thinks  that  the 
money  ascribed  to  John  Zimisces  (969-976), 
which  bears  so  great  a  resemblance  to  this  medal 
on  the  obverse,i  was  derived  from  an  earlier  pro- 
totype ;  if  so,  it  may  have  been  taken  from  this 
very  medal.  But  on  the  whole  it  seems  much 
more  probable  that  the  medal  belongs  to  the 
same  general  period  as  the  copper  money  of 
Zimisces,  who  first  placed  the  portrait  of  the 
Saviour  thereon  ;  the  nimbus  on  both  (cruciform 
with  double  limbs  enclosed  in  a  circle)  seems  to 
be  more  artificial  and  later  than  that  which  sur- 
rounds the  Saviour  on  tlie  money  of  Justinian  II., 
in  whose  reign  it  appears  for  the  first  time  upon 
the  gold  coinage.  This  later  nimbus,  however,  is 
somewhat  earlier  upon  coins  than  Zimisces,  being 


MONEY 


1299 


p  Hardouin  was  inclined  to  ascribe  it  to  the  14th 
century,  but  Mamachi  (see  below)  thought  it  much  older. 
Burgon  suspected  it  to  be  the  ir.th  (u.  s.). 

'1  A  description  of  the  piece  may  not  be  out  of  place. 
Obv.  EMMANOVHA  around  draped  bust  of  the 
Saviour  facing,  holding  the  Gospels,  whose  head  is 
adorned  with  cruciform  nimbus  enclosed  in  a  circle; 
IC  XC  in  field.  Eev.  Star  or  scroll  above  and  below, 
between  them: -^  IHSVS  I  XRISTVS  I  BA- 
SILEYIBASILE  (in  four  lines').  (See  Sabat. 
iloiin.  Byzant.  t.  ii.  p.  143,  pi.  xlviii.  n.  5;  Numis. 
Chron.  Is78,  p.  179,  pi.  Ix.  n.  4.) 
CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


found  on  the  gold  money  of  Constantine  X., 
of  Romanus  I.  and  Romanus  II.,  of  Nicephorus  II. 
(Focas),  and  of  Basil  II.  (Sabat.  Monn.  Byz.  pi. 
xlvi.  nos.  4,  6,  12,  18;  pi.  xlvii.  10,  12).  For 
other  notices  of  this  medal,  see  Mamachi,  Oriq. 
et  Ant.  Christ,  tom.  i.  p.  237,  tab.  i.  fig.  9  (Ed. 
Matranga,  Rom.  1846)  ;  '  and  Martigny,  Diet. 
Ant.  Chre't.  s.  v.  Mages,  who  also  refers  to  a 
plaque  of  bronze  nearly  like  it,  published  in  the 
Athen^e  Fran<;ais  (Fevr.  1856,  p.  9),  by  M. 
Edmond  Le  Blant.  This  precious  disk,  of  repousse 
work,  used  as  an  inlaid  ornament,  is  now  in 
the  Christian  Museum  of  the  Vatican  Library 
(De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  37). 

(4)  Portraits  of  Apostles. — The  heads  of 
Peter  and  Paul  occur  facing  on  a  famous  bronze 
medal,  said  to  have  been  found  by  Boldetti  in 
the  Catacombs,  which  has  commonly  been 
thought  to  be  very  ancient  *  (see  under  Peter 


'  The  example  seen  by  Hardouin  was  in  the  possession 
of  Card.  Boncompagni ;  Mamachi  does  not  say  where  the 
medal  which  he  saw  was  preserved. 

In  connexion  with  this  medal  two  others  of  bronze, 
formerly  in  the  Vettori  Museum,  may  be  named,  about 
whose  age  little  can  be  said  with  confidence,  except  that 
both  are  late.  They  may  probably  be  later  than  the 
9th  century,  and  if  so,  do  not  concern  the  present 
work.  Yet  a  short  notice  may  not  be  unwelcome 
under  the  doubtful  circumstances.  Both  have  on  the 
obverse  the  full  face  of  the  Saviour  with  cruciform 
nimbus  enclosed  in  a  circle,  which  is  of  the  same 
general  character  as  that  on  the  coins  of  John  Zimisces. 
One  has  on  the  reverse  the  legend  anactacic  and  a 
building  with  a  dome,  the  door  open,  on  either  side  of 
which  is  a  soldier  asleep  (f  inch).  Figured  In  Mamachi 
iOrig.  et  Ant.  Christ,  t.  i.  p.  287 ;  Matranga's  edition, 
after  Vettori,  Jfumm.  aereus  Vet.  Christ,  p.  47). 
Tanini,  who  describes  this  piece  from  a  specimen  in  the 
collection  of  Card.  Borgia,  places  it  after  the  coins  of 
Constantine  (Suppl.  ad  Band.  p.  280),  and  thinks  it  may 
have  been  struck  when  Constantine  built  the  basilica  of 
the  Anastasis  on  the  site  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  But 
the  style  of  work  renders  this  supposition  impossible; 
Eckhel  (Z).  iV.  V.  t.  viii.  p.  251)  is  disposed  to  class  it  to 
John  Zimisces.  De  Kossi  (u.  s.  p.  58)  thinks  it  is  struck 
for  pilgrims  as  a  memorial  of  their  visit  to  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  at  Jerusalem.  For  the  controversies  to  which 
this  medal  has  given  rise,  see  De  Rossi,  u.  s.  and 
Jladden,  Num.  Chron.  1878,  p.  192.  The  other  has  on 
the  reverse  the  baptism  of  Christ  by  John  in  the 
Jordan,  who  standing  on  the  bank  pours  water  on  His 
head  as  He  is  immersed  in  the  river  up  to  the  middle ; 
above  is  the  dove ;  the  legend  around  is  redejitio  filiis 
noMiNVM.  with  lORDA  in  exergue.  1  inch.  Figured  after 
Vettori  by  Mamachi,  u.  s.  t.  i.  p.  240,  who  regards  it  as 
a  vetus  monumentum ;  "  quo  tamen  tempore  elaboratum 
fuerit,  ne  suspicari  quidem  possum."  De  Rossi,  having 
examined  this  specimen,  now  in  the  Vatican  Library,  is 
unable  to  form  "  un  giudizio  suU'  eta  e  sull'  arte  di  questa 
medaglia,"  and  is  inclined  to  suspect  its  genuineness. 

There  are  two  unimportant  tokens  referred  to  the 
reign  of  Zimisces,  one  of  which  has  the  bust  of  Christ  as 
before  on  the  obverse,  accompanied  by  ic  xc,  and  on  the 
reverseOCjOAAN  I  EIZEITOV  I  CnENHTAC 
I  OTPE<t>WN  (Prov.  xix.  17).  The  other  has  on 
obverse  AA  I  NEIZEI  I  OECx),  and  on  the  reverse, 
GEAE  I  CONnTOJ  I  XON,  which  is  exactly  the 
rendering  of  the  same  passage  in  the  Lxx.  These  pieces 
have  been  published  by  Dr.  Fricdlander  (yum.  Zeit- 
schrift,  vol.  ii.  Vienna,  1870),  and  from  him  by  Mr. 
Madden  {Num.  Chron.  1878,  p.  193). 

»  The  beautiful  figure  given  by  Brownlow  and 
Northcote  led  the  writer  (see  vol.  i.  p.  733,  note) 
perhaps  too  hastily  to  suspect  that  it  was  of  the  age  of 
the  Renaissance,  as  it  bears  little  resemblance  to  any 
medallion  of  ancient  Roman  art  which  he  remembers  to 
4  P 


1300 


MONEY 


and  Paul).  Another  bronze  medal  with  the 
same  heads  inscribed  with  their  names  and 
various  accessories  is  mentioned  above  under 
n.  1.  A  third  of  the  same  metal  in  the  Chris- 
tian Museum  of  the  Vatican,  (2J  inches)  en- 
graved by  Perret,  bears  the  same  heads,  but  in 
a  different  style,  having  the  chrisma  between 
them  (^Catacombes,  vol.  ii.  on  title-page).  A  small 
oblong  medal  or  plaque  in  the  Vatican  of  rude 
work,  having  a  neck-like  loop  pierced  for  sus- 
pension, gives  the  head  of  St.  Paul  in  intaglio 
with  legend  scs  pavlvs  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  44, 
with  figure).  Age  uncertain,  probably  late  (id. 
p.  56). 

(5)  Representations  of  other  Saints. — Among 
the  few  of  this  class  which  can  be  recognised  is 
St.  Laurence  (Fig.  58),  who  is  represented  as  being 
broiled  on  a  gridiron,  with  his  feet  held  by  an 
executioner  behind  ;  in  front  sits  a  Roman  officer 
bearing  a  staff,  with  an  officer  standing  at  his 
feet ;  above  the  head  of  the  saint  is  the  chrisma 
r_E\  and  above  his  body  is  seen  his  soul  rising 
upward  in  liuman  form  (see  Martigny,  Diet.  s.  v. ; 
Ante.  ed.  2,  1877).  It  is  crowned  by  the  hand 
of  God  appearing  above,  between  Alpha  and 
Omega.  The  reverse  has  an  oblate  (?)  bearing 
a  candle,  approaching  a  cancellated  structure, 
arched,  but  open  above,  which  is  probably 
intended  for  the  tomb  of  St.  Laurence.  The 
legend  SVCCESSA  vivas  occurs  on  both  sides, 
she  being  the  person  for  whom  the  medal  is 
made ;  it  has  a  loop  above,  shewing  that  it  was 
intended  for  suspension.  This  lead  medal,  for- 
merly in  the  Vettori  Museum,  now  in  the 
library  of  the  Vatican,  is  in  intaglio  (IJ  inches)  ; 
it  is  a  cast  from  a  bronze,  probably  of  the  5th 
century,  described  by  Menetrier  (De  Rossi,  ic.  s. 
pp.  33-37,  tav.  n.  8).  Other  medals  are  found 
with  figures  of  saints  either  at  full  length  or  the 
bust  only,  about  which  little  can  be  said  with 
certainty.  One  (perforated)  has  a  head  seen  in 
front  on  the  obverse,  the  reverse  bearing  the 
ordinai-y  chrisma  with  a  and  w  in  the  angles. 
Probably  of  the  4th  or  5th  century.  Bronze, 
nearly  1  inch  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  41,  n.  6).  Another 
has  the  Saviour  at  length  with  circular  nimbus 
between  two  other  figures  (Peter  and  Paul  ?),  one 
of  which  has  a  staff  on  his  shoulder  terminated 
by  the  chrisma  with  legend  zosiME  vivas  ;  the 
other  side  has  a  shepherd  between  trees,  with 
staff,  dog  behind.  M.  1-^  inches  (Id.  u.  s.  tav. 
n.  4).  De  Rossi  is  probably  right  in  thinking 
that  the  Saviour  here  commissions  the  two  great 
apostles  to  preach  the  gospel ;  he  holds  some- 
thing (perhaps  a  volume)  in  one  hand  towards 
one  of  them  (see  De  Rossi,  u.  s.  pp.  43^5). 
Probably  about  the  5th  century.  Another  (p.  45, 
tav.  n.  2)  gives  two  figures  (a  woman  with 
uplifted  hands  talking  to  a  man,  the  chrisma 
above,  and  on  the  other  side  three  men.  M.  IJ 
inches.  These  are  suspected  by  De  Rossi  to  be 
intended  for  St.  Felicitas  and  her  seven  children, 
martyred  along  with  her ;  and  to  have  been 
struck  in  Rome  in  their  honour.  Perhaps  about 
the  same  age  as  the  preceding. 

((3)   Chrisma    or   Monogr.nn   of   Christ.       See 


have  soea  or  read  of.  A  tin-foil  impression  obtained  at 
his  request  by  the  Rev.  H.  R.  Bailey  from  the  original 
by  the  courtesy  of  M.  De  Rossi,  was  unfortunately  much 
inj'.ired,  and  does  not  enable  him  either  to  confirm  or  re- 
move his  suBpicion.  The  diameter  of  the  medal  is  3  inches. 


MONEY 

above,  n.  5.  A  small  piece  (described  by  Marini) 
with  reversed  chrisma  (  H^  j  in  circle  on  one 

side  and  viNA  |  nth  in  two  lines  on  the  other. 
M.  fg  inch  (De  Rossi,  p.  43,  tav.  n.  6),  the  other 
side  blank.  Another  (perforated)  found  in  a 
loculus  in  Aringhi's  time,  has  the  ordinary 
chrisma.  M.  1  inch  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  43,  en- 
graved at  p.  44,  n.  3).  Another,  a  plaque  with 
loop  for  suspension,  has  the  chrisma  between  I 
and  N,  LEO  being  in  a  line  below  (i.  e.  in  Christo 
Leo).  jE.  IJ  inches.  In  the  Kircherian  Mu- 
seum (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  44,  n.  6,  and  p.  39). 
These  pieces  may  probably  be  of  the  4th  century 
or  a  little  later. 

(7)  Cross. — A  bronze  piece  (perforated),  iri'e- 
gular  in  form,  about  1  inch  in  diameter ;  has  on 
one  side  a  Latin  cross,  at  the  feet  of  which  are 
the  a  and  w  in  silver,  incised  and  worked  in 
niello  (incise  e  niellate  in  argento).  Museum  of 
the  Vatican.  Not  earlier  than  the  5th  century, 
perhaps  much  later  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  43,  en- 
graved p.  44,  n.  4).  Crosses  of  various  forms  are 
also  figured  as  accessories  on  other  medals,  see 
under  n.  3. 

From  the  Old  Testament  we  have  a  few  scenes, 
such  as  the  following  : — 

(8)  Sacrifice  of  Abraham. — A  plaque,  represent- 
ing Abraham  and  Isaac  on  the  top  of  Mount 
IMoriah,  between  trees  ;  an  angel  looks  down  from 
heaven.  An  animal  (meant  for  a  ram)  behind 
Abraham.  The  style  is  peculiar,  apparently  very 
ancient.  IJ  inch,  bronze.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p. 
40,  tav.  n.  3.)  The  same  subject  is  repeated  on 
a  badly  preserved  bronze  medal,  which  has  a 
loop  for  suspension,  where  Isaac  kneels  before 
Abraham,  who  holds  a  knife ;  a  ram  is  behind 
him ;  the  legend  above  (now  remaining)  is 
VRBicvs.  The  other  side  represents  a  male 
figure  in  long  drapery,  presenting  a  chalice 
before  an  altar  on  which  are  three  lights,  the 
slab  being  supported  by  spiral  columns  on  a 
frame;  behind  him  an  oblate;  the  legend  is 
GAVDENTIANVS.  De  Rossi  explains  the  medal 
thus :  Urbicus  devotes  his  son  Gaudentianus  to 
the  service  of  God  or  one  of  the  saints,  possibly 
to  St.  Laurence ;  Abraham  would  resemble  Ur- 
bicus in  offering  his  son  to  God.  He  thinks  the 
medal  was  struck  about  A.D.  400.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s. 
pp.  49,  50,  tav.  n.  5.) 

(9)  Daniel  in  the  Lions'  Den. — A  plaque  with 
this  device  is  figured  by  Venuti  among  the 
medallions  of  the  Albani  Museum  (Ant.  Niim. 
Max.  Mod.  Mus.  Albani,  t.  ii.  p.  119).  Now  in 
the  Vatican.  De  Rossi  regards  it  as  an  orna- 
ment for  furniture  (u.  s.  p.  37).  See  also  under 
n.  1,  where  this  and  other  subjects  from  the 
Old  Testament  are  figured  as  accessories. 

Of  the  preceding  medals  those  which  bear  the 
figure  of  Christ  as  the  Good  Shepherd  are  in  all 
likelihood  the  oldest;  and  these  (or  some  of 
them)  may  probably  be  earlier  than  Constantine  ; 
the  greater  part  perhaps  of  the  others  may  be 
referred  to  the  4th  and  5th  centuries ;  all  those, 
however,  that  bear  the  portrait  of  Christ  with 
cruciform  nimbus  are  later,  perhaps  very  much 
later. 

JL  De  Rossi,  who  above  all  others  has  contri- 
buted to  the  knowledge  of  Christian  medals, 
quotes  a  passage  from  the  Acts  of  St.  Germanus 
of  Auxerre,  in  which  it  is  said  that  after  Genevi&ve 
had    consecrated    herself  to    God   in   perpetual 


MONEY-PLATE   I.    OF  COINS. 


Scptimius  Severus. 


Fig.  2. 


/E 


Trajan  Decius. 


^^ig-4- 


Constantine  L 


Constantine  II. 


MONEY-PLATE    II.   OF  COINS. 


Licinius  I. 


Fig.  15 


Fig.  16. 


Constantine  I. 


II 


MONEY-PLATE    III.   OF  COINS. 


Constantine  I. 


Constantine  I. 


Constantine  II. 


Constantine  II. 


Constantius  II. 


Constantius  II. 


Constantius  II. 


MONEY-PLATE   IV.  OF  COINS. 


Pig.  29. 


Licinia  Eudoxia. 


Fig.  30 


Fig.  34. 


/L 


Justin  I.  and  Justinian  I. 


MONEY-PLATE   V.   OF  COINS. 


Heraclius  and  Heraclius-Oonstantine. 


John  1 .  Zimisces. 


Fig.  39 


Romanus  lY.  Diogenes. 


MONEY-PLATE   VI.   OF   COINS. 


John  II.  Cksmnenus. 


John  V.  Palaeologus  (?). 


rig.  44, 


Cunlpert. 


Fig.  47. 


rig.  48. 


Fig.  49. 

Angers. 


Charles  the  Great. 


MONEY-PLATE   VII.   OF   COINS. 


Charles  the  Great. 
Fig.  52. 


Charles  the  Great. 


Pope  Adrian  I. 


Pope  Gregory  II.  (?). 


Fig.  55. 


Denarius  of  Charles  the  Great. 
Fig.  56. 


Christ  as  the  Good  Shepherd,  accompanied  by  subjects  taken  from  the  Old  Testament. 
(Perret,  after  Buonarotti.) 


MONEY-PLATE  VIII.  OF  COINS. 


Adoration  of  the  Magi.     (Rev.  S.  S.  Lewis.) 

This  cut  is  reproduced  from  the  illustrated  edition  of  Canon  Farrar's  Life  of  Clirist,  by  permission  of 

Messrs.  Cassell,  Petter,  and  Galpia. 


V.  Martyrdom  of  St.  Laurence.     Bev.  Oblate  approaching  his  tomb  or  shrine. 
(De  Kossi.), 


Amulet  against  the  powers  of  darkness.     (King  of  Holland's  Cabinet.) 


MONEY 

virginity  (circa  A.D.  429),  the  saintly  bishop 
suspended  a  bronze  medal  (nummus  aerens), 
bearing  a  cross,  "  quasi  quoddam  pignus  religiosi 
muneris,  atque  ut  perforatus  cello  ejus  inhaereret 
indixit "  (Bolland.  Acta  SS.  1  Jan.  p.  143,  in  De 
Rossi,  II.  s.  p.  57  ;  see  also  Chiflet,  Anast.  Child. 
Regis,  pp.  184, 185,  276).  No  other  clear  allusion 
to  Christian  medals  of  devotion  has  hitherto,  it  is 
believed,  been  adduced  from  ancient  authors. 

But  the  fathers,  SS.  Athanasius,  Augustine 
and  Chrysostom,  condemn  the  superstitious  use 
oi"  amulets,  which  prevailed  in  their  age  among 
some  Christians ;  the  last  of  whom  mentions 
that  bronze  medals  of  Alexander  of'Macedon  were 
attached  to  the  head  and  feet  as  charms  {Ad 
illuminand.  Catech.  ii.  5);  now  De  Rossi  (who 
refers  to  these  authors)  mentions  a  bronze  medal, 
published  by  Vettori,  preserved  in  the  Vatican 
Library,  bearing  on  the  obverse  the  head  of  Alex- 
ander (reading  Alexander)  covered  with  the 
lion's  skin  (as  on  his  silver  coins),  and  on  the 

reverse  the  chrisma  (y^  )  enclosed  in  a  circle. 

He  appears  to  be  right  in  thinking  that  this  and 
the  following  are  the  kind  of  charms  against 
which  St.  John  Chrysostom  protests.  Paciaudi 
in  1748  first  published  a  medal  having  the  head 
and  name  of  Alexander  as  before  on  the  obverse, 
but  bearing  on  the  reverse  an  ass's  colt  sucking  its 
mother,  accompanied  by  the  astrological  scorpion 
and  the  legend  D.N.  lUS  XPS  DEI  FILIVS  (De  Rossi, 
M.  s.  p.  61,  Money).  He  mentions  in  fine  (p.  62) 
a  copper  plate  (lamina  di  rame),  perforated  for 
suspension,  in  the  possession  of  Signor  Lovatti,  a 
dealer  in  antiques  at  Rome,  reading  on  one  side 
as  follows : — In  the  centre  an  owl ;  about  it 
DOMINVS  and  seven  stars;  m  a  circle  near  the 
circumference,  bicit  te  leo  de  tribvs  ivda 
EADis  DAVIT.  {Tlic  Lioti  of  the  tribe  of  Judah, 
the  root  of  David  hath  overcome  thee.)  On  the 
reverse,  iesv  ^P  stvs  I  ligabit  te  bea  I  Tivs 


MONKS 


1309 


* 


DEI  ET  SIGIL  I  LVS  SALAMONIX  |  ABIS  NOT- 
TVRNA  I  NON    BALEAS    AD  |  ANIMA    PVRA    ET  | 

SVPRA  QViS  I  VIS  SIS.  Jesus  Christ  hath  hound 
thee,  the  arm  of  God  and  the  seal  of  Solomon 
(have  hound  thee).  Bird  of  night,  mayest  thou  not 
prevail  to  approach  the  pure  soul  and  to  get  over 
her,  whoever  thou  heest.  No  speculation  is  made 
by  De  Rossi  concerning  the  age  of  this  document. 
There  is  a  very  similar  medal  of  red  copper 
(Fig.  59),  meant  for  an  amulet  pierced  for 
suspension,  which  was  found  at  Keff,  anciently 
Sicca  Venerea,  in  Tunis.  It  is  now  in  the  King  of 
Holland's  Cabinet  at  the  Hague,  and  is  rendered 
by  Reuveus,  at  the  end  of  his  second  letter  to 
Letronne  (pp.  29-32),  as  follows ;  the  doubtful 
conjectures  are  also  his. 

Ohv.  Invidia  invidiosa  nihil  tihi  ad  (adimat  ?), 
anima  pura  et  munda,  Quiriace  (for  Cyriace) : 
sata  malina  (maligna)  non  tihi  praevaleat  (sic). 
Ligahit  te  Dei  hrachium  Dei  et  Christi  ct  (sic) 
stgnum  et  sigillum  Solomonis  —1—  taxcaca 
(Abraxas  ?). 

Rev.  Owl:  legend  round  it  in  two  circles.  Id 
nonpraevaleas  (sic:  praevaleat?)  inf.  (infaustum 
or  infanti  ?).  Ligahit  te  hrachium  Dei.  Quiriace, 
in  Deo  vivas.  (Reuvens,  Lettres  a  M.  Letronne  sur 
les  Papyrus  hilingucs,  &c.,  Leide,  1830,  who  gives 
an  enlarged  figure ;  from  this  and  from  an  im- 
pression kindly  sent  by  Dr.  Vollgraff  the  present 


figure  of  the  size  of  the  original  is  taken.  The 
original  proper  name,  which  can  hardly  now  be 
read,  has  evidently  been  cancelled,  and  Quiriace 
written  in  its  place.)  The  learned  author 
regards  the  medal  as  late,  but  without  saymg 
how  late.  In  all  likelihood  it  was  not  struck 
too  late  to  be  embraced  in  the  pi-esent  work. 
For  the  Sigillum  Salomonis,  see  Reuvens,  u.  s. 
and  Smith's  Diet,  of  Bible,  iii.  1534,  note:  in 
this  case  the  name  of  Solomon  itself  appears 
to  constitute  the  seal  (see  Seal).  It  is  worthy 
of  note  that  the  word  Abraxas  here  seems  to 
occur  on  a  tolerably  ancient  monument  which 
is  undoubtedly  Christian.  [See  Gems,  p.  720, 
note.]  [C.  B.] 

MONIALIS.     [Nun.] 

MONICA,  mother  of  St.  Augustine ;  comme- 
morated May  4  (Boll.  Acta  S3.  May,  i.  473). 

[C.  H.] 

MONICIA,  martyr ;  commemorated  in  Achaia 
Ap.  16  (IIiero7i.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MONITIO  (1).  According  to  a  decree  of  a 
council  of  Orleans,  quoted  by  Ivo  (Decret.  p.  ii. 
c.  120),  the  ]iriest  after  the  sermon,  which  is 
preached  in  the  Mass,  is  to  admonish  the  people 
to  pray  to  the  Lord  for  their  several  necessities, 
for  the  king,  for  the  bishops  and  rulers  of 
churches,  for  peace,  for  the  sick,  for  those  who 
have  lately  departed,  &c.;  at  each  of  which  peti- 
tions the  people  are  silently  to  say  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  while  the  priest  says — apparently  also 
silently — the  prayers  which  are  to  accompany 
the  several  admonitions  (monitiones). 

(2)  After  sermon  the  priest  also  gave  notice  of 
such  things  as  the  days  to  be  observed  specially 
in  the  ensuing  week.  Thus  St.  Augustine  (Serm. 
3,  s.  fin.)  begj3  the  people  to  observe  on  the  nest 
day  the  anniversary  of  the  ordination  of  Aurelius 
at  the  basilica  of  Faustus  (Martene,  de  Bit. 
Eccl.  I.  iv.  5,  §  7).  Such  notices  were  called 
monitiones.  [C] 

MONK  Qxovaxis,  monachus).  It  is  obvious 
that  in  the  first  instance  the  word  fiovax^s 
designated  a  solitary,  an  anchoret  or  herjiit. 
And  it  was  in  fact  applied  originally  to  those 
who  passed  their  lives  in  solitude  (fjiOvdQovT€s), 
in  deserts,  or  in  "  dens  and  caves  of  the  earth  " 
[Mortification],  and  who  were  thus  distin- 
guished from  ascetics,  who  might  carry  on  their 
ascetic  practices  in  the  midst  of  a  town.  But 
when  the  rage  of  persecution  passed  away  which 
had  driven  many  into  the  wilderness  (Sozom. 
H.  E.  i.  12),  and  the  scattered  hermits  came  to 
dwell  in  villages  of  huts  or  cells  [Laura],  and 
even  when  they  came  to  live  in  regularly  or- 
ganised communities  [Coenobiom  ;  Monastery], 
they  still  retained  the  title  which  they  derived 
from  their  original  solitary  life.  So  that  in 
almost  all  the  languages  of  Europe  a  word 
derived  from  solitude  has  come  to  designate 
one  who  is  emphatically  a  member  of  a  com- 
munity ;  and  a  word  which  originally  designated 
the  solitary  retreat  of  a  hermit  has  come  to 
designate  a  house  crowded  with  organised  life, 
though  the  cell  of  the  individual  monk  is  still 
a  ixovaCT-hpiov  in  the  stricter  sense  of  the 
word.  C^O 

MONKS  (m  Art).  It  is  as  difficult  to  distin- 
guish the  monastic  dress  from  the  ecclesiastical, 
as  in  manv  cases  to  tell  the  ecclesiastical  from 


1310 


MOXNUS 


the  civil.  As  St.  Anthony's  first  organisation  of 
the  monastic  life,  as  distinguished  from  the  eremi- 
tical, dates  from  the  latter  half  of  the  third  cen- 
tury, no  representation  of  monks  can  be  expected 
much  earlier  than  the  fourth.  Bottari,  however, 
at  the  beginning  of  his  3rd  volume,  in  a  picture 
•of  the  burial  of  St.  Ephrem,  represents  three 
coenobites  of  the  East,  one  in  prayer,  the  other 
two  occupied  in  basket-making;  indicating,  of 
course,  the  rule  of  devotion  and  labour  which 
St.  Benedict  afterwards  adopted  for  the  Western 
monasteries.  (See  woodcut.)  Martigny  (^Dict. 
p.  407)  says  that  he  knows  no  more  ancient 
representation  of  the  monastic  habit.  It  is  to 
le  observed  that  the  nun-like  habit  usually 
represented  as  worn  by  the  Blessed  Virgin,  is 
later  than  the  mosaics  of  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore 
.(circ.  431),  where  she  is  represented  bareheaded, 
and  richly  dressed  (Rohault  de  Fleury,  UEvangile, 
vol.  i.  p.  64,  pi.  21).  Her  dress  has  a  decidedly 
monastic  appearance  in  the  Pentecost  of  the 
Laui-eutian  MSS.  of  Eabula  (Assemani,  Catal. 
Bihlioth.  Medica  Laurent,  tav.  xxvi.),  and  monks 
are  certainly  i-epreseuted  at  tav.  xxv.,  though 
the  apostles  in  the  former  plate  wear  togae  with 
clavi.  See  also  tab.  iii.  iv.  vii.  and  indeed  passim. 
This  MS.  is  dated  a.d.  583. 


Mouks.      From  Martiguy. 

The  dress  of  saints  in  the  mosaics  up  to  the 
11th  century  is  rather  ecclesiastical  than  mon- 
astic, though  of  course  many  are  represented 
who  were  under  monastic  vows.  This  appears  to 
be  the  case  even  in  the  9th  century  Greek  Meno- 
logium  of  the  Vatican  (D'Agincourt,  Peinture, 
pi.  xxxii.  xxxiii.).  The  writer  can  find  no  dis- 
tinctively monastic  dress  in  Professor  Westwood's 
Irish  and  Anijlo-Saxon  MSS.  up  to  that  of  St. 
Dunstan,  11th  century,  plate  1.  The  dark  colours 
would  be  objectionable  in  illuminations ;  but  the 
black  Benedictine  robe  and  tonsure  are  unmis- 
takeable.  A  monk,  apparently  in  glory,  has  a 
pink  habit  and  the  tonsure.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MONNUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome 
nt  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus  May  10  {Ilieron. 
MartX  [C.  H.] 


MONOGRAM 

MONOBAMBYLUM  {txovi,x:Tov\ov-),  the 
candlestick  holding  a  single  taper,  carried  before 
a  patriarch  of  Constantinople  on  ordinary  occa- 
sions. On  the  day  when  he  received  the  pastoral 
staff  from  the  emperor  he  was  honoured  with 
a  candlestick  with  two  sockets,  diahamhylum, 
Sid/xwovKoi'  (Pachymeres,  Hist.  ii.  28).  [C] 

MONOGAMY.  [Digamy  ;  Marriage  ; 
Orders,  Holy.] 

MONOGRAM,  an  abbreviation  of  the  name 
Jesus  Christ.  The  Christian  public  or  official 
use  of  this  symbol  is  involved  in  nearly  the  same 
chronological  difficulties  as  that  of  the  cross. 
[See  Cross.]  The  term  Chrisma  is  frequently 
applied  to  it.  Its  original  form  was  certainly 
that  of  the  Xj  the  initial  letter  of  our  Lord's 
name,  with  the  letter  p  across  the  intersection 
of  its  limbs.  It  was  subsequently  altered  by 
enlarging  the  central  p  into  the  form  >^  . 
A  further  modification,  which  turned  the  X  'fi^o 
the  Egyptian  T>  brought  the  monogram  into 
the  form  of  the  penal  cross  thus  ^  .  It  is  sug- 
gested under  Cross,  that  though  we  can  produce 
few  or  no  instances,  before  Constantine,  of  the 
public  use  of  the  monogram  of  the  name  of  the 
Lord,  or  the  cross  which  symbolized  His  person 
and  His  death,  both  the  letters  and  the  symbol 
were  then  in  private  use :  so  as  to  be  fully  un- 
derstood as  representing  Him.  The  distinction 
must  be  observed  that  the  monogram,  as  an  ini- 
tial, is  only  a  phonetic  or  letter-symbol ;  whereas 
the  Cross  is  a  graphic  symbol  or  hieroglyph,  and 
appeals  to  memory  and  a  train  of  .associations 
connected  with  the  Lord's  person,  and  indeed  the 
manner  of  His  death,  the  nature  of  His  sacri- 
fice, and  His  whole  church  as  a  system  and  a 
kingdom. 

The  modification  into  the  penal,  the  Egyptian, 
or  Tau-cross  surmounted  by  the  p,  seems  to  date 
from  about  the  time  of  Constantine,  and  may  have 
been  produced  by  either  or  both  of  two  causes. 
At  that  period  it  became  safe,  and  it  may  have 
been  thought  both  right  and  necessary,  for 
Christendom  to  .-vvow  the  Lord's  death  as  a  male- 
factor :  the  reproach  of  the  cross  would  then  be 
no  longer  intolerable  to  fresh  converts,  and  the 
manner  of  His  death  had  to  be  remembered  in 
attestation  of  His  perfect  humanity.  Hence  the 
penal  cross  of  His  death  was  raised  as  a  stand- 
ard. But  this  later  T-form  of  the  monogram 
seems  to  have  been  especially  popular  in  the 
East,  and  in  Egypt  almost  exclusively  used 
(Garrucci,  Vetri,  p.  104,  and  Letronne,  De  la 
Croix  ansee  Egtjptienne,  p.  16).  It  is  quite  pos- 
sible that  it  may  have  become  more  popular 
under  Alexandrian  influence,  especially  after 
the  appearance  of  Athanasius  at  the  council 
of  Nicaea.  Garrucci  is  decidedly  of  opinion 
that  the  monogram  and  the  cross  were  both 
adopted,  simultaneously  and  from  the  first,  by 
Constantine,  and  considered  in  fact  as  the  same 
symbol.  In  some  cases  the  upright  cross  was 
added  to  the  oblique  one  so  as  to  form  an  eight- 
ram  and  the 


rayed  star  ^  ,  but  the  ^ 


Greek  cross  appear  alike  on  coins  of  Constantines, 
published  in  the  "  tavola  d'Aggiunta"  at  the 
end  of  Garrucci's  Vetri.  [Money.]  He  says  it 
is    certain  that   the    ^    monogram  represented 


MONOGRAM 

the  (TTdvoSs  or  cross  ia  the  Coptic  church,  and 
quotes  a  curious  passage  from  St.  Ephrem,  which 
o-ives  the  reason  for  attaching  the  letters  A  and  w 
to  the  opposite  limbs  of  the  upright  symbol, 
and  then  identifies  it  with  the  Rho-monogram 
•P  •  (.^PP-  ^-  "^-  "^^^^  ^*^'  Assemani.)  Aia  ri 
larTOpov/xev  eV  Siacpopot^  t6itois  in  (ruiv  irXevpuv) 
Tov  aravpov  A  Kai  w ;  The  answer  follows  : — 
"Ot(  apxv  KO-^  TeAos  o  (TravpuOels  eV  avrtS 
vxapx^'-,  T?)  Se  iTtavu  P  (rriij.a.ii'ei  ^orfdia, 
^]ir)(piC^IJ.ivov  fKOLTov.'-  Martigny  remarks  fur- 
ther, that  the  t-  is  the  only  form  of  the  mono- 
gram found  in  the  Alexandrine  Bibles,  as  in  the 
Vatican  MS.,  that  of  Mount  Sinai  published  by 
Tischendorf,  and  that  at  Cambridge. 

Boldetti  {Osservazioni  sopra  i  Cimiteri,  etc. 
pp.  336-347)  gives  a  series  of  examples  of  the 
monogram  from  the  catacombs  and  cemeteries  of 
SS.  Agnes,  Praetextatus,  Calixtus,  Cyriaca,  Gor- 
dianus,  Pontianus,  Lucina,  Helena,  Calepodius, 
and  Hippolytus.  All  except  two  in  the  two  last- 
named  cemeteries  are  of  the  -\^   or    5^    form. 

[Inscriptions,  pp.  847  ff.]  The  latter  may  have 
been  adopted  simply  because  it  is  easier  to  write. 
But  few  have  the  A  and  o) ;  and  this  may  be 
taken  as  some  indication,  at  least,  that  they  are 
antecedent  to  the  Nicene  council.  [A  and  a.-,  i.  1.] 
In  the  annexed  example  the  Greek  P  is  used  as  a 
Roman  P  for  the  better  arrangement  of  its  in- 
scription on  the  sigil  or  stamp.     The  universal 


MONOGEAM 

upright   monogram  in    the  letter  fvj  thus 
foi-  XPICTOC  NIKA-     [Cross,  p.  498.] 


employment  of  the  Greek  letters  is  another  illus- 
tration of  the  observations  of  Dean  Milman  in  his 
History  of  Christkinitij,  that  the  Roman  church, 
for  the  first  two  centuries  at  least,  was  essen- 
tially a  Greek  body. 

DThe  A  and  u  are  sometimes 
hung  by  small  chains  to  the 
branches  of  the  cross,  or  thus  re- 
^^,,I,^J  presented.  (See  Boldetti,  pp.  338 
''  I  I    ^  and   345,  and  Bottari,  tav.  xliv.) 

1  I       The    first    of    these   examples   is 

^"^     ^'^^    somewhat    rare,    as   representing 

these  letters  attached  to  the  >^ 
*  monogram.     They  are  given  with 

another  example  of  the  same  form  in  a  mosaic 
on  a  tablet  of  terra  cotta  from  the  cemetery  of 
St.  Cyriaca  (see  infra).  The  former  of  these 
may  be  the  same  as  that  quoted  by  Martigny  from 
De  Rossi  (/jiscr.  Christ.  Rom.  t.  i.  No.  776),  which 
he  says  is  unique  according  to  his  experience. 

The  monogram  is  sometimes  (and  almost  always 
in  Gallic  inscriptions)  surrounded  by  a  wreath  of 
palm  or  other  leaves,  in  sign  of  the  Lord's  vic- 
tory ;  and  there  is  an  analogous  use  of  placing  the 


a  P  is  the  numeral  for  100;  and  the  letters  which  make 
\ip  j3or)9ia,  taken  as  numerals,  also  amount  to  100.    [U.] 


1311 

In  Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p.  605,   there  is  a  copy  of 
a  sepulchral  inscription  from  the    cemetery  of 
Priscilla,  by  Victorina  to  her  dead  husband  Hera- 
clius,  which  ends  with  the  palm-branch,  and  is 
headed  by  the  upright  monogram 
with  the  A  and  w,  all  inscribed  in  X.  aPxm/^ 
a  triangle.    This  is  said  to  be  very      ^v  I    / 
uncommon,  but  Martigny,  in  his  N/^ 

article  on  '  Triangle,'  gives  three  other  forms  of 
its  combination  with  the  monogram :    the  two 

first  from  Lupi  (Sevcrae  Epitaphium,  fol.  Pa- 
lermo, 1734),  the  other  from  a  letter  by  M. 
de  St.  Antoine,  canon  of  the  cathedral  of 
Lyons,  which  gives  account  of  fifteen  inscrip- 
tions on  various  monuments.  It  is  dated  14th 
April,  1631,  and  was  discovered  by  De  Rossi  m 
the  Barberini  library,  and  published  by  E.  Le 
Blant  {Inscr.  Chre'tiennes  de  la  Gauk,  t.  i.  p.  107). 
The  monogram  is  often  placed  on  the  forehead  of 
the  portrait  of  our  Lord.  (See  Boldetti,  p.  60, 
and  Martigny,  Diet.  334.)  It  is  found  thus  on 
the  Good  Shepherd  and  the  Lamb  (Mamachi,  iii. 
18;  Bottari,  tav.  xxi. ;  Geiis,  p.  718;  and  in 
the  Nimbus  [p.  1393] ;  see  also  Allegranza's 
Sacri  Monum.  antichi  di  Milano,  tav.  i.).  It  ap- 
pears on  a  glass  representing  the  miracle  of  the 
Seven  Loaves  (Garrucci,  vii.  16,  and  Buonarotti, 
tab.  viii.  1),  and  on  an  altar,  between  St.  Peter  and 
St.  Paul,  or  other  saints  (Buonarotti,  xiv.  2). 
These  latter  are  all  in  the  ^  form,  which 
sooms  to  have  kept  its  hold  on  Christian  use 
from  the  fact  that  the  X  alone,  as  an  initial,  re- 
presented the  venerated  name.  Julian  speaks 
of  the  X  ^"'l  the  [^  '^  ^'^  Misopogon,  pp.  94,  5, 
ed.  Par.  1566,  as  representing  Christ  and  Con- 
stantino, 'E5i5ox0»);Ue»'  o.pxas  ovofj-aTcov  elvai  ra 
ypd/xfj-ara ;  Sr]Aovu  S'  i64\€iv  rh  jxiv  Xoiffrhv^ 
rb  Se  Koivindvriov  ;  and  again  (pp.  106-7)  ot 
the  two  reproaches  made  against  him  in  Antioch,. 
wj  eK  TOV  iruyuvos  fiov  itXiKnv  Set  axoifto,'  nal 

OTL  7ro\€ficS  tSi  X'. 

It  seems  difficult  to  imagine,  as  is  sometimes 
contended,  that  the  monogram  was  unknown  or 
rarely  used  before  the  days  of  Constantine.  The 
habitual  use  of  the  Cross  in  his  time  is  proved 
by  Tertullian,  de  Cor.  Mil.  c.  3,  quoted  under 
Cross.  It  may  have  been  used  privately  or  un- 
officially from  the  first,  though  perhaps  unsatis- 
factory to  Hebrew  brethren  or  Roman  catechu- 
mens. It  is  remarkable,  however,  that  the 
monogram  or  cross  is  not  mentioned  in  Cle- 
ment's list  of  permitted  symbols  on  rings  at 
Faedagog.  iii.  11,  p.  246  d.  A  certain  use  of 
symbolism  was  allowed  by  the  synagogue,  though 
the  use  of  the  cherub-forms  probably  ended  with 
the  ancient  temple.  Still  a  Christian  society  in 
which  the  Greek  element  altogether  predomi- 
nated for  300  years  cannot  have  gone  on  long 
without  the  use  of  emblematic  or  specially  signi- 
ficant forms  ;  especially  where  secrecy  was  often 
an  object.  The  passages  in  Apoc.  vii.  2,  xiv.  1, 
where  the  sign  of  the  Son  of  God  is  spoken  of, 
compared  with  Ezek.  ix.  4,  6,  suggest  the  idea 
that  the  monogram  is  there  intended,  and  though 


1312 


MONOGRAiM 


the  speculation  is  not  one  to  be  pursued  far,  it  is 
excusable.  Whatever  the  subjective  reality  of 
Constantine's  vision  may  be,  it  is  clear  that  he 
saw,  or  thought  he  saw,  or  said  he  thought  he 
saw,  some  emblem  or  sign  whose  meaning  he  and 
his  followers  well  knew.  There  is  no  reason  for 
supposing  that  the  form  of  the  Labnrum  was 
revealed  to  Constantine  for  the  first  time,  never 
having  existed  before.  In  Eusebius  (  Vit.  Const. 
i.  24-26)  his  vision  is  spoken  of  as  a  dream  ;  and 
it  is  consistent  with  the  mysterious  admixture 
of  the  natural  and  the  providential,  which  con- 
stitutes what  we  call  divine  interference,  that  a 
well-known  form  should  be  for  ever  invested,  in 
his  mind,  with  divine  meaning,  rather  than  that 
a  new  one  should  have  been  invented.  In  fact, 
had  the  labarum  been  believed  to  be  a  new  reve- 
lation of  a  divine  sign  of  the  Son  of  Man,  it 
would  everywhere  have  taken  the  place  of  the 
cross,  on  the  authority  of  Constantine,  as  the 
man  privileged  to  see  it ;  and  might  have  pre- 
vented the  use  or  worship  of  the  crucifix.  The 
change  to  the  upright  cross  in  the  labarum  may 
have  proceeded  naturally  from  the  cruciform 
vexillum   of    the    Roman    cavalry     [Labarum, 

p.  11].     But  the  earlier  *^v^.  or  ^ 

use  even  on  that  ensign ;  and  it  is  certainly 
found,  in  most  instances  without  Christian 
meaning,  on  ancient  coins  and  medals,  as  in  the 
Lydian  or  Mseonian  medal  quoted  by  Martigny, 
s.  V.  "  Numismatique,"  p.  454,  where  the  letters 
X   ^ud    p,  which  form  part  of  the  legend,  are 


See  M.  Ch. 


continued  in 


^- 


united  so  as  to  form  it  thus 


Lenormant,  Signes  de  Christianisme  sur  les  Monum. 
numismatiques  du  troisieme  Slide,  in  Melanges 
d'Archeologie,  t.  iii.  [Money.]  In  this  matter,  as 
in  every  other  which  concerns  the  monuments  of 
Christian  Rome,  we  have  to  lament  the  eflTects  of 
relic-removing,  collecting,  and  devout  interpo- 
lation. Inscriptions  are  collected  in  museums, 
arranged  and  re-ai-ranged  according  to  tastes  or 
theories,  and  crosses  and  monograms  of  secondary 
date  are  everywhere  found  inscribed  on  more 
ancient  tablets  after  the  peace  of  the  church, 
and  thus  the  monuments  will  vitiate  each  other's 
evidence  to  the  end  of  time. 

Until  lately  the  earliest  certain  Chi-monogram 
was  supposed  to  date  a.d.  331,  omitting  the 
mutilated  and  doubtful  fragment  which  is 
thought  to  present  date  298.  (De  Rossi,  Inscr. 
Christ,  t.  i.  p.  29,  and  p.  38,  No.  39.)  But  an 
-earlier  example  than  the  former — as  far  back  as 
323 — has  been  found  under  the  Constantinian 
basilica  of  St.  Lawrence  in  Agro  Verano.  We 
have  already  speculated  on  the  greater  import- 
ance and  more  frequent  use  of  the  symbol  after 
the  council  of  Nice.  But  this  year  is  also  the 
date  of  the  death  of  Licinius,  from  which  time  the 
symbol  begins  to  be  engraved  on  coins  (De  Rossi, 
Bullett.  1863,  p.  22).  In  355  it  is  for  the  first 
time  joined  to  the  A  and  ai.  Other  forms  appear 
about  347,  the  upright  cross  being  first  added  to 

*the  Chi-rho  so   as    to    form   a    kind    of 
star ;  then  the  X  is  withdrawn  and  the 
^     remains.     To  the  5th  century  the 
old  and  new  forms  go  on  together,    ^ 
and  -f-  ;    but  early  in  the   6th  the    p   disap- 


MONOGRAIM 

I  pears,  and  the  Latin  or  Greek  cross  takes 
the  place  of  the  monograms.  Martigny  gives 
a  very  curious  and  interesting  instance  of  the 
final  transition  into  the  cross  as  symbolic  not 
only  of  Christ's  name  but  of  His  death.  The 
monogram  -p  is  used  in  the  Sinaitic  Bible 
four  times :  once  at  the  end  of  Jeremiah, 
twice  at  the  end  of  Isaiah,  and  in  Apoc.  11, 
8,  in  the  middle  of  the  word  ECTATPX10H. 
(De  Rossi,  Bullett.  1863,  p.  62.)  However 
in  the  Western  world  the  use  of  the  ancient 
letter-symbol  continued  to  the  end  of  the  5th 
century.  It  was  revived  for  a  time  by  Charle- 
magne, and  used  by  councils  held  under  him, 
and  even  on  sepulchral  inscriptions.  For  the 
former,  see  Mabillon,  de  Be  Diploinatica,  1.  v. 
tav.  liv.  Iv.  Ivi.,  ed.  Nap.  p.  468  sqq. 

On  a  larger  scale  the  monogram  occurs  on  the 
exteriors  and  interiors  of  ancient  churches  and 
basilicas.  See  Boldetti  {Cimet.  etc.  p.  338),  where 
a  rude  example  of  it  with  the  A  and  to  is  given.  It 
continued  visible  to  his  day  sculptured  over  the 
Latin  Gate  of  the  walls  of  Belisarius.  He  found 
it  more  frequently  in  the  tile-mosaic  in  the 
cemeteries  of  Cyriaca  and  Priscilla,  and  in  the 
tomb  of  Faustina,  Callixtine  cemetery  (Boldetti, 
p.  339)  it  is  enclosed  in  a  wreath,  which  may 
represent  a  crown  of  palm.     This  is  carved  on  a 


marble  slab.  But  the  sign  occurs  frequently  in 
the  mosaics  which  adorn  the  apses  or  arches  of 
triumph  in  the  churches  of  Rome  and  Ravenna ; 
as  in  SS.  Cosmas  and  Damian  in  the  former  place 
(Ciampini,  Vet.  Monum.  ii.  p.  60),  or  in  Galla 
Placidia's  chapel  at  Ravenna  (ih.  vol.  i.  tab.  Ixv. 
Ixvi.).  So  also  on  the  inner  walls  and  veil  of  the 
sanctuary  (Mabillon,  de  Re  Diplom.  bk.  ii.  c.  10, 
p.  110).  The  earliest  example  on  a  sacred 
building  is  now  preserved  in  the  Hotel  de  Ville 
of  Sion,  and  dates  from  a.d.  377.  It  was  pro- 
bably often  used  in  baptisteries ;  Martigny  gives 
a  woodcut  from  Bottari  (tav.  xxxiv. ;  Aringhi, 
vol.  i.  p.  319)  of  a  round  or  octagon  building  of 
this  kind  from  a  sarcophagus  in  the  Vatican, 
which  bears  the  monogram  in  the  centre  of  its 
low  roof.  An  interesting  engraving,  as  recording 
a  very  early  adoption  for  Christian  purposes  of 
that  form  ;  of  which  the  Tower  of  the  Winds,  or 
Horologium,  Athens,  is  one  great  example,  and 
San  Giovanni  at  Florence  the  chief  one  of  the  first 
Etrurian  renaissance. 

On  sarcophagi  and  funereal  monuments  the 
monogram  may  be  said  to  occur  passim  ;  often, 
as  of  old,  standing  as  signum  Domini  or  signum 
Christi,  representing  simply  the  name  and  per- 
son of  OUT  Lord  (Boldetti,  jip.  273,  345,  399). 


MONOGRAM 

"  In  \p^  Aurelio  Marcellino  Deposito,  in  ^»<^ 

vii.  Idus  Martia,"  the  first  of  these  examples, 
may  stand  for  the  others  also.  At  p.  338 
(Boldetti)  there  is  a  woodcut  which  is  here  re- 
produced (see  below)  of  a  tile,  or  ancient  and 
thin  brick,  which  was  once  used  to  close  up  a 
loculus   in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Cyriaca.      In  a 


MONOGRAM 


1313 


painting  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  recently 
discovered  after  a  fall  of  earth  outside  of  this 
place,  the  monogram  takes  the  place  of  the  star ; 
perhaps  with  some  reflection  of  the  Lord's  pro- 
phecy of  the  appeai-ance  of  the  sign  of  the  Son  of 
man  in  heaven. 

For  examples  on  sarcophagi,  there  is  a  very 
rich  one  in  Bottari  (tab.  xxxvii.),  Aringhi,  i.  p. 
325,  and  at  Bottari,  tav.  xxx.,  Aringhi,  i.  p.  311, 
it  is  attended  (as  representing  our  Lord)  by  the 
twelve  apostles.  On  the  bases  of  columns  and 
pilasters  see  Bottari,  tav.  cxxxvi. 

Some  reference  has  been  made  above  to  the 
works  of  Buonarotti  and  Garrucci  for  the  use  of 
the  monogram  on  glasses  and  cups.  It  is  repre- 
sented alone,  or  between  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  or 
other  saints,  or  on  marriage  cups  with  the  wedded 
pair.  We  add  an  example  of  a  lamp  from  Aringhi 


(vol.  11.  p.  371),  which,  he  says,  is  of  early  date, 
"longe  ante  Constantini  tempora."  [Lamps, 
pp.  921,  923,  924.]  There  are  several  examples 
on  rings  in  Boldetti  (p.  502),  with  or  without 
the  palm-branch.  On  encolpia  and  amulets 
[Encolpiox,  p.  611].  In  Hagioglypta,  p.  225, 
there  is  an  instance  of  the  X  in  the  mystic  word 
IX0YC,  which  has  the  loop  of  the  P  added  to  it. 
Compare  the  use  of  the  P,  both  in  its  Greek  and 
Roman  meaning,  Boldetti,  p.  336. 


A  small  bronze  figure  of  St.  Peter  bearing  the 
penal  cross-monogram,  of  excellent  workmanship, 
is  given  by  Maj-tigny,  p.  539. 

Count  Melchior  de  Vogue  found  the  sign  of  the 
cross  or  monogram  on  many  ancient  houses  in 
the  mountain  villages  of  Syria,  which  were  pro- 
bably anterior  to  the  Mussulman  occupation; 
and  St.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  {Contra  Julianum, 
lib.  vi. ;  Migne,  vol.  Ixxvi.  p.  796)  shews  that 
this  was  customary  {rh  xpvvai  8r?  irivTois 
iyxapaTTeiv  ael  Kal  oiKiais  Kcd  fxeTciirois  rb 
(TTtixuov  T.  Ttfxiov  aravpov). 

For  the  use  of  the  monogram  on  medals  and 
coins,  see  Labarum  and  Money.  On  furniture  and 
utensils  Martigny  refers  to  a  wooden  "  pupitre," 
or  faldstool,  now  preserved  in  the  monastery  of 
St.  Croix  at  Poitiers,  and  shewn  as  originally' the 
property  of  St.  Radegund,  wife  of  Clotaire  I.,  son 
of  Clovis.  The  monogram  is  roughly  carved  on 
it  within  a  crown,  between  two  crosses  or  cruci- 
form s)-mbols.  (See  Cahier  and  Martin,  Melanges 
d'Archeologie,  t.  iii.  p.  156.)  In  Garrucci  (Fein, 
etc.  pp.  104,  5)  reference  is  made  to  a  poem  of 
Publilius  0.  Porphyrius  to  Constantino,  in  which 
the  emperor  is  addressed  as  pilot  of  the  ship  of 
the  state,  and  the  cross-monogram  is  his  helm. 
The  object  of  the  work  is  to  request  permission 
for  the  author's  return  from  exile,  and  he  has 
shewn  his  ingenuity  by  disposing  the  verses  in 
which  he  compares  the  emperor  to  the  world's 
helmsman  in  the  form  of  a  ship  thus  symbolically 
directed.  For  vessels,  see  Le  Blant  (Inscr.  Chr^t. 
de  la  Gaule,_  t.  i.  pi.  41,  No.  244).  Bottari  (t.  i.  p. 
102)  mentions  a  strigil  which  Pignorio  had  seen 
marked  with  it  in  the  midst  of  the  name  of  the 
owner.  So  in  sepulchral  inscriptions.  (De  Ptossi, 
Inscr.  Christ,  p.  Ill,  No.  221.  A^CPvIGE.) 
Again,  on  the  collars  worn  by  fugitive  slaves. 
(See  Giorgi,  p.  39  ;  Fabretti,  iii.  385.)  One  in  par- 
tacular  seems  to  have  belonged  to  a  serf  of  the 
ancient  basilica  of  St.  Clement  at  Eome,  being 
inscribed  A  dominicv  clementis.  It  appears 
from  Pignori  {Epist.  xxiv.,  Spon.  iliscell.  301), 
that  the  use  of  these  collars  dates  from  Constan- 
tine's  time.  It  had  been  originally  the  custom 
to  brand  runaways  on  the  forehead  ;  and  the 
wearing  the  collar  was  a  Christian  usage  of 
mercy,  which  probably  lasted  long  into  the 
Middle  Ages.  (See  Walter  Scott's  Imnhoe,  of 
Gurth  and  Wamba.)  In  any  case,  in  these  early 
times,  the  monogram  was  engraved  on  the  plate 
of  the  collar,  perhaps,  as  Martigny  says,  to  re- 
mind the  slave  that  severe  punishment  had  been 
spared  him  in  the  name  of  Christ ;  perhaps  with 
allusion  to  the  text,  "One  is  your  Master,  even 
Christ." 

Other  uses  of  the  monogram  seem  to  have 
been  that  it  was  placed  at  the  head  of  episcopal 
letters ;  was  used  as  a  mark  by  readers  for  spe- 
cially important  passages ;  employed  as  a  symbol 
of  initiation  and  text  for  exhortation  for  cate- 
chumens before  their  baptism.  In  this  capacity 
it  was  the  custom  in  Milan  to  paint  it  on  a  large 
cloth  and  exhibit  it  in  the  church.  (Muratori, 
Berum  Italicarum  Script,  vol.  iv.  p.  66.)  In  short 
till  the  crucifix  took  its  place,  its  use  seems  to 
have  been  coextensive  with  that  of  the  cross, 
and  to  have  had  the  function  of  uniting  the  sym- 
bolical with  the  individual  devotion  of  personal 
religion. 

Thus  much  for  the  true  or  original  mono- 
gram in  which  the  initials  of  the  Lord's  title  of 


1314 


MONOGUNDIS 


Anointed,  and  the  symbol  of  His  person,  life,  and 
death  were  formally  united,  at  or  before  the  time 
of  Constantine.  A  later  monogram  seems  to 
have  been  constructed  on  the  same  principle  from 
the  first  three  letters  |  H  C  ''f  ^^^  name  Jesus. 
It  seems  to  have  been  derived  from  Byzantine 
usage.     The  usual  Lower  Greek  abbreviation  for 

the  Lord's  name  is  |C  ,  ^mi  one  may  give  cali- 
graphers  and  miniaturists  credit  for  developing 
it  by  adding  the  |-|  and  perpendicular  stroke,  so 
as  at  length  to  form  the  |4H  S  of  later  times. 
Martigny  says  that  St.  Bernardin  of  Siena 
(d.  1444)  was  one  of  the  first  who  used  it,  and 
this  is  confirmed  by  a  passage  in  his  Life  in 
Alban  Butler  (May  20),  in  which  he  is  said 
during  one  of  his  sermons  to  have  exhibited 
the  name  of  our  Lord  beautifully 
carved  on  a  gilded  panel,  and  in- 
curred some  suspicion  in  conse- 
quence. Martigny  closes  his 
article  on  this  subject  with  one  or 
two    curious  examples,  of  ancient 

date,   where    the    >^  and  |HC 

monograms  seem  both  to  have 
been  in  the  mind  of  the  in- 
scriber  or  sculptor.  One  is  in 
Lupi's  Epitaphium  Secerae,  p. 
137,  and  bears  the  anchor-mark, 
which  may  indicate  great  an- 
y  1  \  tiquity,    with    both    monograms, 

^^^  thus  HH  ig  .  The  other  (p.  420) 
is  from  the  chapel  of  St.  Satyrus  in  St. 
Ambrogio  at  Milan,  where  St.  Victor  bears  a 
cross  in  one  hand  and  the  annexed  symbol  (see 
above)  in  the  other.  It  seems  intended  to  com- 
bine the  ancient  Chrisma  or  Chi-Rho  monogram 
with  the  initials  |H,  if  not  |HC.  and  the 
cross,  so  as  to  join  both  initials  and  symbol  in 
the  words  IHCOTC  XPICTOC. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 
MONOGUNDIS,    nun;    commemorated    at 
Tours  July  2  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Florus  ap.   Bed. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  i.  309).        [C.  H.] 

MONOLAPPUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Nicomedia  Sept.  2  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.).  ["C.  H.] 

MONOMACHIA.     [Duel  ;  Ordeal.] 

MONONIS,  hermit  and  martyr  in  Belgium 
in  the  7th  century ;  commemorated  Oct!  18 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  viii.  363).  [C.  H.] 

MONOEGUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Corthosa  May  6  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MONOTOE,  bishop  and  confessor ;  comme- 
morated at  Orleans  Nov.  10  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

MONTANUS  (1)  Martyr  with  Lucius,  Juli- 
anus,  and  others,  in  Africa  ;  commemorated  Feb 
24  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  454). 

(2)  Presbyter,  and  his  wife  Jlaxima,  martyrs ; 
commemorated  at  Sirmium  Mar.  26  (Usuard 
Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  iii' 
616). 

(3)  (MONTANIANUS),  martyr ;  commemorated 
at  Sirmium  May  11  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  May,  ii.  625), 


MONTH 

(4)  Jlonk  in  Gaul ;  commemorated  May  17 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  iv.  35). 

(5)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Spain  May  2'2 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Soldier  and  martyr  at  Terracina  ;  comme- 
morated June  17  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  iii.  278). 

(7)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Tarsus  July  3 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  July  20 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(9)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Carthage  Nov. 
17  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MONTH.  The  month-reckoning  used  by  the 
church  in  the  first  century,  in  Palestine,  was 
doubtless  that  which  was  followed  by  the  Jews, 
such  as  we  find  it  in  Josephus,  especially  in  the 
Wars.  Writing  for  Syrian  Greeks,  he  con- 
stantly substitutes  for  the  Jewish  (Babylonian) 
month-names  those  of  the  corresponding  Mace- 
donian lunar  months,  which  names  were  intro- 
duced into  the  East  in  the  track  of  Alexander's 
conquests. 

The  corresponding  lunar  months  in  the 
Jewish,  Syrian,  and  Macedonian  nomenclature 
are  as  follows  : — 

Jewish.  Syrian.  Macedonian. 

Tisrl      ..  ..  First  Tisrl      ..  Hyperberetaeus. 

Marchesvan  Second  Tisri  . .  ])ius. 

Kisleu  . .  . .  First  Kanun  . .  Apellaeus. 

Tebeth  . .  . .  Second  Kanun  Audinaeus. 

Shebat  ..  ..  Shebat    ..     ..  Peritius. 

Adar     . .  . .  Adar       . .     . .  Dystrus. 

Nisan    . .  . .  Nisan      . .     . .  Xanthicus. 

Ijar       . .  . .  Ijar Artemisius. 

Sivan    . .  . .  Hasiran  . .     . .  Daesius. 

Thamuz  . .  Thamuz  . .     . .  Panemus. 

Ab        . .  . .  Ab Lous. 

Elul      . .  . .  EIul        . .     . .  Gorpiaeus. 

The  intercalary  month  is  inserted,  when  neces- 
sary, between  Adar  and  Nisan.  The  months  are 
usually  of  29  and  30  days  alternately. 

Later,  throughout  Syria,  these  Macedonian 
months  were  absolutely  assimilated  to  the  Roman 
months,  in  dimensions  and  epoch.  Thus  Hyperbe- 
retaeus is  identical  with  September,  Dius  with 
October,  etc.  But  no  month-dates,  lunar  or  other, 
occur  in  Christian  writings  earlier  than  the  middle 
of  the  second  century."  When  such  do  occur, 
they  are  constantly  Julian-Roman,  or  in  terms 
of  a  Julianized  calendar,  usually  in  both  to- 
gether. From  Galen  {Comment,  in  Hippocr. 
Epidem. ;  0pp.  Hippocr.  et  Galen,  ix.  2,  p.  8) 
we  learn  that  in  his  time  (circ.  A.D.  150),  "  as 
the  Romans,  so  the  Macedonians,  our  own 
Asiani  (Asia  Procons.),  and  many  other  nations, 


»  Assemani,  indeed  {Bibl.  Orient,  ii.  486),  describing  a 
Syriac  MS.  of  "a  Gospel"  preserved  in  the  Vatican, 
gives  from  its  epigraph  (Syriac)  the  following  startling 
date— which,  however,  he  receives  unquestioned — "  Ab- 
solutus  est  iste  liber  feria  quinta  die  18  Canun  prioris 
anno  Graecorum  389  " — which  year  (Aera  Seleuc.)  began  in 
the  autumn  of  a.d.  11.  Of  course  there  is  some  error 
here.  At  any  time  to  which  the  epigraph  can  be  referred 
the  Syrian  months  were  identical  with  the  Julian :  the 
"  former  Canun  "  was  Syro-Macedonian  Apellaeus,  iden- 
tical with  December.  Now  as  in  a.d.  77,  Sunday  letter 
E,  the  18th  December  did  fall  on  a  Thursday,  the  simplest 
explanation  is  to  say  that  there  is  an  error  in  the  centu- 
ries; for  389  read  1089;  of  a.d.  777  the  Sunday  letter  is 
of  course  E,  as  of  a.d.  77,  and  18  Dec.  Thursday. 


MONTH 

had  adopted  the  sola)-  year,"  the  cardinal  points 
of  which  (as  he  goes  on  to  describe)  were  taken 
as  fixed  by  Julius  Caesar,  and,  consequently,  the 
Macedonian  months,  Dius,  Peritius,  Artemisius, 
and  Lous  made  to  begin  at,  or  near,  Sept.  24, 
Dec.  25,  March  25,  June  24  respectively.  But 
the  names  and  sequence  of  these  months  are  not  j 
everywhere  Macedonian,  neither  are  the  epochs 
the  same.  The  requisite  information  on  these 
points,  laboriously  gathered  in  by  Ussher  {de 
Macedonum  et  Asianorum  anno  Solari  Dissertat., 
apD.  to  his  Annal.  V.  et  N.  Test.),  and  by  Noris 
(de  Anno  et  Epochis  Syromacedonum  ;  0pp.  t.  ii. 
1  sqq.),  confirmed  by  two  'HixepoKoyiai  5ia(p6po3i' 
wSKeaiv,  since  brought  to  light,  will  be  found 
in  Ideler  (Handbuch,  i.  393  sqq.). 

The  Macedonian  names  of  the  months,  when  a 
solar  year  was  adopted,  run  as  below  in  the 
Ephesian  arrangement ;  the  "  Asian  "  names — 
i.  e.  those  used  in  proconsular  Asia — are  different, 
though,  as  will  be  seen,  the  arrangement  of  the 
year  is  very  nearly  the  same. 


MONTH 


1315 


Asian. 

Ephesian. 

Epoch. 

Days. 

Caesarius    . . 

Dius     ..     . 

.      24  Sept. 

..       30 

Tiberius     . . 

Apellaeus  . 

.       24  Oct. 

..       31 

Apaturius  .. 

Audinaeus  . 

.       24  Kov. 

..       31 

Posideon     . . 

Peritius 

.       25  Dec. 

..       30 

Lenaeus      . . 

Dystrus      . 

.       24  Jan. 

..       29 

Hierosebastus 

Xanthicus  . 

.       22  Feb. 

..       30 

Artemisius 

Artemisius 

24  Mar. 

..       31 

Evangelius 

Daesius       . 

.       24  Apr. 

..       30 

Stratonicus.. 

Panemus    . 

.       24  May 

..       31 

Hecatombeon 

Lous    ..     . 

24  June 

..       31 

Antaeus     . . 

Gorpiaeus  . 

.      25  July 

r      30 

l[As.  31] 

Laodicius    . . 

rHyperbere- 
l    tueus 

^  24  [Asian 
i         Aug. 

25]/       31 
I  [As.  30] 

In  bissextile,  Lenaeus  has  30  days  in  the  Asian 
calendar,  Dystrus  30  days  in  the  Ephesian. 
(Browne,  Ordo  Saedorum,  §  402,  p.  463.) 

We  give  here  a  few  month-dates,  some  with 
concurrent  week-days.  The  martyrdom  of  St. 
Polycarp  (lf«ri.  Polyc.  c.  21,  in  Patr.  Apost.; 
Hefele,  p.  220,  eJ.  1842 ;  comp.  Euseb.  H.  E. 
iv.  15)  gives  as  the  date  of  the  martyrdom 
2  Xanthicus  =  vii.  Kal.  Mart,  (but  Yet.  Lat.  vii. 
Kal.  Mart.),  ca^fidrco  fXiydKoj — a  statement 
beset  with  difficulties,  discussed  by  Ussher,  mj 
I. ;  Vales,  in.  I.  Eus. ;  Noris,  u.  s. ;  Pagi,  a.  167  ; 
Ideler,  i.  419  ;  Ordo  Saedorum,  §  417  ;  Clinton, 
Fasti  Earn.  a.  166.  The  like  difficulties  attach 
to  the  date  given  in  the  3fart.  S.  Pionii,  c.  2 
(Ruinart,  Ada  Mart.  p.  140),  where  the  Natale 
of  St.  Polycarp  is  also  placed  oa  the  "  Great  Sab- 
bath," and  this  is  said  to  have  fallen  in  the  year 
251,  on  iv.  id.  Mart,  the  second  day  of  the  seventh 
Asian  month  {Ordo  Sued.  §  478).  The  latter 
dale  belongs  to  a  generalised  calendar,  in  which 
the  months  are  numbered,  not  named.  In  this 
the  first  month  corresponds  to  Dius,  and  there- 
fore the  seventh  to  Artemisius.  It  continued  in 
use  long  afterwards — as  may  be  seen  in  a  pas- 
chal discourse  included  among  the  Spuria  Opp. 
St.  Chrysost.  t.viii.  284  (a.d.  672-5,  e.xplained  by 
Ussher).  In  Eusebius,  de  Martyr.  Palacst.  app. 
to  //.  E.  viii.,  are  nine  double  dates,  some  with 
concurrent  week-days ;  these,  also  attended  with 
difficulties,  are  discussed  in  Ordo  Saed.  §  479. 
Here  the  calendar  is  that  rwv  '^W-qvwv,  fjroi 
'Xvfiuiv,  in  which  the  Macedonian  months  are  ab- 
solutely identical  with  the  Julian: 

CURIST.   ANT. — VOL.    II. 


7  Daesius,      vii  id.  Jun.  [=    7  June]    rifidpa    TeTpaSi, 
o-aji^aTOv. 
24  Dystrus,  ix  kal.  Apr.  [=  24  Mar.] 

2  Xantliicus,  iv.  non  Apr.  [=  2  Apr.]  rjfLepa  Trapao-xcv^s. 
20  Dius,  xil  kal.  Dec.  [=  20  Nov.]  Trpoaa^pdrov  rjiiepa. 

2  Xanthicus,  U.  S.  iv  aviyj  icvptajcjj  7jp.dpq, 

This  mode  of  reckoning  is  of  frequent  oc- 
currence, especially  in  connexion  with  the  Era 
of  the  Seleucidae.  Thus,  in  the  heading  of  the 
acts  of  the  Council  of  Nice  stands  "  year  636 
from  Alexander  [=Ae.  Sel.'],  in  the  month 
Daesius,  19th  day,  the  xiii.  Kal.  Jul."  [i.  e.  19th 
June,  A.D.  325].  Evagrius,  the  ecclesiastical 
historian,  uses  it,  as  does  John  Malala,  historian 
of  Antioch,  and  also  the  Paschal  Chronicle ;  and, 
as  may  be  seen  in  Assemani  (Bibl.  Orient.),  it 
constantly  occurs  in  dated  epigraphs  to  Sy- 
riac  MSS.  In  Epiphanius  {Haer.  li.  24;  p. 
446  Petav.),  we  have  an  accumulation  of  cor- 
respondences. Christ,  he  saj's,  was  born  6th 
.Tan.,  which  is  6  Maemakterion  of  Athenians 
(Ideler,  i.  361),  6  Audynaeus  "of  the  Greeks, 
i.e.  Syrians,"  11  Tybi  of  the  Egyptians  (  =  Alex- 
andrians), 14  Julus  of  the  Paphians,  5  of  the 
5th  month  of  the  Salaminians,  13  Atarta  of 
Cappadocians,  The  Lord's  baptism  he  dates 
8th  November,  which  is  7  Metageitnion  of 
Athenians  (Ideler,  u.  s.),  8  Dius  "of  Greeks, 
i.e.  Syrians,"  16  Apellaeus  of  Macedonians,  12 
Athyr  of  Egyptians  (Alexandrians),  16  Apo- 
gonieus  of  Paphians,  6  Choeak  of  Salaminians,  15 
Aratata  of  Cappadocians. 

The  fixed  Alexandrian  year — twelve  months 
of  thirty  days  each,  with  the  five  epagomenae  at 
the  year's  end  (24-28  Aug.),  and  a  sixth  at  the 
end  of  each  fourth  year,  so  arranged  that  the 
year  always  began  (1  Thoth)  on  29th  .\ugust — 
stood  its  ground  against  the  Julianized  Syro- 
Macedonian  year,  and  is  still  retained  by  Copts, 
Abyssiuians,  and  (some)  Armenians.  This  calen- 
dar runs  as  follows : 


1  Thoth          =  29  Aug. 

1  Pharmuthi   =  27  Mar. 

1  Phaophi      =  28  Sept. 

1  Paihon         =:  26  Apr. 
1  Pay  111            =  26  May. 

1  Athyr          =  28  Oct. 

1  Choeak        =  27  Nov. 

1  Epiphl         =  25  June. 

1  Tybi           =  27  Dec. 

1  Mesori          =  25  July. 

1  Mechir        =  26  Jan. 

1  Epagomenae=  24  Aug. 

1  Phainenoth=  25  Feb. 

{Ordo  Saecl.  }  401,  p.  460.) 

Of  this  form,  in  earlier  times,  were  variously 
modified  the  calendar  of  the  Arabians  (Bostra?), 
Gaza,  Ascalon,  Cappadocia,  Salamis  (in  Cyprus). 
For  the  discussion  of  these  matters  it  must  suffice 
here  to  refer  to  Ideler's  Handbuch  u.  s.  and  his 
authorities. 

This  multiplicity  of  month-reckonings  was 
felt,  the  more  the  Roman  world  was  Chris- 
tianized, to  be  incompatible  with  the  require- 
ments of  the  church  ;  and,  before  the  close  of 
our  period,  with  the  exception  of  Copts, 
Aethiopians  (Abyssinians),  and  (partially)  Ar- 
menians, whose  year  is  still  of  the  Alexandrine 
form,  all  the  churches  had  accepted  the  Julian 
method  (with  or  without  the  Roman  names), 
according  to  which  January,  March,  Jlay,  July, 
August,  October,  December  have  each  31  day.s, 
February  28,  in  leap  year  29,  and  each  of  the 
remaining  four  months,  30  days.  The  estab- 
lished Roman  notation  by  calends,  nones  and 
ides,  inconvenient  and  absurd  as  it  seems  to  us, 
was  long  retained — so  long,  in  fact,  as  Latin 
continued  to  be  the  only  written  language  in  the 
West.  Attempts,  indeed,  were  made  to  intro- 
4Q 


1316 


MONULPHUS 


duce  the  regular  numerical  count  of  month-days, 
as  by  Gregory  the  Great  at  the  close  of  the 
Gth  century.  Of  earlier  times,  there  is  a  frag- 
ment of  a  Gothic  calendar  (4th  century)  in 
which  the  month-days  are  numbered  (Jlai, 
Script.  Vet.  Nov.  Collect,  v.  i.  QQ).  la  the  By- 
zantine church,  the  numerical  way  of  dating 
began  to  be  used  in  the  7th  century.  It  ap- 
pears, together  with  the  old  way,  in  the  Paschal 
Chronicle  ;  but  in  the  same  century  the  em- 
peror Heraclius,  in  a  chronological  writing  of 
his,  keeps  to  the  old  method,  which  continues  to 
be  used  in  numerous  TratrxaA'a  of  later  times; 
Georgius  Syncellus  (end  of  8th  century)  employs 
only  the  new  reckoning.  [H.  B.]  ^ 

MONULPHUS,  bishop  of  Utrecht  in  the  6th 
century;  commemorated  July  16  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
July,  iv.  152).  [C.  H.] 

MOON.  The  moon  does  not  appear  in 
Aringhi's  '  Index  of  Christian  Symbols,'  nor  does 
the  present  writer  know  of  her  being  used  as  a 
Christian  emblem  until  the  6th  century,  when 
the  crucifixion  began  to  be  a  common  subject  of 
representation,  and  the  sun  and  moon  of  course 
formed  a  part  of  it.  [See  Crucifix.]  The  latter 
appears  as  a  crescent  or  female  figure,  or  as 
either,  holding  or  containing  the  other,  or  as  a 
face.  In  the  crucifixion  of  the  Laurentian  WS. 
she  is  a  crescent  within  a  round  disk,  and  there 
is  a  very  singular  picture  in  tab.  v.  of  that  MS. 
(Assemani  Catalog.  Bibl.  Medic.')  of  a  partial 
and  total  eclipse  of  the  sun,  which  seems  to  re- 
present the  moon  as  a  white  disk  and  face,  and 
also  as  a  black  disk  marked  with  the  crescent. 
See  the  crosses  and  ivory  plaque,  Mozzoni,  sec.  8. 
The  associations  of  Asiatic  and  Egyptian  paganry 
may  easily  account  for  the  omission  of  the  moon 
from  Chi-istian  art  for  the  first  three  or  four  cen- 
turies. The  Mithraic  worships  prevalent  in  Rome 
in  the  earlier  centuries  must  have  included  the 
moon  as  well  as  the  sun.  See  the  Abb(5  Auber's 
Symholisme  Beligieux,  vol.  i.  p.  169.  Even  in 
the  many  arabesques  of  vaultings  in  Bosio's 
plates,  the  writer  :an  find  no  use  of  the  disk 
or  the  crescent  as  ornament,  though  in  the 
earlier  basilicas  and  memorial  churches,  where 
roofs  were  sown  with  stars  (as  notably  in  the 
chapel  of  Galla  Placidia  at  Ravenna),  the  moon 
may  also  have  occurred.  The  great  Apocalyptic 
mosaics  would  allow  the  presence  of  the  sun  and 
moon  in  the  Lord's  hand ;  as  also  some  Old- 
Testament  subjects,  as  the  oth-centurj'  mosaic  of 
Joshua  in  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore  at  Rome,  the 
Vienna  Greek  MS.  of  Genesis  (4th  or  5th  cen- 
tury) in  a  dream  of  Joseph  (D'Agincourt,  pi. 
xix.,  and  compare  Vatican  Virgil,  pi.  xx.).  But 
they  seem  to  have  been  held  in  earlier  times  to 
be  a  part  of  the  idolatrous  symbolism  against 
which  TertuUian  protested  so  decidedly  in  his 
treatise  '  De  Idololatria  ';  and  to  have  been  neces- 
sarily banished  from  the  Christian  Church 
wherever  there  was  danger  of  confounding 
pagan  rites  with  her  own.  The  moon  does  not 
occur  in  Garrucci's  or  Buonarotti's  Veiri.  The 
classical  enthusiasm  of  the  Carlovingian  period, 
both  English  and  Frank,  seems  to  have  accepted 

•>  Thla  article  had  not  the  advantage  of  Mr.  Browne's 
final  revision,  liaving  been  left  in  MS.  at  his  deaih.— 
[Edd.] 


MOON 

solar  and  lunar  imagery  with  equal  readiness, 
both  being  now  fully  allowed  in  the  cruci- 
fixions and  Apocalyptic  pictures.  The  former 
Saxon  worship  of  sun  and  moon  seems  to  have 
haunted  the  minds  of  northern  Christianity  very 
little,  and  the  symbols  of  both  seem  to  have  been 
so  freely  used  in  crucifixions  as  to  be  considered 
safe  anywhere.  Sometimes  personifications 
occur,  such  as  those  in  the  Cottonian  Aratus 
(^B.  Mus.  Tiberius,  B.  5  ;  Westwood,  Anglo-Saxon 
and  Irish  MSS.  pi.  48).  There  is  a  very  inte- 
resting miniature  of  chariots  of  the  sun  and 
moon  in  Count  Vivian's  Bible,  middle  9th 
century  (Bastard,  Peintures  des  Manuscrits,  vol. 
ii ;  see  woodcut),  and  a  Franco-Saxon  JIS.  in 
the  same  volume  contains  a  crucifixion  with  a 
crescented  Diana's  head,  as  moon,  on  a  medallion. 


From  the  Bible  of  Count  Vivian. 

It  seems  impossible,  to  connect  Egyptian  luunr 
symbolisms  of  the  horned  Isis  with  any  Christian 
emblem.  But  a  twofold  allegory  was  con- 
nected with  the  idea  of  the  moon  from  the 
days  of  Augustine  at  least.  He  speaks  of  her 
as  representing  the  church  (Enarr.  in  Ps.  x.). 
"  Luna  in  allegoria  significat  ecclesiam,  quod 
ex  parte  spiritali  lucet  ecclesia,  ex  parte  autem 
carnali  obscura  est.  Alii  dicunt  non  habere 
lunam  lumen  proprium,  sed  a  sole  illustrari. 
Ergo  luna  intelligitur  ecclesia,  quod  suum 
lumen  non  habeat,  sed  ab  Unigenito  Dei  Filio, 
qui  multis  locis  in  SS.  allegoriae  sol  appollatu> 
est,  illustratur."  One  of  the  latest  and  most 
beautiful  repetitions  or  echoes  of  this  idea  is 
the  well-known  passage  in  the  '  Christian  Year,' 
beginning  "The  moon  above,  the  church  below." 

The  presence  of  the  sun  and  moon  in  cruci- 
fixions may  be  accounted  for  as  representing  the 
darkness  which  prevailed  at  the  Lord's  death  ; 
but  it  seems  that  it  gave  occasion  in  later  days 
to  the  idea  of  the  moon's  representing  the 
synagogue,  or  Hebrew  church.  St.  Gregory  the 
Great  takes  her  to  represent  the  frailty  and 
decay  of  the  flesh  (Li  Evang.  S.  Lucae,  Jloin.  2.) 

The  Turkish  use  of  the  crescent  after  14G3 
was  the  adoption  of  the  ancient  symbol  of  the 
city  of  Byzantium,  which  was  probably  more 
welcome  to  them  as  unconnected  with  any 
Christian  association.  It  is  found  on  Byzantine 
coins  (]\Iionnct,  Dcscr.  des  Me'daiUes,  vol.  i.  p. 
378),  and  dates  from  a  repulse  given  to  Philip  of 


MOON 

Jlacedon,  about  B.C.  340,  when  a  mysterious 
li-ht,  attributed  to  Hecate,  warned  the  city  of  a 
ui""-ht  attacli.  (See  von  Hammer,  Gesch.  der 
vlnan.  vol.  i.  p.  93.)  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MOON,  SUPERSTITIUOS  OBSERV- 
ANCE OF.  The  practice  of  blowing  horns, 
siiouting,  and  so  on,  during  eclipses  of  the  moon, 
to  defend  those  doing  it  from  witchcraft,  was 
well-known  to  the  nations  of  antiquity.  Juvenal 
{Satir.  vi.  442)  refers  to  it : 

"  Jam  nemo  tubas,  nemo  aera  fatiget : 
Una  laboranti  poterit  subcurrere  Umae." 

Jt  was  an  old  custom  therefore,  which  lingered 
on  long  after  the  introduction  of  Christianity, 
•lud  was  reprehended  by  more  than  one  of  the 
fathers.  A  sermon  attributed  to  St.  Augustine 
(Senn.  215,  De  Tempore)  details,  in  order  to 
<lonounce  and  forbid,  this  among  other  super- 
^titious  practices.  Ducange  quotes  a  MS. 
I'ljenitential,  which  says :  "  Si  observasti  tradi- 
tiones  paganorum,  quas  quasi  haereditario  jure, 
vliabolo  subministrante  usque  in  hos  dies 
patres  filiis  reliquerunt,  id  est,  ut  elementa, 
colores,  lunam,  solem,  aut  stellarum  cursum, 
novam  lunam,  aut  defectum  lunae,  ut  tuis 
clamoribus  aut  auxilio  splendorem  ejus  re- 
^taurare,  valeres,"  etc.  And  in  a  Life  of  St. 
Eligius  (c.  15)  we  find:  "  Nullus  si  quando 
luna  obscuratur,  vociferare  praesumat,  quia 
Deo  jubente  certis  temporibus  obscuratur." 
The  practice  seems,  indeed,  to  have  been  com- 
mon to  all  savage  nations,  and  not  to  have  died 
out  in  Europe  up  to  the  ninth  century.  [Compare 
New  JIoox.]  [S.  J.  E.] 

MOPSUESTIA,  COUNCIL  OF  {Mop- 
suestenum  Concilium),  held  by  order  <)f  the 
emperor  Justinian,  A.D.  550,  to  make  enquiry 
whether  the  name  of  Theodore,  formerly  bishop 
of  ;Mopsuestia,  whose  writings  were  comprised 
in  the  celebrated  three  chapters  afterwards  con- 
demned by  the  fifth  council,  had  ever  been  on 
the  sacred  diptychs  or  not.  Its  acts  arc  pre- 
served in  the  fifth  session  of  that  council. 
(Mansi,  ix.  150  and  274-17.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MORGENGABE  (German).  A  gift  by  a 
husband  to  his  wife  on  the  day  after  marriage. 
Gregory  of  Tours  {Hist.  Franc,  ix.  20)  says  of 
it,  "  tarn  in  dote,  quam  in  morgengabe,  hoc  est, 
inatutinali  dono,  certum  est  adaequasse  "  (Macri 
Hicrolex.  s.  v.).  [C] 

MORLAIX,COUNCIL  OF  (^Marlacense  Con- 
cilium), held  at  Morlaix  in  the  diocese  of  Toul,  or 
Marie,  near  Paris,  A.D.  677,  under  king  Theo- 
<loric,  whose  ordinance  relating  to  it  is  extant ; 
when  Chramlin,  bishop  of  Embrun,  was  deposed, 
,nnd  at  which  Mansi  thinks  St.  Leodegar  or  Leger 
exhibited  his  last  will  and  testament  (xi.  163 
and  171).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MORNING  PRAYER.  [Hours  of 
Prayer  ;  Office,  the  Divine.] 

MORTAL  AND  VENIAL  SINS.  The 
lirst  among  the  early  Christian  writers  who 
makes  such  a  distinction  is  Tertullian.  He  ranks 
among  capital  sins — idolatry,  blasphemy,  mur- 
i  der,  adultery,  violation,  false  witness,  fraud, 
[  which  seven  he  fancifully  connects  with  the 
sevenfold  dipping  in  the   river  Jordan:   "  Sep- 


MORTAL  AND  VENIAL  SINS      1317 

torn  maculis  capitalium  delictorum  inhorrerent, 
idololatria,  blasphemia,  homicidio,  adulterio, 
stupro,  falso  testimonio,  fraude  "  {Adv.  Marcion. 
lib.  iv.  cap.  9).  Similarly,  in  De  Idololatria, 
cap.  1.  And  in  De  Patientia,  cap.  5,  after  a 
similar  list,  he  adds  :  "  Haec  ut  principalia  penes 
Dominum  delicta."  (This  word  delicta  is,  ap- 
parently, with  him,  a  general  term  for  offences, 
and  dependent  on  the  particular  appellative  ad- 
joined to  it  for  the  degree  of  gravity  to  be  at- 
tached to  its  meaning.  In  St.  Augustine  and  later 
writers,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  used  by  itself  foi- 
grave  crimes.  See  Pamelius's  comment  on  this 
passage,  p.  147,  n.  40.)  In  the  same  manner  he 
ranks  among  the  number  of  daily  or  little  sins 
anger,  evil  speaking,  a  blow  struck,  a  vain 
oath,  a  failure  to  fulfil  a  promise,  a  lie  caused 
by  shame  or  necessity :  "  Quod  sint  quaedam  de- 
licta quotidianae  incursionis,  quibus  omnes  simus 
objecti.  Cui  enim  non  accidit,  aut  irasci  inique, 
et  ultra  solis  occasum,  aut  et  manum  immittere, 
aut  facile  maledicere,  aut  temere  jurare,  aut 
fidem  jiacti  destruere,  aut  verecundia  aut  neces- 
sitate mentiri?  In  negotiis,  in  officiis,  in 
quaestu,  in  victu,  in  visu,  in  auditu,  quanta 
tentamur,  ut  si  nulla  sit  venia  istorum,  nemini 
salus  competat.  Sunt  autem  et  contraria  istis, 
ut  graviora  et  exitiosa,  quae  veniam  non  capiant, 
homicidium,  idololatria,  fraus,  negatio,  blas- 
phemia, utique  et  moechia  et  fornicatio,  et  si 
qua  alia  violatio  templi  Dei"  {De  Pudicit.  c. 
19).  And  he  draws  the  distinction  sharply  be- 
tween the  great  and  the  small  in  cap.  18, 
"  quae  aut  levioribus  delictis  veniam  ab  epi- 
scopo  consequi  poterit,  aut  majoribus  et  irre- 
missibilibus  a  Uco  solo."  As  to  penance  there 
was  a  milder  party  and  a  more  rigid  ;  the  latter 
maintaining  that  no  "  locus  poenitentiae  "  should 
be  allowed  to  certam  classes  of  offenders  ;  and 
this  difierence  of  opmion  was  one  of  the  causes  of 
the  Novatian  and  other  schisms.  [Penitence.] 
St.  Cyprian  calls  adultery,  fraud,  murder, 
mortal  crimes  ("  adulterium,  fraus,  homicidium, 
mortale  crimen  est ")  (Ih  Bono  Paticntiae,  c.  5). 
Origen  declares  that  r,here  are  mortal  sins 
which  are  not  in  the  rank  of  great  sins  {Horn. 
XV.  in  Levit.) ;  but  there  is  a  doubt  whether  the 
passage  should  be  read  culpa  mortalis  or  moralis. 
In  his  sixth  conmientary  on  St.  Matthew,  he 
mentions  evil  speaking,  lying,  idle  words,  in- 
temperance, as  slighter  sins,  and  such  as  murder 
and  adultery  as  greater. 

St.  Augustine  distinguishes  more  accurately 
three  classes  of  sins:  "There  are  some  sins  so 
great  that  they  are  to  be  punished  with  excom- 
munication; there  are  others  for  which  this 
remedy  is  not  necessary,  but  they  may  be 
healed  by  the  medicines  of  chastisements  ;  and, 
lastly,  there  are  some  which  are  very  light, 
from  which  no  man  is  free  in  this  life,  for  which 
we  have  left  us  a  daily  cure  in  that  prayer, 
Forgive  us  our  trespasses,"  etc. — "nisi  essent 
quaedam  ita  gravia,  ut  etiam  excommunications 
plectenda  sint,  non  diceret  apostolus;  congre- 
gatis  vobis  et  meo  spiritu,  tradere  ejusmodi 
hominem  Satanae,  etc.  Item  nisi  essent  quae- 
dam non  ea  humilitate  poenitentiae  sananda, 
quales  in  ecclesia  datur  eis  qui  propric  poeni- 
tentes  vocantur,  sed  quibusdam  correptionum 
medicamentis,  non  diceret  ipse  Dominus,  Cor- 
ripe  inter  te  et  ipsum  solum,  etc.  Postremo, 
nisi  essent  quaedam,  sine  qui'ous  haec  vita  non 
4Q2 


1318    MORTAL  AND  VENIAL  SINS 

agitur,  non  quotidianam  medelam  poneret  in 
oratione  quam  docuit,  ut  dicamus,  Dimitte 
nobis  debita  nostra  "  (^De  Fide  et  OpeHbus,  cap. 
26).  Many  other  passages  might  be  quoted 
from  this  father,  and  all  to  the  same  efleot.  To 
the  above  may  be  added  that  St.  Gregory 
(Moral,  lib.  xii.  c.  9)  distinguishes  between 
peccatum  and  crimen,  as  does  St.  Augustine, 
making  the  first  to  mean  such  sins  as  are  for- 
given daily,  upon  repentance  and  prayer  ;  and 
the  second  to  mean  flagrant  crimes,  to  be 
punished  by  public  penance.  The  general  con- 
clusions to  be  drawn  from  these  and  other  de- 
clarations may  be  stated  thus : 

That  all  sins  were  deadly  to  the  soul :  not  merely 
those  called  great,  mortal,  capital,  or  deadly  sins, 
but  also  those  known  as  small,  light,  or  venial. 
These  St.  Augustine,  in  the  treatise  last  quoted, 
goes  on  to  say,  destroy  the  soul  by  reason  of 
their  number.  They-  are  like  the  small  drops 
which  fill  a  river,  or  the  grains  of  sand  which, 
although  they  are  small  individually,  will 
oppress  and  weigh  us  down ;  or  as  the  bilge  of  a 
ship  which,  if  neglected,  will  swamp  the  vessel 
as  surely  as  the  greatest  wave,  "  by  long  entering 
and  never  being  drained." 

That  it  was  not  all  mortal  or  deadly  sins,  but 
only  sins  of  a  public  and  heinous  nature,  which 
gave  public  scandal,  that  were  put  to  public 
penance  for  a  longer  or  shorter  time.  St. 
Gregory  Nyssen,  in  his  Letter  to  Letoius,  gives 
a  list  of  such  publicly  punished  sins,  among 
which  he  mentions  idolatry,  Judaism,  Mani- 
chaeism  and  heresy,  magic,  witchcraft,  and  di- 
vination ;  adultery  and  fornication ;  public  and 
violent  robbery,  and  murder.  All  these  might 
be  put  to  penance  of  various  degrees,  and  then 
the  offender  might  be  re-admitted  ;  but  it  would 
seem  that  penance  was  permitted  only  once, 
and  that  there  were  a  multitude  of  other  sins 
for  which  public  penance  was  not  imposed, 
•which  were,  nevertheless,  entirely  distinguished 
from  venial  or  less  grave  offences. 

Idolatry  was  considered,  in  the  early  church, 
the  greatest  of  all  sins.  A  letter  found  among 
the  works  of  St.  Cyprian,  and  purporting  to  be 
from  the  clergy  of  Rome  to  him,  calls  it  "  grande 
delictum.  Ingens  et  supra  omnia  peccatum  " 
(Ep.  31);  and  Cyprian,  in  a  letter  to  his  own 
clergy,  agrees  that  it  is  "  summum  delictum  " — 
the  sin  against  the  Holy  Ghost,  which  he  who 
commits  "  non  habebit  remissam,  sed  reus  est 
aeterni  peccati  "  {Ep.  10).  But  here  he  is 
speaking  of  apostates. 

The  councils  do  not,  apparently,  treat  of  this 
distinction  specifically.  There  are  many  pro- 
visions as  to  the  degree  of  penance  for  particu- 
lar offences,  but  no  attempt  at  a  general  classi- 
fication. But  yet  they  recognized  this  dis- 
tinction between  classes  of  sins,  which,  indeed, 
■was  one  that  could  not  be  overlooked.  The 
Council  of  Agde  (a.d.  506)  forbade  the  excom- 
munication of  persons  for  slight  causes  (can. 
3).  Similarly,  the  fifth  council  of  Orleans, 
c.  2  (A.D.  549),  has  a  provision  that  no  per- 
son of  right  faith  should  be  cut  off  from  com- 
munion for  slight  causes,  but  only  for  those 
offences  deemed  worthy  of  excommunication  by 
the  fathers  [EXCOMMUNICATION;  Penitence]. 
Bingham  refers  to  a  similar  provision  made  by 
the  Council  of  Clermont  in  its  second  canon,  but 
this  is,  apparently,  an  error.  [S.  J.  E.] 


MORTIFICATION 

MORTIFICATION  {mortificatio,  v^Kpoicns). 
Under  this  head  it  is  intended  to  give  some 
account  of  the  practices  adopted  at  various  times 
by  Christians,  to  "  mortify  "  or  deaden  "  their 
members  which  are  upon  the  earth."  A  general 
account  of  the  progress  of  ascetic  ideas  has 
already  been  given  under  AsCETiCiSii. 

I.  Mortification  in  regard  to  Bathing, 
Clothes,  Shelter,  Rest,  and  Food. — To  cast 
ashes  upon  the  head,  to  abstain  from  bathing 
and  even  from  washing,  to  lie  on  the  bare  ground, 
to  wear  dirty  and  ragged  clothing — all  these  were 
methods  of  mortification  practised  by  various 
ascetics.  Jerome,  for  instance  (Epist.  77  ad 
Ocean,  c.  4),  describes  the  dishevelled  hair,  the 
sallow  face,  the  dirty  hands,  the  unclean  neck, 
of  Fabiola  performing  her  penance  ;  of  himself 
he  says  (Epist.  22  ad  Eustoch.  c.  7)  that  his  limbs 
were  scarred  and  rough  with  the  use  of  sack- 
cloth, while  his  unwashed  skin  was  black  as 
that  of  an  Ethiopian ;  and  again  {Epist.  14  ad 
Heliod.  c.  10)  he  asks,  what  need  there  can  be 
for  one  who  is  washed  in  Christ  ever  to  wash 
again  ?  Palladius  {Lausiaca,  cc.  142,  143)  relates 
of  the  anchoret  Sylvania,  that  for  sixty  years 
she  never  washed,  except  her  hands  for  the  re- 
ception of  the  Eucharist.  Even  at  a  much  earlier 
period,  Hegesippus  relates  of  St.  James  the  Just 
'in  Euseb.  H.  E.  ii.  23)  that  he  neither  anointed 
himself  with  oil  nor  used  the  bath.  Several  of 
the  early  rules  of  nuns,  as  those  of  Augustine 
(c.  12),  Caesarius  (c.  29),  Leandcr  (c.  10),  dis- 
courage the  use  of  the  bath,  as  an  indulgence 
only  to  be  granted  to  sick  persons.  Jerome 
refers  (Epist.  77,  c.  2)  to  Fabiola's  deliberate 
preference  of  the  poorest  and  meanest  clothes  to 
robes  of  silk,  and  (Epist.  54  ad  Furiam,  c.  7) 
deliberately  lays  down  the  principle,  that 
the  fouler  a  penitent  is,  the  fairer  is  he  — 
"poenitens  quo  faedior,  eo  pulchrior."  Some 
ascetics  allowed  the  hair  to  grow  unkempt  and 
uncared  for  ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  cutting  off 
the  hair  of  the  head  was  practised  as  an  ascetic 
disfigurement,  a  very  wide-spread  custom,  as  au 
indication  of  mourning  [Hair,  Wearing  of, 
p.  755  ;  Tonsure].  It  was  naturally  a  special 
mortification  for  women ;  in  the  4th  century 
(a.d.  370)  the  Council  of  Gangra  (c.  17)  anathe- 
matizes women  who  cut  oft  their  hair  from 
mistaken  asceticism.  At  about  the  same  period 
Jerome  {Epist.  147  ad  Sabinianum)  testifies  that 
virgins  or  widows  on  entering  a  nunnery  offered 
their  hair  to  be  cut  off  by  the  superior.  Optatus 
of  Mileve  {de  Schism.  Donat.  i.  6)  and  Ambrose 
{ad  Virg.  Lapsam,  c.  8)  blame  the  custom,  which 
evidently  existed  in  the  Western  as  well  as  the 
Eastern  churches,  of  nuns  cutting  their  hair  on 
entrance  into  a  convent.  In  the  capitularies  of 
Charles  the  Great  (vii.  c.  310)  the  cutting  off 
the  hair  is  only  prescribed  for  penitents.  Some- 
what different  from  the  purely  ascetic  view  is 
the  cutting  off  her  hair  by  a  woman  to  avoid  the 
love  of  a  particular  person  (Isidore  of  Pelusium, 
Epist.  ii.  53  ;  compare  Mabillon,  Acta  SS.  Bcned. 
ii.  592). 

The  early  Christian  Fathers  earnestly  protest, 
as  is  natural  and  right,  against  luxury  and 
ostentation  in  dress  ;  but  the  fury  of  asceticism 
sometimes  went  far  beyond  all  moderation. 
Some  fanatics  passed  their  lives  in  absolute 
nakedness,  like  that  hermit  of  the  Sketic  Desert, 
the  sight  of  whom  convinced  Macarius  that  he 


MORTIFICATION 

had  not  attained  the  highest  pitch  of  ascetic 
austerity  ;  the  Boo-koi  or  "  Grazers  "  were  pro- 
bably not  very  far  removed  from  this  state 
(Sozom.  H.E.  vi.  33  ;  Evagrius,  i.  21).  Sulpicius 
Severus  {Dial.  i.  17)  mentions  a  monk  of  Sinai 
■who  for  fifty  years  had  no  other  clothing  than 
his  own  hair ;  and  the  like  is  reported  of 
Onuphrius  and  Sophronius,  and  many  others.  In 
the  West  too,  similar  aberrations  are  recorded  ; 
the  famous  Spanish  monk  Fructuosus  (f  675), 
for  instance,  is  said  to  have  lived  for  a  long 
period  of  penance  in  a  cave,  like  a  wild  beast 
(T'lYa  S.  Fructuosi,  in  Acta  SS.  April  16;  ii. 
p.  432).  A  common  method  of  producing  dis- 
comfort was  wearing  next  the  skin  the  rough 
Haircloth,  of  which  sacks  were  commonly 
made.     [Sackcloth.] 

Going  barefoot  was  from  ancient  tiiiios  au 
ascetic  practice.     [Shoes.] 

Attempts  to  confine  sleep  and  necessary  rest 
within  the  narrowest  possible  limits  have  been 
made  so  long  as  ascetic  life  has  been  practised  at 
all.  Many  of  the  ancient  Egyptian  hermits 
.attempted  to  banish  sleep  for  long  periods,  either 
by  standing  in  prayer  or  by  various  kinds  of 
bodily  exertion.  M'acarius,  the  younger,  is  said 
to  have  succeeded  in  remaining  without  shelter 
and  without  sleep  for  twenty  da3's  and  nights 
^Palladii  Laus.  c.  20,  p.  722).  Dorotheus  the 
Theban  carried  stones  all  day  long  for  the  build- 
ing of  cells,  and  at  night  employed  himself  in 
making  ropes  of  palm-bark,  never  lying  down 
to  rest  (Laus.  c.  2).  The  "  adamantine  "  Origen 
attempted  to  banish  sleep  by  hard  study.  The 
jiionks  of  Tabennae,  under  the  rule  of  Pachomius 
{art.  50),  slept  in  a  kind  of  coffin,  so  arranged  that 
■they  were  unable  to  lie  down  at  full  length  ; 
■others,  mentioned  by  Cassian  (Collat.  i.  23 ; 
xviii.  1 ;  Instit.  iv.  13),  used  for  beds  only  mats 
.{inattae,  xpiadoi)  of  reeds  or  straw.  The  more 
rigorous  ascetics  lay  on  the  bare  ground  ;  thus 
Jerome  says  of  himscU  (Epist.  22,  ad  Eustoch. 
■c.  7),  that  when  sleep  crept  over  him  in  spite  of 
himself,  he  dashed  his  skeleton  frame  on  the 
ground ;  and  Paulinus  tells  us  of  St.  JIartin 
of  Tours  {Vita,  iv.  72)  that  the  bare  ground 
sufficed  for  his  light  slumbers.  Nor  were  the 
feebler  sex  wanting  in  such  austerities ;  Gregory 
of  Nazianzus  tells  us  (Oraf.  11  [al.  8],  c.  13)  how 
his  sister  Gorgonia  laid  her  tender  limbs  on  the 
ground ;  and  Jerome  glorifies  his  friend  Paula 
{^Epist.  108,  c.  15)  for  refusing  the  indulgence  of 
&  bed  even  in  severe  fever,  and  choosing  to  sleep 
•on  the  hard  earth,  with  sackcloth  spread  under 
lier.  Benedict  allowed  for  his  monks  {Ecgitla, 
c.  55)  a  mat,  a  blanket,  a  rug,  and  a  pillow 
.(matta,  sagum,  laena,  et  capitale);  they  were 
to  sleep  in  their  clothes  and  girdles  {Beg.  c.  22). 
Benedict's  rule  furnished  the  general  type  of 
monkish  bedding  for  many  generations.  In  all 
monasteries  sleep  was  abbreviated  by  the  neces- 
sity of  rising  for  the  offices  of  the  night  or  early 
unorning  [HouES  OF  Prayer;  Vigils]. 

The  custom  of  living  without  any  habitation 
whatever  began,  as  was  natural,  in  those  regions  of 
the  East,  where  for  the  greater  part  of  the  year  it  is 
possible  to  pass  the  night  in  the  open  air  without 
risk.  Theodoret  {Hist.  Eel.)  gives  many  examples 
of  hermits  of  Syria,  Palestine,  Arabia,  and  Meso- 
potamia, who  spent  their  lives  in  the  manner  of 
John  the  Baptist  in  the  wilderness.  Even 
sworaen  endured  this  rude  life,  as  Marana  and 


MORTIFICATION 


1319 


Cyra  (Theod.  H.  R.  c.  29),  and  the  probably 
fabulous  Mary  of  Egypt,  who  is  said  (Rosweyd's 
Vitae  Patrum,  i.  18,  p.  388)  to  have  passed  forty- 
seven  years  in  the  wilderness  to  the  east  of 
Jordan  without  the  shelter  of  a  roof  and  without 
intercourse  with  mankind.  Many  ascetics  exposed 
themselves  on  bare  rocks  or  peaks  of  mountains, 
or  on  pillars  built  for  the  purpose,  to  the  heat 
of  the  sun  and  to  al!  the  winds  of  Heaven. 
Pillar  saints  were  divided  into  (rrvKlrai  and 
Kiovlrai,  the  former  of  whom  lived  on  the  bare 
platform  which  formed  the  capital  of  the  pillar, 
while  the  latter  had  a  hut  constructed  for  slielter. 
Some  hermits  lived  on  trees  {Biv^piTai),  as 
Addas  of  iMesopotamia  (Moschus,  Fratum  Sjjirit. 
c.  70);  many  lived  in  caves  {crirrjXaicoTaL),  as  the 
Egyptian  monks  Elias,  Pityrion,  Solomon,  Doro- 
theus, Capito,  and  Elpidius  (Palladius,  Laus,  cc. 
51,  74,  96-99)  ;  some  submitted  to  be  walled  up 
in  their  narrow  dwellings  {xaffToi,  iyKKetcTToi, 
reclusi),  as  Salamanus  (Theod.  H.  B.  c.  19)  and 
Macarius  Romanus  {Vita,  c.  21,  in  Rosweyd 
Vitae  Putriim,  p.  230)  ;  the  latter  believed  that 
he  continued  at  least  three  years  in  this  con- 
dition, but  the  whole  narrative  shews  a  dis- 
ordered mind.  In  the  more  rigorous  climate  of 
Western  Europe  the  kind  of  exposure  which  is 
possible  in  Egypt  and  Palestine  was  soon  dis- 
covered to  be  destructive  to  life;  hence  in  this 
region  even  cave-dwellers  are  comparatively 
rare  ;  hermits  could  not  exist  without  some  kind 
of  shelter,  however  scanty.  Recluses  were,  how- 
ever, not  very  uncommon. 

Insufficient  or  distasteful  food  is  a  very 
common  form  of  mortification.  For  the  prin- 
cipal ecclesiastical  prescriptions  as  to  time  and 
manner  of  fasting,  see  Fasting,  Lent,  Stationes. 
With  regard  to  the  fasting  of  professed  ascetics, 
we  may  remark  that  a  much  greater  rigour  of 
abstinence  is  possible  in  the  milder  regions  of 
the  East  than  in  our  ruder  climate.  Several 
Eastern  ascetics  lived  wholly  on  uncooked  food, 
as  {e.g.)  Ammonius  {Hist.  Lausiaca,  c.  12,  p.  716  ; 
Apollo,  ib.  c.  52,  p.  742).  The  principal  founders 
of  Eastern  Monachism — Anthony,  Hilarion,  and 
Pachomius — wei-e  men  of  excessively  mortified 
life ;  the  latter  was  taught  by  his  master, 
Palaemon,  to  maintain  life  on  bread  and  salt 
alone,  without  oil  or  wine  ( Vita,  c.  6,  in 
Rosweyd,  p.  115);  but  they  did  not  seek  to 
compel  their  monks  to  emulate  their  own 
austerity.  Pachomius  forbade  his  monks  to 
use  wine  and  "  liquamen,"  but  he  allowed  them 
daily,  at  least,  one  meal  of  cooked  food,  with 
rations  of  bread,  that  they  might  be  able  to 
endure  their  labour  {Vita,  c.  22).  Flesh  meat 
was  in  no  case  included  in  the  viands — not  an 
insupportable  hardship  in  the  climate  of  Egypt ; 
the  bread  was  the  "  paximatium  "* — the  twice 
baked  bread  or  biscuit — which  Cassian  {Collat.  ii. 
19)  informs  us  was  the  usual  food  of  the 
Egyptian  hermits  of  his  time.  The  daily  allow- 
ance for  a  monk  was  (according  to  Cassian)  two 
cakes  of  this  bread,  weighing  together  about  a 
pound  troy.  On  fast  days  only  half  this  allow- 
ance was  issued.  In  Lent  we  read  of  some  of 
the  monks  of  Tabennae  fasting  for  two,  three, 
or  even  five  days  without  intermission.  The 
younger  Macarius  is  said  to  have  taken  no  more 
than  four  or  five  ounces  of  bread  daily  {Lausiaoa, 


See  Alteserrae  Asceticou,  v.  Ii. 


1320 


MORTIFICATION 


c.  20,  p.  72'2)  ;  Hilarion  to  have  lived  from  his 
thirty-first  to  his  thirty-fifth  year  on  a  daily 
allowance  of  about  six  ounces  of  barley  bread 
(Jerome,  Vita  JUL  c.  6) ;  Marcianus  of  Cyrus, 
on  the  Euphrates,  to  have  taken  no  other  food  in 
a  day  than  his  evening  meal  of  three  ounces  of 
bread  (Theodoret,  Hist.  Bel.  c.  3).  In  a  colder 
and  damper  climate  such  excessive  abstinence 
was,  of  course,  impracticable.  '•  We  are  Gauls," 
said  the  monks  of  St.  Martin  (Sulpic.  Severus, 
Dial.  i.  4,  §  6),  "  and  it  is  inhuman  to  compel  us 
to  live  like  angels."  Such  considerations  probably 
comijelled  Benedict,  in  drawing  up  his  statutes 
for  the  monastery  of  Monte  Cassino,  to  content 
himself  with  a  moderate  dietary;  the  scanty 
portion  of  bread  on  which  an  exceptional  person 
like  Macarius  subsisted  was  not  to  be  the  rule 
for  a  whole  community.  He  allowed  {Reg.  c.  39) 
a  pound  of  bread  for  each  man  per  day,  with  two 
different  "  made  dishes  "  (cocta  duo  pulmentaria), 
that  if  any  man  could  not  eat  the  one  he  might 
take  the  other.  When  fruit  or  fresh  pulse  was 
to  be  had,  a  third  course  of  these  might  be  added. 
In  case  of  unusually  hard  labour,  the  abbat 
might  order  a  more  generous  diet.  The  flesh  of 
four-footed  beasts  was  altogether  forbidden, 
except  for  the  sick  and  infirm  ;  fish  and  fowl 
were  allowed.  With  regard  to  wine,  Benedict 
believed  that  one  "  hemina " — about  half  an 
English  pint — of  wine  per  day  was  sufficient  for 
each  man ;  but,  though  he  allowed  this,  he 
evidently  preferred  total  abstinence  {Eeg.  c.  40). 
The  rule  of  St.  Benedict  became  the  standard  of 
Western  monachism,  which,  however,  constantly 
tended  to  fall  away  from  the  severity  of  its  first 
estate,  and  was  from  time  to  time  recalled  to  its 
old  rigour,  or  even  more  than  its  old  rigour,  by 
such  reformers  as  Benedict  of  Aniane. 

Abstinence  from  wine  was  commonly  practised 
by  ascetics.  Clement  of  Alexandria  {Strom,  vii. 
c.  6,  p.  850)  deprecates  the  use  of  wine  by  the 
Christian  sage,  and  he  does  also  that  of  flesh  ; 
abstinence  from  wine  is  one  of  the  practices 
which  Eusebius  (//.  E.  vi.  3,  §  12)  mentions  as 
having  injured  the  health  of  the  ascetic  Origen. 
Some  of  the  Gnostic  sects  abstained  altogether 
from  wine,  and  the  Encratites,  in  particular, 
thought  it  the  "  blood  of  the  evil  spirit." 

II.  Special  kinds  of  JIortification. — 1. 
Use  of  the  Cross.  Among  the  methods  of  morti- 
fication must  be  included  the  stamping  or 
impressing  crosses  on  the  flesh  in  a  painful 
manner,  the  expanding  the  arms  in  the  attitude 
of  one  crucified,  and  the  bearing  a  heavy  cross  of 
wood. 

The  first  of  these  may  perhaps  have  originated 
from  a  literal  interpretation  of  the  expression  of 
St.  Paul  (Gal.  vi.  17),  "  I  bear  in  my  body  the 
marks  {ariyixara)  of  the  Lord  Jesus."  St. 
Khadegund  (f  587),  to  take  one  instance,  to  give 
vividness  to  her  conception  of  the  Passion,  used 
to  lay  a  metal  cross,  heated  in  the  fire,  on 
various  parts  of  her  body  (Venant.  Fort.  Yitu, 
iii.  c.  21).  To  be  "crucified  with  Christ  "  has 
sometimes  been  attempted  by  rapt  enthusiasts  in 
the  most  literal  sense.  But  a  more  common  kind 
of  self-torture  was  that  of  standing  with  out- 
stretched arms,  in  the  attitude  of  one  crucified. 
This  was  practised  within  our  period,  both  as  a 
form  of  ordeal  (stare  vel  vadere  ad  crucem)  and 
as  a  part  of  monastic  discipline.  The  way  of 
applying  the  former,  seems  to  have    been  that 


MOETIFICATION 

accuser  and  accused  took  their  stand  in  the  cruci- 
form attitude,  and  the  one  who  first  dropped  his 
arms  was  adjudged  to  have  failed  to  prove  the 
charge  or  to  vindicate  his  innocence,  as  the  case 
might  be.  Thus,  in  a  matrimonial  case,  husband 
and  wife  were  ordered  "  exire  ad  crucem " 
(Capit.  Vermeri.  17  ;  Baluze,  Capilularia,i,  164). 
The  remaining  for  long  periods  with  the  arms 
expanded,  as  a  form  of  penance,  originally  a 
merely  monastic  practice,  was  introduced  in  the 
8th  century  by  the  rule  of  Chrodegang  into 
the  canonical  life.  St.  Lambert  (about  a.d.  700) 
is  said  to  have  nearly  lost  his  life  in  consequence 
of  having  been  compelled  to  stand  in  the  attitude 
of  one  crucified  against  a  stone  cross,  in  the 
court  of  his  monastery,  during  a  cold  winter's 
night  (  Vita  S.  Lamherti  in  Canisius,  Var.  Lectt. 
II.  i.  p.  140).  St.  Austreberta  is  related 
(  Vita,  §  15,  in  Acta  SS.  Feb.  10)  to  have  endured 
a  similar  penance.  More  particular  precepts  as 
to  this  matter  belong  to  a  later  age.  Cassian 
(t  c.  445)  mentions  (Collaf.  viii.  3)  certain 
Egyptian  ascetics  who  carried  about  with  them 
a  heavy  cross  of  wood  ;  a  practice  which,  he 
says,  occasioned  more  laughter  than  respect. 
The  practice  seems  to  have  become  more  commoa 
in  the  Middle  Ages. 

2.  The  practice  of  wearing  chains  or  rings  of 
iron,  which  has  existed  among  Brahmins  and 
Buddhists  from  a  high  antiquity,  is  found  also 
in  the  Christian  Church.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus 
{Carm.  47)  mentions  monks  who  labour  under 
never-ceasing  iron  fetters,  wearing  away  the  evil 
of  their  nature  as  their  flesh  is  worn  away. 
Epiphanius  {Exposilio  Fidei,  0pp.  i.  1106  d) 
blames  monks  who  went  about  in  public  with 
neck-rings  of  iron ;  and  Jerome  {E/nst.  22  ad 
Eustochium)  bids  his  friend  beware  of  those  who- 
went  about  barefoot,  laden  with  chains,  with  long 
hair  and  beard  and  dirty  black  mantle,  to  be 
seen  of  men.  The  hermit  Apollo  in  the  Thebaid 
wore  chains,  as  RuHnus  {Vitae Pair.  i.  7)  informs 
us ;  Theodoret  cannot  say  too  much  of  those 
chain-wearers,  whose  story  he  tells  in  the  Historia 
Eeligiosa.  The  well-known  Symeon  of  the  Pillar 
was  for  some  time  chained  to  the  rock  on  which 
he  lived  by  a  long  chain  fixed  to  his  foot ;  after- 
wards, on  his  pillar,  he  wore  for  thirty  years  a 
heavy  chain  hanging  from  his  neck ;  his  iron 
collar,  the  historian  Evagrius  {Hist.  Eccl.  c.  13) 
says  that  he  had  seen  with  his  own  eyes.  Many 
other  instances  of  men  wearing  heavy  chains  or 
rings  may  be  seen  in  Thoodoret's  Historia 
Eeligiosa.  See  also  the  accounts  of  the  Abbat 
Senoch  of  Tours,  in  Gregory  of  Tours  {Vitae 
Pair.  c.  15),  and  of  St.  Radegund  (  Vita,  iii.  c.  21). 
From  the  6th  century  onward  we  find  the- 
wearing  of  chains  and  the  like  prescribed  as  a 
penance.  Homicides  of  their  own  kindred  were 
sentenced  either  to  an  oppressive  weight  of  chains, 
or  to  wear  an  iron  band  round  the  body  made 
from  the  blade  of  the  sword  with  which  the 
homicide  was  committed.  This  punishment 
Gregory  of  Tours  {de  Gloria  Conf.  c.  87)  tells 
us  was  endured  by  a  fratricide,  who  also  bore 
heavy  chains.  Charlemagne  {C'apit.  Aquisgran. 
c.  77,  in  Baluze,  i.  239)  in  789  thought  it 
necessary  to  issue  a  caution  against  vagrants  who- 
went  about  in  irons  (nudi  cum  ferro)  which  they 
pretended  to  wear  for  penance  sake.  Unchaste 
priests  were  not  uncommonly  sentenced  to  wear 
rings  or  hoops  of  iron  round  their  arms  or  bodies. 


MORTMAIN 

3.  Bodily  Pain  and  Disfigurement.  The 
Yoluntary  self-wounding  of  the  Baal  priests  and 
other  pagan  hierophants  was  not  altogether 
unknown  in  the  Christian  Church,  though  it  had 
a  less  orgiastic  character.  Theophilus,  bishop 
of  Antioch,  in  his  Epistola  Synodica  to  the 
Lishops  of  Palestine  and  Cyprus  (Hieron.  0pp.  i. 
543,  ed.  Vallarsi),  reprobates  the  conduct  of 
some  who,  he  says,  mutilated  themselves  with 
the  knife,  thinking  that  they  shewed  religion 
and  humility  in  going  about  with  scarred  fore- 
head and  cropped  ears  ;  one  man  had  even  bitten 
oft  a  part  of  his  tongue,  to  reprove  the  timidity 
with  which  some  served  God.  Ammonius  the 
monk  cut  off  one  of  his  ears  and  threatened 
to  bite  out  his  tongue;  but  this  was  not 
from  ascetic  motives,  but  to  render  himself 
ineligible  for  the  office  of  bishop.  He  was,  how- 
ever, in  the  habit  of  burning  himself  with  a  red- 
hot  iron  from  pure  asceticism  (Pallad.  Hist. 
Lausiaca,  c.  12,  p.  716).  Another  Nitrianmonk, 
the  younger  Macarius,  is  said  to  have  exposed 
liis  naked  body  for  six  months  to  the  stings  of 
venomous  flies  to  atone  for  the  anger  and  im- 
patience with  which  he  had  once  crushed  a  fly 
that  stung  him  {Laus.  c.  20,  p.  722) ;  and 
Symeon,  the  pillar-saint,  to  have  allowed  vermin 
to  eat  into  his  bodv  for  a  considerable  time 
{Vita,  c.  7,  in  Eosw'eyd,  p.  172).  The  Greek 
Jlenologion  (Jan.  4)  relates  that  St.  Apollinaris  of 
Egypt  used  to  expose  herself  to  the  stings  of 
gnatsand  gadflies;  and  Johannes  Jloschus  (Pratuni 
Spirituale,  c.  141)  voluntarily  exposed  himself  to 
the  stings  of  the  countless  insects  of  the  hot 
Jordan  valley,  thinking  so  to  escape  the  never- 
dying  worm  and  the  flame  that  is  not  quenched. 
A  sister  of  the  famous  nunnery  of  St.  Bridget  at 
Kildare  is  said  to  have  burned  her  feet  over  a 
fire  which  she  had  secretly  lighted  in  her  cell 
{Vita  S.  Brigidae,  c.  11,  in  Surius,  Feb.  1).  Mar- 
tinianus  scorched  his  whole  body  in  the  flames 
of  a  fire  of  sticks,  with  a  view  of  counteracting 
unlawful  passion.  And  these  are  but  specimens 
taken  from  the  crowd  of  records  of  self-torture 
which  may  be  found  in  various  hagiologies. 
The  discipline  of  the  scourge  will  be  treated 
separately  [Whipping]. 

4.  Cold.  Ascetics  frequently  attempted  to 
cool  the  burning  passion  which  possessed  them 
by  exposure  to  cold.  Thus  the  English  monk 
Drithelm  is  said  (Bede,  //.  E.  v.  12)  to  have 
remained  immersed  in  a  stream  during  the 
recitation  of  many  psalms  and  prayers.  Of 
James,  the  disciple  of  Maro,  it  is  related 
(Theodoret,  Hist.  Bel.  c.  21)  that  during  his 
long  devotions  in  the  open  air  he  was  sometimes 
so  covered  with  snow  that  he  had  to  be  dug  out. 
Similar  austerities  are  related  of  many  other 
ascetics,  both  male  and  female.  Abraam  of 
Carrhae  is  said  (Theod.  11.  B.  c.  17)  to  have 
held  fire  an  altogether  superfluous  luxury. 

5.  The  Spiritual  Exercises  of  ascetics  will 
be  noticed  under  that  heading,  and  the  ascetic 
views  of  continence  under  Virginity.  See  also 
Celibacy. 

(This  article  is  taken  mainly  from  0.  Zockler's 
Kritische  Geschichte  dor  Askese,  Frankfurt  a.  M. 
1SG3.)  [0.] 

MORTMAIN.  The  law  of  mortmain  which, 
in  the  English  use  of  the  term,  is  a  law  restrict- 
ing   the  acquisition  of  property   by  permanent 


MORTMAIN 


1321 


corporations,  especially  of  a  religious  character, 
is  based  upon  two  distinct  considerations  of 
policy  ;  one  that  of  preventing  property  being 
withdrawn  for  ever  from  the  general  market 
(that  is,  being  grasped  by  the  "  dead  hand  "  of 
an  artificial  legal  personality);  the  other,  that 
of  opposing  obstacles  to  fraudulent  or  extor- 
tionate impositions  on  the  pai't  of  religious 
advisers.  There  is  no  doubt  that  both  these 
lines  of  policy  are  distinctly  represented  in,  if 
not  directly  copied  from,  the  Roman  law  at 
its  ripest  maturity,  and  the  later  legislation 
of  Christian  emperors.  Ulpian  (circ.  a.d.  200) 
says  "  we  are  not  permitted  to  ajtpoint  the  gods 
as  our  heirs,  with  the  exception  of  those  in 
favour  of  whom  either  a  seyvitxn  consultum,  or 
imperial  constitutions,  have  conceded  a  special 
privilege,  as,  for  instance,  Tarjteian  Jove."  The 
policy  of  this  prohibition  may  have  been  the 
same  as  that  by  which  Justinian,  three  centuries 
later,  enacted  that,  where  a  testator  nominated 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  as  his  heir  or  part  heir 
and  added  no  limiting  words,  the  inheritance 
should  accrue  to  the  church  of  the  testator's 
domicile ;  and  similarly  where  an  archangel  or 
martyr  was  nominated  an  heir;  and  where  there 
was  no  such  church  the  sacred  edifices  of  the 
metropolis  should  profit  from  the  inheritance 
(L.  26  (c.  I.  3)).  Savigny  {System,  vol.  ii.  b.  ii. 
c.  2)  has  adverted  to  the  real  meaning  of  this 
policy,  which  was  to  secure  that  the  benefit  and 
responsibility  should  be  vested  in  concrete  per- 
sons distinctly  cognisable  by  law. 

The  law  with  respect  to  collegia,  that  is,  cor- 
porate bodies  consisting  of  at  least  three  persons 
(L.  85.  D  L.  16),  throws,  perhaps,  the  greatest 
light  on  some  of  the  aspects  of  early  mortmain 
law.  As  early  as  a.d.  117-138,  we  see  that 
collegia  could  not  take  inheritances  unless  they 
were  specially  privileged  for  this  purpose  (L.  8.  C. 
(vi.  24)).  A  passage  of  Paulus  (a.d.  circ.  200) 
alludes  to  a  senatus  consultum  of  the  time  of 
Marcus  Antoninus  permitting  the  legacies  to  be 
made  in  favour  of  collegia,  supposing  the  collegia 
were  lawfully  constituted  (L.  20.  D.  xxxiv.  5)), 
and  with  respect  to  the  constitution  of  these 
bodies  it  appears  that  a  religious  purpose  was 
presumedly  a  legitimate  object  ("  religionis 
causa  coire  non  prohibentur;  dum  tamen  per 
hoc  non  fiat  contra  senatus  consultum  quo  illicita 
corpora  arcentur  "  (L.  1.  D.  xlvii.  22)).  Neverthe- 
less, it  appears  from  a  constitution  of  one  of  the 
Antonines  in  Justinian's  code  that  the  corporate 
body  of  the  Jews  in  Antioch  was  not  reckoned  a 
legal  association,  and  could  not  sue  for  a  legacy 
which  had  been  left  it. 

As  respects  the  claims  of  the  Christian  church 
to  inherit,  or  even  to  own,  property,  it  must 
have  depended  at  first  upon  whether  the  local 
religious  societies  were  or  were  not  treated  as 
legitimate  collegia.  Gibbon  (c.  xv.),  indeed,  ad- 
duces an  interesting  story,  told  in  the  life  of 
Alexander  Severus  (A.D.  222-235),  of  a  dispute 
in  respect  of  laud  between  the  society  of  Chris- 
tians and  the  victuallers  {popinarii),  as  a  proof 
that  property  had  already  legally  vested  in  the 
Christian  church. 

But  it  was  not  till  Constantine's  Edict  of  Milan 
(a.d.  313),  by  which  he  restored  to  the  Chris- 
tirns  the  property  of  whicti  they  had  been  bereft 
in  the  late  persecutions,  that  their  right  of 
ownership  in  land  was  formally  recognised.    This 


1322 


MOKTMAIN 


edict  prepared  the  way  for  the  more  celebrated 
one  of  the  year  a.d.  321,  by  which  anyone  "  was 
to  have  full  power  of  leaving  by  will  whatever 
property  he  chose  to  the  ciiurch  and  its  govern- 
ing bodies."  It  was  within  fifty  years  of  this  time 
that  the  first  unmistakeable  mortmain  law  was 
enacted  by  Valentinian  the  Elder  (Cod.  Th.  xvi. 
20).  It  forbids  all  sorts  of  ecclesiastical  persons 
from  entering  on  the  property  of  widows  or 
wards.  It  prevents  them  from  acquiring  any 
benefit  from  the  donation  of  the  wife  of  any  one 
who,  under  pretext  of  religion,  has  privately 
joined  himself  to  them.  The  whole  gift  is  to  be 
so  completely  invalid  that  the  offending  person 
cannot  take  anything  from  the  same  quarter 
either  by  gift  or  by  testament.  Any  attempted 
gifts  lapsed  to  the  treasury. 

The  next  law  is  twenty  years  later  {Cod.  Th. 
xvi.  28).  After  prescribing  the  conditions 
under  which  a  woman  may  become  a  deaconess, 
it  enacts  that  she  shall  make  neither  the  church, 
the  clergy,  nor  the  poor  her  heirs.  Any  at- 
tempted act  in  violation  of  the  law  would  be 
invalid.  The  following  language  of  the  law  may 
almost  be  supposed  to  have  supplied  the  policy 
and  the  terms  of  an  English  mortmain  act. 
"  Immo  si  quid  ab  his  morienti  fuerit  extortum 
nee  tacito  fideicommisso  aliquid  clericis  in 
fraudem  venerabilis  sanctionis  callida  arte  aut 
probrosa  cujuspiam  conhibenti^  deferatur :  ex- 
torres  sint  ab  omnibus  quibus  inhiaverant  bonis  : 
fit  si  quid  forte  per  epistolam,  codicillum,  dona- 
tionem,  testamentum,  quolibet  denique  detegitur 
ergo  eas  quas  hac  sanctione  submovimus  id  nee 
in  judicium  devocetur:  sed  vel  ex  intestato  is 
qui  sibi  competere  intellegit,  statuti  hujus  de- 
finitione  succedat."  Women  offending  against 
the  law  are  forbidden  to  enter  a  church  or  to 
receive  the  communion,  and  any  bishop  not 
enforcing  these  penalties  is  to  be  deposed.  About 
two  months  later  this  constitution  was  partially 
repealed,  to  the  extent  that  deaconesses  were 
allowed  to  alienate  moveables  in  their  lifetime. 
A  controversy  subsequently  arose  as  to  the  true 
import  of  this  repealing  statute.  The  emperor 
Marcianus  held  that  its  effect  was  to  sweep 
away  all  restrictions  on  dispositions  in  favour  of 
the  church.  The  merits  of  the  controversy  are 
lucidly  expounded  by  Gothofred  in  his  note  to  the 
passage  in  the  Theodosian  Code. 

We  have  the  advantage  of  studying  this 
legislation  in  a  more  impressive  form  than  is 
presented  by  the  bare  letter  of  the  law.  St. 
Ambrose  writes:  "Nobis  etiam  privatae  suc- 
cessionis  emoluraenta  recentibus  legibus  dene- 
gantur.  Et  nemo  conqueritur.  Non  enim 
putamus  injuriam  qui  dispendium  non  dolemus" 
(Libel,  ad  Her.  relat.  Sym.).  St.  Jerome,  again, 
writes  still  more  explicitly  :  "It  shames  one  to 
confess  that  idol-priests,  mimes,  charioteers,  and 
harlots  can  take  inheritances,  and  only  the 
clergy  and  monks  are  disabled  from  taking  them  ; 
and  it  is  not  by  persecutors  but  by  Christian 
princes  that  they  are  disabled.  Not  that  I  com- 
plain of  the  law,  but  I  lament  that  we  have 
deserved  the  law.  Cautery  is  good  ;  but  how 
has  the  wound  come  which  calls  for  the  cautery  ? 
The  cautery  of  the  law  is  provident  and  safe ; 
iind  yet  even  thus  our  avarice  is  not  restrained, 
nut  by  secret  trusts  we  evade  the  law  "  (Ep.  2, 
ad  Nepot.).  A  curious  allusion  to  the  current 
legislation  is  also  contained  in  a  letter  of  Gregory 


MOSAICS 

Nazianzen,  in  which  he  beseeches  Aerius  and 
Alypius  to  pay  the  legacy  left  by  their  mother 
to  the  church.  He  says,  Tous  e|a)  pi^avns 
uSfiovs  Tois  T]fjLiTipois  SouKivcra.Tf  (Ep.  Ixi.) 

By  Justinian's  time  the  policy  of  restricting 
gifts  by  legacy  or  otherwise  to  religious  and 
charitable  institutions  seems  chiefly  to  have  been 
based  upon  the  importance  of  securing  due  deli- 
beration and  publicity.  Thus  a  distinction  was 
drawn  by  a  constitution  of  Justinian's  between 
gifts  to  religious  and  charitable  institutions  of 
less  and  of  more  than  500  solidi  in  value ;  only 
the  latter  requiring  to  be  publicly  registered 
(L.  19  ;  C.  (I.  2)).  It  also  appears  from  the  sixty- 
fifth  Novel  (though  this  novel  is  imperfectly  pre- 
served) that,  in  the  case  of  granting  immoveable 
property  to  a  church,  the  donor  or  testator  is 
required  to  use  very  precise  words  in  order  to 
determine  for  what  distinct  object  or  objects  his 
gift  was  intended,  whether  the  substance  or  only 
the  income  of  the  property  was  to  be  rendered 
available  for  them,  and  whether  a  sale  was  or 
was  not  to  be  made.  It  may  be  concluded  then 
that  all  jealousy  of  corporate  bodies  as  owners, 
and  all  apprehension  of  frauds  perpetrated  on 
weak-minded  testators,  were,  during  this  period, 
in  abeyance.  The  progressive  triumph  of  the 
church  and  its  prominence  in  civil  government 
may  likewise  account  for  the  absence  of  distinct 
mortmain  legislation  up  to  and  including  Charle- 
magne's period.  The  utmost  aim  of  Charle- 
magne's Capitularies  in  this  respect  was  to 
secure  that  religious  gifts  wei'e  made  with  suffi- 
cient deliberation.  Such  a  precaution  is  con- 
tained in  the  capitulary  of  A.D.  803  (Addita  ad 
legem  Salicam),  "qui  res  suas  pro  anima  sua 
ad  casam  Dei  tradere  voluerit  domi  traditionem 
faciat  coram  testibus  legitimis." 

(Giannone,  Hist.  Civ.  di  Napoli,  lib.  2,  cap.  8, 
lit.  4,  "  Beni  Temporali" ;  F.  Paolo  Sarpi,  Belle 
Materie  Bcneficiarie ;  Savigny,  System  des  heutigen 
Eechts,  Band  2,  b.  2,  c.  9,  Stiftungen ;  Codex 
Theodosianus  ;  Corpus  Juris.)  [S.  A.] 


MOSAICS  IN  Christian  Art.  —  It  is  not 
the  purpose  of  this  article  to  enter  into  the 
history  of  the  form  of  pictorial  and  architectural 
decoration  known  as  "mosaic."  Any  disqui- 
sition on  the  origin  of  the  art,  the  countries 
where  it  was  first  employed,  its  introduction 
into  Greece  and  Rome,  its  various  forms,  and 
the  names  by  v/hich  they  were  known,  would 
be  out  of  place  here.  All  the  infoi-mation 
required  on  these  and  kindred  topics  will 
be  found  elsewhere,  especially  in  the  late 
Sir  Digby  Wyatt's  excellent  treatises,  The  Art 
of  Mosaic,  and  T/ie  Geometrical  Mosaics  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  Neither  do  we  propose  to  enter  on 
the  vexed  question  of  the  orthography  and  deri- 
vation of  the  name.  After  all  that  has  been 
written  upon  it  the  true  etymology  of  the  word 
"  mosaic  "  still  remains  a  matter  of  speculation, 
and  perhaps  can  never  be  determined.  Suffice  it 
to  say  that  by  the  term  "  mosaic  "  we  understand 
the  art  of  arranging  small  cubes  or  tesserae 
of  different  substances,  either  naturally  hard  or 
artificially  hardened,  and  of  various  colours,  so 
as  to  produce  an  ornamental  pattern  or  a  histo- 
rical or  symbolical  jsicture.  The  materials  of 
these  tesserae  were  at  first  chiefly  different 
coloured  marbles,  hard  stones,  pieces  of  brick  and 
tile,  earthenware,  &c.,  the  natural  coloui-s  being 


MOSAICS 

nsinl  to  form  the  pattern-  Subsequeutly  pastes 
«ft;lass  coloured  artificially  were  almost  exclu- 
sively employed.  These,  according  to  Sir  Digby 
Wyatt,  were  "  what  is  now  generally  called 
■lavoro  di  smalto  ;  i.  e.  mosaic  composed  of  minute 
portions  of  silex  and  alumina,  vitrified  by  heat 
i\nd  coloured  by  the  addition  of  one  of  the 
metallic  oxides."  » 

The  gilt  tesserae  used  so  profusely  for  the 
background  of  the  pictures  were  formed  by 
iipplving  two  thin  plates  of  glass  with  a  film 
•of  gold  leaf  between  them  to  a  cube  of  earthen- 
ware, and  then  viti'ifying  the  whole  in  a  furnace. 

The  discovery  of  the  mode  of  making  these 
coloured  tesserae  of  vitreous  paste  may  be  said 
to  have  created  the  art  of  mosaic  decoration  in 
the  ecclesiastical  form  in  which  it  is  chiefly 
known  to  us.  It  put  into  the  hands  of  the  de- 
signers the  power  of  producing  all  varieties  of 
colour,  fi'om  the  most  delicate  to  the  most  in- 
tense, essential  for  the  truthful  i-epresentation 
of  the  subjects ;  while  its  brittleness  enabled 
them  to  obtain  pieces  of  any  size  and  shape  re- 
quired, at  a  cost  far  smaller  than  that  of  the 
precious  marbles;  and,  "in  case  of  deterioration 
from  dirt  or  other  causes,  it  can,"  as  Mr.  Layard 
has  observed,  "  be  restored  and  cleaned  without 
any  loss  of  character  or  detriment  to  the  original 
•work."  (Pajjcr  read  before  Roy.  Inst,  of  Brit.  Arch.) 

To  these  recommendations  may  be  added  its 
durability.  From  the  nature  of  the  substances  em- 
ployed mosaic  pictures  are  practically  indestruc- 
tible, except  by  direct  violence.  It  may  be  styled, 
in  the  words  of  Ghirlandajo,  "  the  only  painting 
for  eternity."  No  form  of  pictorial  art  therefore 
can  be  regarded  so  suitable  for  the  decoration  of 
ecclesiastical  buildings,  in  which  the  perma- 
nence of  every  detail  should  symbolize  the  per- 
petuity of  the  faith.  The  subdued  richness  of 
this  mode  of  decoration,  especially  when  gold 
grounds  are  extensively  used,  and  at  the  same 
time  its  grand  and  solemn  character  when  used 
in  large  masses,  give  mosaic  an  appropriateness 
for  the  ornamentation  of  sacred  edifices  which 
was  very  early  appreciated.  Ko  sooner  had 
Christianity  emerged  from  the  hiding-places  of 
the  catacombs,  and  been  triumphantly  installed 


MOSAICS 


1323 


"  The  Greek  word  for  the  tesserae  or  cubes  of  which 
mosaics  are  formed  was  xj/rjiptSt^,  a  diminutive  of  i/(r)0o;,  a 
pebble.  In  the  Acts  of  the  Second  Council  of  Nice  the 
<lestruction  of  the  mosaic  pictures  by  the  Iconoclasts  Is 
thus  described  :  otra  fi€V  €K  xpiq  d>i  &  os  ovra.  i^iopv^av 
(Labbe,  Concil.  vol.  vil.  col.  580) ;  and  again,  in  the  order 
to  set  tip  sacred  pictures,  we  read,  to?  o-cttto.;  koI  ayi'as 
etKoras  Tat  Ik  xp<^H-°-'''<iov  Ka\  \pri(j)lSot  Kol  trepas  uAjj? 
*7riTi)5eito5  (x°^<^<^'!  {Ibid.  col.  355).  The  mosaic  wall- 
picture  of  Theodoric  in  the  forum  at  Naples,  the  gradual 
disintegration  of  which  was  regarded  as  so  ominous  a 
sign,  is  described  by  Procopius  as  iK  xp -rj <f>  i S w  v  nvuv 
^vyKeLfxii/ri  fxiKpiov  n-ei'  ia-dyav,  xpoi"'S  ^e  ^e^a/a/ieVojc 
crxeSov  Ti  uTrao-ais  {De  Bell.  Goth.  lib.  i.  c.  '24).  It  would 
be  hardly  possible  to  describe  a  mosaic  picture  in  more 
accurate  language.  The  Saracens  borrowed  the  name, 
together  with  the  art  and  materials  of  mosaic  work,  from 
Byzantium.  The  Arabic  term  for  the  mosaic  tesserae 
was /s.'/os(S  or /sf/i/sa.  "Wh.n  at  the  commencement 
of  ttie  sth  century  peace  was  concluded  between  Byzan- 
tium  and  the  caliph  Walid,  this  latter  potentate  stipu- 
I  latod  for  a  certain  quantity  of  fsefysa  for  the  decoration 

of  the  new  mosque  at  Damascus.  In  the  middle  of  the 
iOth  century  also  Romanus  II.  sent  the  caliph  Abder- 
rhaman  III.  the  materials  for  the  mosaics  of  the  Kibla  in 
the  mosque  at  Cordova.'*  (Kuglcr,  i.  p.  58,  note.) 


by  Constantine  as  the  religion  of  the  empire, 
than  mosaic  began  to  receive  that  amazing  deve- 
lopment which  allows  us  truly  to  style  it  essen- 
tially a  Christian  art.  Pliny  indeed  distinctly  tells 
us  that  mosaic-work,  which  had  been  originally 
employed  almost  exclusively  for  the  decoration 
of  floors,  had  in  his  time  recently  passed  upwards 
and  taken  possession  of  the  vaulted  ceilings,  and 
that  glass  pastes  had  begun  to  be  used,  "  pulsa 
.  ...  ex  humo  pavimenta  in  cameras  transiere, 
e  vitro  :  novitium  et  hoc  inventum."  (Plin.  Hist. 
Nat.  lib.  xxxvi.  c.  64.)  But  as  Kugler  correctly 
states  (^Handbook  of  Fainting :  Itali  m  Schools, 
part  1.  p.  20,  note),  the  middle  links  between 
the  small  cabinet  pieces  of  wall-mosaic,  almost 
exclusively  of  a  decorative  character,  exhibited 
by  the  fountain  recesses  at  Pompeii  and  in  a  few 
examples  at  Rome,  and  the  vast  Christian  wall- 
pictures,  are  entirely  wanting.  We  are  so  en- 
tirely destitute  of  examples  of  such  decoration 
on  a  large  scale  where  we  should  have  most 
looked  for  it,  on  the  vaults  of  the  Imperial 
Thermae,  the  Palace  of  the  Caesars,  or  other 
contemporaneous  edifices,  that  "  we  are  almost 
led  to  recognise  mosaic-work  as  we  see  it  in  the 
basilicas,  as  a  spontaneous  development  called 
forth  by  a  newly  awakened  religious  life,"  and 
may  with  him  be  ''  almost  tempted  to  believe 
that  historical  mosaic-painting  of  the  grander 
style  first  started  into  existence  in  the  course  of 
the  4th  century,  and  suddenly  took  its  wide 
spread,  borne  on  the  advancing  tide  of  the 
triumphant  Christian  foith."  At  the  commence- 
ment of  the  art  the  designers  were  evidently 
restricted  by  no  conventional  rules,  but  were  left 
to  follow  their  own  genius  in  the  selection  of 
subjects  and  their  arrangement.  By  degrees, 
however,  a  recognised  system  of  symbolic  deco- 
ration was  adopted,  which  became  stereotyped 
and  prevailed  from  the  5th  century  onwards 
through  the  whole  of  southern  Christendom,  dis- 
playing its  last  examples  before  the  final  extinc- 
tion of  the  art  in  the  12th  century,  in  the 
gorgeous  wall-pictures  of  St.  Mark's,  Venice,  and 
the  mosaics  of  the  Royal  Chapel  at  Palermo  and 
the  cathedrals  of  Monreale  and  Cefalii  in  Sicily. 
In  the  earliest  mosaics  the  position  of  chief 
dignity,  the  centre  of  the  conch  of  the  apse,  was 
always  occupied  by  Christ,  either  standing  or 
enthroned,  supported  on  either  hand  by  the 
apostles,  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  standing  next 
Him,  together  with  the  patron  saints  and  founders 
of  the  church.  Subsequently  the  place  of  our  Lord 
was  usurped  by  the  patron  saint  (as  at  St.  Agnes 
at  Rome),  or  by  the  Blessed  Virgin  holding 
the  Divine  Child  in  her  lap  (as  at  Parenzo  and 
St.  Mary  in  Domnica).  A  hand  holding  a  crown 
is  usually  seen  issuing  from  the  clouds  above  the 
chief  figure,  a  symbol  of  the  Supreme  Being. 
The  river  Jordan  flows  at  the  feet  of  Christ, 
sepai-ating  the  church  triumphant  above  from 
the  church  militant  below.  In  a  zone  below  we 
usually  find  in  the  centre  the  Holy  Lamb,  the 
head  surrounded  with  a  cruciform  nimbus,  stand- 
ing on  a  mount  from  which  gush  the  four  rivei-s 
of  Paradise,  symbolizing  the  four  evangelists. 
Trees,  usually  palm  trees,  laden  with  fruit, 
typify  the  Tree  of  Life,  while  the  phoenix  with 
its  radiant  plumage  symbolizes  the  soul  of  the 
Christian  passing  through  death  to  a  new  and 
glorified  life.  On  either  side  six  sheep,  types  of 
the  apostle.s,  and  through   them  of  believers  in 


1324 


MOSAICS 


general,  issue  from  the  gates  of  the  two  holy 
cities,  Jerusalem  and  Bethlehem.  [Bethlehem,  p. 
201.]  On  the  western  tace  of  the  great  arch 
of  the  apse  or  the  arch  of  triumph  we  see  at  the 
apex  a  medallion  bust  of  Christ,  or  the  Holy 
Lamb,  or,  which  is  very  frequent,  the  book  with 
seven  seals  elevated  on  a  jewelled  throne.  On 
either  side  are  ranged  angels,  the  evangelistic  sym- 
bols, and  the  seven  golden  candlesticks  in  a  hori- 
zontal band,  the  spandrels  below  containing  the 
twenty-four  white-robed  elders  of  the  Apocalypse 
offering  their  crowns  with  arms  outstretched  in 
adoratFon  to  the  Lamb.  In  the  larger  basilicas, 
where  a  transept  separates  the  nave  from  the  j 
apse,  a  second  transverse  arch  is  introduced, 
the  face  of  which  is  also  adorned  with  subjects 
taken  from  the  Apocalypse.  That  at  St.  Pra.xedes 
(see  post)  represents  the  heavenly  Jerusalem 
with  the  redeemed  in  long  line  entering  the  gates, 
which  are  guarded  by  angels. 

The  detailed  description  given  by  Paulinus  of 
the  mosaics  executed  by  his  direction  for  the 
basilica  of  St.  Felix  and  the  "  Basilica  Fuudana  " 
at  Nola  early  in  the  5th  century  (Ejnst.  ad 
Sever.  32)  indicates  points  of  resemblance  and 
dilTerence  with  the  subsequently  recognised  type. 
The  whole  representation  was  strictly  symbolical, 
and  the  human  figure  seems  to  have  been  rigidly 
excluded,  so  that  it  would  speak  only  to  the  ini- 
tiated. He  describes  the  Lamb  standing  on  the 
mount  from  wliich  issue  the  four  rivers  typical 
of  the  Gospels,  the  symbol  of  the  Father  above, 
the  lofty  cross  surmounted  by  the  crown  occupy- 
ing the  chief  place,  which  are  familiar  to  us  in 
other  mosaics.  But,  what  we  do  not  see  in  any 
existing  mosaics,  the  Holy  Spirit,  under  the  form 
of  a  Dove,  was  represented  as  descending  on  the 
symbolic  Lamb ;  the  apostles  were  also  depicted  as 
doves  (a  symbol  reproduced  many  centuries  later 
in  the  a})se  of  St.  Clement  at  Rome),  and  in 
addition  to  the  customary  sheep  as  many  goats 
appeared  on  the  left  of  the  Saviour,  symbolizing 
the  last  judgment.  We  cannot  sufficiently  regret 
the  loss  of  these  very  remarkable  early  works.^ 

The  catacombs  present  very  few  examples  of 
mosaic  work.  There  are  fragments  of  a  mosaic 
picture  of  considerable  size  on  the  soffit  of  the 
arch  of  an  arcosoliuiii  in  the  catacomb  of  St. 
Hermes.  From  the  engravings  given  by  JIarchi 
(Jfonum.  delle  Arti  Crist.  Frimit.,  tav.  xlvii.,  de- 
scribed p.  257)  we  see  that  it  must  have  been  a 
very  rude  performance,  the  drawing  bad,  and 
the  execution  coarse.  The  portions  remaining 
exhibit  the  raising  of  Lazarus,  Daniel  in  the 
lions'  den,  and  the  paralytic  carrying  his  bed, 
only  differing  from  the  ordinary  catacomb  fres- 
coes in  the  material  employed.  The  mosaic 
cubes,  according  to  Mr.  Parker  (Archaeology  of 
Some,  Catacombs,  p.  110),  are  entirely  of  glass 
paste,  not  of  marble.  Warangoni  {Cose  Gentilesche, 
p.  4G1)  preserves  the  record  of  an  arcosolium  in 
the  cemetery  of  St.  Callistus  decorated  in  mosaic, 
with  our  Lord  seated  between  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul,  also  seated.  Two  sepulchral  mosaics  from 
the  same  catacomb  are  preserved  in  the  sacristy 
of  St.  JIary  in  Trastevere,  one  representing 
birds,  probably,  according  to  Mr.  Parker,  of  the 
2nd  century,  the  other,  representing  the  miracu- 
lous draught  of  fishes,  of  the  3rd  (Parker,  u.  s. 


''  Paulinus'  description  is  given  in  article  Dove,  vol.  i. 
p.  576. 


MOSAICS 

Blosaics,  p.  3).  Two  mosaic  busts  in  circular 
medallions,  from  the  cemetery  of  St.  Cyriaca, 
discovered  in  1656,  are  preserved  in  the  Chigi 
Library.  One  represents  a  young  man,  Flavius 
Julius  Julianus,  with  short  black  liair ;  the- 
other  his  deceased  wife,  Maria  Simplicia  Rustica. 
She,  as  one  deceased,  is  represented  in  the  atti- 
tude of  prayer,  with  outstretched  hands  (De 
Rossi,  Musalci  Cristiani  delle  Chiese  di  Boma). 
Perret  (vol.  iv.  pi.  vii.  No.  3)  gives  a  mosaic 
fragment,  depicting  a  fighting  cock,  also  from  a 
catacomb.  This  scanty  list  comprises  nearly,  if 
not  quite,  all  the  catacomb  mosaics  recorded. 

The  earliest  known  examples  of  mosaic  art 
used  for  the  decoration  of  a  sacred  building  are 
those  of  the  4th  century,  which  cover  the  waggon- 
roof  of  the  circular  aisle  of  the  church  of  St. 
Constantia,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the 
basilica  of  St.  Agnes,  outside  the  walls  of  Rome. 
There  is  sufficient  reason  to  believe  that  this 
edifice  was  erected  by  Constantine  tlie  Great 
either  as  a  baptistery  to  the  adjacent  basilica 
(Baptistery,  vol.  i.  p.  165),  or  after  his  death 
as  a  place  of  sepulture  for  his  two  daughters, 
Constantia,  or  Constantina,  who  died  a.d.  354, 
and  Helena,  the  wife  of  Julian,  who  died  A.D. 
360.  As  in  the  earliest  Christian  frescoes, 
the  style  of  art  seen  in  these  mosaics  is  in 
no  way  distinguishable  from  pagan  art  of  the 
same  period.  They  belong  essentially  to  the 
class  of  decorative  paintings,  and  although  those 
who  wish  to  do  so  may  read  a  Christian  sym- 
bolism into  the  vintage  scenes  which  cover 
the  vaults,  it  is  probable  that  none  such  was 
mtended.  "They  have  quite  the  light  and  gay 
character  of  ancient  pagan  wall  decoration,  and 
if  they  must  be  considered  of  Christian  origin — 
the  vine  and  vintage  scenes  having  been  fre- 
quently adopted  as  Christian  emblems^they  are- 
probably  the  earliest  Christian  wall-mosaics  that 
have  been  preserved "  (Dr.  Appell,CAmi/«»  Mosaic 
Pictures,  p.  6).  These  mosaics  form  twelve  equal 
compartments,  the  opposite  bays  having  analo- 
gous decorations.  The  ground  of  the  whole  is 
white,  instead  of  the  blue  or  gold  whicli  subse- 
quently universally  prevailed.  Bays  1,  2,  12- 
have  ordinary  geometrical  designs  with  octagons 


and  crosses  without  flowers  or  figures.  Bays  3, 
11  have  intertwined  arabesque  wreaths  forming 
small  compartments  framing  airy  dancing 
figures,  winged  amorini,  and  richly  plumaged 
birds.  Bays  4,  10  contain  vintage  scenes.  Little 
genii     are    actively    engaged,   some    gathering 


MOSAICS 

grapes,  some  carting  them  home,  some  tread- 
ing the  wine-press.  One  holds  a  writhing  snake. 
Birds  are  fluttering  among  the  branches  or  pecking 
the  grapes  from  the  vine  which  gracefully  trails 
over  the  vault,  lu  the  centre  is  a  female  bust, 
jierhaps  intended  for  Constantia.  (Woodcut 
Is'o.  2.)  (It  may  be  remarked  that  scenes  very 
similar  to  these  adorn  the  magnificent  red  por- 
phyry sarcophagus  of  Constantia  which  stood 
here,  now  in  the  Vatican.)  Bays  5,  9  are  very 
similar  to  bays  3, 11.  Bays  6,  8,  are  far  the  richest 
of  'he  whole.  The  vault  is  covered  with  boughs 
of  olive  and  other  fruit-bearing  trees,  with  pea- 
cocks, guinea  fowls,  partridges,  and  other  birds 


MOSAICS  1325 

j  interspersed  among  them,  without  any  attem])t 
I  at  conventionalism.     Bay  7,  which  was  probably 
\  the  most   elaborate   of  the  whole,  has  been  mo- 
dernised.    The  two  side   apses    (a)  (b)   contain 
coarse,  ill-drawn  mosaics   of  a  much  later  time 
(added  by  pope  Hadrian  a.d.  772-798),   rejire- 
senting  Christ  and  some    of   the    apostles,    the 
latter   crouching   in  distorted  attitudes,  in  de- 
^  fiance  of  anatomical  possibilities.     The  contrast 
,  between  the  joyous  freedom  of  the  earlier  designs 
'  and    the    grim    melancholy    of  the    later    is    so 
marked  that  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  they 
can   have   been  so  frequently  attributed  to  the 
same  period. 


The  Vintage.    From  St.  Constant: 


So   widespread   and  complete   has    been    the 
destruction  of  the  earlier  mosaics  that  the  only  j 
other   work  which  can  be  with  any  probability  , 
referred    to   the   time    of  Constantine    is    that  ' 
which  decorates  the  cupola  of  the  church  of  St.  [ 
George  at  Salonika,    the    ancient    Thessalonica.  i 
This  church  is  on  sufficient  grounds  assigned  by  ' 
WM.  Te.xier  and   Pullan  to  the  first  sojourn  of  j 
Constantine  at  Thessalonica  (323).   It  is  a  circular  j 
building,    covered    with    a    dome    more     than 
216  feet  in    circumference    entirely  lined    with 
mosaics     of    the    most    magnificent    character, 
probablv  the  most   extensive  work  of  the  kind 
in    superficial    area    that    has    come    down    to 


us.  According  to  the  authorities  just  quoted 
this  mosaic,  wihich  is  one  of  the  very  few  that 
has  survived  the  fury  of  the  Iconoclasts  or 
of  the  Mahommedans,  covers  no  less  than  9,732 
square  feet,  and  it  has  been  calculated  to  contain 
more  than  3(5,000,000  tesserae.  The  light  and 
fanciful  architectural  designs,  vividly  recalling 
the  wall  frescoes  of  the  Baths  of  Titus  or  those 
at  Pompeii,  which  are  so  markedly  absent  from 
the  majoritv  of  the  Christian  mo.snics  furni.sh  an 
unmistakeable  evidence  of  its  early  date.  'Ihe 
drawing,  though  conventional  and  architertonic, 
is  good,  the  arrangement  exceedingly  diirniiied, 
the    colouring    rich    and   harmonious,   and    the 


1326 


MOSAICS 


whole  effect  oi  the  cupola,  with  its  gold  ground, 
extremely  gorgeous.  The  cupola  is  divided 
into  eight  compartments,  alternately  repeating 
each  other  in  general  design.  They  present  a 
series  of  sacred  ediiices  of  fantastic  architecture, 
veiled  with  purple  curtains  floating  in  the  wind, 
with  richly  plumaged  birds,— peacocks,  ibises, 
ducks,  partridges,  curlews,  doves,  &c.,— perched  on 
the  friezes,  which  are  themselves  decorated  with 
dolphins,  birds,  palm  trees,  and  other  naturalistic 
devices.  Each  of  these  buildings  presents  a 
splendid  colonnade,  in  the  centre  of  which  a 
semi-circular  or  octagonal  apse  protected  by 
cancelli  retires,  or  a  veiled  baldacchino  stands, 
with  a  burning  lamp  hanging  from  the  vault 
above  the  curtained  altar,  the  whole  displaying 
invaluable  evidence  of  early  ritual  arrangement. 
On  either  side  of  the  altar  stands  a  holy  person- 
age, colossal  in  stature  and  severe  in  aspect,  in 
the  variously-coloured  dress  of  solemn  cere- 
monial, with  his  hands  elevated  and  outstretched 


MOSAICS 

in  prayer.  (Woodcut  No,  3.)  The  personages 
represented,  who  all  bear  names  famous  in  the 
Greek  church  but  less  familiar  in  the  West,  are  (1) 
over  the  west  door  (a)  Romanus,  a  white-bearded 
presbyter ;  (6)  Eukarpion,  a  young  dark-haired 
soldier  ;  2.  (to  S.)  {a)  effaced  ;  (6)  Ananias,  a  pres- 
byter ;  3.  («)  Basiliscus,  a  soldier  ;  (6)  Priscus,  a 
soldier;  4.  («)  I'hilippus,  a  bishop;  (6)  Therinus, 
a  soldier;  (t)  Basiliscus,  a  beardless  youthful  lay- 
man ;  5.  efl'aced  ;  6.  (to  N.)  (a)  Leon,  a  soldier  ; 
(6)  Philemon,  a  flute-player  ;  7.  Onesiphorus,  a 
young   beardless    soldier;    (6)     Porphyrins;     8. 

(a)  Cosmas,  old,  grey-headed   and  grey-bearded ; 

(b)  Damian,  young  and  beardless.  These  magni- 
ticent  and  most  interesting  works  deserve  to  be 
much  more  widely  known  and  more  carefully 
studied.  (They  are  found  well  reproduced  in 
chromo-lithograph  in  Texier  and  PuUan's  Eglises 
Byzantines,  pi.  xxx.-xxxiv. ;  and  Nos.  1,  4,  7,  8, 
are  engraved  by  Mr.  Wharton  Marriott  in  his 
Vestiarlum   Christianum,  pi.   xviii.-xxi.)      Thes- 


George's,  Thessalonica.    (From  Teiier  nnJ  Pullan.) 


salonica  boasts  of  another  magnificent  mosaic 
in  the  cupola  of  St.  Sophia,  a  work  of  the 
■bth  century,  of  which  we  shall  speak  in  its 
place. 

The  only  other  ancient  mosaics  breathing  the 
spirit  of  classical  art  are  those  of  the  5th 
•century,  which  decorate  the  quadripartite  vaults 
of  the  chapels  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  and  St. 
-John  the  Evangelist,  which  open  out  of  the 
Latei-an  baptistery.  These  are  said  to  have 
been  apartments  in  the  palace  of  Constantine, 
-converted  into  chapels  by  pope  Hilary,  a.d. 
461-467.  The  Christian  character  of  these 
mosaics  is  shewn  by  the  nimbed  Holy  Lamb, 
surrounded  by  a  rich  garland  of  fruit  and 
flowers   in   the   centre  of  each  ceiling;  but  the  j 


decoration  with  its  graceful  arabesques,  vases 
of  fruit  and  groups  of  birds,  peacocks,  ducks, 
parroquets,  red-legged  partridges,  and  doves, 
and  other  conventional  ornaments,  are  quite  in 
the  classical  style  of  St.  Constantia.  The 
ground,  however,  is  gilt,  not  white,  as  in  that 
building.  On  the  walls  of  the  chapel  of  St.  John 
the  Baptist  are  figures  of  the  four  Evangelists. 
(Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  vol.  i.  tab.  74,  75 ;  -Parker, 
Mosaics,  p.  16.) 

We  have  purposely  described  these  last 
mosaics  somewhat  out  of  their  chronological 
order  on  account  of  their  artistic  connection 
with  those  already  described.  The  very  exten- 
sive series  of  mosaics  in  the  church  of  St.  JIary 
Major,  or   the  Liberian  basilica,  though   some- 


MOSAICS 

what  earlier  in  date,  having  been  executed  by  the 
order  of  Sixtus  III.,  A.D.  432-440,  as  is  expressly 
stated  in  the  letter  of  Hadrian  I.  to  the  emperor 
Charlemagne  (Labbe,  vii.  col.  955),  and  perhaps 
the  most  remarkable  works  of  early  Christian 
art,  belong  to  a  totally  difterent  school.  As 
Lord  Lindsay  has  remarked  (History  of  Christ  km 
Art,  vol.  i.  p.  99,  Letter  ii.),  "  none  stand  so 
isolated ;  none  have  had  so  little  influence 
on  the  latter  ages  of  its  development."  The 
reason  of  this  want  of  artistic  relation  with 
anterior  or  subsequent  works  lies  probably 
in  the  fact  that  the  artists  who  designed 
them  had  formed  themselves  entirely  on 
the  study  of  classical  bas-reliefs,  especially 
those  of  the  columns  of  Trajan  and  Antoninus, 
while  their  predecessors  had  taken  the  frescoes 
of  the  baths  as  their  models,  and  their  successors 
formed  their  taste  in  Greece  or  Byzantium. 
These  very  remarkable  mosaics  consist  of  two 
series :  viz.  (1)  those  decorating  the  arch  of  the 
tribune,  and  (2)  those  ranged  along  the  walls  of 
the  nave,  occupying  what  may  be  called  the  tri- 
forium  space.  Of  these  the  former  series  are 
much  the  inferior  ;  "  straggling  in  composition," 
writes  Lord  Lindsay,  "  and  poorly  executed." 
They  have,  indeed,  little  artistic  interest  except 
as  the  earliest  known  representations  of  scenes 
from  the  early  gospel  history.  As  such,  it  has 
been  remarked  that  they  manifest  the  difficulty 
an  artist  who  had  only  studied  in  classical 
schools  had  in  depicting  subjects  which  as  yet 
had  no  fixed  type  in  Christian  art.  The  pictures 
accordingly  exhibit  no  distinctly  Christian 
characteristics,  or  anything  that  differences 
them  essentially  from  Pagan  subjects.  For  the 
first  time,  it  is  true,  we  here  see  at  the  apex  of 
the  arch,  in  a  medallion,  the  familiar  symbol  of 
the  jewelled  throne  bearing  the  apocalyptic  roll 
with  seven  seals,  and  above  the  roll  a  gemmed 
cross  and  crown,  supported  by  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul,  with  the  evangelistic  symbols  on  either 
side,  and  below  it  the  signature  of  the  builder 
XYSTVS  .  EPiscoPVS .  PLEBi .  DEI.  But  the  scenes 
of  Gospel  history  depicted  below  are  so  entirely 
unlike  the  subsequently  recognised  types  that 
it  is  not  at  first  sight  easy  to  identify 
them.  These  pictures  occupy  the  wall  on  either 
side  of  the  arch,  and  are  ranged  in  five  rows. 
The  uppermost  row  (1)  contains  to  the  left  (a) 
the  angelic  message  toZacharias  ;  (b)  the  Annun- 
ciation ;  to  the  right  (c)  the  Presentation  in  the 
Temple ;  (2)  the  second  row  contains  (d)  the 
Adoration  of  the  Magi  [see  woodcut,  article 
Angels,  vol.  i.  p.  84]  ;  (e)  our  Lord  among  the 
doctors ;  (3)  the  third  row  gives  a  long  subject, 
(/)  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents,  extending  to 
both  sides  of  the  arch ;  (4)  in  the  fourth  row  we 
see,  again  for  the  first  time,  the  two  holy  cities 
of  Bethlehem  and  Jerusalem  ;  (5)  the  fifth,  the 
Faithful  figured  as  sheep.  It  deserves  notice  that 
in  these  pictures,  the  only  figures  besides  Christ 
distinguished  by  the  nimbus  are  those  of  theangels 
and  Herod,  as  if  the  nimbus  were  a  conventional 
mark  of  dignity  unconnected  with  sanctity.  The 
Virgin  Mary  never  has  it ;  at  any  rate  in  the 
ori'^inal  design.  (See  Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  vol.  i. 
p.  203  ;  Valentini,  la  Patriarc.  Basilica  Liberiana, 
pi.  Gl  ;  Parker,  Mosaics,  p.  15  ;  South  Kensington 
drawings,  No.  7445.)  Far  superior  in  drawing 
and  grouping  are  the  scenes  from  the  Old  Testa- 
ment which  occupy  the  walls  of  the  nave.     Here 


MOSAICS 


1327 


we  recognise  the  spirit  of  the  antique  still 
lingering,  while  the  distinctly  religious  idea  is 
almost  entirely  wanting.  They  were  originally 
forty-two  in  number,  but  are  now  only 
twenty-seven.  Six  were  destroyed  to  form 
the  arches  of  entrance  to  the  Borghese  and 
Sistine  chapels,  and  nine,  lost  through  accident 
or  decay,  have  been  replaced  by  paintings.  In 
these,  which  we  may  regard  as  the  first  and 
last  effort  of  any  extent  in  dramatic  representa- 
tion, "  the  composition  is  often  excellent ;  the 
attitudes  simple  and  expressive,  though  they  want 
relief,  and  the  conception  is  altogether  superior  to 
the  performance"  (Lord  Lindsay,  u.  s.  p.  101). 
The  series,  which  begins  at  the  upper  end  to  the 
left  with  the  interview  of  Abraham  and  Mel- 
chizedek,  carries  on  the  Old  Testament  history 
through  the  times  of  Isaac  and  Jacob,  and 
beginning  again  at  the  same  end  to  the  right 
with  the  finding  of  Moses,  pursues  his  history 
and  that  of  Joshua  to  the  battle  of  Bethhoroc. 
Some  of  the  historical  scenes  display  real  life. 
In  that  of  the  separation  of  Abraham  and  Lot, 
"  the  figures,"  writes  M.  Vitet  (Histoire  do  I' Art) 


m^  ^    i! 


"  express  well  what  they  are  about.  One  feels 
that  the  two  groups  are  separating.  Isaac  blessing 
Jacob  has  almost  the  same  pose  as  Raphael  has 
given  it  in  the  Loggie ;  the  taking  of  Jericho, 
the  battle  with  the  Amalekites,  also  have  details 
which  are  not  without  a  certain  interest."  The 
visit  of  the  angels  to  Abraham,  of  which  we 
give  a  woodcut  (No.  4),  in  which  three  stages  of 
the  story  are  represented  in  one  picture,  has  a 
solemn  dignity  not  unworthy  of  the  subject 
(Ciampini,  Fei.il/on.vol.  i.  tav.  50-64;  Valentini 
u.  s. ;  Parker,  Fhotogr.  1952-1966  ;  2038-2058). 
There  are  few  ancient  works  of  which  the 
date  has  been  more  variously  assigned  than  that 
of  the  very  remarkable  mosaic  in  the  apse  of 
St.  Pudentiana  on  the  Esquiline,  perhaps  the 
most  beautiful  in  Rome.  It  has  been  placed  at 
various  epochs  from  the  end  of  the  4th  to  the 
close  of  the  9th  century.  The  earlier  date  is 
with  little  doubt  the  correct  one.  It  is  true  that 
as  we  see  it  now  the  picture  has  suffeied  too  much 
from  the  hands  of  restorers  to  allow  us  to  speak 
with  absolute  certainty  on  the  point.  But  iu 
the  remarkable  dignity  of  the  composition,  the 
freedom   of  treatment  and  correctness  of  per- 


1328 


MOSAICS 


spective,  as  well  as  in  the  whole  drawiag  group 
ino-  and  drapery,  it  has  all  the  essential  marks 
of  a  living  art,  and  points  to  a  time  when  the 
still  surviving  traditions  of  the  Pagan  schools 
had  been  quickened  with  a  new  spirit.  The 
figures  do  not,  as  in  the  later  mosaics,  stand  in 
rigid  isolation,  gazing  out  into  vacancy,  but  are 
seated  with  most  calm  dignity,  ''  grouped  so  as 
to  form  a  picture,"  and  displaying  much  variety 
of  attitude  and  individuality  of  feature.  Kug- 
ler's  verdict  is  certainly  correct,  that  "  even  if 
the  building  itself  be  proved  to  be  of  more 
recent  date  than  Siricius,  who  built  the  church 
A.D.  390,  still  this  work  at  least  must  have  been 
copied  from  one  much  older"  (m.  s.  p.  41).  This 
picture  represents  Christ  enthroned  in  the  centre 
<if  a  semicircle  of  Apostles  in  Roman  costumes 
(two  of  whom  have  been  lost  by  modern  repairs), 
each  seated  in  front  of  an  oi)en  portal,  forming 


MOSAICS 

a  crescent-shaped  cloister  with  a  tiled  roof, 
above  which  rise  the  roofs  and  domes  of  the 
heavenly  Jerusalem.  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  sit 
on  either  side  of  Christ.  Behind  them  stand 
two  female  figures  of  singular  dignity  and 
beauty,  with  martyrs'  chaplets  in  their  hands, 
representing  either  St.  Pudentiana  and  her  sister 
St.  Praxedes,  or,  according  to  Garrucci,  the  church 
of  the  circumcision  and  that  of  the  gentiles.  None 
are  nimbed  except  our  Lord.  Christ  is  seate.l 
on  a  richly  decorated  throne,  His  right  hand 
is  raised  in  benediction,  and  in  the  left  He 
holds  a  book  inscribed  I'omimcs  Conservator 
Ecdcsiae  Pudcntianae.  Behind  His  throne  a 
tall  jewelled  cross  is  planted  on  a  mount, 
and  among  the  clouds  which  form  the  back- 
ground are  seen  Evangelistic  symbols  of  some- 
what large  dimensions.  We  give  a  woodcut  of 
this  very  remarkable  and  beautiful  work  (Xo.  5).' 


5.    Apse  of  St.  rndentmna. 


(Gaily  Knight,  Eccles.  Arch,  of  Italy,  vol.  i.  pi. 
23  ;  Labarte,  Histoire  dcs  Arts  Indnstriels,  album, 
vol.ii.pl.  121;  Fontana,  Alusaici  dcUe  Chiese  di 
lioma,  tav.  14;  Parker,  Photoijr.  Nos.  280, 
1416-1419 ;  South  Kensington,  No.  7987  ; 
Parker,  Mosaic  Pictures,  pp.  23-27,  153.) 

Passing  over  the  small  remains  of  the  mosaics 
of  St.  Sabina,  Rome,  with  the  singular  "  imagines 
clipeatae,"  and  the  noble  figures  of  the  churches 
of  the  Jews  and  the  Gentiles,  entirely  Roman  in 
type,  character,  and  costume,  c.  424  (Ciampini, 
w.s.  vol.  1.  c.  21,  tab.  48),  and  the  fragments  of  the 
once  imposing  decorations  of  St.  Paul's  outside 
the  walls,  set  up  by  Leo  the  Great,  A.D.  440-462, 
mentioned  in  Hadrian's  letter  to  Charle- 
magne already  referred  to,  which  were  almost 
entirely  destroyed  in  the  conflagration  of  1823  to 
the  irreparable  impoverishment  of  early  Chris- 
tian art  (Kugler,  u.  s.  p.  29 ;  Parker,  Mosaics, 
\>.  16  ;  see  woodcut,  art.  Church,  vol.  i.  p.  371), 
v.'e  must  now  transfer  our  attention  to  Ravenna. 
No  city  in  Italy,  Rome  hardly  e.xcepted,  can 
show  such  admirable  specimens  of  this  art. 
They  belong    chiefly    to    the    earliest    and    best 


period,  while  the  principles  of  classical  art 
were  still  in  living  exercise,  before  the  hieratical 
traditions  of  the  Byzantine  school  had  begun  to 
proscribe  all  traces  of  freedom  and  nature.  No- 
where do  we  find  pictorial  decoration  more  inti- 
mately allied  to  architectural  arrangements,  the 
two  being  so  closely  connected  that  each  appears 
essential  to  the  completeness  of  the  other.  The 
mosaic  works  still  existing  at  Ravenna — many, 
alas  !  have  perished — exhibit  four  distinct  styles 
of  art.  The  earliest  and  most  classical  in  style 
and  drawing  are  those  of  the  lower  part  of  the 
orthodox  baptistery,  set  up  by  archbishop  Neon, 
A.D.  430,  and  those  which  cover  the  whole  of  the 
interior  of  the  mausoleum  of  Galla  Placidia.  now 
known  as  the  church  of  St.  Nazarius  and  Colsus, 
A.D.  440.    A  century  later  in  date,  and  decidedly 

<!  Labarte  considers  that  the  Apostles  and  fomale 
fi(5ures  are  works  of  the  ^th  century  ;  but  that  the  tipiire 
of  Christ  and  the  Evangelistic  sjTnbols  belong  to  a  later 
eporh.  {Arts  Industriels,  iv.  172.)  This  is  also  the  opinion 
of  Vitet.  Garrucci  also  attributes  this  mosaic  to  pope 
Siricius,  a.d.  390. 


MOSAICS 

inferior  in  style  and  execution,  though  still 
entirely  free  from  Byzantine  stillness,  arc  those 
which  decorate  the  domes  of  the  orthodox 
baptistery,  and  of  the  Arian  baptistery,  which 
may  be  ascribed  to  the  same  date,  c.  A.D.  553. 
\Vu  have  examples  of  a  third  mode  of  treatment 
<listinct  from  the  other  two,  in  the  mosaics  of 
St.  Vital,  A.D.  547,  of  the  chapel  of  the  arch- 
bishop's palace,  completed  in  the  same  year,  and 
of  the  basilica  of  St.  ApoUinaris  in  Classe, 
built  in  A.D.  549.  "In  themselves,"  writes 
Mv.  Layard  (ii.  s.  p.  14),  "  these  mosaics  are 
deserving  of  the  most  careful  study,  as  belonging 
to  the  best  period  of  early  christian  mosaic  art. 
They  are  especially  valuable  to  the  architect,  as 
aftbrding  some  of  the  finest  examples  of  the 
treatment  of  pictorial  mosaics,  and  of  the  tech- 
nical qualities  of  the  material."  The  Ravenna 
mosaics,  though,  as  we  have  seen,  extending 
over  a  period  of  full  a  century,  and  display- 
ing various  styles,  are  evidently  productions  of 
one  and  the  same  school  of  art;  exhibiting, 
it  is  true,  a  gradual  decline  from  classical 
dignity  and  purity  of  taste,  but  maintaining 
<in  the  whole  the  same  high  level,  both  in 
drawing  and   design,   as  well  as  in  harmony  of 


MOSAICS 


1329 


colour:  we  shall  therefore  treat  them  together."* 
To  commence  with  the  orthodox  baptisterv 
erected  by  bishop  Ursus,  A.D.  400-410,  and  de- 
corated with  mosaics  by  archbishop  Keon,  A.D. 
430.  This  buildmg  is  internally  an  octagon, 
covered  with  a  cupola,  and  is  brilliant  with  mo- 
saics, almost  from  floor  to  roof.  The  most  re- 
markable of  these  are  the  eight  projjhets ;  grand 
majestic  figures,  draped  in  white,  which  occupy 
the  spandrels  of  the  lower  tier  of  arches,  upon 
an  oval  background  of  gold  enclosed  by  acanthus 
leaves  which  spread  out  in  lovely  arabesque 
scroll-work.  To  quote  a  very  appreciative 
description,  "  the  most  remarkable  individuality, 
not  merely  in  lace  but  in  figure,  is  preserved 
in  each ;  and  in  each  there  is  a  distinct  ex- 
pression, life-like  and  full  of  character.  Found 
in  a  pagan  building,  one  would  say  they 
represented  Roman  senators  of  the  sterner 
republican  type,  and  were  portraits.  Their 
actions  are  essentially  different ;  their  draperies 
cast  with  that  truthful,  excellent  variety  of 
fold  no  study  of  art-examples  only  could  have 
taught,  and  the  manipulation  of  light  and  shade 
is  ]ierfect." 

The  ornamentation  of  the  cupola   is  divided 


No.  6.    Soffit  of  .\rrh.  Man'olenm  of  Galla  Placidia,  Eav 


into  two  zones  encircling  the  central  picture  re- 
presenting the  baptism  of  our  Lord.  The  lower 
zone,  which  may  be  ascribed  to  the  earlier  period, 
presents  a  series  of  throned  crosses  ;  altars  bearing 
the  open  gospels  ;  episcopal  chairs  beneath  shell- 
roofed  niches ;  and  tombs  surmounted  with  gar- 
lands, set  within  an  architectural  framework  of 
almost  Pompeian  elegance.  This  lower  zone 
springs  from  a  profusion  of  acanthus  leaves,  on 
which  parrots,  doves,  and  other  birds  are  perched. 
The  upper  zone,  containing  the  twelve  apostles, 
together  with  the  central  picture  of  the  baptism, 
shew  indications  of  restoration  at  a  later  and 
inferior  period  of  art  (c.  A.D.  553),  though  still 
preserving  much  of  antique  dignity  and  grace. 
The  apostles,  colossal  in  size,  robed  in  gold 
and  white  drapery  floating  in  the  wind  in 
graceful  folds,  advance  with  rapid  step  towards 
the  central  figure,  bearing  in  their  hands 
jewelled  crowns.  The  life  and  movement 
of  the  advancing  figures  present  a  striking 
contrast  to  the  motionless  repose  of  later 
mosaics.     In  the  picture  of  the  baptism,  which 


fills  the  centre  of  the  cupola,  Christ  is  entirely 
nude,  immersed  in  the  river  up  to  the  middle. 
The  Baptist,  half  nude,  pours  water  on  the 
Saviour's  head,  on  which  the  holy  dove  is  de- 
scending. An  incongruous  relic  of  paganism 
appears  in  the  form  of  the  river-god  Jordan, 
rising  from  his  stream  and  offering  a  napkin  as  an 
act  of  homage.  The  mosaics  of  this  building 
stand  in  the  very  highest  rank  among  similar 
works  for  the  richness  of  the  ornamentation,  the 
harmony  and  delicacy  of  the  colouring,  the  ex- 
cellence of  the  drawing,  and  the  dignity  of  the 
composition.  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  vol.  ii.  c.  25; 
von Quast, ii'affnna,  taf.  i.  pp.4,  5;  Kugler.p.  -5.) 
Analogous  in  style,  and  rivalling  the  baptistery 
in  the  rich  harmony  of  its  ornamentation,  is  the 
mausoleum  of  Galla  Placidia,  a.d.  440.     This  is 


d  In  describing  the  Ravenna  mosaics  I  have  drawn 
largely  from  the  admirable  articles  which  appeared  !n  the 
Times  nenspaper  diirinp  the  year  18T6,  especially  those 
publiAed  September  25  and  December  30. 

«  Times,  u.  s. 


1330 


MOSAICS 


a  building  in  the  form  of  a  short  Latin  cross,  each 
arm  covered  with  a  barrel  vault,  with  a  small 
cupola  rising  on  a  square  lantern  above  the  inter- 
section. The  whole  interior,  both  walls  and  roof, 
from  the  height  of  about  six  feet  from  the  floor, 
is  coated  with  mosaics,  which,  as  Messrs.  Crowe 
and  Cavaleasalle  have  pointed  out,  are  of  special 
value  as  a  connecting  link  both  in  the  subjects 
and  their  treatment  between  the  Graeco-Roman 
work  of  the  primitive  Christian  church,  and  the 
strictly  new-Greek  or  Byzantine  ;  between  the 
frescoes  of  the  catacombs  and  the  mosaics  of  the 
Eoman  churches.  The  chief  arches  are  deco- 
rated with  rich  acanthus  scroll-work  (see  wood- 
cut No.  6),  which  also  covers  the  lunettes  at 
the  ends  of  the  transepts,  where  the  bright  green 
leaves  pencilled  with  red  and  black  and  bordered 
with  gold,  stand  out  on  a  dark  blue  ground,  with 
stags  making  their  way  through  the  foliage  to 
slake  their  thirst  at  a  fountain,  in  evident  allu- 
sion to  Ps.  xlii.  1.  The  subject  in  the  chief 
lunette  facing  the  entrance  has  been  variously 
explained.  It  represents  a  male  figure,  advancing 
with  energetic  stride,  his  pallium  floating  in  the 
air,  and  bearing  a  crux  hastata  over  his  right 
shoulder.  In  his  right  hand  he  carries  an  open 
book.  Before  him  to  his  right  is  an  iron  grate 
or  gridiron,  with  burning  wood  under  it.  Behind 
him  is  an  open  cupboard,  or  scrinium,  containing 
lolls  of  the  Gospels.  This  figure  has  been 
identified  from  the  days  of  Ciampiui  downwards 
witli  our  Lord,  and  the  book  is  supposed  to  be 
an  heretical  work  which  He  is  about  to  throw 
into  the  flames.  Such  a  representation  of  our 
Lord,  however,  is  quite  without  a  parallel  in 
the  whole  cycle  of  sacred  art,  and  it  has  of  late, 
with  more  probability,  been  regarded  by  Garrucci 
and  Richter  (^Die  Mosaihen  von  Havenna,  p.  31), 
as  St.  Lawrence  with  the  instrument  of  his 
martyrdom,  as  the  sword  lies  at  the  feet  of  St. 
Agnes  in  the  mosaic  in  the  basilica  bearing  her 
name  at  Rome.  The  book  held  by  him  would 
under  this  interpretation  be  one  of  the  Gospels 
(before  the  restoration  of  1875  the  scrinium  con- 
tained only  three  rolls,  St.  Matthew,  St.  Luke, 
and  St.  John),  borne  as  a  symbol  of  his  office  as 
a  deacon  (cf.  Const.  Apost.  lib.  ii.  c.  57  ;  Hieron. 
Epist.  Ivii.  ;  Concil.  Vasens.  ii.  c.  2).  Very 
superior  both  in  design  and  execution  is  the 
celebrated,  but  somewhat  overpraised,  mosaic 
of  the  Good  Shepherd  in  the  lunette  above 
the  chief  entrance.  "For  beauty  and  purity 
of  design,"  writes  Mr.  Layard  (m.  s.  p.  14), 
"  which  nearly  approaches  that  of  classic  times, 
and  for  exquisite  harmony  of  colour,  this  is  one 
of  the  most  perfect  specimens  of  the  art  that 
can  be  found."  Its  resemblance  to  some  of  the 
catacomb  frescoes  of  Orpheus  is  too  strong  to  be 
overlooked.  [Frescoes,  vol.  i.  p.  656.]  The 
Saviour,  represented  as  a  beardless  young  man 
with  long  flowing  hair,  clad  in  a  long  gold  tunic 
striped  with  blue,  and  holding  a  crux  hastata  in 
His  left  hand,  is  seated  in  a  grassy,  hilly  land- 
scape, with  His  sheep  grazing  around  Him, 
caressing  with  His  right  hand  one  of  the  flock 
that   has   lovingly   approached   Him."     Each  of 


•  The  somewhat  exaggerated  laudation  given  to  this 
mosaic  by  von  Quast  and  others  may  be  estimated  by  an 
inspection  of  the  accurate  Teproduction  of  the  original 
size,  by  Salviati  and  Riolo,  In  the  gallery  of  the  south- 
east court  at  the  .S<i"illh  Kensington  Museum. 


MOSAICS 

the  walls  of  the  lantern  supporting  the  cupola 
bears  two  standing  figures — perhaps  apostles — 
by  another  and  inferior  hand,  but  full  of  action 
and  admirably  posed.  Below  the  windows  are 
doves  perched  on  the  rim  of  a  vase  and  drinking 
from  it,  reminding  one  of  the  celebrated  antique 
mosaic  in  the  Capitol,  described  by  Pliny.  The 
dome  itself  is  spangled  with  stars  shining  forth 
from  a  red  azure  ground  encircling  a  Latin 
cross.  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  vol.  i.  tab.  65-67  ; 
von  Quast,  taf.  2-6,  pp.  10-15  ;  Kugler,  p.  28.) 

We  have  to  leap  over  a  century  to  arrive  at  the 
period  of  the  execution  of  the  mosaics  of  what 
is  known  as  the  Arian  baptistery,  or  St.  Maria 
in  Cosmedin,  said  to  have  been  built  by  Theo- 
doric,  and  after  his  death  reconciled  and  deco- 
rated by  bishop  Agnellus,  c.  560.  Our  limits 
forbid  our  dwelling  upon  these  works  of  art, 
which  are  almost  exactly  reproductions  of  those 
in  the  upper  part  of  the  dome  of  the  orthodox 
baptistery.  We  have,  as  there,  the  baptism  of 
Christ  in  the  centre,  with  the  attendant  figures 
of  the  Baptist  and  the  river-god  Jordan,  with 
the  lengthy,  angular  apostles  in  a  lower  zone — 
disproportionate,  figures — bearing  crowns.  (See 
Ciampini,  Vet.  Man.  vol.  ii.  c.  23 ;  von  Quast, 
18;  Kugler,  p.  35.)  ' 

We  pass  now  to  the  celebrated  church 
of  St.  Vital,  consecrated  in  547.  It  will 
be  seen  from  the  ground  plan  and  section  of 
this  remarkable  edifice  (Church,  vol.  i.  pp. 
375,  376),  that  in  its  general  plan  it  is 
circular,  covered  by  a  dome,  with  what  we 
may  call  a  quadrangular  chancel  ending  in  a 
domed  apse.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
principal  dome,  together  with  the  whole  of  the 
interior,  was  originally  decorated  with  mosaics, 
but  the  whole  have  perished  at  the  hands  of 
later  restorers  with  the  exception  of  those  of  the 
sacrarium  and  apse.  These  are  so  remarkable  in 
their  treatment  and  so  splendid  in  their  general 
eflect  as  to  make  us  regret  most  keenly  the  de- 
struction of  the  others.  Although  the  architec- 
ture of  the  church  is  what  was  afterwards 
known  as  Byzantine,  and  it  owed  its  erection  to 
the  Emperor  of  the  East,  the  term  "  Byzantine  " 
cannot  properly  be  applied  to  the  mosaics.  "  The 
style  of  art,"  writes  Kugler,  "  is  still  of  that 
late  Roman  class  already  described,  and  we  have 
no  reason  to  conclude  that  the  artists  belonged 
to  a  more  Eastern  school  "  (^Handbook  of  Painting, 
u.  s,  p.  34).  It  is  evident,  however,  that  the 
direct  classical  influence  was  waning,  and  giving 
place  to  realism.  They  no  longer,  as  in  the 
representations  of  which  "  the  Good  Shepherd  " 
of  the  mausoleum  of  Galla  Placidia  may  be 
taken  as  a  type,  "  reflect  pagan  art-tradition 
glorified  by  Christian  sentiment,"  but  either 
depict  scenes  belonging  to  their  own  times  or 
sacred  subjects  into  which  the  spirit  of  the  day 
has  been  breathed,  with  scarcely  any  trace  of 
antique  feelings.  The  broad  sottit  of  the  arch 
dividing  the  sacrarium  from  the  central  domical 


'  At  the  cathedral  of  Naples  there  is  a  baptistery 
ascribed  to  Constantine,  but  assigned  by  some  to  bishop 
Vlncentius,  a.d.  556-570,  the  cupola  of  which  is  enriched 
with  mosaics.  The  sacred  monogram  occupies  the  centre. 
On  the  sides  of  the  octagon  below,  we  are  told,  are  ranged 
the  prophets  presenting  their  crowns.  The  attitudes  are 
said  to  be  varied,  the  action  suitable,  and  the  draperies  of 
classic  dignity.  (Catalan!,  Chiese  di  A'apoli,  voL  1.  p.  46  ; 
Crowe  and  CavalcasoUe,  vol.  i.  p.  12.) 


MOSAICS 

area  is  decorated  with  15  medallions  containing 
individual  portrait-like  heads  of  our  Lord 
and  His  apostles  and  the  martyrs  Gervasius 
and  Protasius,  set  in  a  field  of  gold-green 
arabesque  foliage  on  a  blue  ground.  The  two 
walls  of  the  sacrarium  exhibit  a  remarkable 
series  of  Old  Testament  subjects,  chiefly  sym- 
bolical of  the  Eucharist,  together  with  figures  of 
prophets  and  evangelists,  set  in  an  architectural 
framework.  The  principal  picture  on  each  side  is 
contained  in  the  blank  head  of  a  semicircular 
arch,  above  which  two  angels  floating  through 
the  air  support  a  circular  medallion  bearing  a 
Latin  cross  with  the  letters  A  Cl.  Each  semi- 
circle includes  two  subjects  combined  in  one 
picture  :  that  to  the  north  (1)  Abraham  and 
Sarah  entertaining  the  three  angels,  and  (2) 
Abraham  raising  his  hand  to  slay  his  son,  while 
a  hand  from  heaven  points  to  a  ram.  That  to 
the  south  (1)  the  offering  of  Melchizedek,  who 
draped  in  royal  vestments  of  white  with  gold 
ornaments,  advances  from  a  palatial  edifice  to  an 
altar  or  draped  table,  on  which  stand  two  loaves 
of  bread  and  a  chalice  ;  (2)  Abel,  "  an  excellent 
and  perfectly  antique  shepherd  figure  "  (Kuglev), 
clad  in  a  kind  of  goatskin,  holding  a  lamb  in  his 
•extended  arms  over  the  table,  with  a  rude  hut 


MOSAICS 


1331 


d  her  Ladies,  in 


behind  him.  These  figures  are  nearly  life  size. 
The  spandrels  to  the  south  contain  on  one  side 

(1)  Moses  keeping  the  flock  of  Jethro,  and  above 

(2)  Moses  loosing  his  shoes  from  his  feet  ;  and  on 
the  other  side  (3)  the  prophet  Isaiah  standing  by 
a  crowned  column.  Still  higher  on  this  side 
above  the  arch  are  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Mark, 
with  their  symbols  of  the  angel  and  the  lion.  The 
corresponding  pictures  in  the  southern  spandrels 
are  (1)  Moses  on  the  Mount  receiving  tlie  law,  (2) 
a  group  of  Israelites  below,  and  (.3)  the  prophet 
Jeremiah  also  standing  by  a  crowned  pillar  ;  St. 
Luke  and  St.  John,  with  the  ox  and  the  eagle, 
being  represented  above.  Advancing  into  the 
apse  proper,  the  walls  on  either  side  at  the  en- 
trance bear  the  celebrated  historical   pictures  of 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.   11. 


Justinian  and  "  his  strangely  chosen  empress " 
Theodora,  with  their  respective  suites,  makino- 
their  costly  offerings  at  the  consecration  of  the 
church.  (Woodcuts  Ao.  7,  8.)  These,  "  as  almost 
the  sole  surviving  specimens  of  the  higher  style 
of  secular  painting,  are  of  great  interest,  and  as 
examples  of  costume  quite  invaluable."  They 
are,  however,  inferior  in  knowledge  of  form  and 
in  drawing,  and  display  little  skill  in  grouping ; 
the  artists  endeavouring  to  make  up  for  their 
deficiencies  by  minute  and  careful  execution  and 
gorgeous  colouring.  The  figures  are  life-size,  and 
are  upon  a  gold  ground.  Both  the  emperor  and 
empress  are  distinguished  by  the  nimbus,  and  wear 
diadems.  (See  the  woodcuts  in  article  Crown, 
vol  i.  p.  50t).)  The  emperor  is  preceded' by  the 
archbishop  Maximianus  (a.D.  546-562)  who  con- 
secrated the  church,  a  very  characteristic  figure, 
accompanied  by  a  deacon  and  subdeacon,  the  one 
bearing  a  jewelled  volume  of  the  gospels,  the 
other  a  censer.  On  the  other  side  a  chamberlain 
is  represented  as  drawing  back  the  embroidered 
curtain  of  the  door  for  the  empress,  attended  by 
seven  ladies  of  her  court.  The  border  of  Theo- 
dora's robe  is  embroidered  with  the  Adoration  of 
the  Magi.  The  half-dome  of  the  apse  contains 
the  semi-colossal  figure  of  Christ  as  "  a  godlike 
youth  with  richly-clustered  hair  "  seated  on  an 
azure  globe,  bestowing  the  crown  of  life  on  the 
martyr-soldier  Vitalis,  who  is  being  led  up  to 
Him  by  an  angel.  Christ's  left  hand  holds  the 
seven-sealed  book.  Another  angel  stands  on 
the  other  side  of  Christ,  together  with  bishop 
Ecclesius,  the  founder  of  the  church  (d.  541),  of 
which  he  carries  a  model.  He  is  the  only  figure 
of  the  group  unnimbed.  Below,  the  four  rivers 
of  Paradise  flow  through  green  meadows.  The 
vault  of  the  sacrarium  is  richly  covered  with 
green-gold  arabesques  on  a  blue  ground,  and 
green  upon  a  gold  ground,  amid  which  four 
sUtely  angels  with  outstretched  arms  uplift  a 
medallion  bearing  a  nimbed  lamb  on  a  starry 
ground.  On  the  wall  in  front  of  the  apse  two 
angels  bear  the  monogram  of  Christ,  while  the 
cities  of  Bethlehem  and  Jerusalem,  blazing  with 
jewels,  stand  below,  amid  vine-tendrils  and  birds 
on  an  azure  ground.  No  more  remarkable  series 
of  mosaics  than  these  of  St.  Vital's  are  to  be 
found  in  the  whole  circle  of  Christian  art. 
(Ciampini,  Vet.  Mo)i.  vol.  ii.  tab.  18-22  ;  Agin- 
court,  Feinture,  pi.  xvi.  fig.  8,  10,  12  ;  Gaily 
Knight,  Eccles.  Arch,  of  Ital;/,  vol.  i.  pi.  10 ;  Dii 
Sommerard,  Lcs  Arts  du  Moyen  Age,  album, 
serie  10,  pi.  32  ;  La  Barte,  Handbook  of  Arts  of 
Middle  Ages,  vol.  i.  pi.  27  ;  Kugler,  u.  s. ;  Parker's 
Photographs,  No.  752,  753  ;  South  Kensington, 
972,  973,  6808-6810.) 

The  basilica  known  as  St.  Apollinare  Nuovo, 
since  the  removal  thither  of  the  body  of  St. 
ApoUinaris  for  safety  in  the  9th  century  from 
the  basilica  of  the  same  name  in  "  Classe,"  but 
originally  built  by  Theodoric,  A.D.  500,  for 
Arian  worship,  and  designated  "  St.  Martino 
in  coelo  aureo,"  from  the  splendour  of  its  golden 
walls  and  ceilings,  and  "SacellumArii,"  presents 
two  grand  processional  friezes,  of  colossal  figures, 
extending  the  whole  length  of  the  nave,  in  what 
we  have  called  the  "  triforium  spaces,"  which 
"  belonging  to  the  very  last  days  of  ancient  art 
remind  us  curiously  of  the  Panathenaic  pro- 
cession on  the  frieze  of  the  Parthenon"  (Kugler, 
M.  s.)  That  to  the  south  consists  of  twentv- 
4  Ii 


1332 


MOSAICS 


four  male  saints,  nimbed,  holding  crowns  in 
their  hands  divided  by  palm  trees,  all  clothed 
in  white  robes,  with  the  exception  of  the  patron 
saint,  St.  Martin,  the  last  of  the  row,  who  is 
clad  in  violet,  advancing  in  stately  march  from 
the  city  of  Ravenna  towards  the  throned  Saviour 
seated  between  four  angels  (a  restoration  since 
Ciampini's  time)  ;  on  the  north,  or  women's  side, 
we  have  a  similar  procession  of  twenty-two 
virgin  saints  issuing  from  the  suburb  of  Classis, 
clothed  in  white,  with  a  gold-coloured  short- 
sleeved  robe  over,  the  head  covered  with  a  white 
veil,  and  the  left  hand  which  holds  a  crown  also 
similarly  veiled.  They  are  preceded  by  the 
three  kings  (restored)  presenting  the  offerings  to 
the  Infant  Saviour  seated  on  His  throned  Virgin 


MOSAICS 

Mother's  lap,  with  two  stately  angels  on  either- 
side,  both  mother  and  child  having  the  nimbus, 
and  with  their  right  hands  raised  in  act  of 
benediction.  "Few  of  man's  works,"  writes 
Mr.  Freeman,  "  are  more  magnificent  than  that 
long  procession  of  triumphal  virgins.  ...  not 
stiff  conventional  forms,  as  in  the  late  Byzantine 
work ;  but  living  and  moving  human  beings." 
There  is  great  variety  in  the  expression  of  the 
faces,  and  the  features  are  some  of  the  most 
beautiful  in  early  Christian  art.  The  names  are 
inscribed  over  each  saint.  Mrs.  Jameson  calls 
attention  to  the  fact  that  only  five  of  the  whole 
number  "  are  properly  Greek  saints,  all  the  rest 
being  Latin  saints,  whose  worship  originated 
with    the    Western,  and  not    with   the  Eastern 


No.  9.    Cupola  of  the  Archiepiscopal  C!hapel,  Eavenna. 


church  "  (Jameson,  Sacred  and  Legendary  Art, 
vol.  ii.  p.  527).  Above  the  friezes  the  spaces 
between  the  windows  exhibit  small  single  figures 
of  prophets  and  apostles  in  niches  ;  and  over 
each  window,  a  vase  with  two  doves  recalls  a 
familiar  feature  in  classical  art.  Higher  still, 
just  below  the  roof,  is  a  series  of  sm.all  subjects 
from  the  life  of  Christ.  Those  on  the  ritual, 
north,  depict  thirteen  scenes  from  the  life  of  our 
Lord :— (1)  The  cure  of  the  paralytic ;  (2)  the 
cure  of  the  demoniac ;  (3)  healing  of  the  man 
with  the  palsy ;  (4)  severing  the  sheep  from  the 
goats ;  (5)  the  widow's  mite  ;  (6)  the  Pharisee 
and  publican  ;  (7)  the  raising  of  Lazarus ;  (8) 
Christ  and  the  woman  of  Samaria;  (9)  the 
woman  that  was  a  sinner;  (10)  cure  of  the  two 


I  blind  men;  (11)  miraculous  draught;  (12)  the 
feeding  of  the  five  thousand;  (13)  gathering  up 
j  the  fragments.  Those  on  the  south,  as  many 
j  scenes  from  the  Passion,  commencing  with  the 
j  Last  Supper  and  ending  with  the  appearances 
of  our  Lord  after  His  Resurrection — to  the  dis- 
ciples at  Emmaus,  and  to  the  eleven  apostles ; 
and,  what  is  noteworthv,  omitting  the  Cruci- 
fixion and  all  the  physical  sufferings  of  Christ. 
It  deserves  notice  that  in  the  former  our  Lord 
is  represented  as  a  beardless  young  man  ;  in  the 
latter  as  adult  and  bearded.  These  mosaics  are 
of  high  value  in  Christian  art,  and  deserve  to  be 
better  known.  The  best  account  of  them  is  in 
Richter,  Die  Mosaiken  von  Ravenna,  pp.  44  ff. 
Above    the    saints    we    see    the    conch-shaped 


MOSAICS 

vauit  of  an  apse,  with  a  pensile  crown,  and 
a  cross  above  supported  by  a  dove  on  either 
side.  (Woodcut,  Corona  Lucis,  vol.  i.  p.  461  ; 
Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  torn.  ii.  pp.  126,  127 ; 
Agincourt,  Feinture,  pi.  xvi.  fig.  13,  15-20 ; 
Garrucci,  Arti  Primitiv.  Crist. ;  von  Quasi,  taf. 
7;  South  Kens.  No.  6811,  6812;  Kugler,  m.  s. 
pp.  38-40.) 

To  the  same  period  belong  the  mosaics  of  the 
chapel  of  the  archiepiscopal  palace. s  (Woodcut 
No.  9.)  We  have  here  a  dome  with  the  monogram 
of  Christ  in  the  centre,  supported  by  four  simple 
and  graceful  angels,  with  the  evangelistic  symbols 
in  the  spandrels, all  on  a  gold  ground.  The  soffit  of 
each  of  the  four  sustaining  arches  is  decorated  with 
seven  medallion  heads  on  an  azure  ground,  that  of 
Christ  (a  very  youthful  bust)  occupying  the  place 
of  honour  in  the  centre  of  the  chancel  arch,  with 
three  of  the  apostles  on  either  side,  the  heads 
of  the  remaining  six  with  that  of  St.  Paul, 
ornamenting  the  western  arch.  The  side  arches 
exhibit  six  male  saints  to  the  north,  and  as  many 
female  saints  to  the  south,  with  the  sacred 
monogram  in  the  centre.  These  medallions  are 
conceived  in  the  same  spirit  as  those  on  the 
arch  of  the  sacrarium  of  St.  Vital,  but  are 
inferior  in  design  and  execution. 

The  mosaics  which  decorate  the  basilica  of 
St.  Apollinaris  in  Classe  belong  to  a  later 
period,  c.  671-677,  but  they  may  be  conveni- 
ently treated  of  here,  as  they  are  examples  of 
the  same  school  of  art,  and  present  many  points 
of  close  resemblance  to  the  earlier  works.  These 
mosaics  are  pronounced  by  Kugler  to  be  of  the 
highest  importance  in  the  history  of  ecclesiastical 
art,  as  almost  the  only  surviving  example,  since 
the  conflagration  of  St.  Paul's  at  "Piome,  of  the 
manner  in  which  "  whole  rows  of  pictures  and 
symbols  were  employed  to  ornament  the  interior 
of  churches"  (Kugler,  u.  s.  p.  61).  The  span- 
drels of  the  nave  arches  offer  a  series  of  early 
Christian  s3'mbols,  from  the  simple  monogram 
to  the  Good  Shepherd  and  the  Fisherman, 
while  a  line  of  medallions  on  the  wall  above 
exhibits  full-face  portraits  of  the  archbishops  of 
Eavenna,  on  the  same  plan  as  the  series  of  popes 
in  St.  Paul's,  which  are  continued  also  along 
the  wall  of  the  aisles.  (See  the  woodcut,  article 
Church,  vol.  i.  p.  377.)  These  are  modern,  but 
apparently  correct  copies.  The  mosaics  of  the 
apse  are  original,  and  very  remarkable.  The 
arch  of  the  tribune  presents  the  familiar  ar- 
rangement. The  bust  of  Christ,  in  a  medallion, 
occupies  the  centre  between  the  evangelistic 
symbols,  with  twelve  sheep  on  either  side 
issuing  from  the  gates  of  the  two  holy  cities  and 
advancing  up  the  sides  of  the  arch.  Lower 
down  are  the  two  archangels,  Michael  and 
Gabriel,  with  heads  of  youthful  beauty,  each 
holding  the  labarum.  Lower  still  are  figures 
of  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Luke.  The  side  walls  of 
the  apse  present  two  very  remarkable  historical 
compositions,  evidently  designed  in  imitation 
of  those  at  St.  Vital.  '  To  the  south  the  three 
sacrifices  of  the  Old  Testament,  those  of  Abel, 
Melchizedek,    and    Abraham,  are   combined    in 


MOSAICS 


133:; 


g  They  are  pronounced  by  Von  Quast  to  belong  to  the 
5th  century  chiefly  on  account  of  a  monogram,  "  Petrus," 
which  he  considers  to  refer  to  Petrus  Chrysologiis,  a.d. 
433-454.  Kugler  would  prefer  to  refer  this  monogram 
to  archbishop  Petrus  IV.,  a.d.  569-5Y4  (zt.  s.  p.  40,  note). 


one  really  spirited  composition.  To  the  north 
is  represented  the  Granting  the  Privileges 
of  the  church  of  Ravenna  to  the  archbishop 
Reparatus  by  the  emperor,  probably  Con- 
stantino Pogouatus,  A.D.  668-685,  slighter 
and  inferior  in  drawing  and  execution  to  the 
opposite  picture  (Kugler,  u.  s.  p.  63),  but  de- 
serving to  be  ranked  with  the  mosaics  of  St. 
Vital's  as  invaluable  contemporary  records  of 
secular  costume  of  the  7th  centuiy.  Between 
the  five  windows  of  the  apse  are  sainted  bishops 
of  Ravenna  in  pontifical  robes,  holding  books, 
and  blessing  the  people.  The  most  noteworthy 
however  of  the  series  of  mosaics  in  this  church 
is  that  of  the  Transfiguration,  which  fills  the 
conch  of  the  apse,  considered  by  Lord  Lindsay 
as  "  perhaps  the  most  beautifully  executed 
mosaic  in  Ravenna."  With  the  exception  of  that 
at  Mount  Sinai  it  is  the  earliest  known  representa- 
tion of  the  scene,  and  is  given  in  so  emblematical 
a  character  that  by  the  uninitiated  the  subject 
would  not  be  readily  recognised  (Mrs.  Jameson's 
History  of  our  Lord,  vol.  i.  p.  341).  The  tradi- 
tional type  is  adhered  to  in  the  arrangement. 
In  the  chief  place  the  presence  of  Christ  is  sym- 
bolized by  a  jewelled  cross,  set  in  a  blue  circle 
studded  with  gold  stars,  in  the  centre  of  which 
His  sacred  face  is  inserted  with  Salus  mundi  below, 
and  IX0T2  above.  The  divine  hand  issuing  from 
the  clouds,  and  pointing  to  the  cross,  indicates 
the  Father's  recognition  of  the  Son.  On  either 
side  of  the  cross  ti-uncated  half  figures  of  Moses 
and  Elias  repose  on  delicately  coloured  clouds. 
Below,  three  sheep  in  a  hilly  green  meadow 
looking  upward  symbolize  the  apostles.  At  the 
base  of  the  composition,  in  the  central  position, 
reserved  in  the  earlier  mosaics  exclusively  for 
Christ,  St.  Apollinaris  stands  in  his  pontifical 
robes,  with  his  arms  extended  in  prayer,  between 
six  sheep  on  either  side.  The  freedom  from  the 
Byzantine  rigidity  which  characterizes  the  con- 
temporary works  at  Rome  is  very  noteworthy. 
Indeed,  notwithstanding  its  intimate  political 
connection  with  Constantinople  the  art-tra- 
ditions of  Ravenna  seem  to  have  continued  to  a 
late  date  unaffected  by  the  paralyzing  influence 
of  the  schools  of  the  Eastern  capital,  which 
was  destined  to  destroy  the  life  of  ecclesiastical 
art,  and  reduce  it  to  the  almost  mechanical 
reproduction  of  conventional  forms,  depending 
for  their  effect  on  the  architectonic  regularity  o"t 
their  arrangement  and  the  gorgeousness  of  the 
materials  employed.  The  absence  of  Byzantine 
influence  here  has  been  noticed  by  Mr.  Freeman ; 
the  "  Ravenna  monuments  all  come  together  under 
one  head;  they  are  all  Christian  Roman  .... 
Greek  inscriptions  appear  over  the  heads  of  the 
holy  personages  in  the  mosaics  (at  St.  Mark's, 
Venice),  but  the  walls  of  St.  Vitalis  and  St. 
Apollinaris  in  Classe  sjjake  no  tongue  but 
Latin"  (^Historical  and  Architectural  Sketches, 
pp.  46,  47). 

Contemporaneous  with  the  earliest  mosaics  at 
Ravenna  are  the  very  interesting  works  at 
Milan,  in  the  churches  of  St.  Lawrence  and  St. 
Ambrose.  Those  at  St.  Lawrence  are  in  the 
lateral  apses  of  the  ancient  chapel  of  St. 
Aquilinus,  containing  the  tomb  of  Ataulphus, 
the  first  husband  of  Galla  Placidia  (A.D.  415). 
They  may  be  safely  ascribed  to  the  early  part  of 
the  5th  century,  and  are  entirely  free  from 
Byzantine  influence.  That  to  the  right  reprs- 
4  K  2 


1334 


MOSAICS 


sents  Christ,  youthful  and  beardless,  clad  in 
white.  (Woodcut  No.  10.)  His  head  encircled 
with  a  cruciform  nimbus,  bearing  A  CI ;  His  right 
hand  raised  in  benediction,  His  left  holding  the 
Book  of  Life.  The  apostles  sit  on  either  side,  all 
robed  in  white  long-sleeved  tunics,  with  a  black 
clavus  over  the  right  shoulder.  Their  feet  are  san- 
dalled. The  heads  display  much  variety  in  expres- 
sion, meditative  stern  or  cheerful,  and  some  are 
characterized  by  youthful  beauty.  The  tribune  to 
the  left  represents  a  pastoral  scene,  where  three 
youthful  shepherds,  one  asleep,  are  depicted 
with  three  sheep  in  a  rocky  landscape,  under  a 
cloudy  nocturnal  sky.  Two  dignified  figures 
clad  in  rich  gold-coloured  robes  are  directing  the 
attention  of  the  shepherds  to  something  out  of 
the  picture.  If,  as  Dr.  Appell  believes,  this 
represents  the  angel  appearing  to  the  shepherds 
at  the  Nativity,  it  is  an  interesting  proof  of  the 
entire  absence    at    that    early   period   of   any 


MOSAICS 

I  recognised  type  of  the  scene  (Allegranza.  Spiega- 
\  zoni,  &c.,  tav.  1  ;  South  Kens.  Nos.  7782,  7967). 
j  The  mosaics  at  St.  Ambrose  are  in  the  side 
I  chapel  of  St.  Satyrus,  or  of  St.  Victor,  "  ad 
coelum  aureum,"  this  being  the  original  place  of 
the  latter  saint's  interment.  Thev  are  ascribed  to 
the  middle  of  the  5th  century,  and  are  of  remark- 
able excellence,  characterized  by  a  living  freedom 
and  absence  of  stifthess.  On  each  side  wall  of  the 
chapel  are  three  standing  saints  ;  on  the  gospel 
side,  St.  Ambrose  between  St.  Gervasius  and 
St.  Protasius ;  on  the  epistle  side,  St.  Maternus 
between  St.  Nabor  and  St.  Felix.  All  wear 
white  togas  over  tunics,  their  feet  are  san- 
dalled, they  have  no  nimbi.  The  cupola  has 
a  gold  ground,  in  the  centre  of  which,  within  a 
garland  of  gay  flowers,  is  the  half  figure  of  St. 
Victor,  a  bearded  and  moustached  young  man, 
of  a  high  colour  and  short  brown  hair.  (Woodcut 
No.  11.)    He  is  clothed  in  a  red  tunic,  with  a 


No.  10.    The  Apse  of  St.  Aquilinns,    St.    Lorenzo,  Milan.    (South  Kensington  Museum.) 


light  purple  pallium  over  it.  He  holds  in  his 
right  hand  a  cruciform  monogram  of  Christ  with 
an  inscription  on  the  horizontal  bar  of  the  H, 
read  by  Ferrario,  Panagriae.  In  his  left  hand  he 
bears  an  open  book  inscribed  Victor,  above  is  a 
cross  with  Faudini  on  the  horizontal  bar.  The 
evangelistic  symbols  as  usual  occupy  the  pen- 
dentives.  They  are  more  unconventional  than 
usual  but  the  lion  suffers  in  drawing  from  the 
artist's  ignorance  of  the  real  animal  (Ferrario, 
Momimenti  di  Sant'  Amhrogio  in  Milano). 

Before  we  return  to  Rome  to  trace  the  gradual 
stiffening  and  shrivelling  up  of  ecclesiastical  art 
under  increasing  Byzantine  influence,  we  must 
cross  the  Adriatic,  and  take  a  suryey  of  the 
mosaics  of  the  very  remarkable  basilica  of 
Parenzo  in  Istria,  erected,  according  to  an  in- 
scription on  the  tabernacle,  (strangely  misread  by 


Dr.  J.  M.  Neale,  and  the  Gei-man  authorities)'' 
by  Euphrasius,  the  first  bishop  of  the  see,  between 
A.D.  535  and  A.D.  543.  These  mosaics  have  a 
strong  family  likeness  to  those  of  Ravenna, 
especially  those  of  St.  ApoUinare  Nuovo,  and 
evidently  belong  to  the  same  school.  The  soffit 
of  the  arch  of  the  tribune  is  decorated  with  a 
series  of  medallion  heads  of  female  saints,  with 
the  sacred  monogram  on  the  vertex  of  the  arch. 
The  western  face  of  the  arch  has  only  ribbons 
and  arabesque   foliage.     The  side  walls    of  the 


>>  The  Inscription  Is  as  follows :  "  Famul(us)  .  r)(e)i  . 
Eufrasius  .  Antis(tes)  .  temporib(us)  .  suis  .  ag(ens)  . 
an(num)  .  XI  .  hunc  .  loc(um)  .  a  .  fundamen(tis)  . 
D(e)o  .  jobant(e)  .  see  .  Oeccl  .  Catholec(ae)  .  condidit." 
The  words  Deo  .  jobante,  i.e.  Deo  juvante,  have  been 
strangely  read  into  an  abbreviation  for  Domino  Johanne 
beatissimo  Antistite. 


MOSAICS^ 

apse  present  the  Annunciation  to  the  north,  and 
the  Visitation  to  the  south.  Two  saints  and  a 
gold  nimbed  angel  in  white  robes  holding  an 
orb,  occupy  the  spaces  between  the  windows. 
The  semi-dome  of  the  apse  contains  a  very  exten- 
sive mosaic  picture,  somewhat  coarse,  but  very 
effective,  the  figures  being  remarkably  free 
from  stiffness,  noble  in  outline,  and  with  well- 
arranged  drapery.  The  general  arrangement  is 
that  with  which  we  are  familiar  in  this  posi- 
tion. A  sacred  figure  occupies  the  central  place 
with  saints  and  angels  standing  in  solemn  atten- 
dance on  either  side,  while  from  the  clouds  above 
the  Divine  Hand  holds  out  a  crown.  But  it 
is  no  longer  Christ  Himself  that  is  the  chief 
object  of  veneration,  but  His  Virgin  Mother, 
throned  and  nimbed,  holding  her  Son  on  her  lap. 
This  mosaic  therefore  indicates  a  distinct  step 


MOSAICS 


1335 


onwards  in  the  cultiis  of  the  Blessed  Virgin, 
anticipating  by  three  centuries  the  throned 
Virgin  of  Santa  Maria  in  Domnica.  On  either 
side  of  the  central  group  stands  a  stately  angel, 
and  beyond  three  saintly  personages ;  those  to 
the  Virgin's  right  hand  are  the  patron  saint, 
St.  Maurus,  holding  a  crown,  bishop  Euphrasius 
the  founder,  and  archdeacon  Claudius,  the 
architect  of  the  church,  a  model  of  which 
Euphrasius  is  presenting ;  and  between  them  a 
second  Euphrasius,  a  boy,  the  child  of  Claudius. 
The  three  saints  to  the  Virgin's  left  are  anony- 
mous. The  mosaics  at  Parenzo  are  not  limited 
to  the  interior  of  the  church.  The  western 
faoade  was  decorated  with  a  mosaic  picture  of 
Christ  in  a  Vesica,  between  the  Evangelistic 
symbols,  with  the -seven  golden  candlesticks  and 
two  saints  below,  all  in  a  state  of  sad  decay. 


No.  11.    Cnpola  of  the  Chapel  of  St.  Satiro,   at  St.  Ambrogio,  Milan. 


The  very  remarkable  mosaics  of  this  basilica 
demand  careful  illustration.  (Lohde,  Der  Bom 
von  Parenzo;  Eitelberger,  Kunstdenkmale  des 
Ocsterreichischen  Kaiserstaates,  heft  4-5,  pi. 
xiii.-xvi. ;  Neale,  Notes  of  Journey  in  Dalmatia, 
pp.  79,  80.) 

Proceeding  still  further  to  the  east,  Justinian's 
glorious  church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople 
presents  an  example  of  mosaic  dec^oration  un- 
paralleled in  extent  and  unsurpassed  in  mag- 
nificence, but  almost  entirely  hidden  beneath 
the  whitewash  of  the  image-hating  Mussulmans, 
and  only  known  to  us  by  the  rhetorical  descrip- 
tions of  Paulus  Silentiarius,  and  from  the  draw- 


ings of  Salzenberg,  taken  during  the  temporary 
removal  of  the  plaster,  and  published  in  his 
magnificent  work  on  the  ancient  Christian  archi- 
tecture of  Constantinople  {AltchristUche  Baudenk- 
male  von  Constantinopel).  The  present  state  of 
the  mosaics  may  be  seen  in  Signer  Fossati's  work 
Agia  Sofia.  Salzenberg's  plates  afford  an  un- 
deniable'proof  that  even  in  Byzantium  itself  the 
stiffening  influence  of  Byzantine  pictorial  tradi- 
tions had  hardly  begun  to  operate  in  the  6th 
century.  It  is  true  that,  with  some  exceptions, 
there  is  little  attempt  to  produce  a  pictorial 
composition.  The  mo.saics  chiefly  consist  of 
majestic  single  figures  rhythmically  arranged  as 


1336 


MOSAICS 


accessories  to  the  architecture,  looking  down  ' 
calmly  on  the  worshippers  below,  without  .any 
indication  of  action.  But  they  are  well  drawn, 
and  display  none  of  the  spectral  rigidity  and 
attenuated  length  which  renders  later  Byzantine 
art  so  repulsive.  The  subsidiary  ornamentation 
on  the  walls,  panels,  soffits  and  spandrels  of  the 
arches  is  no  less  free  and  joyous.  Here  we  have 
beautiful  arabesque  foliage,  branches  of  trees 
with  clusters  of  fruit  and  flowers,  with  stars, 
lozenges,  triangles,  and  guilloche  bordei-s,  mani- 
festing the  influence  of  a  still  living  classical 
trfidition.  The  whole  interior  of  the  chuixh  was 
originally  invested  with  inlaid  work.  The  lower 
portions  were  covered  with  "  opus  sectile," 
patterns  inlaid  in  various-coloured  marbles, 
while  the  upper  and  far  larger  portion  was 
swathed,  as  it  were,  in  a  continuous  gold  sheet 
(we  see  the  same,  at  a  later  date,  at  St.  Mark's, 
Venice),  throwing  up  the  stately  sacred  forms. 
The  general  arrangement  of  the  mosaics  may  be 
seen  in  the  section  of  St.  Sophia,  given  in  our 


MOSAICS 

first  volume  (Galleries,  vol.  i.  p.  707).  Four 
vast  seraphs,  with  faces  of  youthful  majesty,  set 
in  the  midst  of  six  overshadowing  wings,  occupy 
the  pendentives  of  the  great  cupola.  These  are 
still  partially  visible,  their  faces  only  being  con- 
cealed by  silver  stars.  The  dome  itself  had 
no  figures,  and  was  simply  divided  by  bands  of 
conventional  ornament.  The  soffits  of  the  four 
main  arches  supporting  the  dome  were  adorned 
with  full  length  colossal  figures  of  sacred  per- 
sonages within  rich  mosaic  borders.  The  soffit 
of  the  arch  of  the  apse  presented  on  either  side 
a  truly  magnificent  picture  of  a  white-robed 
angel  holding  a  globe  and  a  wand,  with  two 
wings  of  vast  length  and  breadth,  almost  reaching 
to  his  feet.  The  face  is  characterized  by  a  noble 
youthful  beauty ;  the  hair  long  and  curling. 
The  arrangement  of  the  wall  spaces  within  the 
cupola  will  be  seen  in  the  woodcut  already  re- 
ferred to.  The  si.x  smaller  figures  between  the 
second  tier  of  windows  represent  the  minor 
prophets.  Hanked  at  either  end  by  taller  figures 


From  Salzenberg's  Consiantinf-pel. 


of  the  major  prophets,  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah  to 
the  north,  Ezekiel  and  Daniel  to  the  south. 
There  is  much  variety  and  individuality  of  ex- 
pression in  these  stately  figures.  Jeremiiih  has  a 
very  noble  head,  with  long  flowing  hair  and  beard. 
Jonah  and  Habakkuk  are  also  noticeable.  The  latter 
has  a  very  earnest  f;ice,  without  a  beard,  and  with 
short  hair  (Salzenberg,  pi.  30).  A  mosaic  given 
by  Salzenberg  (pi.  31),  from  the  Gynaeceum,  re- 
presenting the  l3ay  of  Pentecost  shews  the  only 
attempt  at  a  regularly  composed  picture.  The 
twelve  apostles  are  ranged  in  a  semicircle  (it  is 
noticeable  that  the  Virgin  is  absent),  the  descend- 
ing fiery  tongues  being  depicted  on  the  ribs  of 
the  half  dome.  A  fragment  from  one  of  the 
spandrels  shews  a  portion  of  a  group  of  by- 
standers, depicted  with  much  graphic  power. 
Half-incredulous  wonder  is  well  repi-esented  in 
their  faces.  One  ill-looking  fellow  with  a  goat's 
beard  is  mocking.  The  mosaics  of  St.  Sophia 
are  evidently  not  all  of  the  same  date.  The 
figures    of    Eastern    saints,     Anthimus,    Basil, 


Dionysius,  Gregory  Theologus,  &c.,  from  the 
walls  of  the  nave,  shew  a  somewhat  soulless 
uniformity  in  dress  form  and  feature,  with  an 
approach  to  excess  of  length,  indicating  a  decline 
of  art  (i"6.  pi.  28,  29).  The  mosaic  of  our  Lord 
enthroned,  with  the  prostrate  form  of  the 
emperor  (Constantine  Pogonatus)  awkwardly 
poising  himself  on  his  knees  and  elbows  at  His 
feet,  displays  the  union  of  excessive  gorgeousness 
of  dress  and  accessories,  with  bad  drawing  and 
ignorance  of  anatomy,  which  characterizes  the 
later  B3^zantine  woi'ks.     (Woodcut  No.  12.) 

Another  contemporaneous  specimen  of  Greek 
mosaic,  on  a  scale  of  which  unhappily  there  are 
but  few  examples  remaining,  is  the  cupola  of 
St.  Sophia,  at  Thessalonica,  representing  the 
Ascension.  This  vast  composition  covers  an  area 
of  600  square  3'ards,  and  is  executed  with  a 
finish  rarely  exhibited  in  such  works.  It  may 
be  safely  assigned  to  the  middle  of  the  6th 
century.  The  ascending  figure  of  Christ  in  an 
aureole   supported  by  angels,  in  the    centre  of 


MOSAICS 

the  dome,  has  almost  entirely  perished.  The 
Virgin  and  twelve  apostles,  poised  insecurely  on 
little  conical  hills  divided  by  olive  trees,  stand 
in  a  circle  round  the  base,  their  colossal  figures, 
more  than  twelve  feet  high,  stretching  over  the 
golden  concave.  The  Virgin  occupies  the  chief 
place  opposite  the  entrance  ;  she  is  vested  in 
a  purple  robe,  with  scarlet  sandals,  and  has  a 
golden  nimbus,  as  have  the  two  angels  who,  one 
•on  either  side  of  her,  are  addressing  the  apostles. 
The  apostles  are  un-nimbed.  Their  expression  is 
veiy  varied  and  life-like.  Some  gaze  upwards ; 
some  lean  their  heads  on  their  hands  in  deep 
thought ;  some  hold  up  a  hand  or  a  finger  in 
astonishment.  There  is  as  yet  no  trace  of  the 
paralyzing  effect  of  Byzantine  stiffness  and 
despotic  art  traditions  in  this  truly  magnificent 
work  (Texier  et  PuUan,  Eglises  Byzantines,  pi. 
xl,  xli,  pp.  142-144).  There  can  be  no  reason 
to  doubt  that  Greece,  Asia  Minor,  and  the  Holy 


:mosaics 


1337 


Land  once  possessed  many  other  equally  noble 
specimens  of  mosaic  decoi-ation,  "  incomparably 
more  splendid,  more  extensive,  and  grander  in 
plan"  (Gaily  Knight)  than  those  with  which 
we  are  most  familiar  in  Italy ;  but  very  few 
have  survived  the  wasting  effects  of  the  ele- 
ments, wars,  fires,  and  earthquakes,  and  those 
that  remain  are  mostly  hidden  by  Mahommedan 
whitewash.  The  apse  of  the  church  of  the 
convent  of  Mount  Sinai  has  preserved  its 
mosaics  of  the  time  of  Justinian,  representing 
the  Transfiguration,  with  figures  of  Christ, 
Moses,  and  Elias,  and  the  three  apostles  below, 
set  in  a  border  of  medallions  containing  busts 
of  prophets,  apostles  and  saints.  Portraits  of 
Justinian  and  Theodora  are  found  on  the  face  of 
the  arch  of  the  apse.  Above  them  are  the 
appropriate  historical  scenes  of  Moses  and  the 
Burning  Bush,  and  Moses  receiving  the  Tables  of 
the  Law.     Accurate  drawings  or  photographs  of 


No.  13.    The  Apse  and  Triumphal  Arch  of  SS.  Cosmaa  and  Damii 


these  mosaics  are  urgently  called  for.  M.  Didron 
also  reports  that  the  "  vaults  and  cupola  of 
Vatopedi  and  St.  Laura  on  Mount  Athos,  and  of 
Daphne,  near  Athens,  and  of  St.  Luke  in  Livadia, 
are  covered  with  mosaics,"  but  he  supplies  no 
details. 

The  devastating  inroads  which  swept  over  Italy 
in  the  5th  century  effectually  stamped  out  all 
n.itive  art  both  in  the  capital  and  the  provincial 
( ities.  The  revival  of  mosaic  decoration,  as  of  the 
other  forms  of  enclesiastical  art,  must  be  attri- 
buted to  artists  from  the  Eastern  Rome,  who 
brought  with  them  their  technical  processes  and 
pictorial  traditions.  It  was  not,  however,  till  a 
later  period,  as  has  been  already  remarked,  that 
the  rapid  decline  which  characterizes  the  Byzan- 
tine school  proper  set  in.  The  mosaic  composi-  ' 
tions  in  Rome  belonging  to  the  6th  century  still 
exhibit  a  life  and  movement  which  render  them  I 
•"in  point    of  composition  scarcely   perceptibly  | 


inferior  to  those  of  the  5th,  and  in  splendour  of 
material  by  no  means  so"  (Kugler,  u.  s.  p.  31). 
The  finest  mosaics  of  this  class  existing  in 
Rome  are  those  in  the  church  of  St.  Cosmas  and 
St.  Damian  (the  Eastern  jihysjcian  saints)  in  the 
Forum,  built  by  Felix  IV.  A.D.  526-530.  (Woodcut 
No.  13.)  Here  we  perceive  that  we  have  finally 
said  farewell  to  pictorial  composition,  and  enter 
upon  the  system  of  [)ictorial  architectonic  decora- 
tions, which  continued  with  ever-increasing  for- 
mality and  stiffness  up  to  the  extinction  of  the  art. 
The  effect  is  made  to  depend  entirely  on  majestic 
figures  rhythmically  placed  in  motionless  repose, 
striking  the  eye  of  the  worshipper  with  their  calm 
and  solemn  grandeur,  and  filling  his  mind  with  re- 
verence and  awe,  while  "  the  rich  play  of  antique 
decoration  is  lost  sight  of  behind  the  severe  gravity 
of  figurative  representation  "  (LUbke,  History  of 
Christian  Art).  The  arrangement  of  tliis  admir- 
able mosaic,  the  last  work  in  Christian  Rome  in 


1338 


MOSAICS 


which  we  trace  a  really  living  art  in  contra- 
distinction to  the  mechanical  reproduction  of 
hieratical  forms,  conforms  to  the  type  described 
at  the  coimmencement  of  this  article ;  conven- 
tional in  arrangement,  gorgeous  in  colour,  severe 
in  form,  and  stern  in  expression.  A  colossal 
figure  of  our  Lord,  His  right  hand  raised  in 
benediction.  His  left  holding  a  scroll,  occupies 
the  centre  of  the  roof  of  the  apse.  To  the  left  St. 
Peter  introduces  St.  Cosraas ;  St.  Paul,  to  the 
right,  St.  Damian,  each  bearing  martyrs'  crowns. 
They  are  followed  by  St.  Theodore  to  the  right, 
gorgeously  robed,  carrying  his  crown,  and 
pope  Feli.x  IV.,  the  founder  of  the  church,  of 
which  he  carries  a  model,  to  the  left  (an  entirely 
restored  figure).  The  composition  is  terminated 
<n  either  side  by  a  palm  tree,  laden  with  fruit, 
sparkling  with  gold,  symbolizing  the  tree  of  life. 
Above  that  to  the  left  is  the  phoenix  with  a  star- 
shaped  nimbus,  typifying  eternal  life  through 
death.  The  river  Jordan  is  indicated  below  Christ's 
feet,  as  it  were  dividing  heaven  from  earth.  A 
frieze  encircling  the  apse  bears  twelve  sheep, 
drawn  with  much  truth  and  individuality  of 
expression,  advancing  from  the  two  holy  cities 
to  the  Holy  Lamb,  who,  with  nimbed  head,  stands 
on  a  hill,  from  which  issue  the  four  rivers  of 
Paradise,  which,  as  well  as  the  Jordan,  have 
their  names  inscribed.  The  arch  of  the  apse 
presents  the  usual  symbols  on  its  face.  In  the 
centre  the  Lamb,  "  as  it  had  been  slain,"  on  a 
jewelled  altar  with  a  cross  behind  and  the 
seven  sealed  book  on  the  step ;  on  either  side  the 
golden  candlesticks,  two  angels,  and  the  evange- 
listic symbols,  two  of  which,  as  well  as  the 
throng  of  elders  below  otfering  their  crosses, 
have  been  nearly  obliterated  by  repairs.  The 
only  nimbed  figures  are  Christ  and  the  angels. 
"  The  figure  of  Christ,"  writes  Kugler  {ti.s.  p.  32), 
"  may  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  marvellous 
specimens  of  the  art  of  the  middle  ages.  Coun- 
tenance, attitude,  and  drapery  combine  to  give 
Him  an  expression  of  quiet  majesty,  which  for 
many  centuries  after  is  not  found  again  in  equal 
beauty  and  freedom.  The  drapery  especially  is 
disposed  in  noble  folds,  and  only  in  its  somewhat 
too  ornate  details  is  a  further  departure  from 
the  antique  observable.  The  saints  are  not  as 
yet  arranged  in  stiff"  parallel  forms,  but  are 
advancing  forward,  so  that  their  figures  appear 
somewhat  distorted,  while  we  already  remark 
something  constrained  and  inanimate  in  their 
step.  ...  A  feeling  for  colour  is  here  displayed, 
of  which  no  later  mosaics  with  gold  grounds 
give  any  idea.  The  heads  are  animated  and  indi- 
vidual. .  .  .  still  tar  removed  from  any  Byzan- 
tine stiffness."  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Man.  vol.  ii. 
tab.  15,  16  ;  De  Rossi,  Musaici  Cristiani,  fasc.  v. ; 
Foutana,  Musaici  delle  Chiese  di  Boma,  tab.  3 ; 
Liibke,  History  of  Christian  Art,  vol.  i.  p.  319; 
Parker,  Fhotogr.  1441-1445;  South  Kens.  No. 
7805.) 

A  very  decided  decline  in  art,  though  still 
preserving  some  traces  of  the  ancient  Pioman 
manner,  is  manifested  by  the  mosaics  of  St.  Law- 
rence without  the  walls  built  by  Pelagius  II. 
Ca.d.  577-590).  The  apse  was  destroyed  when 
Honorius  IIL  (A.D.  1210-1227)  reversed  the 
orientation,  and  erected  a  long  nave  where  the  apse 
had  stood,  and  the  only  mosaics  remaining  are  on 
the  back-side  of  the  arch  of  triumph.  They  are 
too  much  restored  and   altered  to  be  of  much 


MOSAICS 

value  in  the  history  of  art.  Christ  is  here 
seated  on  the  globe  of  the  world,  holding  a  long 
cross ;  to  his  right  stand  St.  Peter  and  St.  Law- 
rence bearing  similar  crosses,  and  St.  Pelagius, 
a  diminutive  figure,  presenting  his  church.  On 
Christ's  left  stand  St.  Paul  and  St.  Stephen,  and 
St.  Hippolytus  bearing  his  martyr's  crown. 
Vitet  remarks  that  the  savage  ascetic  aspect 
of  Christ  resembles  that  of  an  Oriental  monk. 
(Ciampini,  Vet.  Men.  vol.  ii.  c.  13,  tab.  28  ; 
Parker,  Mosaics,  pp.  20-22.)  "  Standing  on 
the  boundary  line  between  the  earlier  and  later 
styles  "  (Kugler,  M.S.  p.  59),  but  shewing  a  very 
decided  tendency  to  Byzantine  treatment,  are  the 
mosaics  of  St.  Agnes,  the  work  of  pope  Honorius, 
A.D.  625-638.  The  picture,  limited  to  three 
figures,  is  a  strong  contrast  to  the  crowded 
compositions  of  later  times.  Here,  for  the  first 
time,  we  have  a  human  saint  occupying  the 
central  place  hitherto  reserved  for  Christ.  The 
Divine  Hand  holds  the  crown  above  her  head. 
The  execution  is  coarse,  and  the  design  poor.  The 
forms  are  stiff"  and  elongated,  and  the  attitudes 
conventional,  while  an  attempt  is  made  to  com- 
pensate for  deficiencies  in  art  by  richness  of 
colour  and  gorgeousness  of  costume.  St.  Agnes 
is  attired  with  a  barbarous  splendour  in  a  dark 
purple  robe  embroidered  with  gold  and  overloaded 
with  gems,  as  is  her  jewelled  tiara,  while  strings 
of  pearls  hang  from  her  ears,  reminding  us  of  the 
Empress  Theodora  at  St.  Vital's.  Her  red  cheeks 
are  mere  blotches,  and  the  figure  is  outlined  by 
heavy  dark  strokes.  A  sword  lies  at  her  feet, 
where  flames  are  bursting  from  the  ground,  sym- 
bolizing her  martyrdom.  To  her  right  Honorius 
presents  his  church ;  to  her  left  pope  Symma- 
chus  holds  a  book.  The  ground  is  of  gold,  which 
by  this  time  had  become  the  rule,  seldom  de- 
parted from  (De  Kossi,  Musaici  Cristiani,  fasc. 
iv. ;  Fontana,  u.s.  tav.  8  ;  D'Agincourt,  Febiture, 
pi.  17,  No.  2;  Parker,  Photogr.  1593;  South 
Kens.,  No.  974).  The  mosaics  which  decorate 
the  apse  of  the  oratory  of  St.  Venantius  (A.D. 
632-642),  attached  to  the  Lateran  baptistery,, 
depart  somewhat  from  the  usual  type.  Christ 
and  the  two  adoring  angels  are  reduced  to  busts, 
upborne  on  gaudy  clouds.  Below,  not  com- 
posed into  a  picture  but  standing  motionless 
side  by  side,  are  ranged  nine  full-length  figures, 
the  central  one  being  the  Virgin  as  an  "  orante  " 
(the  earliest  example  of  her  representation, 
not  in  an  historical  subject,  in  a  Roman  mosaic). 
To  her  right  are  St.  Paul,  St.  John,  St. 
Venantius,  and  pope  John  IV.,  the  builder  of 
the  oratory,  of  which  he  holds  a  model  in  his 
hand  ;  to  her  left  St.  Peter,  St.  John  the  Baptist, 
St.  Domnius,  and  pope  Theodore,  by  whom  the 
oratory  was  completed.  The  frieze  above  the 
arch  has  the  usual  symbolical  representations ; 
in  the  spandrels  below  are  eight  full-length  figures 
of  saints,  four  on  each  side,  some  having  ci'owns, 
others  books.  The  execution  of  the  whole  is 
coarse,  and  the  design  tasteless.  We  must  pass 
rapidly  over  the  remaining  Roman  mosaics  irt 
which  Byzantine  formalism  gradually  crushes 
out  more  and  more  of  the  life  of  art.  Those  of 
the  small  altar  apse  attached  to  the  round 
church  of  St.  Stephen,  on  the  Coelian  Hill,  A.D. 
642-649,  display  in  the  centre  a  richly  jewelled 
cross  between  the  standing  figures  of  St.  Primus 
and  St.  Felicianus,  with  a  medallion  head  of 
Christ  on  its  upper  arm  (recalling  the  analogous 


MOSAICS 

arrangement  at  St.  Apollinaris  in  Classe),  and 
the  hand  of  the  Father  holding  out  the  martyr's 
crown  above.  A  solitary  tigure  in  mosaic, 
that  of  St.  Sebastian,  over  a  side  altar  at  St. 
Pietro,  in  Vincoli,  belongs  to  the  same  period  of 
art.  The  saint  appears,  not  as  in  later  art  as  a 
youthful  half-naked  Christian  Apollo,  but  as  an 
old  man  with  white  hair  and  beard,  in  full  By- 
zantine costume,  with  richly  embroidered  trou- 
sers bare  legs  and  sandals.  He  holds  his  mar- 
tyr's crown.  His  countenance  displays  stern 
resolution.  The  figure  is  stiff  and  lifeless. 
Some  fragments  of  the  mosaics  put  up  in  St. 
Peter's  by  John  VII.,  a.d.  703,  removed  when 
the  basilica  was  rebuilt,  still  exist.  A  figure  of 
the  V^irgin,  with  uplifted  hands  as  an  orante,  is 
preserved  in  the  Kicci  chapel,  in  St.  Mark's  at 
Florence.  A  portion  of  the  Adoration  of  the 
Magi  is  to  be  seen  in  the  sacristy  of  St.  Mary, 
in  Oosmedin,  which  ''  shews  composition  of  a 
good  character,  somewhat  in  the  older  taste." 
The  circular  church  of  St.  Theodore,  A.D.  772- 
795,    contains   a   well-executed    picture,   which 


MOSAICS 


1339 


"  is  chiefly  interesting  to  us  as  one  of  the  ear- 
liest specimens  of  the  copying  of  old  mosaics  " 
(Kugler,  M.S.  p.  41).  Christ  in  a  violet  robe, 
with  long  light  hair  and  a  short  beard,  hold- 
ing a  cross  in  his  left  hand,  is  seated  upon  a 
blue  starry  globe.  St.  Peter  on  the  right  is  in- 
troducing St.  Theodore,  both  being  exact  copies 
of  the  corresponding  figures  in  St.  Cosmas  and 
St.  Damian.  St.  Paul,  on  the  left,  introduces 
another  youthful  saint.  Both  are  offering  their 
crowns  on  an  embroidered  mantle  to  Christ.  The 
unmeaning  draperies  indicate  the  rapid  decline 
of  art.  The  largest  and  most  magnificent  of  the 
works  of  this  period  are  those  in  the  church  of 
St.  Praxedes.  Nowhere,  except  at  Venice  and 
Ravenna,  do  we  find  so  wide  an  extent  of  mosaic 
decoration  in  the  same  building.  Not  only  the 
portions  usually  so  ornamented,  the  apse  and  its 
arch,  but  a  second  arch  crossing  the  nave,  and 
a  side  chapel,  that  of  St.  Zeno,  with  its  vaulted 
roof,  are  similarly  vested.  "The  effect  of  this 
grand  work,"  writes  M.  Vitet,  "  is  most  imposing, 
the    effect    entirely  of  decoration,    independent 


Praxedes ;  Rome.    (Kr 


of  the  character  and  value  of  the  objects  re- 
presented. If  the  eyes  are  not  charmed,  they 
are  at  least  dazzled,  and  it  is  only  after  some 
time  that  we  are  aware  of  the  feebleness  and 
coarseness  of  the  work,  and  that  we  feel  a  sad 
surprise  at  this  great  degradation  of  art." 
Any  detailed  description  of  the  subjects  is 
rendered  unnecessary  by  their  being  a  formal 
reproduction,  with  the  necessary  substitutions, 
of  the  mosaics  at  St.  Cosmas  and  St.  Damian. 
The  sainted  sisters  St.  Praxedes  and  St.  Puden- 
tiana  take  the  place  of  St.  Cosmas  and  St.  Damian, 
aud  pope  Paschal  of  pope  Felix.  All  else  is,  in 
plan  at  least,  the  same.  The  degrading  influ- 
ence of  the  Byzantine  art  traditions  were,  how- 
ever, too  potent  to  allow  the  imitator  to  copy  ' 
faithfully.  He  has  reproduced  the  general  form 
and  lost  the  spirit.  The  execution  is  rude,  and 
the  gorgeousness  of  the  colouring  only  increases 
the  barbaric  effect.  The  figures  are  stiff  atten- 
uated and  angular ;  the  countenances  meagre 
sad  and  ascetic ;    the  drapery  formed    only  by 


a  few  dark  lines.  The  sheep  in  the  frieze  are 
"  like  children's  toys  ;  small  horses  of  wood  badly 
cut"  (Vitet).  The  arch  of  the  tribune  preserves  the 
decoration  in  a  degraded  form  which  has  almost 
entirely  perished  at  St.  Cosmas  and  St.  Damian. 
(Woodcut  No.  14.)  The  front  of  thearch  of  triumph 
represents  in  the  centre  the  heavenly  Jerusalem, 
within  whose  gates  stands  our  Lord,  too  diminu- 
tive for  effect,  attended  by  angels  and  saints, 
while  below  a  multitude  of  the  redeemed  ap- 
proach in  solemn  procession  "clad  in  white 
robes,  and  with  palm  branches  in  their  hands." 
The  simultaneous  action  of  so  vast  a  crowd 
is  not  without  solemn  effect,  but  the  whole  dis- 
plays commonplace  thought  and  feebleness  of 
execution  (Ciampini,  tom.  ii.  tab.  47  ;  Fontana, 
tav.  12;  De  Rossi,  Mnsaici  Ci-isticml,  fasc.  v.; 
Kugler,  pt.  i.  p.  67 ;  Crowe  and  Cavalcaselle, 
vol.  i.  p.  51  ;  Parker,  Photoqr.  No.  1477-1483, 
1506,  1507  ;  South  Kens.,  No.  976).  The  side 
chapel,  though  from  its  barbaric  splendour  it 
has  obtained  the  designation  of  the  "Garden  of 


1340 


MOSAICS 


Paradise,"  is  even  poorer  in  design  and  ruder  in 
•execution.  The  walls  are  covered  with  long 
lean  figures  of  saints — the  Virgin  Mary,  St.  John 
Baptist,  Apostles,  Virgins,  busts,  and  sacred 
symbols,  ranged  side  by  side  on  a  glittering  gold 
ground,  with  no  attempt  at  combined  pictorial 
effect.  The  vault  exhibits  in  the  centre  a  half- 
length  figure  of  Christ  upborne  by  four  angels, 
apparently  copied  from  the  ceiling  of  the  archi- 
episcopal  chapel  at_Ravenna.  The  most  interest- 
ing portion  of  these  decorations  is  the  Holy 
Lamb  on  a  mount,  from  which  issue  the  four 
streams  of  Paradise,  at  which  as  many  stags  are 
drinking.  The  window  above  the  side  door  is 
framed  in  double  rows  of  medallion  portraits, 
"  which  are  merely  rude  caricatures  "  (Kugler, 
M.S.  p.  68).  (Ciampini,  tom.  ii.  c.  26,  tab.  48, 
50;  Parker,  Photogr.  No.  1508-1512;  Parker, 
Mosaics,  p.  32;  South  Kens.,  No.  1393-1396). 
To  the  same  pope.  Paschal  I.,  are  due  the  mosaics 


MOSAICS 

[  of  the  apse  of  St.  Cecilia,  in  Trastevere,  where 
the  subjects    and  arrangements  are  nearly  the 
same,  and  which  in  rudeness  and  "  multiplicity  of 
figures  correspond  pretty  much  with  those  at  St. 
Praxedes."    We  have  "  the  same  forgetfulness  of 
the   human   frame,  the  same   disparity  between 
I  the  richness  of  the  costumes  and  the  deformity 
of  those  who  are  clothed  in  them  "  (Vitet).  (Ciam- 
pini,  vol.   ii.  c.   27,  tab.  51,  52;  Parker,  F/io- 
'  togr.  1706.)      To  Paschal  also  we  must  ascribe 
I  the  rich  mosaics  of  the  apse  of  St.  Mary  in  Navi- 
j  cella,  or  in  Domnica,  ^v■here,  for  the  first  time 
in  existing  Christian  Roman  art  (the  example  at 
Parenzo  is  three  centuries  earlier),  we  find  the 
Virgin  Mary  enthroned  with  our  Lord   on  her 
lap,  not  as  an   infant,  but   as  a  dwarfed   man, 
taking  the  chief  place  in  the  composition.  (Wood- 
cut No.  15.)  Kugler  calls  attention  to  the  richness 
of  the  foliage  decoration,  usually  proscribed  by  the 
moroseness  of  Byziintine  art.    The  mosaics  of  St. 


;  Rome.    Circa  816. 


Mark's,  erected  by  Gregory  IV.,  a.d.  828,  are, 
.according  to  M.  Vitet,  "  unquestionably  the  most 
barbarous  in  Rome,"  in  which  "  all  respect 
for  any  kind  of  rule,  all  antiquity  of  expres- 
sion, all  notion  of  order  and  beauty  have  dis- 
appeared. The  meagreness  of  the  figures,  the 
lengthening  of  the  bodies,  the  stiff  parallelism 
of  the  draperies,  cannot  be  carried  farther."  The 
subject,  Christ  attended  by  ajiostles  and  saints, 
with  the  usual  accessories,  calls  for  no  remark 
(Ciampini,  tom.  ii.  c.  19,  tab.  36,  37).  The  ca- 
thedral of  Capua  possesses  mosaics  of  the  same 
school,  which  deserve  fuller  description  and  illus- 
tration (Ciampini,  tom.  ii.  c.  29,  tab.  54).  The 
celebrated  mosaic  of  the  apse  of  the  Leonine 
Triclinium  at  the  Lateran,  though  a  modern  re- 
storation by  Benedict  XIV.,  a.d.  1740-1758,  is  a 
tolerably  faithful  copy  of  the  original  work, 
■erected  by  Leo  III.,  a.d.  798-816.  The  chief 
subject  is  the  constantly  repeated  one  of  Christ 
and  His  apostles,  with  the  river  of  Paradise 
;gu.shing  out  at  their  feet.  "The  figures  in 
their  stiff  yet  infirm  attitudes,  and  still  more  in 
the  unmeaning  disposition  of  the  drapery,  dis- 
play a  decided  Byzantine  influence  "  (Kugler,  u.s. 


p.  66).  On  the  walls  on  either  side  of  the  apse, 
at  the  springing  of  the  arch,  are  the  pictures 
famous  for  their  ecclesiastical  and  political  sig- 
nificance. To  the  left  the  enthroned  Saviour 
bestows,  with  His  right  hand,  the  keys  on  St. 
Sylvester  and  with  His  left  hand  the  Vexillum 
on  the  emperor  Constantine  each  kneeling  at 
His  feet,  as  the  symbols  respectively  of  the  spi- 
ritual and  temporal  power.  To  the  right  St. 
Peter,  similarly  enthroned,  places  a  crown  on 
the  head  of  pope  Leo  III.,  with  his  right  hand 
and  with  His  left  gives  the  Vexillum  to  the  em- 
peror Charles  the  Great  (Ciampini,  tom.  ii. 
c.  21,  tab.  39,  40 ;  Wharton  Marriott,  Testimony 
of  Catacombs,  p.  95,  pi.  6  ;  Vestiarium  Christ. 
pi.  32,  33;  Parker,  Photogr.  No.  761).  At 
the  church  of  St.  Nereus  and  Achilleus,  rebuilt 
by  Leo  III.,  A.d.  796,  the  mosaics  of  the  apse 
have  perished,  but  those  above  the  arch  remain, 
and  are  remarkable  as  representing  historical 
scenes  instead  of  the  usual  symbolical  and  apo- 
calyptic subjects.  The  Transfiguration  is  repre- 
sented over  the  arch,  with  Moses  and  Elias 
standing  on  either  side  of  Christ,  whose  superior 
dignity   is  indicated  with  a  puerile  realism  by 


MOSAICS 

his  taller  stature,  and  the  awkward  prostrate 
figures  of  the  three  apostles  beyond.  Further 
teTthe  left  is  the  Annunciation,  and  to  the  right 
the  Virgin  and  Child  accompanied  by  an  angel, 
less  ungraceful  than  the  other  figures.  The 
whole  composition  strikingly  indicates  the  low 
state  to  which  art  had  fallen  at  the  end  of  the 
8th  century  (Ciampini,  torn.  ii.  c.  20,  tab. 
38).  The  last  mosaic  to  be  noticed  in  this  period 
is  that  of  the  church  originally  called  St.  Maria 
Antiqua,  then  changed  to  St.  M.  Nova,  and  re- 
dedicated  in  the  16th  century  to  St.  Francesca 
Romana,  the  name  by  which  it  is  commonly 
known.  In  this  work  there  is  a  strange  mixture 
of  good  and  bad,  with  some  novelties  of  treat- 
ment, indicating  the  introduction  of  a  new  in- 
fluence. The  chief  figure,  as  at  St.  Maria  in 
Navicella,  is  the  Virgin  attended  by  saints,  with 
our  Lord  on  her  lap,  throned,  and  now  for  the 
first  time  crowned.  The  attempt  at  pictorial 
composition  is  entirely  given  up,  and  architec- 
tural composition  is  substituted  for  it.  The 
figures  are,  according  to  the  arrangement  with 
which  we  become  afterwards  so  familiar,  for  the 
first  time  placed  each  under  the  arch  of  a 
continuous  arcade,  supported  by  columns.  A 
sort  of  tabernacle,  in  the  form  of  a  cockle 
shell,  spreads  over  all  the  upper  part  of 
the  mosaic.  The  drawing  is  very  bad ;  the 
figure  of  the  Virgin,  "  one  of  the  most  hideous 
that  can  be  imagined"  (Vitet),  the  cheeks 
simply  red  blotches,  the  folds  of  the  drapery 
merely  dark  strokes,  poorly  compensated  for  by 
the  Oriental  magnificence  of  the  costumes,  espe- 
cially that  of  the  chief  figure.  The  garlands  of 
foliage,  however,  display  a  certain  grace  alien 
from  the  usually  morose  rigidity  of  the  Byzantine 
school.  Indeed  the  whole  composition  indicates 
some  original  power  and  freedom  of  thought  on 
the  part  of  its  designer  (Ciampini,  torn.  ii.  c. 
28,  tab.  5.3).  With  the  Imperial  power  the  art 
of  mosaic  was  transferred  from  Rome  to 
Aachen.  Charles  the  Great  summoned  the 
artists  to  decorate  his  new  basilica,  for  the 
enrichment  of  which  rich  marbles  and  pillars 
were  transported  from  Ravenna.  Ciampini 
(torn.  ii.  c.  22,  tab.  41)  preserves  the 
design  of  the  apse,  which  is  very  unlike  the 
usual  conventional  type.  In  the  centre  is  our 
Lord  enthroned,  holding  a  book  with  an  angel 
on  either  side.  Below  are  seven  small  figures 
of  the  elders  rising  from  their  thrones,  and  cast- 
ing their  crowns  at  our  Lord's  feet.  After  the 
9th  century,  during  the  fierce  struggles  of 
contending  factions,  by  which  the  unhappy  land 
was  rent  asunder,  mosaic  ceased  entirely  in 
Rome  and  in  Italy  generally.  Its  first  revival 
was  in  the  republic  of  Venice,  where  we  find  its 
earliest  examples  in  the  church  of  St.  Cyprian 
at  Murano,  and  on  a  most  extensive  scale  and 
with  the  utmost  gorgeousness  of  character  at 
St.  Mark's.  These,  however,  are  outside  our 
chronological  limits.  The  art  was  much  later 
in  its  revival  in  Rome  itself,  where  the  earliest 
examples,  evidently  the  work  of  Byzantine 
artists,  belong  to  the  12th  century.  We  may 
specially  mention  those  of  St.  Marv,  in  Tras- 
tevere.A.D.  1130-114:i;  St.  Clement,' A.D.  1250- 
1274;  St.  John  Lateran,  A.D.  1288-1294;  the  apse 
of  St.  Mary  Major's,  of  the  same  date,  and  the 
external  mosaics  in  the  facade,  A.D.  1292-1307. 
But  on  these  also  their  late  date  forbids  us  to  touch. 


MOTHER  CHURCH 


1341 


Authorities. —  Appell,  Dr.,  Christian  Mosaic 
Pictures;  Barbet  de  Jouy,  Mosdiques  de  Rome; 
Ciampini,  Vetera  Monimenta  ;  Crowe  and  Caval- 
caselle.  History  of  Painting ;  Ferrario,  Basilica 
di  Sant'  Amhrogio  ;  Fontana,  Musaici  delle  Chiese 
di  Roma  ;  Freeman,  Historical  and  Architectural 
Sketches;  Furietti,  De  Musivis ;  Garrucci,  Arti 
Cristiane;  Grimouard  de  St. -Laurent,  Guide  de 
VArt  Chre'tien;  Kugler,  Handbook  of  Painting ; 
Layard,  Paper  on  Mosaics  read  before  the  Institute 
of  British  Architects ;  Lohde,  Dom  von  Parenzo  ; 
Parker,  Archaeology  of  Rome,  Mosaics;  Photo- 
graphs ;  Quast,  von,  Baudenkmale  von  Ravenna  ; 
Rossi,  de,  Musaici  Cristiani;  Richter,  Die  Mosaiken 
von  Ravenna ;  Salzenberg,  Baudenkmale  von  Con- 
stantinopel ;  Seroux  d'Agincourt,  Hisfoire  de/Art 
par  les  Monuments ;  Texier  et  Pullan,  Eglises 
Byzantines ;  Tyrwhitt  Drake,  Art  Teaching  of 
the  Primitive  'Church ;  Vitet,  VArt  Chrdien ; 
Wharton  Marriott,  Testimo7iy  of  the  Catacombs; 
Vestiarium  Christianum;  Digby  Wyatt,  Art  of 
Mosaic  ;  Geometrical  Mosaics  of  the  Middle  Ages. 
[E.  v.] 

MOSCENTUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Achaia  Jan.  12  (_Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOSES  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria Feb.  14  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  (JIOYSEs),  the  Ethiopian,  "Our  holy 
father ;"  commemorated  Aug.  28  (Basil.  Menol. ; 
Cal.  Byzant.  ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  267  ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Aug.  vi.  199). 

(3)  The  prophet ;  commemorated  Sept.  4  (Cal. 
Byzant. ;  Basil.  Menol. ;  Usuard.  Mart.;  Bed. 
Mart.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  i.  6) ;  Sept. 
5  {Cal.  Ethiop.). 

[See  also  MoYSES.]  [C.  H.] 

MOSEUS  (MOYSEUS),  martyr  with  Ammo- 
nius,  soldiers,  at  Pontus ;  commemorated  Jan.  18 
(Usuard.  Mart.;  Hieron.  Mart.;  Boll,  ^cto  SS. 
Jan.  ii.  188).  [C.  H.] 

MOSITES,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Pice- 
num  Ap.  15  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOSSEUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Jan.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOSUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  in 
the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus  May  10  (Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOTHER  CHURCH.  (Ecclesia  matrix, 
Matricularis,  Mutricialis,  Mater  Principalis,  Dio- 
cesana,  or  Ecclesia  per  $e.)  We  find  all  these 
epithets  used  during  the  early  ages,  and  substan- 
tially in  the  same  sense,  viz.  that  of  a  principal 
and  dignified  church,  having  other  churches  de- 
pendent upon  it.  We  may  distinguish  four  dis- 
tinct varieties  of  meaning  in  which  this  word  is 
employed. 

I.  Of  a  church  planted  immediately  by  the 
apostles,  from  which  other  churches  were  after- 
wards derived  and  propagated.  Thus  Tertullian 
(de  Praescript.  cap.  21)  calls  the  churches  in 
which  the  apostles  preached,  either  in  person  or 
by  their  epistles,  by  this  name,  and  makes  their 
traditions  to  be  the  rule  of  doctrine  for  the 
whole  church :  "  constat  proinde  omnem  doc- 
trinam,  quae  cum  illis  ecclesiis  apostolicis  matri- 
cibus  et  origiualibus  fidei  conspiret,  verit.iti 
deputandam,  id  sine  dubio  tenentem,  quod  Ec- 


1342 


MOTHER  CHUECH 


clesiae  ab  Apostolis,  Apostoli  a  Christo,  Christus 
a  Deo,  suscepit."  And  in  this  sense  the  second 
general  council  of  Constantinople  called  the 
church  of  Jerusalem  the  mother  of  all  churches 
in  the  world,  Trjs  5e  76  /xrjTpbj  airaffoov  to>v 
inKKriffiwv.  And  the  church  of  Aries  is  simi- 
larly called  the  mother  church  of  France,  because 
Trophimus  its  first  bishop  was  supposed  to  have 
first  preached   the  gospel  in  that  country. 

II.  It  denotes  a  metropolitan  church,  i.  e.  the 
principal  church  of  an  ecclesiastical  province. 
Thus  in  the  African  canons  (can.  119  or  120), 
"Si  autem  non  fecit,  non  praejudicetur  matrici, 
sed  liceat,  cum  locus  acceperit  episcopum,  quem 
non  habebat,  ex  ipso  die  intra  trienniura  repe- 
tere."  And  in  can.  90  we  meet  with  the  phrase 
"  matrices  cathedrae,"  and  Ferraudus  Diaconus 
uses  the  simple  term  "  matrices "  to  denote 
metropolitan  and  cathedral  churches  (^Brev.  cap. 
ii.  17,  38).  Similarly  Agobard  (de  Privilegio  ct 
Jure  Sacerdotii,  cap.  12),  "  nos  ab  ecclesii  non 
recedimus,  nee  spernimus  matrices  ecclesias." 
But  Ducange  suggests  that  the  reading  here 
should  be  nutrices. 

III.  The  term  was  also  and  more  generally 
used  of  the  chief  church  of  a  diocese,  a  cathedral, 
as  distinguished  from  parish  churches,  com- 
mitted to  the  charge  of  smgle  presbyters,  which 
were  called  iituli.  Among  the  Greeks  the 
former  were  knov/n  as  Ka6o\iKal  =  generales. 
Thus  Epiphanius,  in  treating  of  the  Arian  heresy, 
calls  the  cathedral  of  Alexandria  KaQoMKriv. 
See  also  a  canon  of  the  council  in  Trullo  (can. 
58  or  59).  In  the  African  canons  (can.  123), 
we  find  again  the  phrase:  "si  in  matricibus 
cathedris  episcopiis  negligens  fuerit  adversus 
haereticos,  conveniatur  a  vicinis  episcopis."  And 
in  the  same  sense,  can.  33,  by  which  the  bishop 
is  forbidden  to  alienate  or  sell  the  property 
of  his  cathedral,  and  the  presbyters  that 
belonging  to  their  parishes  :  "  non  habenti  neccs- 
sitatem,  nee  episcopo  liceat  matricis  ecclesiae, 
nee  pi-esbytero  rem  tituli  sui."  The  fifth  council 
of  Carthage  (a.D.  401)  calls  the  metropolitan 
church  "  principalis  cathedra  "  (can.  5).  It  was 
termed  the  "  mother  church,"  and  the  rest  of 
the  churches  in  the  diocese  diocesan  churches, 
ecclesiae  dioecesanae ;  as  in  the  8th  canon  of  the 
council  of  Tarraco  (a.d.  516),  which  directs 
bishops  to  visit  their  dioceses  every  year,  and 
ascertain  that  the  churches  were  in  good  repair  ; 
which,  continued  the  canon,  we  find  not  to  be 
the  case  in  all  instances — "  reperimus  nonnullas 
dioecesanas  ecclesias  esse  destitutas." 

IV.  The  term  mater  or  matrix  is  sometimes 
applied,  at  a  later  period,  to  parish  churches 
also,  as  distinguished  from  chapels  or  other 
churclies  dependent  ecclesiastically  upon  them. 
Thus  pope  Alexander  III.,  in  the  Appendix  to  the 
third  council  (a.d.  1167)  at  the  Lateran  (pars  i. 
cap.  7) :  "  nee  eos  duas  matrices  ecclesias,  quarum 
unam  sufficere  sibi  videbitis,  tenere  permittatis," 
where  it  is  apparently  equivalent  to  ecclesia 
haptismalis,  a  church  in  which  baptisms  were 
administered,  which  is  one  way  of  describing  a 
parish  church,  as  in  Walafrid  Strabo  {de  Eehus 
Ecclesiasticis,  c.  30),  "  Presbyteri  plebium,  qui 
baptismales  ecclesias  tcnent,  et  minoribus  pres- 
byteris  praesunt."  And  similarly  a  charter  of 
Hugh  Capet  mentions  two  churches  existing  in 
a  particular  place:  "quarum  una  est  mater 
ecclesia,  in  honore  B.  Remigii,  et  alia  capella  in 


MOURNING 

I  honore  S.  Germani."  This  distinction  was  one 
commonly  existing,  and  clearly  recognised.     The 

j  mother  church  was  considered  as  a  church  per  sc, 
i.  e.  owing  obedience  to  no  other ;  having  its 
own  presbyter,  and  so  distinguished  from  chapels, 
wliich  were  probably  always  served  from  the 
parish  church.  [Ouatory.]  In  illustration  of 
this  we  may  quote  from  a  letter  of  Hincmar  of 
Eheims  (Kp.  7):  "dicunt  enim  quia  ex  quo  me- 
morari  ab  his  qui  in  carne  sunt  potest,  quoniam 
ipsa  ecclesia  per  se  fuit  semper,  nulli  alteri 
ecclesiae  fuit  subjecta.  .  .  .  Evideutibus  docu- 
mentis  invenerunt,  quod  ipsa  ecclesia  de  Folla- 
naebraio  nunquam  ecclesiae  in  Codiciaco  fuerit 
subjecta,  sed  presbyterum  semper  habuerit." 

[S.  J.  E.] 
MOURNERS.     [Pen-itexce.] 

MOURNING.  Outward  signs  of  grief  at  the 
loss  of  friends,  either  by  (a)  formal  lamentation, 
(6)  change  of  attire,  or  (c)  seclusion  from  society. 
The  mourning  of  the  disciples  after  our  Lord's 
crucifixion  and  death  (Mark  xvi.  10),  that  of  the 
devout  men  at  the  burial  of  Stephen  (Acts  viii. 
2),  and  that  of  the  widows  on  the  death  of  Dorcas 
(ib.  ix.  39)  are  passages  that  have  been  cited  to 
shew  that  demonstrations  of  grief  on  such  occa- 
sions were  not  regarded  by  the  primitive  Church 
as  inconsistent  with  the  Christian  theory  of  the 
future  life  of  the  faithful.  The  language  of  St. 
Paul  (1  Thess.  iv.  13)  probably  indicates  the 
character  of  the  Church's  teaching  in  relation  to 
the  question  during  the  first  three  centuries ; 
such  losses  being  viewed  as  occasions  for  natural 
sorrow,  tempered  however  by  a  firm  belief  in  the 
joyous  resurrection  of  the  departed  and  their 
future  reunion  with  their  friends.  Upon  the 
bereaved  Christian  the  Church  enjoined  neither  a 
stoical  disguising  of  all  emotion  nor  a  formal 
affectation  of  grief. 

The  earlier  Christians  appear  to  have  con- 
demned even  a  change  of  attii-e  as  a  relic  of 
paganism ;  and  it  is  certain  that  many  practices 
— such  as  the  custom  on  the  part  of  relatives  to 
walk  with  the  head  bare,  the  women  with  their 
hair  dishevelled  and  beating  the  breast,  the  hiring 
of  female  mourners  (praeficae),  who  lamented  and 
sang  naenia  or  songs  in  praise  of  the  dead,  and  of 
lictors  dressed  in  black,  corresponding  to  the 
modern  mute,  the  observance  of  a  definite  period 
of  mourning,  during  which  time  it  was  regarded 
as  indecorous  for  the  relatives  of  the  deceased  to 
appear  in  public — are  all  distinctly  traceable  to 
Jewish  or  pagan  precedents.  Traditional  obser- 
vance, however,  often  prevailed  over  religious 
conviction  ;  and,  speaking  generally,  actual  prac- 
tice appears  to  have  been  somewhat  at  variance 
with  the  more  enlightened  teaching  of  the  Church. 
The  authority  of  the  most  eminent  among  the 
Fathers  is  clearly  condemnatory  of  such  displays. 
St.  Cyprian  disapproves  of  excessive  lamentation 
and  black  attire :  "  desiderari  eos  debere,  non 
plangi,  nee  accipiendas  esse  hie  atras  vestes, 
quando  illi  ibi  indumenta  alba  jam  sumpserint, 
occasionem  dandam  non  esse  gentilibus  ut  nos 
merito  ac  jure  reprehendant  quod  quos  vivere 
apud  Deum  dicimus,  ut  extinctos  et  perditos 
lugeamus,  et  fidem  quam  sermone  et  voce  depro- 
mimus  cordis  et  pectoris  testimonio  non  probe- 
mus"  (Lib.  de  Mortal.  Migne,  iv.  234).  The 
language  of  St.  Zeno,  bishop  of  Verona  in  the 
following  century,  shews  that  it  was  still  cus- 


MOUKNING 

tomary  for  widows  to  indulge  in  displays  of 
excessive  grief.  In  a  dissuasive  against  second 
marriages  among  this  class,  he  adverts,  though 
without  direct  censure,  to  the  rending  of  the 
hair  over  the  corpse,  lacerated  cheeks,  "livore 
foedata  ubera,"  the  mourner  "  coelum  ipsum 
ululatibus  rumpens,"  as  ordinary  expressions  of 
sorrow  on  the  part  of  widows  (Jligne,  xl.  305). 
The  authority  of  St.  Chrysostom  is  emphatically 
pronounced  against  such  excesses.  In  addressing 
an  audience,  he  says,  "  Thenceforth  therefore  let 
no  one  beat  the  breast,  or  wail,  or  impugn  Christ's 
victory.  For  He  conquered  death.  And  why 
dost  thou,  0  mourner,  weep  without  measure  ? 
This  state  (t5  irpayfia)  is  but  a  sleep.  Why  dost 
thou  lament  and  utter  cries  ?  For  if  even  the 
Gentiles  ("EWrjres)  were  wont  thus  to  do,  it 
ought  but  to  move  us  to  scorn  (^KarayeXai'  (Sei, 
in  evident  allusion  to  Matt.  ix.  24,  kuI  KaTey4\aiv 
avTov).  But  if  the  faithful  dishonour  themselves 
by  such  practices,  what  excuse  can  they  plead  ? 
For  how  canst  thou  expect  to  be  forgiven  who 
actest  thus  foolishly,  and  that  too  when  Christ 
has  so  long  been  risen  and  the  proofs  of  His 
resurrection  are  so  clear  ?  But  thou,  as  though 
seeking  to  magnify  thy  offence,  bringest  in  prae- 
ficae  (^dprjvcjiSovs  'EAXrjyiSas  yvuaiKas),  that  thou 
mayst  add  fuel  to  thy  grief  and  stir  up  the 
furnace  of  affliction ;  and  heedest  not  the  words 
■of  St.  Paul,  'What  concord  hath  Christ  with 
Belial  ?  or  what  part  hath  he  that  believeth 
with  an  infidel?'"  (Ilomil.  31;  Migne,  Series 
Graeca,  Ivii.  374).  This  passage  can  hardly  be 
understood  otherwise  than  as  implying  that  the 
practices  condemned  were  prevalent  in  the  Church 
in  Chrysostom's  time.  The  final  conclusion  of  the 
homily  is  that  the  Christian  ought  not  to  mourn 
for  the  relative  who  has  been  removed  from  the 
calamities  of  life,  nor  even,  with  the  prospect  of 
future  reunion,  to  grieve  over  a  temporary  sepa- 
ration. The  passage  is  quoted  in  confirmation  of 
his  own  view  by  John  of  Damascus  in  his  Sacra 
Farallelaj^^De  mortuis,et  quod  eorum  causa  non 
sit  lugendum  "  (Migne,  Series  Graeca,  scvi.  543)  ; 
see  also  a  sermon  attributed  to  Chrysostom  by  the 
Benedictine  editors  (ib.  xl.  1166),  in  which  the 
conduct  of  Horatius  on  receiving  the  intelligence 
of  his  son's  death  (Livy,  ii.  8)  is  cited  with 
approval. 

St.  Jerome  holds  similar  language.  In  writing 
to  one  Julianus,  a  man  of  wealth,  who  in  the 
lapse  of  a  few  days  had  not  only  lost  his  wife 
and  two  daughters  by  death,  but  also  a  consider- 
able portion  of  his  property-through  an  invasion 
of  the  barbarians,  he  says,  "  laudent  ergo  te  alii 
.  .  .  quod  laeto  vultu  mortes  tuleris  tiliarum, 
quod  in  quadragesimo  die  dormitionis  earum  lu- 
gubrem  vestem  mutaveris,  et  dedicatio  ossium 
martyris  Candida  tibi  vestimenta  reddiderit,  ut 
non  sentires  dolorem  orbitatis  tuae,  quem  civitas  ■ 
universa  sentiret,  sed  ad  triumphum  martyris 
cxultares;  quod  sanctissimam  conjugem  tuam 
non  quasi  mortuam  sed  quasi  proficiscentem  de- 
duxeris"  (^Epist.  cxvii.  Migne,  xxii.  794). 

It  is,  however,  unquestionable  that  by  many 
somewhat  different  views  were  held.  A  passage 
in  one  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  belonging, 
it  is  conjectured,  to  the  period  intervening  be- 
tween the  age  of  Cyprian  and  that  of  Chrysostom, 
shews  that  a  more  definite  and  formal  observance 
of  certain  rites  was  already  recognised  and  incul- 
cated by  the  Church,  though  the  passage  probably 


MOUKNING 


1343 


indicates  the  practice  of  the  East  rather  than  of 
the  West  [Apost.  Const,  p.  125].  A  short 
religious  service,  whereby  it  was  designed  not  so 
much  to  lament  as  to  commemorate  the  deceased, 
is  here  directed  to  be  held  on  the  third,  ninth, 
and  fortieth  days  after  the  day  of  death,  the 
anniversary  of  the  day  to  be  observed  by  a  dis- 
tribution of  alms  to  the  poor.  'E7r;TeA.6icr0co  Se 
Tpira  rSiv  KiKOiix-q^ivtov,  iv  \pa\iJ.o7s  Koi  avayvu- 
veai  KoL  TTpoffivxo-^^s,  Sia  rhy  Slo,  rptoiv  rnxipwv 
j  iyepdivTa.  koI  evvara,  els  inTojxvTiaiv  rwv  irepi- 
i  6vr(ai'  Kol  Toov  KeKoiix7}ixivoiv  Kal  TecrffapaKOcrra, 
KaTO.  rbv  iro.Xaihi'  tvttov  '  Mwcriv  yap  ovtus  6 
\ahs  (Tr4v6ri(Te  •  Kal  iviaucrta,  inrip  ixveias  avTov. 
Koi  SiSdadco  SK  riiv  virapxovTwv  avrov,  ivivrjcnv 
eis  avdixvrjcnv  avrov  (^Cunst.  Apost.  viii.  43  ;  Cote- 
lerius,  i.  424).  The  repetition  of  such  observances 
on  the  ninth  day  (corresponding  to  the  Greek 
euara,  Lat,  novendialia)  appears  to  have  had  only 
pagan  precedent,  and  is  accordingly  condemned 
by  St.  Augustine,  who  considers  that  the  obser- 
vance of  the  other  days  is  in  conformity  with 
Scriptural  usage.  "  Nescio  utrum  inveniatur 
alicui  sanctorum  in  Scripturis  celebratum  esse 
luctum  novem  dies,  quod  apud  Latinos  Novendial 
appellant.  Unde  mihi  videntur  ab  hac  consuetu- 
dine  prohibendi,  si  qui  Christiauorum  istum  in 
mortuis  suis  numerum  servant,  qui  magis  est  in 
Gentilium  consuetudine.  Septimus  vero  dies 
auctoritatem  in  Scripturis  habet :  unde  alio  loco 
scriptum  est,  Lucius  mortui  septem  dierum ;  fatui 
autem  omnes  dies  vitae  ejus  (Eccles.  xxii.  15). 
Septenarius  autem  numerus  propter  sabbati  sa- 
cramentum  praecipue  quietis  indicium  est ;  unde 
merito  mortuis  tanquam  requiescentibus  exhi- 
betur"  (^Quaest.  in  Heptateuch,  i.  172;  Migne, 
xxxiv.  596).  St.  Ambrose,  in  his  Oratio  de  ohitu 
Theodosii  (a.nn.  375),  sa.js,  "Ejus  ergo  principis 
et  proxime  conclamavimus  obitum,  et  nunc  quad- 
ragesimam  celebramus,  assistente  sacris  altaribus 
Honorio  principe  ;  quia  sicut  sanctus  Joseph  patri 
suo  quadraginta  diebus  humationis  officia  detulit, 
ita  et  hie  Theodosio  patri  justa  persolvit.  Et 
quia  alii  tertium  diem  et  trigesimum  alii  septi- 
mum  et  quadragesimum  observare  consueveruut, 
quid  doceat  lectio  consideremus."  He  then  quotes 
Gen.  1.  2,  and  adds,  "  Haec  ei-go  sequenda  solem- 
nitas  quae  praescribit  lectio;"  quoting  again 
Deut.  xxxiv.  8,  he  says,  "  Utraque  ergo  observatio 
habet  auctoritatem." 

Tertullian  (de  Corona,  c.  3)  speaks  of  otTerings 
in  memory  of  the  departed,  "oblationes  pro 
defunctis,"  as  customary  on  the  anniversary  of 
their  death  ;  and  Evodius,  bishop  of  Uzala,  in 
414,  when  giving  an  account  of  the  obsequies  of 
a  young  Christian,  says,  "  per  triduum  hymnis 
Dominum  collaudavimus  super  sepulchrum  ipsius, 
et  redemptionis  sacramenta  tertio  die  obtulimus  " 
{Epist.  clviii.  Migne,  xxxiii.  694).  This  passage 
is  adduced,  apparently  with  little  reason,  by 
Martigny  (Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chre't.  art.  Deuil)  as 
evidence  that  otferings  for  the  repose  of  the  soul 
of  the  departed  were  authorised  by  the  church. 
The  contrast  of  Christian  to  pagan  sentiment 
in  relation  to  the  subject  is  perhaps  strongest  in 
the  manifestations  of  joy  and  exultation  [Burial 
OF  THE  Dead,  p.  252]  with  M'hich  the  relatives 
and  friends  followed  the  body  to  the  grave.  These 
demonstrations  were,  however,  widely  different 
from  the  spirit  in  which  some  barbarous  nations 
{e.g.  the  Thracians,  the  earlier  inhabitants  of 
Marseilles)  often  conducted  their   funeral  rites. 


1344 


MOURNING 


The  latter  indulged  in  unseemly  riot  and  revelry. 
Tlie  feelings  of  the  early  Christians  resembled 
rather  those  of  the  ancient  Cimbri,  who  were  wont 
to  rejoice  over  friends  fallen  in  battle  (Amm. 
Marcell.  II.  vi.  2),  and  such  demonstrations  appear 
to  have  been  confined  to  (a)  the  obsequies  of  a 
martyi-,  ()3)  those  of  some  distinguished  benefactor 
of  the  Church,  (7)  those  of  an  ecclesiastic  of 
superior  rank  and  eminent  piety.  Jerome,  speak- 
ing of  the  funeral  of  Fabiola,  says,  "  totius  urbis 
populus  ad  exsequias  congregabat  ;  sonabant 
psalmi,  et  aurata  tecta  templorum  in  sublime 
quatiebat  Alleluia  "  (Migne,  xxii.  466).  A  decree 
attributed  to  pope  Eutychianus  directs  that  no 
martyr  shall  be  interred  without  a  purple  under- 
garment (^sine  colobco  purpurea'),  the  emblem  of 
his  service  in  the  cause  of  his  divine  Master  (ib. 
V.  158-161).  Gregory  of  Toua-s,  in  recording 
the  burial  of  St.  Lupicinus,  says,  "celebratis 
mis.sis,  cum  summo  honore  gaudioque  sepultus 
est."  The  office  for  the  burial  of  a  bishop  in  the 
time  of  Gregory  the  Great  appears  to  have 
included  the  singing  of  the  Hallelujah  (Migne, 
Ixxviii.  478,  479)  ;  and  the  singing  of  hymns  when 
conveying  the  dead  to  the  place  of  interment 
seems  to  have  been  an  invariable  accompaniment. 
Victor  Vitensis,  in  describing  the  condition  of 
the  faithful  during  the  occupation  by  the  Vandals, 
aun.  487,  says,  '  Quis  vero  sustineat,  ac  possit 
sine  lacrumis  recordari,  cum  praeciperet  nos- 
trorum  corpora  defunctorum  sine  solemnitate 
hymnorum,  cum  silentio  ad  sepulturam  perduci" 
(ilist.  Persecut.  Yand.  I.  v. ;  Migne,  Iviii.  5). 
The  Pseudo-Dionysius,  which  may  be  regarded  as 
of  some  authority  with  respect  to  the  theory  of 
the  Eastern  church  in  the  5th  century,  inculcates 
the  observance  of  distinctions  in  the  funeral  rites 
of  the  unconverted  and  of  the  righteous,  cor- 
responding to  the  sentiments  proper  to  their 
different  careers.  Their  lives  have  differed,  and 
so  their  manner  of  encountering  death  must  differ. 
The  righteous  man,  who  has  not  given  himself  up 
a  slave  to  corrupt  passions  and  criminal  excesses, 
is  filled  with  joy  at  the  prospect  of  completing 
his  course  of  trial.  Similarly,  his  relatives,  on 
his  completion  of  that  course,  pronounce  him 
happy  (^jxaKapi^ovffi,  irphs  rh  viKf)<p6pov  fvKTaicos 
apiKSfj-euov  T6'Aos)and  glorify  Him  who  has  given 
the  victory,  hoping  that  they  themselves  may 
come  to  a  like  end.  These  sentiments  find,  in 
turn,  fitting  expression  in  the  actual  rites 
[Burial,  p.  254] ;  Obsequies  {De  Eccles.  Hie- 
rarch.  c.  7  ;  Migne,  Series  Graeca,  iii.  263-265). 

Undue  parade  and  excess  of  adornment  are 
censured  by  St.  Jerome.  Writing  to  the  mother 
of  Blaesilla,  a  convert  who  had  died  shortly  after 
her  conversion,  he  says,  "  ex  more  parantur  exe- 
quiae,  et  nobilium  ordine  praeeunte,  aureum 
feretro  velamen  obtenditur.  Videbatur  mihi  tunc 
clamare  de  coelo:  non  agnosco  vestes,  amictus 
iste  non  est  mens ;  hie  ornatus  alienus  est " 
(Migne,  xxii.  177).  The  language  of  St.  Augus- 
tine (de  Civit.  Dei,  i.  13)  is  that  of  one  who 
looks  upon  details  of  ceremonial  of  this  character 
as  of  little  or  no  importance.  At  the  third 
council  of  Carthage  (A.D.  397),  at  which  he  was 
present,  the  practice  of  placing  the  Eucharist 
between  the  lips  of  the  defunct  was  condemned. 
The  ceremony  of  bidding  the  deceased  farewell, 
probably  by  the  kiss  of  peace,  was  condemned  in 
the  6th  century  at  the  council  of  Auxerre. 

The  custom  of  remaining  within  doors,  secluded 


MUINTIR 

from  society,  during  the  first  week  of  mourning 
is  traced  by  Buxtorf  {Lex.  Chald.  Talm.  ad  v. 
Lxictus)  to  Jewish  precedent.  Under  Valentinian 
and  Theodosius,  it  was  enacted  that  a  widow 
marrying  again  within  a  year  from  the  time  of 
the  death  of  the  husband  "probrosis  inusta 
notis,  honestioris  nobilisque  personae  et  decore 
et  jure  privetur,  atque  omnia  quae  de  prioris 
mariti  bonis  vel  jure  sponsaliorum  vel  judicio 
defuncti  conjugis  consecuta  fuerat,  amittat  et 
sciat  nee  de  nostro  beneficio  vel  annotatione  spe- 
randum  sibi  esse  subsidium  "  {Cod.  Thcodosianus, 
ed.  Hanel,  iii.  8).  This  law  is  evidently  a  reflex 
of  Roman  i-ather  than  Christian  sentiment  (see 
Ovid,  Fasti,  iii.  134;  Zedler,  Universal-Lexicon, 
s.  T.  Trauerjahr). 

The  tolling  of  the  bell  at  the  time  of  death, 
which  is  regarded  by  some  as  a  tradition  from 
paganism,  and  designed  originally  to  drive  away 
evil  spirits,  does  not  appear  as  a  Christian  usage 
before  the  8th  century  [Obsequies  of  the 
Dead],  and  was  more  probably  intended  as  a 
signal  for  prayer.  [J.  B.  M.] 

MOYSES  (1)  Bishop  of  the  Saracens  in  Ara- 
bia, 4th  century ;  commemorated  Feb.  7  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  43) ;  called  Moysetes  by  Usuard. 
and  Vet.  Horn,.  Mart. 

(2)  Abbat,  martyr  in  Egypt  with  six  monks, 
in  the  5th  century;  commemorated  Feb.  7  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  46). 

(3)  Martyr  with  Cyrio,  Bassianus,  and  Aga- 
tho ;  commemorated  Feb.  14.  The  same  name 
occurs  in  Hieron.  Mart,  on  this  day  in  connexion 
with  others.  [C.  H.] 

MOYSETES  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
Feb.  7.    [MoYSES  (1).] 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec.  18 
(Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOYSEUS  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  May 
12  {Eieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  Aug.  12  {Eieron. 
Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

MOYSUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Nico- 
media  Ap.  6  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUCIANUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  June  9  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUCIUS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Jan.  17,  according  to  one  reading  of 
Hieron.  Mart,  otherwise  MiCA  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  ii.  80). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Lucas,  deacons,  at  Cordula ; 
commemorated  Ap.  22  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Eom. 
Mart.). 

(3)  Presbyter  and  martyr  at  Constantinople ; 
commemorated  by  the  Latins  May  13,  and  by  the 
Greeks,  who  write  the  name  Mocius,  on  May  11 
(U.suard.  Mart. ;  Florus  ap.  Bed.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  May,  ii.  620).    [Mocius  (3).] 

(4)  Martyr  at  Constantinople ;  commemorated 
June  15 ;  according  to  another  reading  Nucus 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii.  1050). 

[C.  H.] 
MUINTIR,  the  Irish  family  or  clan,  came  to 
denote  the  monastic  society  or  congregation,  in 
Latin   "familia."      It  was  first  applied  to  all 


MULCTEA 

within  the  one  monastery,  as  used  in  the  Fclire 
of  Acngus  of  the  monks  of  St.  Donnan  in  the 
island  of  Egg,  and  in  Ann.  Tilt.  (a.d.  640,  690, 
716,  748)  oi  the  brotherhood  in  lona  (Ja),  and 
again  (A.D,  763)  of  those  at  Durrow  and  Clon- 
macnoise,  who  were  at  war  and  bloodshed.  But 
in  a  wider  sense  it  also  included  those  monas- 
teries which  had  been  founded  from  the  parent 
house,  or  were  under  the  rule  of  abbats  who 
were  coarbs  of  the  same  original  founder  and 
thus  owed  fealty  to  the  abbat  of  the  chief 
monastery,  like  the  monasteries  at  Derry,  Dur- 
row, Kilmore,  Swords.  Rechra,  and  Drumcliff 
to  that  in  lona  (Reeves,  Adamnan's  Life  of 
S.  Columha,  162,  304,  342,  and  Ecd.  Ant.  of 
Down,  Connor,  and  Dromore,  1.53 ;  Todd,  St. 
Patrick,  158-9  ;  Skene,  Celtic  Scotland  ii.  61). 
[J.  G.] 
MULCTEA.  The  figure  of  the  Good  Shep- 
herd [Shepherd,  the  Good]  is  often  represented 
with  vessel  either  hanging  on  His  arm,  or  sus- 
pended from  a  tree  near  Him,  or  lying  at  His  feet. 


MUNEEAEIUS 


1345 


with  Mulctra.    (From  the  cemetei7  of  Domitilla.) 


These  are  mulctrae,  the  pails  into  which  the  kine 
are  milked.  (Compare  Milk,  p.  1184.)  A  good 
example  of  the  introduction  of  the  midctra  is 
found  in  the  cemetery  of  Domitilla,  where  the 
Lamb,  obviously  typifying  the  Lord,  has  beside 
Him  a  milking-vcssel  suspended  on  the  pastoral 
staff. 


Lamb  with  Mulctra.    (From  Martigny.) 

The  Lamb  is  also  represented  at  the  four  angles 
of  a  vault  of  the  cemetery  of  SS.  Marcellimis  and 


Petrus  bearing  on  His  back  the  mulctra  sur- 
rounded by  a  nimbus  in  much  the  same  manner 
that  the  fish  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Cornelia 
bears  a  basket  containing  the  bread  and  wine 
[Canister,  p.  264].  The  Lamb  being  the  sym- 
bol of  the  Saviour,  the  mulctra  is  the  symbol  of 
the  spiritual  nourishment  derived  from  Him. 

[C] 
MULIEE,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Hera- 
clea  Nov.  19  (_Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUMMOLINUS,  bishop ;  commemorated 
Oct.  16  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  vii.  2.  953).  [C.  H.] 

MUMMOLUS,  abbat  of  Fleury  in  the  7th 
century ;  commemorated  Aug.  8  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Aug.  ii.  351 ;  Mabill.  Acta  SS.  0.  S.  B.  saec.  ii. 
645,  Venet.  1733).  [C.  H.] 

MUNATUS,  presbyter  and  martyr,  with  his 
wife  Maxima ;  commemorated  at  Sirmium  Mar. 
26  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUNEEAEIUS.  With  the  Romans,  munus, 
in  one  of  its  senses,  denoted  a  show  of  gladiators, 
and  the  person  who  paid  the  expenses  of  such  a 
show  and  presided  at  it  (edebat)  was  called 
editor,  dominus,  munerator  or  munerarius,  and 
was  honoured  during  the  day  of  exhibition,  even 
if  a  private  person,  with  the  official  ensigns  of  a 
magistrate.  [^Dict.  of  Gr.  and  JSoman  Antiq. 
art. '  Gladiatores.'] 

From  the  very  first,  the  church  stigmatized 
these  shows  as  cruel  and  debasing,  and  with- 
drew, as  far  as  her  power  extended,  all  Christians 
from  any  share  in  or  responsibility  for  them. 
[Gladiators,  p.  728.]  TertulUan  {Apol.  cap.  44) 
refers  to  such  games  as  employing  multitudes  of 
criminals  and  of  the  lowest  class  of  people,  but 
among  them  no  Christians ;  if  there  were  any, 
that  they  were  sent  there  simply  for  being  Christ- 
ians. That  a  Christian  could  possibly  himself  be 
a  munerarius  does  not  seem  to  have  even  occurred 
to  him.  De  vestris  [i.e.  heathen]  semper 
aestuat  career,  de  vestris  semper  metalla  sus- 
pirant,  de  vestris  semper  bestiae  saginantur,  de 
vestris  semper  munerarii  noxiorum  greges 
pascunt,  nemo  illic  Christianus,  nisi  plane  tan- 
tum  Christianus,  aut  si  et  aliud,  jam  non 
Christianus."  And  the  council  of  Elvira  (a.d. 
305),  in  its  third  canon,  orders  that  those 
Christians  who  had  taken  upon  them  the  office 
oi  flamen,  to  which  it  belonged  to  exhibit  these 
games,  if  they  had  offered  the  sacrifices  to  the 
heathen  gods  which  were  customary,  were  never 
to  be  received  again  to  communion,  even  at  the 
hour  of  death  ;  and  such  as  did  this,  but  avoided 
the  sacrifice,  were  put  to  life-long  penance,  and 
only  admitted  to  communion  at  the  hour  of 
death,  after  satisfactory  proof  of  their  peni- 
tence. A  similar  feeling  governed  the  enact- 
ment in  the  56th  canon  of  the  same  synod,  that 
all  Christians  who  took  upon  them  the  city 
magistracy  or  duumvirate  (to  which  office,  also, 
it  belonged  to  exhibit  such  shows)  should  be  re- 
pelled from  communion  during  the  whole  year 
iu  which  they  held  office.  Another  somewhat 
deeper  shade  of  blame  is  attached  to  those  who 
were  present  on  such  occasions,  and  wore  the 
crown  or  garland  for  the  sacrifice  (comp.  Acts 
xiv.  13),  but  had  neither  actually  sacrificed  nor 
paid  any  portion  of  the  expense.     Such  were  re- 


1346 


MUNESSA 


admitted  to  communion  after  two  years'  penance 
(can.  55).  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  such  pro- 
visions are  not  repeated  by  later  synods ;  and 
probably  they  were  rendered  needful  by  a  mere 
temporary  phase  of  the  conflict  between  Chris- 
tianity and  heathenism ;  when  the  newer  faith, 
while  yearly  growing  and  already  stronger  in 
numbers  than  the  paganism  which  it  was  sup- 
planting, had  for  a  while  to  deal  with  a  social 
system  in  which  the  latter  was  recognized  as  the 
religion  of  the  state.  But,  in  fact,  a  very  few 
years  later  (a.D.  313)  Christianity  was  itself 
established  as  the  religion  of  the  Roman  empire 
by  Constantine.  Nevertheless  the  gladiatorial 
shows  lingered  on  until  the  reign  of  the  emperor 
Honorius,  almost  a  hundred  years  later,  and 
were  only  then  abolished  through  the  self- 
sacrifice  of  the  monk  Telemachus  (a.d.  404-). 

[S.  J.  E.] 
MUNESSA    (Monessa),   virgin   in   Ireland, 
probably  after  A.D.  454  ;  commemorated  Sept.  4 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  ii.  227).  [C.  H.] 

MUNICIPUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
.Tumilla  Jan.  22  (_ffieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUNICUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Xeo- 
caesarea  in  Jlauritania  Jan.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 
[C.  H.] 

MUNNU  (FiNTANCS),  abbat  of  Taghmon  in 
Ireland,  A.D.  635;  commemorated  Oct.  21  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Oct.  ix.  333).  [C.  H.] 

MURDER.     [HoiiiciDE.] 

MURICUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  Ap.  12 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MURITTA,   martyr  with  archdeacon  Salu- 
taris  ;  commemorated  July  13  (Usuard.  Mart.). 
[C.  H.] 

MURUS  (MuRANDS),  abbat  in  Ireland,  cir. 
A.D.  540;  commemorated  Mar.  12  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Mar.  ii.  212).  [C.  H.] 

MUSA  (1)  Roman  virgin  in  the  6th  century  ; 
commemorated  Ap.  2  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  i.  94). 

(2)  Deacon  ;  commemorated  at  Etrusia  Ap.  22 
(Bed.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUSCA,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Aqui- 
leia  June  17  {Hicron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUSCULA  (1)  Martyr:  commemorated  at 
Capua  Ap.  12  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Etruria  Xov. 
23  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUSOUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  at 
Treves  Sept.  19  {Hicron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec.  18 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUSIC— For  the  first  thousand  years  of  the 
Christian  era,  the  antique  Greek  S3-stera  of 
music  was  adopted,  with  but  few  alterations,  and 
those  chiefly  modifications  of  the  compass  cf  the 
scale,  and  of  the  notation.  In  the  article  on 
AliBROSlAN  Music,  the  matter  (so  far  as  chants 
are  concerned)  is  taken  down  to  the  4th 
century.  Through  the  influence  of  St.  Ambrose, 
all   music   but    that    consisting   of    a   diatonic 


MUSIC 

sequence  of  notes  [see'  Canon]  was  discarded  ; 
the  other  methods  had  been  considered  prefer- 
able, perhaps  on  account  of  the  difficulty  in 
performing  such  music,  or  from  reminiscences 
of  an  Oriental  origin ;  and  with  the  subsequent 
irruptions  of  the  barbarians,  which  must  have 
operated  very  seriously  against  the  cultivation 
of  any  but  ecclesiastical  music,  they  became 
obsolete. 

Gregorian  Chant.— It  was  observed  by  St. 
Gregory,  a  great  musician  of  his  time,  that  the 
Ambrosian  chants,  handed  down  traditionally 
to  a  great  extent,  had  become  corrupted ;  he 
therefore  subjected  them  to  revision,  and  added 
other  modes  and  scales  to  those  four  which  St. 
Ambrose  had  retained.  This  was  done  by  taking 
away  the  upper  tetrachord  from  the  Ambrosian 
scales,  and  placing  it  below  the  lower  tetrachord. 
The  octaves  thus  formed  v^^ere  called  from  the 
previous  scales,  with  the  prefix  hypo  (w^b), 
thus:  Hypodorian,  Hypophrygian,  Hypolydian, 
and  Hypomixolydian.  They  were  also  called 
Plagal,  while  the  four  original  ones  were  culled 
Authentic.  Thus  in  the  Tonarius  Reginonis 
Prumensis  (middle  of  9th  century)  we  find  them 
called  "  Authenticus  protus ;  ii.  Plaga  proti ; 
Tonus  tertius  autenticus  :  Tonus  quartus,  plaga 
deuteri  ;  Differentie  v.  toni  autenticus  tritus  ; 
Differentie  sexti  toni  plaga  triti ;  Differentie 
vii.  toni  autenticus  tetrarchus ;  Incipiunt  viii. 
toni  plaga  tetrarchi."  Thus  we  have  the 
Dorian  scale  (first  mode) : 


P 


giving  the  Hypodorian  (second  mode,  plagal): 


P 


the  Phrygian  scale  (third  mode): 


giving    the  Hypojihrygian  scale  (fourth    mode, 
plagal): 


i 


-^-  -G>- 


^ 


the  Lydian  scale  (fifth  mode) ; 


:c2=^i 


-<s — 


giving  the  Hypolydian  scale  (sixth  mode,  plagal)  : 


and  the  Misolydian  scale  (seventh  mode) : 


-rj     ^'     ^ 


MUSIC 

the   Hypomixolydian  scale  (eighth  mode, 


MUSIC 


1347 


plagal): 

/L                                             —    rj    '^     \ 

#— -~^ 

^  ^  ^               \ 

- 

tr^  ^ 

But  it  seems  that  the  compass  of  chants  was 
expected  to  be  confined  within  five  oi-  six  notes, 
and  those  which  are  generally  accepted  as 
typical  examples  in  the  odd  modes  are  certainly 
not  so  much  within  such  limits  as  those  in  the 
even  modes,  wliich  points  to  the  supposition 
that  St.  Ambrose's  chants  had  become  so  altered 
that  the  originals  were  probably  forgotten  in 
most  instances :  in  the  first  mode,  for  example, 
h  flat  is  generally  found,  whereas  it  is  not  in 
■the  scale,  and  certainly  some  very  early  copies 
of  chants  in  this  mode  have  assigned  the  b 
without  any  indication  ;  it  is,  however,  hard  to 
imagine  but  that  it  was  sung  b  flat.  It  must 
be  borne  in  mind  that  the  system  of  chanting 
feeing  a  monotone  with  an  ornamental  end,  there 
are  in  every  one  of  these  scales  two  important 
notes :  the  Dominant,  or  prevailing  note  on 
which  the  psalm  was  sung,  and  the  Final,  on 
which  the  chant  was  made  to  end.  These,  in  the 
Ambrosian  modes,  are  respectively  :  Proti  a,  D  ; 
Deuteri  c,  E  ;  Triti  c,  F  ;  Tetrardi  d,  G.  In  the 
])lagal  modes,  the  same  finals,  D,  E,  F,  G,  were 
kept,  and  the  dominants  placed  lower,  F,  a,  a, 
c.  The  first  mode  approximates  the  most  nearly 
in  effect  to  our  modern  minor  mode  :  the  fifth,  to 
our  major  mode  with  its  fourth  sharpened ;  the 
seventh  and  eighth,  to  our  modern  major  mode. 
The  siitb,  although  it  consists  of  the  notes  now 
forming  the  natural  scale  of  C,  is  really  in  the 
tonality  of  F.  Our  modern  use  of  the  terms 
authentic  and    plagal,  as   applied    to   cadences. 


seems  derived  from  the  seventh  and  eighth  modes, 
which  are  authentic  and  plagal,  from  taking  the 
dominant  and  final  in  each  of  them  and  placing 
a  common  chord  on  them  in  succession.  The 
authentic  (or  odd)  modes  will  appear  to  have 
their  finals  as  the  lowest  note  in  the  scales ; 
sometimes,  but  rarely,  melodies  written  in  them 
have  been  found  to  descend  a  note  below  this : 
whereas  in  the  even  plagal  modes  the  scale  itself 
descended  below  the  final,  and  the  melodies 
seldom  exceeded  a  fifth  above  it ;  whence  the 
line,  "  Vult  descendere  par,  sed  scandere  vult 
modus  impar." 

"  Majores  toni,  i.e.  autentici,  scil.  primus  et 
tertius,  quintus  et  Septimus  possunt  descendere 
Vina  voce  a  fine  et  ascendere  octo.  Minores  autem 
■  toni,  i.e.  plagales,  viz.  secundus  et  quartus, 
sextus  etoctavus  possunt  ascendere  v.  vocibus  et 
■descendere  v.,  quod  patet  his  versibus : 

"  Majores  a  fine  toni  descendere  possunt. 
Ad  prjmas  voces  ascendunt  vocibus  octo. 
•Ad  quintas  voces  scandunt  a  fine  minores. 
Ad  quintas  otiam  possunt  descendore  voces." 
Couisemaker,  vol.  ii. 
CIIP.IST.    ANT. — VOL.   II. 


There  is  very  little  direct  evidence  m  the 
first  eight  centuries  as  to  what  the  chants  were, 
but  a  good  deal  of  indirect  evidence  from  various 
tracts  of  the  centuries  immediately  following,  in 
many  of  which  the  author  speaks  of  the  chants 
as  having  come  down  to  him  from  great  anti- 
quity. The  groat  musical  epoch  that  parts 
mediaeval  music  from  the  antique  is  that  of 
Guido  Aretinus  (11th  century):  and  he  asserts 
that  there  was  a  musical  usage  of  200  years  and 
upwards  at  his  time. 

It  appears  that  a  distinction  was  drawn  in 
the  accommodating  of  chants  to  the  psalms,  the 
introits,  the  communions,  and  the  responsories. 
All  these  appear  in  the  Tonarius  Reginoiiis 
Prumensis  (9th  century),  and  with  the  be- 
ginnings appear  the  musical  notation,  which 
presents  an  appearance  more  like  shorthand 
writing  than  anything  else  ;  a  kind  of  attempt 
to  render  visible  the  pitch  of  sounds.  These  same 
appear  also  in  Guido  Aretinus,  with  notation  sub- 
stantially the  same  as  our  present  one ;  so  also 
in  the  Intonarium  attributed  to  abbat  Oddo  and 
believed  by  Guido  Aretinus  to  be  his.  In  some 
of  these  appears  a  more  elaborate  form,  ap- 
propriated.  to  .the  Canticles  Magnificat  and 
Benedictus.  The  various  forms  of  beginning  the 
antiphons  were  called  Differentiae,  and  these  had 
appropriated  to  them  different  "endings"  of  the 
psalm-chant.  One  antiphon,  ingeniously  chosen 
to  fix  the  mode,  is  given  as  a  specimen,  with  a 
pneuma  at  the  end  of  it,  and  intended  to  be 
committed  to  memory :  and  these  have,  in  the 
Tonarius  Ecginonis,  been  added  by  a  later  hand. 
There  are  five  differentiae  of  the  first  tone  in 
Regino:  nine  in  abbat  Oddo,  and  twelve  in 
Guido  Arctinns.  The  following  is  the  description 
given  in  the  last-named  author : 

Protus  adest,  denis  formarum  nexus  babenis 
Que  modum  nectunt  autentum  undique  totum  : 
He  tibi  sint  cordi,  jugiter  babr  antur  in  ore  ; 
Has  queso  ne  niinuas  ;  poteris  si  addere  curas. 


-  H-'°-'3-Q-H— H 


Pri-mum  quaerite  reg-num  Dei. 


:-bB!b?i»: 


g^jgjjz^z 


:i:Bt»=5d"i-iiB?LB-isr 


Et;^a=5^ 


Glo-ri-a,  se-cu- lo-rum,  Amen.  Ec  -ce  no-men. 


Glo  -  ri   -   a    se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,    A    -  men. 


^mi 


Glo  -  ri  -   a      se-cu  -  lo-  rum,  A  -  men. 
IV. 


@^^^==E^=E 


Glo  -   ria       se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,    A  -  men. 
4  S 


MUSIC 


Glo  -  I  i  -  a    Be  -  cu-lo-rum,  A-nicn.    .    . 

VII. 

— ■■— L     _ 


>=«IiI^ 


Glo-ri-a    se- cu-lo-rum,     A    -     -    men. 
VIII. 


/^\,      _■■     _■ 

1    ■"■    ■    ■     P^i 

■  i-                  ■     1^    -    i 

Glo-ri   - 

IX. 

TSTv — n — ifl~ 

a      se  -  cu  -  lo-ram,      A  -  men. 

F 

V^               1         '                                  1      '     II.. 

j- 

Glo  -  Ti 
X. 

a    se-cu  -  lo-rum,      A  -  men. 

VL>.                  '                     1 1 

z 

Glo  -  ria 


•  cu  -  lo  - 


Diverse  numero  poUet  non  nomine  tantum 
Hie  protus :  proprias  conceptus  habere  figuras. 
Quas  nee  miscuit  autento  primo  online  fixo. 
Consimill  voce  discordet  recto  tenore. 


h                 "                           _  -        "I 

1^ 

__-_._.„_,_„_-■__._ 

- 

Glo  -   ri  -    a     se-cu  -  lo  -rum,     A  -  men. 

-J- 

-_B_B        _■_._-_ 

- 

Glo-ri    -    a      so  -  cu  -  lo-rum,    A  -  men. 

{s 

- 

_B — ■? — " — ? — ■ — ■ — 5 — |i! — "B^— 1 

1 

It  would  appear  then  that  the  first  mode  was 
allowed  a  compass  up  to  d,  and  down  to  B,  or 
perhaps  more  probably  down  to  C,  with  the 
power  of  using  b  flat  or  b  natural  ;  i.e.  using 
the  synemmenon  or  diezeugmenon  tetrachord  at 
pleasure,  which  would  have  been,  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  ages  we  have  under  consideration, 
written  b  or  jjj. 

The  second  mode  is  thus  described : 

riagarum  tropi  sociantur  rite  secundi ; 
Autentas  formas  retinent,  semperque  minorcs : 
In  quibus  et  protl  piimum  contexere  plagin 
Libuit,  ut  recto  succodant  tramite  cuncti 
Ardua  hie  spernit,  media  et  graviora  resumit, 
Et  se  per  duplas  patitur  constringere  formas. 


g=E 


t^E."^ 


MUSIC 


Glo  -  ri    -    a      se  -cu-lo-rum,      A  -  men. 


Glo    -    ri  -  a     se-cu  -  lo  -  rum,    A  -  men. 

thus  giving  two  "  endings ;"  but  the  former  is 
evidently  transposed,  and  requires  b  flat.  In 
Regino  and  Oddo  there  is  but  one  differentia  of 
this  tone,  namely  the  usual  ending,  but  with  the 
accent  differently  placed ;  Messrs.  Doran  and 
Nottingham  have  placed  it  thus  in  their  Psalter. 
The  third  mode  (Authentus  Deuteri) : 


modus  est  protus  hypolydius  deuterus  estquo 
Hie  aliter  modus  nescit  distinguere  vocum. 
Hie  resonant  celsa  tantum  spiraraina  quinto. 
Hie  graditer  sexto  nee  horum  lege  tenetur. 


I^EtiE^Ei: 


?sE^Ei^£^* 


Ter-ti-a    .    .    di  -  es    .    .    est    .    quod 


^^^^F!^^*:^f 


bee    .     fac-ta    sunt.    .    .    . 


Five  endings  are  given  in  Guido ; 
I. 


s               _______ 

Glo  -  ri    -    a      se-cu  -  lo-rum.    A  -  men. 
II. 

-|$ ■ ■— ■— ■ ■— ;;; ■ Hi 

- 

P       ■       ■    "■'■      1                                  ■          -I ™ 

Glo  -  ri    -    a     se  -  eu  -  lo-rum,     A  -  men. 
III. 

: 

Glo  -  ri  -    a      se  -  cu  -  lo  -   rum,    A  -  men. 
IV. 

K           ii",""r"a"B_B 

Glo  -ri    -a    se-cu-  lo-rum,    A  -  men.  .  . 
V. 

.. 

•  cu  -  lo  -  rum,    A  -  men. 


The  first  of  these  does  not  appear  in  Oddo  ; 
in  Regino  there  are  five  differentiae. 


MUSIC 

The  fourth  mode  (Deuterus  Plagis)  : 

"  Deuterus  in  quinis  subactus  congrue  piris 
Ipsius  adstrictim  curratur  ordine  plagin 
Que  quondam  lembls  cantus  fulcare  novenis. 
Immensus  pelagus  multi  quoque  ciere  motus 
Consult  in  senis  graditer  inclita  tribus  adeptis." 


m=^--^~'-.^^- 

__4Z — :j_±::: 

=.=■= 

Quar-ta    .      vi  -  gi  - 

lia 

venit 

m  ■'-  ff-^-r 

.H^=5^- 

-*^   = 

and    the   following  sis    endings    are    given    by 
Guido : 


Ha^^^EE 


Glo  -  ri  -    a      se-cu  -  lo-rum,     A -men. 


P3E^-g:q: 


^ 


G lo-  ri  -  a    se-cu  -  lo-: 


Glo  -  ri   -    a      se-cu  -  lo-  rum,     A  -  men. 


3=!: 


Glo  -  ri    -    a     se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,    A-  men. 


m 


m= 


r-\—i- 


Glo  -  ri  -    a      se-cu  -  lo-rum,    A  -  men. 


n: 


:«E^ 


i 


Glo-ri 


-cu  -  lo  -  rum     A  -  men. 


In  Oddo,  four  endings  are  given,  including  the 
first  and  fourth  of  these :  the  other  two  differ 
somewhat:  six  differentiae  are  specified  in 
Eegino. 

The  fifth  mode  (authentus  tritus)  : 

"  Troporum  quintus  tritus  agricole  dictus 
Insequitur  splendens  croceo  rubroque  colore 
Hie  monstrat  ceteros  super  signacula  notes 
Deuterum  et  protuin  subscripto  ordine  primum 
Claviger  ac  fortis  reserat  sic  ostia  vocis." 

The  allusion  in  the  second  of  these  lines  is  to 
a  practice  which  was  extensively  adopted  after 
the  invention  of  the  stave,  of  using  a  red  line  for 
tliat  on  which  F  was  situated,  and  a  yellow  or 
fj'lden  line  for  C,  in  place  of  clefs;  C  is  the 
til  minant  and  F  the  final  of  this  mode. 


MUSIC 


1349 


^~u 


^-■-■- 


Quinque  pru-den  -  tes 


in-tra  -ve-runt  ad 


^ 

nup  -  tias. 

Guido  gives  three  endi 
I. 


m 


^m^^^ 


Glo- 
II. 


a    se-cu  -   lo-rum,     A  -  men. 


^EfEi^ 


i^i 


Glo  -  ri    -    a     se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,     A 
III. 


In  Oddo  only  the  first  two  of  these  are  given ; 
Regino  three  differentiae  are  noticed. 
The  sixth  mode  (plagis  triti) : 

"  Simplicior  casus  quam  strictas  possidet  amplas 
Tenia  plagarum  districte  et  prima  sub  una 
Rcgula  formarum  variisque  icsibtere  vocum 
Ordinibusque  Solent  fusca  colorare  alieno 
Sub  modulo  trium  referetur  tertia  vocum." 


>-^         -       1       p> 

Ill 

Sex  -  ta        ho   -  ra 

se     -     dit    .      .      . 

'fm)'     Pa     ■     ■     J. 

There  is  only  one  ending  given  in  Guido  and 
Oddo,  viz. : 


and  one  differentia  in  Regino. 

The  seventh  mode  (tetrardus  authentus) : 

"  Ultimus  authentum  tetrardus  grece  vocatur 
Corpore  detractas  in  cujus  reddere  formas 
Perplacuit  certis,  valeant  quo  ciere  phtongis 
PuUulat  ex  proto  et  trito  nam  sub  super  bisque.' 


IL 

— I — 1 

■■     "1 

3  _■  ■  ■-■  ■  ■ 

Sep-tem    .     . 

sunt     .     . 

.    spi  -  ri  -tus  an  -  te 

=^= 

I^    ■    ■    0 

-■-■■■ 

_ji"-faH!i:»_4 

tro  -  -  num 

De-i. 

r^i 

jfl.,^ 

^^z 

^♦-^-♦-♦-  - 

^^ 

1  -     '._-  _ 

4  S  2 

1350  MUSIC 

Guido  gives  the  following  endings  : 


MUSIC 


Glo  -  ri    -    a     se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,    A  -  men. 


S^E^^^^l 


Glo  -  ri  -  a     se  -  cu  -lo  -  rum,  A-men. 


GiiiJo  gives  four  endings : 
I. 


m^^m 


^^^^^^^m 


Glo  -  ri  -  a     se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,  A-men.  . 


B^^^^ 


Glo    -  ria      secu  -     lo  -  rum. 


3=5^=5=^^1 


The  penultimate  note  in  II.  would  seem  to  be 
an  error  for  a. 

Oddo  gives  six  endings,  viz.  the  first,  fifth, 
sixth,  and  seventh  of  these  ;  one  which  is  sub- 
stantially identical  with  III.,  and  one  with 
which  IV.  would  be  identical  if  the  three  last 
notes  are  written  in  error  for  c,  b,  a.  Regino 
specifies  six  differentiae. 

The  eighth  mode  (plagis  tetrardi)  : 

"  Hinc  plagis  scquitur  certoque  fine  tenetur 
Nomen  babens  proprium  toto  de  termine  vocum 
Namque  alii  qui  ibi  sunt  quart!  qnintique  locati 
Unde  magis  melum  datur  variabile  in  ipsos, 
Nescius  a»t  horum  fertur  strictitsime  rectus 
Octavus  ponitur  subsuper,  hicqne  vocatur 
Ut  nomen  loca  sic  mutat  per  climata  nunquam." 


Glo  -  ri  -  a       se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,  A  ■ 
IV. 


^^^=^E^^ 


Glo  -  ria      se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,     A  -  men. 

Oddo  recognises  three  differentiae,  the  first  of 
which  is  identical  with  III.  above,  the  third  is  the 
ending  commonly  known  and  nearly  identical 
with  IV.,  and  the  second  is  "  the  Peregrine  Tone  :" 
why  it  should  ever  have  been  classed  under  the 
eighth  mode  is  inexplicable  to  the  writer;  he 
thinks  it  naturally  belongs  to  the  first:  the 
beginnings  of  antiphons  given  in  Oddo  are 
certainly  more  akin  to  those  of  the  first  mode 
than  to  the  eighth. 


5^ 


Se     -    cu    -    lo   -   rum,       A    -    men. 


>— P^-B  -  ■-■-■-■  -■-■ 


tu   Is  -  ra  -  el    de 


Domug  Ja-cob  .  .   de  po-  pu  -  lo  bar-  ba-  ro. 


W. 


No  b  fiat  is  here  indicated,  thongh  it  would 
seem  most  probable  that  it  was  used,  as  in  the 
first  mode  above,  where  it  is  not  written. 

This  renders  the  verses  more  obscure,  in  the 
third  and  fourth  lines,  which  the  writer  thinks 


MUSIC 

must  be  intended  to  refer  to  the  variation 
between  b  flat  and  b  natural.  Perhaps  however 
Guide  would  not  include  this  chant  under  the 
eighth  mode  in  consequence  of  its  using  a  b  flat. 
In  Regino  three  differentiae  of  this  tone  are 


As  stated  above,  the  endings  of  the  tones  were 
not  taken  arbitrarily  (as  is  done  so  commonly  at 
the  present  time),  but  depended  upon  the  begin- 
ning of  the  antiphon  used  with  the  psalms.  In 
the  works  here  cited,  a  list  of  antiphons  occur 
under  each  differentia,  some  of  which  are  supplied 
with  musical  notation,  and  the  others  apparently 
left  for  the  cantor  to  sing  in  like  manner. 

Thus  in  abbat  Oddo,  in  the  first  tone,  when 
the  antiphon  began  on  D,  tho  first  ending  given 
above  was  used,  thus  : 


gj 


Do    -  mi   -  nus. 


g 


i 


g: 


vo  -  va    -    e. 


When    the   Antiphon    began   on    C  or   on    g 
descending  to  C,  the  ninth  ending  was  used  ; 


m-. 


i 


Ve  -   ni  -  te       ec    -    ce          rex. 


E    -   vo    -    va    -    e. 

And  so  in  other  cases. 

Of  course  in  the  Intonarium  of  abbat  Oddo, 
the  music  was  indicated  by  a  notation  different 
from  the  modern  one  :  although  it  appears  with 
the  stave  and  notes,  these  must  have  been  added 
by  Guido  Aretinus  when  he  revised,  or  edited, 
the  work.  And  at  the  head  of  every  tone  or 
mode,  before  the  antiphons,  occur  the  words 
NONANNEANE,  orNOEACIS;  with  some  slight 
variations :  these  are  supplied  with  musical  char- 
acters, and  appear  to  be  artificial  words  to  assist 
the  memory  of  the  singer  in  making  the  proper 
inflections,  something  after  the  manner  of 
EVOVAE  q.  v.) :  the  former  of  these  belong  to 
the  authentic  modes  (first,  third,  fifth,  seventh), 
the  latter  to  the  plagal  modes. 

In  Regino  and  in  Guido  are  to  be  found  forms 
for  the  introits  and  the  communions,  which 
differ  in    some    respects    from    those    already 


MUSIC 


1351 


mentioned,  generally  being  fuller,  requiring  more 
'  singing  '  than  recitation. 

In  the  first  mode,  Guido  gives  the  follo-yiug 
for  introits : 


Glo- 
II. 


^N^ 


Glo  -  ri  -  a     so  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,  A  -   men. 
III. 


e!=^^v^ 


Glo 
IV. 


\^ 


a      se  -  cu  -  lo-rum,  A  -  men. 


ft=i=E^ 


Glo  -  ri  -  a      se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,  A  -  men. 

and  for  communions  the  first  and  third  of  these. 

In  Regino  three  differentiae  for  introits  and 
one  for  communions  appear. 

In  the  second  mode  Guido  gives  the  following 
form  for  both  introits  and  communions : 


ME- 


^i=^ 


—4 

Glo 


3=E^=S 


rum,   A  -  men. 


No  more  differentiae  are  to  be  found  in  Regino. 
In   the  third  mode,  for  introits  Guido  gives 
the  forms ; 


3^^3^E^TA£!35Ei 


^ 


Glo  -  ri  -  a    se  -  cu  -  !o-rum,  A-men. 


Glo  -  ri  -  a     se-cu-lo-rum,  A-men 

For  communions,  he  gives  (II.)  again,  and 


::0- 


■=N~b"1^ 


Glo  -  ri  -  a    se  -  cu  -  lo-rum,  A-  men.    .      .    . 

which  may  be  thought  an  error  for  (I.)  above ; 
but  the  error,  if  any,  may  quite  as  well  be  the 
other  way.  In  Regino,  two  differentiae  for 
introits,  and  one  for  communions  appear. 

In  the  fourth  mode,  Guido  gives  for  introits: 


-  cu  -  lo  -  mm.  A-  men. 


1352 


MUSIC 


MUSIC 


g=i 


lo  -  rum,  A  -  men. 


Glo  -  ri  -  a    se  -  cu  -  lo  -  ram,  A  -  men.  .  . 

and  the  first  of  these  for  communions  also.  In 
Regino,  there  are  two  differentiae  for  introits, 
and  one  for  communions. 

In  the  fifth  mode,  for  introits  the  following 
two  forms  appear  in  Guido,  the  first  of  them 
also  for  communions : 


I. 


^^5^^5^ 


Glo  -  ri   -  a       se   -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,  A 


feiE^: 


^^ES^ 


Glo-ri-a    Be-cu-lo-rum,  A-men.    .     .    . 

This  appears  to  agree  with  Regino. 
In  the   sixth   modey  Guido  gives  two  introit 
forms  : 


m 


1— r' — \—^ 


Glo  -  ria      se    -    cu    -   lo  -  rum,  Amen. 


^^^^Iev 


P!=I=t 


Glo  -  ri   -   a     se-  cu  -  lo 
and  for  communions : 


se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,    A  -   men. 

only  one  fonn  for  each  appears  to  be  recognised 
by  Regino. 

In  the  seveutli  mode,  Guido  gives  two  introit 
forms  : 


^^^5^^^^5e| 


Glo  -  ri  -  a    se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,  A  - 


Glo  -  ri  -  a  se  -  cu  -  lo-rum,  A-men.    .     .     . 
and  two  communion  forms  : 


Glo  -  ri   -  a     so  -  cu   -  lo  -   rum,    A-men. 


^^^^M^^i 


Only  one  of  each  is  recognised  in  Regino. 
In  the  eighth  tone,  Guido  gives  the  following 
for  introits  : 


I. 

£!-^p^i!-^*=>-f -T- 

Glo  -  ri     -    a       se  -  cu   -  lo    -  rum,     A 

z 

-      men 

II. 

z^^rP--i"--3=5dt-!rp'-!-.^ 

- 

The  former  of  these  appears  to  have  a  pneuma 
added  to  it. 

For  communions : 


|E^i;ESr33E?i^i 


Only  one  of  each  is  recognised  in  Regino. 

Besides  these,  Guido  gives  one  elaborate  form  of 
a  chant  for  the  Gloria  Patri  in  each  mode :  it  is 
preceded  by  a  response  and  a  versicle.  These 
responses  appear  in  Regino,  for  the  most  part  : 
but  in  that  work  it  is  professedly  a  selection  of 
them  only  that  is  given. 

The  Intonarium  of  abbat  Oddo  concludes  with 
a  short  "  Modus  Intonandi  Psalmos,"  professing  to 
be  then  of  an  antiquity  of  two  centuries  and 
upwards  :  the  following  complete  forms  for  the 
tones  appear;  they  are  as  given  below,  with  an 
example  "Dixit  Dominus "  (Ps.  110)  : 


_  ,    .               _ 

f 

=fc-.  "^  "  ■  ■  ■  B-t"  ■  "1  ■  -^^ 

Pri-mus  tonus  sic  flec-ti-tur,     et  sic    e  -  le-va-tui 

1          "■■'^"        A        X 

-J ^——\ ? ♦^-A 

_ 

The  G  before  the  last  three  notes  has  been 
accidentally  omitted,  as  it  is  given  in  his 
examples.  Here  we  have  the  '  intonation '  at  the 
beginning,  and  the  'mediation'  ("sic  elevatur,") 
and  the  'ending':  besides  this  an 'inflection ' 
appears  ;  but  it  does  not  seem  quite  clear  how 
this  is  to  be  used. 


■  cun  -  dus    to-nus    sic    flec-ti-tur. 


MUSIC 

The  tenor  clef  here  seems  put  by  mistake  for 
'the  bass. 


MUSIC 


1353 


:^. 


Ter  -  ti  -  us    to  -  nus  sic    flee  -  ti  -  tur,  et    sic 


-._^-_g-.^^^^-g-^^ 


^^^ 


■  tur,      ct  sic    ter  -  mi  -  na  -  tur. 


Quar-  tus     to  -  nus   sic  flee  -  ti  -  tur,  ct    sic 


e  -  le  -  va  -  tur,    et    sic    ter  -  mi  -  na  -  tur. 


_5 H — B — H— ■ ■ ■ 

■                                           ■    '    ■ 

Quin-tus    to  -  nus  sic  flee  -  ti  -  tur,    et      sic 

c   -  le  -  va  -  tur,   et     sic      fi    -  ni  -  tur. 

t         -. 

Sex-tus   to- nus sicut primus  flee- ti- tur,  tt    sic 


:^ 


-■-B-B-B-H— B- 


e  -  le  -  va-tur,  sed  a  -  11  -  ter  ter  -  mi-na-tur. 

The  last  five  notes  of  this  have  been  placed  a 
line  or  space  too  high,  as  appears  from  the 
■o.xamples :  they  should  be  F,  G,  a,  G,  F. 


qui  -  a     vi-si-ta-vit    et      fe-eit     re-denip- 


E^iEiEEi^ 


ti  -  on  -  cm  pie  -bis     su  -  e. 


:«=*: 


Be-  ne  -  dic-tus  Do-  mi-nus   De  -  us    Is  -  ra  -el : 


-^__5_5_«_. 


qui -a  vi  -  si  -  ta-vit,  &c.  pie- bis    su  -  e. 


Bo -ne -dic-tus  Do-mi-nus  Do- us    Ls  -  -  ra-el: 


r-=w 


i=t 


qui -a    vi- si  -  ta-vit,  &c.,    pie  -  bis     su  -  e. 
IV. 


Be  -  ne  -  dic-tus  Do-mi-nus  De  -us    Is  -  ra  ■ 


-P— B— B-B- 


qui  -  a    vi  -  si  -  ta  -vit,  &c.,  pie    -    bis  su  -  e. 
V. 


3^ 


Sep  -  ti  -  mus  to  -  nus  sic  flee  -  ti  -  tur,  et    sic 


=|iiB=iiziB=g^;j: 


sii 


e  -  le  -  va  -  tur,    et    sic   ter  -  mi  -  na  -  tur. 

From  the  examples  the  notes  e,  d,  c,  at  "  sic 
e-le- "should  be  f,  e,  d. 


^|E^i,zJ!=lzg: 


Oc  -  ta  -vus  to-nus  sic  -  ut  se-cun-dus  flee-  ti  -  tur, 


-^-B  B-B  B 


mf. 


etsic  e-le-va-tur,Red  a-li-ter    ter-mi-na- tur. 

A  more  florid  form  was  adopted  fo"  the 
Magnificat  and  Benedictus,  in  this  work  of  the 
abbat's,  and  has  been  continued  in  later  authors : 


,B  -B-B-B-B-B  -  B-,-B^-^  -B-  h 


ne  -  dic-tus  Do-  mi-nus  De-  us     Is  -  ra  -  el : 


:p=^,'---'-----iJ 


tt 


Be  -  ne-dic-tus  Do-mi-nus    De-us    Is -ra-el: 


:^iiiiiL!Lzlzzi=-zg: 


qui  -  a      vl  -  si  -  ta  -vit,  &c.,  plo-bis  su  -  e. 
VI. 


t^ 


-i^EMzizizlrE 


ne-dic-tus  Do-  mi-nus  De  -us    Is  -  ra  -  el : 


qui  -  a     vi  -  si  -  ta  -vit,  itc,  ple-bis   su  -  e.  .  . 

This  ending  is  misplaced  a  line  or  space  too 
low,  as  appears  from  the  psalm  '  Di.xit  Dominus ' 
given  with  it. 


Be  -  ne-dic-tus  Do-mi-nus  De  -us    Is  -  ra  ■ 


qui -a    vl-Bi- ta-vit,  &c.,  ple-bis     su  -  e. 


1354 


MUSIC 


Be  -  ne-dic-tus  Do-mi-  nus    De  -  us     Is  -  ra  -  el : 
qui  -  a    vi  -  si  -  ta  -  vit,  &c.,  ple-bis   su  -  e. 


MUSIC 

There  is  no  indication  here  whether  the  b  in 
the  first  tone  is  flat  or  natural:  but  probably  the 
flat  would  be  taken,  in  the  synemmenon  tetrachord 
of  the  Dorian  mode. 

Amongst  the  early  authors  preserved  by 
abbe  Gerbert  occurs  Aurelian  ;  he  lived  in  the 
ninth  century,  and  he  gives  the  following 
varieties  in  the  several  tones : 


rone. 

Introits. 

Offertories. 

Communions. 

Kesponsorie 

3.     Antip 

T. 

3 

2 

6 

5 

TT. 

1 

2 

[IT. 

2 

TV. 

2 

5 

V. 

2 

VI. 

1 

4 

VII. 

2 

2 

3 

11 

VIII. 

1 

1 

4 

0 

It  appears  also  that  occasionally  the  modes  in 
Antiphons  were  changed,  i.e.  an  Autiphon  would 
begin  in  one  mode  and  end  in  another.  This  is 
what  is  called  in  Euclid  commutation  or 
modulation  (fxeTa^oXri),  for  example  changing 
from  Dorian  into  Phrygian,  or  the  like.  Thus  in 
the  Tonarius  Beginonk  Frwmensis,  under  the 
first  tone  we  find  to  the  antiphon  "  Domine 
salva  nos,  perimus,"  the  note  "Finit[ur]  iiij 
tono;"  and  under  the  2nd  tone  to  "Cum 
indurerent  "  and  "  Primum  audisset  Job  "  is  the 
note  "Ton.  j  potest  esse."  And  so  in  Guido 
Aretinus,  "  Sunt  preterea  plurime  antiphonarum 
que  hujus  videntur  formule  [third  tone]  cum 
sint  ex  autento  proto  et  prima  voce :  sic  est 
Pulchra  es  et  inter  quas  quidem  autenti  deuteri 
faciunt,  non  bene  tonorum  semitoniorumque 
positionem  intuentes:  vel  idcirco  eas  deuteri 
faciunt  quidam  quibusdam  D,  E,  F,  et  G,  finales 
constitute  in  omnibus  omnino  modis  vel  vocnm 
tropis  indifl'erenter  et  improvide  sint."  Again 
under  Tone  6 :  "  Iste  due  communiones  que 
sequuntur,  i.  e.  Panem  de  celo  et  Anirna  nostra 
propria  sunt  de  quinto  tono  et  de  secunda 
differentia.  Multa  responsoria  sunt  ex  isto  modo 
que  magis  finiuntur  in  tetrardo  quam  in  trito, 
sicut  est  Ego  sum  id  quod  sum."  So  J.  M.  Neale 
(De  Sequentiis  ad  H.  A.  Daniel  Epistola)  mentions  j 
some  WSS.  containing  a  list  of  sequences  &c.,  ' 
in  which  occurs  the  word  "  Frigdola,"  applied  to 
melodies,  as  some  other  adjectives  are  in  the 
MS. :  of  which  he  says,  "  Frigdola  vel  Frigdora  1 
facilius  agnoscit  etymon  :  idem  enim  vult  atque 
Phrygo-Doricum,  i.e.  Tonus  primus  mixtus  cum 
tertio."  One  of  the  best  known  examples  of  this 
practice  is  the  old  melody  of  the  Te  Deum, 
usually  attributed  to  St.  Ambrose  ;  which  is  in 
the  third  and  fourth  modes  combined :  and  this 
fact  would  lead  us  to  conclude  that  the  melody 
had  undergone  some  change  since  St.  Ambrose's 
time,  as  the  fourth  mode  was  not  then  in  use, 
unless  indeed  the  tradition  of  it  may  have 
varied,  which  is  quite  possible,  and  may  have 
had  some  weight  in  inducing  St.  Gregory  to  add 
the  four  plagal  modes. 

The  chief  authors  used  here  are  those  men- 
tioned, and  reference  has  been  made  also  to  later 
ones,  such  as  St.  Bernard  (Tonale),  Peter  de  Cruce, 
Walter  de  Odyngton,  John  de  Muris,  Hucbaldus, 
&c.,  preserved  in  the  collections  of  abbe  Gerbert 
and  M.  de  Coussemaker.  The  most  valuable 
authority  (probably)  is  the  treatise  of  Gabriel 


Xivers  (Paris,  1685)  which  the  writer  has  in  vain 
endeavoured  to  meet  with  :  it  is  mentioned  in, 
Sir  John  Hawkins'  History  of  Mtisio  as  the  most 
exhaustive  book  on  the  subject  published  up  to 
that  time,  and  seems  to  have  been  pretty  well 
known  then. 

Musical  Notation. — During  the  first  sis 
centuries  of  the  Christian  era  the  Greek  musical 
notation  was  in  universal  use,  and  indeed  the 
knowledge  of  it  was  kept  up  as  late  as  the  time 
of  John  de  Muris  (c.  1320).  This  notation  was 
exceedingly  complicated,  being  at  first  sight 
purely  arbitrary,  and  scarcely  reducible  to  any 
law.  This  is  the  more  extraordinary,  as  some 
instances  can  be  observed  which  indicate  the 
acquaintance  possessed  by  the  ancients  with  the 
property  of  the  octave  which  has  caused  sounds 
separated  by  that  interval  to  be  now  called  by 
the  same  name.  Referring  to  Smith's  hietionary 
of  Antiquities  it  will  be  seen  that  the  different 
modes,  Dorian  &c.,  were  ultimately,  at  any  rate, 
nothing  more  than  transpositions  of  the  '  greater 
system  '  of  two  octaves  : 


m -t;^^^"^'^^- 

- 

i^.„.^-^^° 

J      D^-  -^-   ^     -^ 

and  they  were  determined  by  the  pitch  of  the 
Proslambanomenos,  the  lowest  note,  an  octave 
below  the  Mese. 

These  are  mentioned  in  Euclid's  Introductio 
Harmonica.  But  the  most  important  work  for 
this  purpose  is  the  tract  of  Alypius,  published 
by  Meibomius  amongst  the  Antiquae  Musicae 
Auctores  Septem  :  this  consists  of  a  short  preface, 
a  mere  resume  of  Euclid's  Intrcductio,  and 
a  catalogue  of  all  the  notes  in  every  mode. 
There  were  five  principal  modes,  the  Dorian, 
lastian,  Phrygian,  ji<Jolian,  and  Lydian :  these 
had  for  their  Proslambanomeni  respectively 


m 


;=:6; 


and  five  others,  named  from  the  above  with  the 
prefix  Hyper,  whose  Proslambanomeni  woro 


MUSIC 


m 


-J2=: 


and  five  others,  named  from  the  first   with  the 
prefix  Hypo,  whose  Proslambanomeni  were 


mi 


w 


--k 


MUSIC 


1355 


The  Proslambanomenos  of  the  Hypodorian 
mode  was  supposed  to  be  the  lowest  sound 
producible  by  the  human  voice  {l36fj.l3os,  Eucl.  sect.  I 


Can.  Theor.  19).  Meibomius  arranged  all  the 
diatonic  notes  in  a  tabular  form  (as  also  all  the 
chromatic  notes,  and  the  enharmonic  notes), 
but  the  overlapping  of  the  synemmenon  and 
diezeugmeuon  tetrachords  has  caused  his  diagrams 
to  be  rather  obscure. 

The  writer  has  combined  the  whole  set,  without 
this  disadvantage  ;  but  it  was  impossible  to 
introduce  them  here  without  interfering  with 
the  convenience  of  the  book. 

The  following  notes,  being  those  of  the  diatonic 
Dorian  mode,  are  given  as  an  example. 


Proslambanomenos  (our  A), 

Hypate  hypaton  (B), 

Farhypate  hypaton  (C), 

Lichanos  hypaton  (D), 

Hypate  meson  (E), 

Farhypate  meson  (F), 

Lichanos  meson  (G), 

Mese  (a), 

Trite  synemmenon  (b  J7) 

Paranete  synemmenon  (c), 

Nete  synemmenou  (d), 

Paramese  (b  t]), 

Trite  diezcugmenon  (c), 
Paranete  diezeugraenon  (d), 

Nete  diezeugmenon  (e). 

Trite  hyperboleon  (f ), 

Paranete  hyperboleon  (g), 

Nete  hyperboleon  (a  a). 


V 
n 

T 

n 
o 

K 
H 
M 
A 
H 

r 

B 

X 

J-  \ 


n 

E 
u 

H 

3 

K 

A 
> 

> 

N 
/ 
/ 


(antinu  and  double  tt). 

((  sideways,  and  €  written  square). 

(half  e,  looking  downwards,  and  e  square,  inverted), 

(5  inverted,  and  t  sideways,  reversed). 

(the  left  half  of  ;u). 

(half  fj,  inverted). 

(digamma  reversed). 

(s  reversed). 

(half  S  extended). 
(\  sideways,  reversed). 
(it  extended), 
(half  5  inverted). 


(the  acute  accent). 

(X  with  a  line  through  it,  SLe<p6op6s,  and  the  Left 

half  of  o  looking  down). 
(t  inverted,  and  the  right  half  of  o  looking  up). 


The  following  are  the  notes  with  fueir  present  equivalents  : 


e 


fc ^- 


H     3     b     U^^b     9     U„,H„,9ajLmr     l/l„,ajLuiPW 

Tew   3°^u)  H  3  n    H   u     n    y   h 


^EE 


-f^    ^^ 


i^    iA    ^ 


V      -     i<J       V 

_    or      ,   or 

j:    E     H     j: 


n\      r\      n\      ^       7      r\     \7     7 

or     .    or     ,         ,  or  \  or 


■&^r 


-M^z 


VFT       lyVR      nVR 

\ .  or  ^  „  or  \  or 


H "J.    r     r-'^'t    L 


fJ^'L^'L 


S'      X     H'    /V 

,  ,  or        or  Jf 


1B56 


MUSIC 


MUSIC 


p— ^-zrj^ 


0      X     T     4> 

F     ij''^''F 


T     T 

or 
J2i2 


c    T   n    p 


n    p 

or 


S===E^EE 


o 

K 

0       » 

o    n    N 

M      N      ^ 

_       _J 

A 

K      N      A 

1 

< 

1        K      H 

or    .     or 

>     A    > 

s 

— fs^ — ^ 

e     H 

V       > 

e    z      z     H 

J 

A     H 

or           or 

Z2     > 

E 
U 

W 





— 'If;-^- 



-ik^r-     ■ 

r 

A      E         B 

A     A 

B     A      u 
/°^?5       Z 

-^ — = 

-u.  , 



-br^T ^ 

=^^ 



W-^ ^ — = 

•^      /k      -^       ■®- 

i 

?    ^'/^ 

o 

K' 

O/or-L, 

orN, 

4"^" 

— ^ 

— -<^ — 



M       N        fe        A 

-,-,  /or        /  or     V ,              / 

•i        >l        i^      ^ 

K       N       A 

/or       /or       / 

< 

1        K 

/  or  .    /•  ( 

<    A 

> 

A- 


iC^s: 


te 


11, 

Z 


The  symbols  here  given  are  formed  from  the  Greek  letters : 

fi^      y  /   X.     /   \.        (*^^  ^"'Sl^t  '''iiJ  left  halves  of  the  letter  made  "  to  look  up  or  down  "). 

B       R  (iS  imperfect). 
FT        L     (7  inverted). 

X      ^  2v    y^  (^  imperfect,  and  lengthened). 

E       3       UJ      (*  written  square). 

Z.       7  (imperfect). 


MUSIC  MUSIC 

f-|  H  h      X       (imperfect),       Vi       ("careless,"  afi^XiiTiKov). 

0  m  (half  of  the  letter). 

I  - 

K  ^  ^ 

A  V  >     < 

M  W  /^    v\      :i-        (the  halves  of  the  letter). 

■N  l/l  (antinu). 

^  LUlii/l       ("  double "  I,  sideways). 

o  9 

n  U  C      3       n       (IcQgthened),     {=j     y       ("double"). 

P  b 

C  D  VJ       3        to        £      (t^6  l^s*^  three  are  "  double "  s's). 

T  ±  H    H 

T  X 

<(>  "^  jQ        Q.      (the  two  halves  of  the  letter). 

X  'Y  (Sie<peop6s). 

X2  (capital,  to  distinguish  it  from  double  s),    "1  r  written  square,  and  inverted, 

F  q  u.     b 

'  \  (the  acute  and  grave  accents). 


135^ 


Note.—"  We  have  seen  by  the  treatise  of  Alypius,  written  professedly  to  explain  the  Greek  musical  characters,  to 
■what  an  amazing  number  they  amounted,  1240  at  the  lowest  computation."  (Hawlcins'  History  of  Music,  p.  104 
ed.  Novello,  1853.)  The  number  of  characters  here  given  is  eiglity-four ;  to  these  must  be  added  the  accented  ones 
(twenty-eigbt),  aud  a  few  in  Aristides  Quintilianus.  I  have  tabulated  sixty -three  vocal  notes  and  sixty-three 
instrumental,  from  Alypius,  and  the  total  number  of  entries  in  a  complete  diagram  is  810. 


The  ambiguities  here  shewn  arise  from  the 
different  genera,  enharmonic,  chromatic,  and 
diatonic.  There  are  no  ambiguities  in  any  given 
mode.  The  enharmonic  notes  (which  have  a  tf 
over  them)  have  generally  the  same  symbols 
as  the  chromatic  notes  ne.vt  above  them.  In  a 
few  instances,  wiiere  four  alternatives  are  given, 
those  with  the  line  through  them  are  chromatic 
notes,  in  the  Lydian  mode:  the  writer  is  inclined 
to  suspect  that  this  was  carried  throughout  all 
the  chromatic  systems  for  the  sake  of  distinc- 
tion. 

The  immoveable  sounds  (lo-rcoTex),  viz.  the 
Proslambanomenos,  Hypate  hypaton,  Hypate 
meson,  Mese,  Nele  synemmenon,  Paramese,  Nete 
diezeugmenon,  and  Nete  hyperboleon,  are  of 
course  expressed  iu  the  three  genera  (in  any  given 
mode)  by  the  same  symbols  ;  the  two  Parhypatae 
and  three  Tritae  in  the  three  genera  have  the 
same  characters ;  these  chromatic  and  diatonic 
notes  are  identical,  but  the  enharmonic  ones  are 
flatter.  The  two  Lichani,  and  three  Paranetae  of 
the  chromatic  genus,  are  distinguished  by  the 
line  through  them. 

In  some  of  the  latter  notes  an  accent  will  be 
found  ;  it  is  probable  that  this  should  be  applied 
to  both  the  symbols  employed :  these  are  all  one 
octave  above  the  notes  belonging  to  the  corre- 
sponding unaccented  symbols.  Thismustevidently 
have  been  done  wlien  the  '  Great  System'  received 
its  fullest  development,  and  the  property  of  the 
octave  mentioned  before  had  been  observed,  so 
that  the  musicians  avoided  the  necessity  of  in- 
troducing fresh  arbitrary  symbols.  But  it  is  a 
surprising  thing  that  this  did  not  suggest  a 
reform  in  the  notation,  discarding  for  the  lower 
notes  symbols  different  from  those  in  the  medium 
pitch,  and  making  a  somewhat  similar  accom- 


modation. For  these  symbols  had  become  now 
representatives  of  pitch,  rather  than  of  the  place 
in  the  scale. 

The  pairs  of  symbols  are  sometimes  put  side 
by  side,  instead  of  over  each  other,  as  just  given  ; 
the  first  of  them  has  reference  to  the  voice,  the 
other  to  the  accompan3'ist  on  the  lyre  or  other 
instrument.  It  is  strange  that  it  should  not 
have  been  seen  that  one  symbol  would  be  quite 
sufficient  for  both  purposes  ;  and  great  complica- 
tion must  have  arisen  from  the  use  of  the  same 
symbol  to  express  different  sounds,  according  as 
it  was  to  be  sung  or  played  :  thus  n  as  a  vocal 


isl! 


the  Proslambanomenos  of 


the  Hypoaeolian  mode  in  all  the  three  genera,  or 
the  same  sound  as  the  Hypate  hypaton  of  the 
Hypoiastian  mode  in  them  all ;  or  the  same 
sound   as   the  enharmonic  Lichanos    hypaton  of 


"'■^si^ 


the  Hypodoriau  mode ;    or 


the  chromatic  Lichanos  hypaton  of  the  Hypo- 
dorian  mode:  but  as  an  instrumental  note,  it  is 
the  Trite  hyperboleon  in  the  Hypolydian  mode, 
or  the  Trite  diezeugmenon  in  the  Lydian  mode, 
or   the  Trite   synemmenon  in  the  Hyperiastian 


mode,  and  will  therefore  be 


.hen 


it  is  diatonic  or  chromatic,  and 


when  enharmonic.     (Here  the  3  or  t>  above  the 


1358 


MUSIC 


modern  note  sharpens  or  flattens  it  by  a  quarter- 
tone.) 

Aristides  Quintilianus  gives  a  description  of 
all  the  genera  and  modes,  with  notation,  which 
is  identical  with  that  of  Alypius,  but  a  little 
extension  downwards  is  perceptible.  It  would 
appear  that  the  enharmonic  system  was  be- 
coming obsolete  in  his  time,  or  likely  to  become 
so  ;  for  he  speaks  of  the  diatonic  as  mo.st  natural 
(^(pv(TiKdiT€pov)  and  capable  of  being  used  even  by 
uninstructed  people  (jraai  yap,  Kal  to7s  airat- 
SevTOis  TravTanaffi.  /x^XccStitov  iffri) ;  of  the 
chromatic,  as  most  artistic  (Tex'"Ka>TaTov),  being 
manageable  by  practised  performers  only  (irapa 
yap  p.6vois  (XfAcfSelrat  toIs  Tre-KaiSfVfievois}  ;  of 
the  enharmonic,  as  most  subtle  (aKpi^fffTepov), 
because  it  requires  none  but  the  most  advanced 
musicians  to  attempt  it  (irapa  yap  to7s  iiricpavea- 
Tarois  iv  fiovffiKij  rervxVK^  irapaSoxv^) ',  'tnd  that 
it  IS  impossible  to  average  people,  and  they  were 
discontinuing  the  use  of  it  (to7s  Se  tro\\o7s  iartv 
aSvi/aTov.  '6dey  aTriyvoiaav  rives  rriv  Kara  Siecrii' 
HeXcoSlav,  5ia  Trjv  aviSiv  aaOiveiav  Ka\  TravreXws 
aiJ.€\wSriTov  elvat  rh  Std(TrriiJ.a  viroXa^SvTes). 
He  gives  the  enharmonic  notes  arranged  in  dieses 


for  the  lowest  octave 


g 


in  semitones  for  the  next  octave.     In  this  list 
appear  the  following,  not  in  Alypius.    ~   used 

^°^'  ^^  ('^  '^'^^  ^^^^  already  used  for 


FF#),  and  H    for   @: 


r.     And    in 


another  list  of  notes,  arranged  according  to  tones, 
he  gives  r-'  for   \^       and    t^      for 

1=;    — ^—     ?* 


gEEES. 


From  his  semitonic  list  we  find  also  and 


E' 


U 


respectively,    and 


^     forg= 


He  has  also  catalogued  them  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  shew  that  the  vocal  notes  were  first  chosen, 
having  the  twenty-four  letters  adopted  in  their 
usual  form  ;  then  these  for  the  most  part  in- 
verted, some  written  '  imperfect,'  and  f  and  s 
'  doubled ' :  also  |—  and  ^  ;  and  f  correlative 
with  £. 


MUSIC 

If  the  diatonic  vocal  notes  be  taken  out,  they 
;ive  the  following : 

AorB         TorE         Z  HorG 


T»\'                          '    '" 

1              KorA 

M  or    ^           O 
..C2                   be? 

^ 

HorP           C 

TorY          <l> 

— ^ is 

XorH'         HorR 

1              VorF 

^. & ^ 

-^r^ ^ 

7             Hor   m 

-orV         lAI 

iff^^-^ ^ . ■ 

\j^-  ■OS'          ^ 

(S> ^G> 

v\''^\m^  9       lJ°'-b    3 


w 


* 


f 


This  ends  at  the  Hypate  hypaton  of  the  Hypo- 
dorian  mode,  and,  therefore,  must  have  been  iu 
use  before  the  Proslambanomenos  was  added  to 
the  scale.  The  first  note.  A,  is  the  Nete  diezeug- 
menon  of  the  lastian  mode,  or  Nete  synemmenon 
of  the  Aeolian,  and  also  in  their  derivatives.  The 
sound  is  not  in  the  Lydian  or  the  Phrygian  mode 
at  all ;  the  Dorian  employs  B,  the  Hyperdorian 
both,  and  the  Hyperphrygian  B.  The  remain- 
ing inverted  letters  seem  to  have  been  adopted 
for  the  Hyperboleon  tetrachord,  which  would 
obviously  have  been  added  to  the  lyre  at  some 
later  period. 

±»'A      -e-      X»'*    IT 


p- 


si^ 


4= 


'Ihe  law  of  this  seems  fairly  evident,  the 
alternatives  arising  from  different  modes.  The 
order,  it  will  be  perceived,  is  precisely  the  con- 
trary of  the  modei-n  one  ;  probably  it  was  derived 
from  the  position  of  the  lyre,  and  the  hand  of 
the  performer  on  it.  The  highest  note  but  one 
of  the  original  tetrachords,  being  called  Kixavoi, 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  highest  string 
was  played  by  the  thumb,  and  the  others  by  our 
first,  second,  and  third  fingers,  and  this  made 
one  "  position "  of  the  hand,  which  would  bs 
"shifted"  for  another  tetrachord;  the  lyre 
would  be  held  on  the  left  side  of  the  performer, 
and  the  letters  of  the  alphabet  would  follow  the 
order  of  the  fingers  of  the  right  hand.  The 
omitted  letters,  ^,  W,  V,  ^  are  only  chromatid 


MUSIC 

^nd  enharmonic  notes.  When  the  Proslam- 
banomenos  was  adopted  it  involved  two  more 
symbols ;    — 1>  *s  nest  to  C>  ^^^  ^°^  inverted, 


presented  itself  at  once  for 


"C7- 


^    for   an    enharmonic   note,  and  next 


then 
^  for 


m 


— .     The  notes  above 


were  indicated  by  accenting  their  replicates  be- 
low, as  has  been  said.  The  instrumental  notes 
were  then,  apparently,  made  up  of  the  various 
contrivances  seen  above.  The  authors,  here 
appealed  to,  flourished  at  the  beginning  of  the 
second  century. 

The  most  celebrated  author  (in  musical  re- 
spects) of  the  early  centuries  is  Boethius ;  un- 
fortunately his  work,  De  Musicd,  was  left  incom- 
plete ;  in  "his  time  evidence  is  forthcoming  of  a 
modification  of  the  notation  in  the  direction  of 
simplicity ;  still  the  old  notation  was  preserved, 
and  in  some  cases  the  letters  were  joined  to- 
gether,   thus    Zj.     There   appear   to   be   some 

errors  in  the  text  of  Boethius,  owing  probably 
to  insufficient  acquaintance  with  the  notation, 
and  clerical  errors  in  the  MS. ;  as  the  symbols 
in  some  cases  do  not  agree  with  Boethius's  own 
description  of  them.  One  deserves  notice  :  the 
Parhypate  hypaton  of  the  Lydian  mode  is  de- 
scribed rightly  as  )3  imperfect,  yet  it  is  given  in 
four  difterent  places  in  Boethius  as  B  L  i  ^'^^ 
apparently  this  has  been  copied  by  later  writers. 
These  seem  to  have  contented  themselves  with 
one  symbol  only  in  the  pairs  ;  thus  Hucbaldus 


MUSIC 


1359 


(ninth    century)    gives    the    following    fur    the 
notes  of  the  Lydian  mode  : 


i^j 


^=Sf 


I-      r      B      F   HorCCorPM      I 


eUorE      U        C       GorE 


1= 


UorU    N        Y      TT       I 

("  Iota  extensum, 
sic  v.") 

The    fs|    here  is    doubtless  a  corruption  of  the 
"  careless  "  ■»;. 

And  later  still,  John  de  Muris  uses  some  of 
these  notes : 


I 


U  (f^"^  yj)       tl  a»d  TJ      <^   (for  <) 


J   {^<^^\1) 


=*-= 


V  (forV) 


Paranete  diezeugmeuon                                         2 
Trite  diezeugmenon                                _|      J           Jj 

J 

Trite  synemmenon 

Mese  lydii  modi      <                       <^ 

< 

< 

< 

Lichanos  meson                 Q 
Parhypate  meson                    U 

u 

u  u  u 

Quin    -    que      pru 

den 

-     tes    .    .     . 

in     -     tra  -  ve  -  runt 

J 

z 
J 

J 

J 

<                        <         < 

1 

^<. 

<1 

n 

n 

nup        -      ti  -    as. 


Which  he  also  gives  in  the  notation,  presently  to  I  are  appended  underneath  the  tfixt  here,  and  the 
be  noticed,  of  letters  (alone,  and   between  lines     equivalent    modern    notation    (not 
as  above),  but  he  has  transposed  it.    His  '  letters '  |  given. 


1360 


MUSIC 


^1 


Quin  -  que     pru 
a    G    F      a  c 


m 


-   tra-verunt  ad    .    .    niip 
GFFF      Facdl 


-   ti-as. 
c  b  a   G 


m 


a    b 


b    a   G      a   G      G    F 
is  subsequent 


It  is  right  to  say  that  th 
the  invention  of  the  stave. 

But  the  great  change  made  about  this  time 
was  the  adoption  of  Latin  letters  instead  of 
Greek,  and  using  one  symbol  only,  instead  of 
two.  Boethius  gives  the  following  as  one  system 
of  notes  : 

A :  modern  equivalent  B. 


Hypate  hypaton, 
Parhypate  hypaton,         B : 
Lichanos  hypaton,  C : 

Hypate  meson,  I)  : 

Parhypate  meson,  E : 

Lichanos  meson,  F : 

Mese,  G : 

Paramese,  H : 

Trite  diezeugmenon,  I : 
Paranete  diezeugmenon,  K  : 
Nete  diezeugmenon,  L : 
Trite  hyperboleon,  JI : 

Paranete  hyperboleon,  K  : 
Nete  hyperboleon,  0 : 

The  Proslambanomenos  here  has  no  letter  as- 
signed to  it ;  but  it  seems  that  it  was  soon  found 
advisable  to  do  this,  and  so  the  whole  of  the  set 
just  given  was  shifted  one  place,  thus  using  up 
the   letters   from   A  to  P,  and    occupying   the 


double  octave 


mm 


-rzj       througl 


our  modern  natural  notes. 

But  in  another  place  Boethius  gives  a  larger 
system,  combining  all  the  three  genera,  and 
giving  the  relative  lengths  of  the  strings  pro- 
ducing the  respective  sounds. 

Diatonic : 


/->• 

lf> 

-C2 

TZJ 



A 

9216 

B         C          E 

8192       7776      6912 

B  or 

6144 

H     I 

5832 

7m^' 

t^h 

n 

5194 

0             E 
4ii08   elsewhere,  R 

4374 

T 

3888 

Y 

3436 

u 

-?nr 

-&-      <^        ^ 

X        Y       CC      DD      FF    NN    LL 

4096     3838      3456     3072      2916    2592    2304. 


MUSIC 


Chromatic : 


F      E  or  H       I 

!0G         6144         5832 


P^fe 


N  O  E  S         Y 

5442        4608  elsewhere,  K  4090     3456 

4374 


i 


w- 


X        Y      BB      DD    FF     KK     LL. 

4096  3888  3648   3072  2916  2736  2304. 


Enharmonic 


m-. 


-S— 


B 

8192 


F       E  or  H     K 

i776         6144        5983 


# 

1^2 

J2. 

L 

5832 

0 

4608 

P 

4491 

R 

4374 

Y. 

3456. 

-^ 





^Zl— 

-1 

"^     -S?- 

-f- 

-     '&- 

~&- 

-h~^- 

X       z 

4096     3997 


DD     EE    XX    LL. 

3072     2994    2516    2304. 


His  description  of  this  is,  "  Sed  ita  ut  quoniam 
trium  generum  est  facienda  partitio,  nervorum 
que  modus  literarum  excedit  numorum,  ubi 
defecerint  literae,  easdem  geminamus  versus  hoc 
modo,  ut  quando  ad  Z  fuerit  usque  perventum, 
ita  describamus  reliquos  nervos  Bis  A,  i.e.  AA, 
et  bis  B,  i.e.  BB."  He  assigns  A,  0,  and  LL, 
and  a  few  more,  but  some  errors  would  seem  to 
have  crept  into  the  table  from  whence  the  abovfr 
is  obtained. 

It  appears  from  Walter  de  Odyngton  that  the 
double  octave  of  the  diatonic  genus  at  one  time, 
used  the  letters  from  A  to  S,  the  Proslambano- 
menos being  A,  and  the  rest  up  to  the  Mese 
B,  C,  D,  E,  F,  G,  H  ;  the  synemmenon  notes  I, 
K,  L ;  and  the  diezeugmenon  and  hyperboleon 
M,  N,  0,  P,  Q,  R,  S.  This  would  make  K  and 
L  identical  v.ith  N  and  0.  But  it  would  seem 
that  this  was  soon  reduced  to  the  fifteen. 
Accordingly  we  find  Jerome  de  Moravia  describ- 
ing the  eight  modes  as  follows : 

"Let  the  double  octave  be  A,  B,  C,  D,  E,  F^ 
G,  H,  I,  K,  L,  M,  N,  0,  P.     Then— 

A  to  H  is  an  8ve,  and  is  the  Hypodorian  mode. 


Bto  I 
C  to  K 
Dto  L 
E  toM 
F  to  N 
Gto  0 


Hypophrygian 

Hypolydian 

Dorian 

Phrygian 

Lydian 

Mixolvdian 


MUSIC 

And  another  one  must  be  added,  from  H  to  P, 
which  was  done  by  Ptolemy." 

The  next  development  is  due  to  St.  Gregory, 
and  arises  from  a  further  perception  of  the 
qualities  of  the  octave  as  alluded  to  above,  in 
respect  of  the  accented  Greek  symbols  for  the 
upper  notes ;  if  the  synemmenon  tetrachord  be 
eliminated,  the  notes  from  the  Mese  upwards  are 
each  an  octave  above  those  from  the  Proslara- 
banomenos;  and  when  performed  they  produce 
an  almost  identical  effect.  The  idea  may  have 
bef^n  suggested  by  the  accented  Greek  notes; 
anyhow  St.  Gregory  made  those  from  .the  Mese 
become  replicates  of  the  preceding  ones,  by 
assigning  to  them  the  same  letters ;  this  re- 
jected all  the  letters  beyond  the  first  seven  ;  the 
notes  from  the  Proslambanomenos  to  the  Licha- 
nos  meson,  inclusive,  being  written  A,  B,  C,  D, 
E,  F,  G  ;  from  the  Mese  to  the  Paranete  hyper- 
boleon  a,  b,  c,  d,  e,  f,  g;  and  the  Nete  hyperboleon 
itself  aa.  This  notation  is  sometimes  used  at 
the  present  day,  and  the  writer  has  had  to  em- 
ploy it  here.  It  is  obvious  that  this  can  be 
continued  further,  and,  indeed,  is  the  basis  of 
our  present  nomenclature.  If  the  synemmenon 
tetrachord  be  re-introduced,  it  requires  the  note 
next  to  a  to  be  a  semitone,  not  a  tone  above  it ; 
accordingly,  in  the  course  of  time,  the  letter  be- 
longing to  this  received  two  forms,  "  quadratum" 
and  "rotundum,"  "J]  and  b,  according  as  the 
diezeugmenon  or  synemmenon  tetrachord  was  to 
be  used  ;  these  were  also  called  b  "  durum  "  and 
b"molle,"  and  the  former  became  written  t]. 
This  is  the  origin  of  the  German  nomenclature 
of  H  for  the  note  a  semitone  below  C,  confining 
B  to  that  a  semitone  above  A  (e.  g.  J.  S.  Bach's 
fugue  on  his  own  name : 


MUSIC 


1361 


5S 


fP=^3 


&c.) 


and  also  of  the  terms  "  dur  "  and  "  moll  "  applied 
to  the  major  and  minor  tonality.  It  will  be  at 
once  seen  in  the  key  of  G  ;  it  is  also  the  origin 
of  the  symbol  f,  and  the  French  term  he'mol, 
applied  thereunto. 

Accordingly  we  find  Walter  de  Odyngton 
giving  the  compass  of  the  modes,  thus  :  "  Dorius. 
CDEFGabhcd;  Hvpodorius  Plaga  prothi, 
rABCDEFGab;  Phrygius,  C  D  E  F  G  a  h  c 
d  e  ;  Hypophrygius  Plaga  deuteri,  A  B  C  D  E  F 
G  a  b  h  c  ;  Lydius,  EFGabhcdef;  Hypo- 
lydius  Plaga  triti,  BCDEFGabcd;  Hyper- 
mixolydius  rGahcdefg;  Mixolydius  Plaga 
tetrardi,  CDEFGabhcd  e."  (The  r  in  the 
last  but  one  should  apparently  be  F.) 

These  letters  were  written  over  or  under  the 
words  to  be  sung ;  there  was  no  method  of  in- 
dicating duration  of  sound,  that  being  entirely 
dependent  upon  the  "quantity"  of  the  syllable. 
Thus,  from  Jerome  de  Moravia : 

Gacccccccccc      aa 

Oc-ta-vus  to-nus  sic   in-ci-pit,  et    sic  flee  -ti-tur, 

ccccdcctJcaGcacdc 

"1        et  sic  me-di  -  a  -tur,  et  sic    fi  -  ni  -tur,  et  sic   fi  -  ni-tur. 

Ad  antiphonam  vero  nos  qui  vivinuis  cora- 
muniter  talis  ditferentia  datur  : 


a  b  a  a  a  a  a  a  b  a  G  F  a  b  G  G  G  G 
In  ex-  i  -  tu  Is-ra-el  de  E-gyp-to  do-mus  Ja-cob  de 
GGDFFEDa  a  a  a  aa  a  a  G 
po-pu-lo  bar-bar  -  o.  Ma-nus  ha-bent  et  non  pal-pa-bunt, 

aaaaaabaGF      aaabG 
pe-des  ha-bent  et  non  am-bn  -  la-bunt,  non  clama  -  bunt 
G    G    G    D     FED 
in    gut  -  tu-re       su    -   o. 

Another  method  of  notation  appears  to  have 
been  in  considerable  use  about  the  8th  and  9th 
centuries,  invented  apparently  to  diminish,  if 
possible,  the  number  of  the  arbitrary  symbols 
employed.  For  this  purpose  the  system  of 
tetrachords  was  employed,  but  they  were  all 
disjoined  by  a  tone  from  each  other,  giving  the 


notes  of  our  natural  scale  from 


to 


and  occasionally  to 


The  symbols  present  in  one  tetrachord  a  simi- 
larity to  the  characters  of  the  lowest  notes  in 
the  Lydian  mode,  h?  F?  B  (ought  to  be  "im- 
perfect"), F  ;  it  is  alleged  that  they  are  all 
made  from  the  first  of  these,  for  the  most  part 
by  affixing  a  s  in  various  positions  to  it.  Thus 
the   first   four   are     "l;!  ^   N   "^    which  corre- 


spond to  the  notes 


^: 


for    the    tetrachord     next    above,    these    were 
i-eversed,     "F"     f^     j     f^     corresponding      to 


m 


for  the  next  two  tetra- 


chords above  these  were  inverted,     T  J'  H  J, 


corresponding  to 


f<^ 


and    ^    U    X    t^'    corresponding   to 

-^         — —- — ^^     TT^ — .    Also    "T^    '^  were 

used  for  -^y gJ       ^"^ .     The  connection 


of  N  H  X  I  together  is  not  very  evident,  but  it 
professes  to  exist.  In  abbe  Gerbert's  collection, 
l-j  is  replaced  by  ^.  This  notation  is  largely 
used  by  Hucbaldus,  and  is  mentioned  by  Guide 
Aretinus. 

These  notes  were  put  in  amongst  the  text,  or 
over  it ;  this  latter  mode  doubtless  to  simplify 
the  reading  of  the  work. 

Ex. — A  Cadence,  &c.,  in  the  first  mode,  from 
Hucbaldus : 

NoJ^afnolPeralPner^-  irarJ^ 

riPJ^iPiPr. 

Glo|riF'aJs  et  J.  nuncJ^J^  et  J.  semJ.f' 
pcrJ.  etf^l  inf'J!.  snJLcuJ,laJ^  seJLcuJl 
loJ.rumF'l  af^nient'P. 

EPiPuPgePf'  serPvel  boPnef^. 


1362 


MUSIC 


%vhich  is  equlvaleufc  to 


No  -  a  -  no  -   e  -  a     -    ne. 


e='='=^^g^^^^pJ^^g 


w 


■  rum,  A  -  men. 


SE! 


Hymn,  from  the  same  : 

p  p  rr  f  j:.  ^ 


Ae  -  ter  -  na    Chris  -  ti 


g^ 


Et  mar    -     ty-rum    vie  -  to      -      ri  -  as 


s 


Lau  -  des  fe  -  ren  -  tes    de  -  bi  -  tas    Le  -  tis 


-a 

-■— ■—M—B—„— ■-■—,- 

- 

ca-  na 

1  r  r  JLr  i  pr 

-    -  mus  men    -     ti  -  bus. 

P-^"- 

■^r---5-"----^l 

1- 

^ -^ ^1 

1- 

One  method  of  assisting  the  performer  by 
indicating  the  distances  between  sounds  is  men- 
tioned by  Hermanns  Contractus:  it  consisted  in 
specifying  the  intervals  which  the  note  belonging 
to  each  syllable  stood  above  or  below  the  preceding 
note  ;  thus,  e  for  unison  (equal),  s  for  semitone, 
t  for  tone,  ts  for  the  Minor  third,  d  for  the 
perfect  fourth  (diatessaron),  5  for  the  perfect 
fifth  (diapente)  a  point  being  placed  after  these 
when  the  interval  was  taken  in  a  descending 
manner ;  and  a  comma  when  ascending :  for 
example : 

t    t,  t.    t.  ts.  d,   t,  5.  d,  e,   t.  ts.  d,   e, 
Ter  tri-a  junctorumsunt  in-terval-Ia  so-no-rum. 


MUSIC 

It  was  then  attempted  to  render  the  position.s 
of  the  sounds  visible,  so  that  the  eye  might 
assist  the  ear  of  the  performer  ;  and  the  first 
system  was  that  mentioned  before  as  like  short- 
hand: the  following  is  extracted  from  the 
Tona)-ius  Eejinonis  Prumensis,  under  the  Second 
Tone. 


Se- 

cun-dum  au- 

torn 

si -mi 

-le 

^ 

i*^- 

Z^SH 

(apparently) 

V^* 

■- 

JM-^^ 

to 

r  - 


:♦-♦: 


g=! 


iBi=»: 


±=r- 


These  are  not  precisely  identical  with  the 
versions  above,  or  in  Walter  de  Odyngton.  But 
it  is  obvious  that  great  uncertainty  must  have 
prevailed  on  this  system,  so  that  without  diligent 
study  and  much  instruction  no  singer  could  sing 
these  without  error  ;  accordingly  we  find  that 
great  varieties  were  known,  so  much  that  almost 
every  church  had  its  own  way  of  singing. 
This  was  partly  remedied  by  the  introduction  of 
a  red  line  and  sometimes  another  which  would 
tend  to  fix  the  pitch  of  the  notes  ])laced  on  or 
near  them.  According  to  Sir  John  Hawkins 
{Hist.  Music)  Gabriel  Nivei's  examined  many 
old  MBS.,  and  concluded  that  the  whole  system 
of  notation  before  the  time  of  Guido  Aretinus 
was  uncertain,  that  t'^ere  were  no  means,  in  this 
method,  of  ascertaining  the  distinction  between  a 
tone  and  a  semitone,  which  of  course  was  of 
itself  sufficient  to  induce  musicians  to  seek 
improvements. 

The  first  was  the  multiplication  of  these  lines 
and  the  writing  of  the  words  on  them  in  such  a 
manner  that  the  position  of  the  syllable  should 
indicate  the  sound  to  which  it  was  to  be  sung. 
Each  line  corresponded  to  a  sound  of  the  scale  of 
the  mode  adopted,  and  the  symbol  for  its  note  was 
placed  at  the  beginning  of  it.  See  the  example 
on  the  next  page,  from  '  Aribonis  Scholastica.' 

This  was  further  improved  by  adopting  a  red 
line  for  the  place  of  F,  and  a  yellow  one  for  that 
of  C.  So  we  find  Guido  Aretinus  writing  in  his 
Micrologus, 

"  Quasdam  lineas  siguamus  variis  coloribus 
Ut  quo  loco  sit  sonus  mox  discernat  oculus; 
Ordine  tertiae  vocis  splendens  crocus  radiat, 
Sexta  ejus,  Bed  aflBnis  flavo  rubet  minio." 

C  being  the  third  from  A,  and  F  the  sixth,  in 
ascending  order. 


MUSIC 


MUSIC 


1303 


d 

-net 

lor 

-so- 

H 

li- 

in- 

-fre- 

tern  -  pe   -    ret      ne 

hor- 

a 

Lin  -  guam 

-nans 

-tis 

re- 

S 

■ B 

-B             ■ 

-§- 



B 

— ■ ■ B ■- 



B 

_f! ■ ■ ■ _-- 

vi- 

r] 

-sum 

-ven- 

fo- 

-do 

cou- 

va- 

Y 

-ni- 

-le-                ne 

-tes 

-gat 

-ta- 

-ri     -    at. 

hau- 

^ 


The  next  step  was  to  banish  the  words  from 
these  lines,  and  put  points  on  them.  In  Sir  John 
Hawkins'  Hist.  Music  is  a  specimen  given  from 
Vincentio  Galilei,  which  is  much  anterior  to 
Guido  Aretinus  ;  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  correctly  translated ;  the  version  is  here 
revised,  according  to  the  notes  given  above. 


It  is  easy  to  see  what  a  great  convenience  the 
coloured  lines  introduced  would  be  in  the  great 
number  that  would  often  be  used. 

The  improvement  of  Guido  Aretinus  consisted 
in  placing  notes  in  the  spaces,  i.e.  abolishing 
every  other  line;  when  this  was  done,  the  fifth 
mode  was  the  only  one  which  would  have  both  F 
and  C  on  lines,  and  therefore  be  "  splendens 
croceo  rubroque  colore." 

A  mystical  reason  has  been  assigned  to  these 
coloured  lines  :  a  yellow  line  is  assigned  to  C, 
because  gold  is  the  most  precious  among  the 
metals,  and  C  may  represent  Charity,  the  chief 
of  the  Christian  graces  ;  and  a  red  line  is  given 
to  F,  which  may  stand  for  Faith  that  caused  the 
martyrs  to  seal  their  testimony  with  their 
blood. 

These  lines  most  probably  were  intended  in 
the  first  instance  to  represent  the  actual  strings, 
something  after  the  manner  in  which  the  music 
for  the  lute  was  written  "in  tablature"  (see 
Mace's  Musick's  Monument,  ItJTG),  but  the 
ancients  were  not  apparently  acquainted  with 
the  art  of  "  stopping "  strings  in  performance. 
And  so,  curiously  enough,  to  this  day  in  the 
harp,  coloured  strings  (red  and  black)  are 
assigned  to  the  C's  and  F's,  the  others  being  the 
natural  colour  of  the  catgut ;  it  is  dillicult  to 
avoid  connecting  this  with  the  old  practice,  as  G 

CHRIST.   AJJT. — VOL.   II. 


would  now  be  a  more  likely  note  to  be  chosen 
than  F. 

Consequently  Guido's  improvement  may  be 
said  to  be  the  invention  of  the  stave,  in  the 
sense  of  indicating  the  sound  irrespective  of  the 
instrument  producing  it,  and  when  this  was  once 
done  the  whole  system  of  music  became  so  revo- 
lutionised as  to  enter  upon  a  new  phase  altogether, 
mediffival  instead  of  antique  ;  which  is  foreign  to 
the  purpose  of  this  book. 

The  writer  has  here  used  the  modern  stave  ot 
five  lines,  and  the  modern  forms  of  some  of  the 
clefs :  there  is  no  difference  in  principle  between 
these  and  their  predecessors,  and  the  music  is 
much  more  easily  read. 

Music,  Christian  Use  of. — We  are  left  a 
good  deal  to  conjecture  to  what  extent  music 
was  used,  or  what  forms  it  took.  The  first 
intimation  is  that  of  St.  Paul  (Ephes.  v.  19  ;  Col. 
iii.  1(3),  in  which  he  recognises  three  distinct 
kinds  of  composition;  psalms,  hymns,  and 
spiritual  songs  (v|/aA./xo!,  v/xvol,  liSai  Tryev/xaTiKaT) : 
these  it  would  seem  most  reasonable  to  suppose 
to  be  the  Psalms  of  David,  original  compositions 
in  stanzas,  and  more  irregular  compositions, 
such  as  the  choruses  in  the  Greek  plays.  Each 
of  these  would  require  a  somewhat  different 
musical  treatment,  although  all  of  them  would 
be  little  else  than  recitative.  (Vide  Hymns.)  The 
first  of  these  would  be  fitted  with  a  monotonous 
chant  having  an  ending,  as  shewn  above ;  the 
second  with  something  more  like  a  rhythmical 
tune,  and  the  third  with  a  melody  similar  to 
those  of  the  antiphons.  It  is  commonly  believed 
that  St.  Ambrose  took  a  melody  that  had  been  in 
use  in  pagan  rites,  and  adapted  it  to  his  Advent 
hymn  "  Creator  alme  siderum,"  which  melody  is 
still  in  use,  though  with  some  varieties  of 
reading;  and  it  is  easy  to  see  that  for  such 
compositions  the  example  would  be  followed. 
All  the  early  writers  assign  to  St.  Ignatius  the 
introduction  of  antiphonal  chanting;  "  A  quibus 
vel  quando  cepit  antiphona  dici,  Ignatius  Anti- 
ochie  Syrie  tertius  post  Apostolum  Petrum 
Episcopus,  qui  et  jam  (etiam  ?)  cum  ipsis  degebat 
apostolis,  vidit  visionem  angclorum,  quomodo 
per  antiphonas  Sancte  Trinitati  diccbant  ymnos. 
Isque  modus  visionis  Antiochie  tradidisseprobatur 
4  T 


1364 


MUSIC 


ecclesie,  et  es  hoc  ad  cunctas  transivit  ecclesias." 
(^Tonarius  lieginonis  Frumensis.)  Accordingly 
we  tind  these  forms  appearing  in  the  liturgies  : 
the  thirty-third  psalm  is  specified  in  that  of  St. 
Clement,  and  the  twenty-third  and  others  in  St. 
James's.  But  the  presence  of  a  choir  is  recog- 
nised, and  a  part  assigned  them.  Lit.  St.  Mark  : 
Koi  \l/d\hovaiv  b  fiouoyfvl]!,  —  Koi  \pdWovai 
rhv  x^po'^jSi/fJ;', — ahv  avTo7s  v^vovvtwv  kol 
XeyovTuv  '['O  Xaiis  ]  "Ayios  dyios  ayios 
Kvpios. 

So  in  St.  James  :  Elra  oi  \pd\Tai  rhv  rpiffa- 
yiov  xl/dWovffiv  viivov, — Oi  \\id\Tai'  "" A^iov  iffriv 
as  akridu'S'  /c.t.A., — Kai  TrdXiv  ^dWovaiv, — and 
St.  Chrysostom  :  Kal  \pdWerai  rh  -KpSnov  'Av- 
rlcpuiivov  Trapd  twv  \paXTuii'  (and  so  for  the  second 
antiphon,  and  the  third,  or  in  some  cases  the 
beatitudes)  ;  i\iaWofj.ivov  5e  tou  Tpiaayiov,  Xiyei 
6  'lepsvs  Trjv  fvxh"  TavTTju  fivcTTiKois, — Eu;^?;, 
%v  \iyei  6  'lepeiis  Kad''  savThv,  rov  X^povjStKov 
aSoixivov.  Accordingly  provision  is  made  for  a 
choir  in  the  early  churches.  Neale  (^Introduction 
to  Transldion  of  Primitive  Liturgies)  gives  a 
ground  plan  of  the  church  of  St.  Theodore  at 
Athens  ;  in  it  the  choir  are  placed  under  the 
truUus,  or  dome,  which  position  was  maintained 
up  to  the  12th  century.  A  very  early  ode  is 
still  e.vtant,  ipus  iKaphv  ayias  SS^tjs  ;  but  it  is  not 
known  whether  the  music  of  it  has  been  pre- 
served. The  use  of  the  church  of  Alexandria  in 
the  4th  century  is  shewn  by  an  account  in  the 
Geronticon  of  St.  Pambo,  abbat  of  Xitria  (apud 
Gerbert) ;  he  had  sent  a  disciple  there  for  some 
purpose,  and  the  disciple  regretted  the  ignorance 
of  singing  in  the  monastery  :  'A-rreAdSpros  ydp 
fiov  iv  'AAe^avSpeia,  elSov  ra  rdyfiaTa  ttjs 
iKKXricrias  ttws  ipdWovin,  Kal  tV  Xinrij  yiyova 
TToAAf;,  SioTi  Kai  j^^eTs  ov  xpdWofj.ei'  Kaifovas  Kal 
rpowdpia  "  (vide  Caxox  OF  Odes).  The  abbat 
thought  his  disciple  departing  from  primitive 
simplicity.  From  another  work  of  uncertain 
date,  but  of  great  antiquity,  preserved  by 
Gerbert,  the  Institutio  Patrum  de  modo  psailcndi 
sive  cantandi,  we  find  three  kinds  of  chanting 
recognised,  according  to  the  nature  of  the  day, 
whether  a  principal  festival,  a  Sunday  or  saint's 
day,  or  an  ordinary  day  :  "  Tres  ordines  melodiae 
in  tribus  distinctiouibus  temporum  habeamus, 
verbi  gratia,  in  praecipuis  solempnitatibus 
toto  corde  et  ore  omnique  aflectu  devotionis ;  in 
Dominicis  diebus  et  majoribus  festivitatibus  sive 
natalitiis  sanctorum  .  .  .  multo  remissius ;  pri- 
vatis  autem  diebus  ita  psalmodia  modulatur 
nocturnis  horis,  et  cantus  de  die,  ut  omnes 
possent  devote  psallere  et  intente  cantare  sine 
strepitu  vocis,  cum  aftectu  absque  defectu." 
And  the  nature  of  this  chant,  as  similar  to  the 
Gregorian  chant,  appears  also:  "syllabas,  verba, 
metrum,  in  modo  et  in  finem  versus,  id  est, 
initium,  medium,  et  finem,  simul  incipiamus,  et 
pariter  dimittamus.  Punctum  aequaliter  teneant 
omnes.  In  omni  te.\tu  lectionis,  psalmodiae  vel 
cantus,  accentus  sive  concentus  verborum  (in 
quantum  suppetit  facultas)  non  negligatur,  quia 
exinde  permaxime  redolet  intellectus.  Scire 
debet  omnis  cantor,  quod  literae  quae  liquescunt 
in  metrica  rite,  etiam  in  Neumis  musicae  ritis 
liquescunt."  This  last  shews  that  the  musical 
rhythm  conformed  to  the  poetical,  elisions  and 
erases  being  made  when  necessary;  and  probably 
that  the  system  of  one  note  to  a  syllable  was 
adopted  ;  in  this  case  Neuma  (q.  v.)  would  mean 


MUSIC 

a    cadence,    and    not    assume    its    more    usual 
meaning. 

It  does  not  appear  that  the  early  British 
church  used  any  music  in  the  services ;  from 
the  few  remains  of  the  old  churches  that  have 
come  down  to  us,  it  would  seem  that  no  provision 
was  made  for  a  choir :  this  is  remarkable,  so 
far  as  the  Cambrian  part  of  the  British  church  is 
concerned,  since  they  had  an  order  of  bards,  and 
were  skilled  in  the  harp.  According  to  John 
the  deacon,  certain  singers  came  with  St.  Augus- 
tine to  Canterbury,  and  the  church's  song  (more 
Romano)  became  known  in  Kent ;  and  in  several 
instances  we  find  from  Bede  that  exertions  were 
made  to  spread  this  over  England.  Thus  when 
St.  Paulinus  became  bishop  of  Rochester  he  left 
behind  him  in  the  diocese  of  York  a  deacon, 
James,  a  skilled  musician,  who  lived  at  Catterick, 
and  taught  the  Roman  or  Cantuarian  method  of 
church  song.  "  Qui,  qiioniam  cantandi  in  ecclesia 
erat  peritissimus,  .  .  .  etiam  magister  ecclesi- 
asticae  cantionis  juxta  morem  Romanorum  seu 
Cantuariorum  multis  coepit  exsistere."  (Bede,  ii. 
20.)  And  the  custom  of  using  music  in  the 
church  service  began  to  be  generally  spread 
over  England  at  the  accession  to  the  see  of 
Canterbury  of  archbishop  Theodore  (a.d.  669). 
"  Sed  et  sonos  cantandi  in  ecclesia,  quos  eatenus 
in  Cantia  tantum  noverant,  ab  hoc  tempore  per 
omnes  Anglorum  ecclesias  discere  coeperunt ; 
primusque,  excepto  Jacobo,  .  .  .  cantandi 
magister  Northanhumbrorum  ecclesiis  Eddi 
cognomento  Stephanus  fuit,  invitatus  de  Cantia 
a  reverendissimo  viro  Wilfrido"  (Bede,  iv.  2) ; 
and  the  archbishop  filled  up  the  vacant  see  of 
Rochester  by  another  musician,  Putta ;  "  maxime  , 
modulandi  in  ecclesia  more  Romanorum,  quem  a 
discipulis  beati  papae  Gregorii  didicerat,  peri- 
tum"  (ibid.) :  a  few  years  afterwards  this  bishop 
abandoned  his  see,  and  having  received  an 
appointment  fi-om  the  bishop  of  Lichfield  of  a 
church  and  glebe,  propagated  church  music : 
"in  ilia  solum  ecclesia  Deo  servienset  ubicunque 
rogabatur  ad  docenda  ecclesiae  carmina  diver- 
tens."  (Bede,  iv.  12.)  About  this  time  John  the 
precentor  of  St.  Peter's,  Rome,  was  sent  by  pope 
Agatho,  and  received  by  Benedict  Biscop  into  his 
monastery  at  Wearmouth  for  the  purpose  of 
teaching  church  music,  and  was  very  much 
resorted  to.  "Non  solum  autem  idem  Joannes 
ipsius  monasterii  fratres  docebat,  verum  de 
omnibus  pene  ejusdem  provinciae  monasteriis  ad 
audiendum  eum,  qui  cantandi  erant  periti,  con- 
fluebant.  Sed  et  ipsum  per  loca,  in  quibus 
doceret,  multi  invitare  curabant."  (Bede,  iv.  18.) 
From  this  we  may  fairly  infer  that  the  Cantus 
Gregorianus  soon  became  naturalised  in  England 
so  as  to  create  an  Anglican  tradition  of  it,  of 
which  there  is  reason  to  suppose  traces  have 
descended  to  this  day. 

The  same  use  was  pi-ofessed  in  France  and 
Germany,  but  had  become  corrupted.  Gabriel 
Nivers  (quoted  by  Sir  John  Hawkins,  Hist. 
Music)  asserts  that  in  consequence  of  pope 
Stephen  II.  coming  to  Pepin,  king  of  France,  a 
number  of  singers  who  had  accompanied  him 
propagated  the  church-song  in  the  Gregorian 
manner  over  France  generally;  but  after  the 
death  of  Pepin,  the  purity  of  the  song  was  not 
maintained.  In  consequence,  Charlemagne  made 
an  application  to  pope  Adrian  to  send  experts  to 
restore  the  music :  this  was  attended  to,  but  a 


MUSIC 

second  mission  of  experts  had  to  be  made  before 
the  desired  result  was  accomplished. 

Instrwnents. — Whatever  evidence  is  forth- 
coming, is  to  the  eti'ect  that  the  early  Christians 
did  not  use  musical  instruments.  Various  causes 
■would  operate :  the  poverty  of  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  church,  the  frequency  of  persecu- 
tion, but  chiefly  the  associations,  theatrical  and 
indecent,  with  which  the  musical  instruments 
that  were  attainable  were  associated,  (v.  Dia- 
psalma).  But  at  a  later  period,  after  the  disrup- 
tion of  the  empire,  and  the  re-organisation  of 
society,  such  causes  not  existing  to  any  extent, 
the  feeling  against  instruments  ceased  to  exist; 
and  we  find  that  organs  were  introduced  into 
churches  and  in  some  cases  other  instruments 
also.  Thus  it  a]>pears,  from  the  above  reference 
to  Gabriel  Nivers,  that  the  choir  that  accompanied 
,pope  Stephen  II.  into  France  spread  over  that 
country  not  only  the  knowledge  of  the  Roman 
plain-song,  but  also  the  use  of  instruments. 
Organs  deserve  a  separate  notice. 

Harmony. — Whether   the   ancients   were    ac- 
quainted with  harmony  has  been  much  disputed  : 
the    writer,    following    most    of    the    eminent 
musicians,  is  strongly  of  opinion  that  they  were 
not  (u.  Canon  of  the  Scale)  :  ap/xovia  would 
appear  to  mean  nothing  more  than  '  true  intona- 
tion,'   or   producing    successive   notes    in   their 
right   sound.     Seneca   has  been  cited  to  prove 
■the     contrary.     "  Non   vides    quam    multorum 
vocibus  chorus  constet?     Unus  tamen  ex  omni- 
bus   sonus    redditur.     Aliqua    illic    acuta    est, 
aliqua    gravis,    aliqua   media.     Accedunt    viris 
feminae,  interponuntur  tibiae,  singulorum  latent 
voces,  omnium  apparent."     It  would  be  perfectly 
impossible  that  "  one  sound  "  should  be  produced 
under  such  circumstances,  unless  the  voices  and 
instruments    sung   and   played   in  unisons    and 
octaves.     This   passage   and    others    appear    in 
Hawkins'  History,  and  the  writer  only  wishes  to 
add  that  the  adoption  of  the  accented  symbols 
(as  shewn  above)  for  notes  an  octave  above  the 
;         others  appears  to  him  proof  positive  that  this  is 
;        the  true  meaning  of  this  and  similar  phraseology. 
I        When  men  and  women  sing  together  the  same 
'        melody,  their  voices  are  really  an  octave  apart ; 
j        and  if  the  "  interposition  "  of  the  tibia  is  to  be 
■'        taken  literally,  the   consequence    is  consecutive 
i        fifths  or  discordance,   which  would  be  detected 
;        instantly  as  not  '  unus  sonus.' 

It  has  been  conjectured  that  the  practice  of 
!  harmony  of  some  kind,  i.e.  the  use  of  two  notes 
not  always  of  the  same  modern  name  (A,  B,  C, 
D,  E,  F,  G)  simultaneously,  so  that  two  persons 
would  not  always  sing  in  unisons  or  octaves, 
took  its  rise  in  Northumbria  in  the  8th  century. 
Sir  J.  Hawkins  quotes  Giraldus  Cambrensis,  who 
Lcives  the  following  account,  and  believes  (Hawkins 
thinks  without  sufficient  reason)  that  the  North- 
umbrians obtained  it  from  Denmark  or  Norway. 
"  In  borealibus  quoque  majoris  Britanniae  parti- 
bus  trans  Humbrum,  Eboracique  finibus  Anglo- 
rum  populi  qui  partes  illas  inhabitant  simili 
canendo  symphoniacae  utuntur  harmonia:  binis 
tamen  solummodo  differentiae  et  vocum  modu- 
lando  varietatibus,  una  inferius  submurmurante 
altera  vero  superne  demulcente  pariter  et  delec- 
tante  (i.e.  singing  '  in  two  parts ').  Nee  arte 
tantum  sed  usu  longaevo  et  quasi  in  naturam 
moradiutina  jam  converse,  haec  vel  ilia  sibi  gens 
hanc  specialitatem    comparavit.     Qui  alio  apud 


MUSIC 


1365 


utramque  invaluit  et  altas  jam  radices  posuit, 
ut  nihil  hie  simpliciter,  ubi  multipliciter  ut 
apud  priores,  vel  saltem  dupliciter  ut  apud 
sequentes,  mellite  proferri  consueverit.  Pueris 
etiam  (quod  magis  admirandum)  et  fere  infantibus 
(cum  primum  a  fletibus  in  cautus  erumpuut) 
eamdera  modulationem  observantibus.  Angli 
vero  quoniam  non  generaliter  omnes  sed  boreales 
solum  hujusmodi  vocum  utuntur  modulationibus, 
credo  quod  a  Dacis  et  Norwagiensibus,  qui 
partes  illas  iusulae  frequentius  occupare  et  diutius 
obtinere  solebant,  sicut  loquendi  affinitatem,  sic 
canendi  proprietatem  contraxerunt."  (jCamhr. 
Dcscr.  xiii.) 

It  has  been  already  noticed  that  John  the 
precentor  of  Rome  lived  at  Wearmouth  for  some 
time  and  taught  music ;  and  it  has  been  con- 
jectured that  the  invention  of  this  kind  of 
harmony  (or  its  introduction  into  England)  is 
due  to  him.  The  writer  thinks  that  the  system 
described  by  Giraldus  may  mean  no  more  than 
that  the  melody  was  not  sung  in  octaves,  at 
least  at  the  time  of  John,  whatever  it  may  have 
become  afterwards.  If  this  be  true,  the  practice 
of  harmony  in  church  music  is  due  to  the 
church  of  Rome. 

The  writer  is  aware,  and  thinks  he  ought  here 
to  mention,  that  Sir  F.  Ouseley  (a  good  authority) 
believes  harmony  to  be  an  invention  of  the 
northern  tribes  of  Europe ;  but  he  is  not  ac- 
quainted with  the  evidence  for  this  belief:  and 
Professor  Macfarren  {Lectures  on  Harmony')  con- 
trasts the  peoples  of  the  South  and  North  in 
respect  of  inventive  power  of  melody  and  har- 
mony. Those  who  advocate  the  opinion  that 
the  ancients  were  acquainted  with  harmony, 
consider  a  strong  point  of  evidence  to  be  the 
number  of  voices  and  instruments  collected  to- 
gether on  several  public  occasions :  but  as  the 
writer  is  not  satisfied  with  this,  he  thinks  it 
more  likely  that  harmony  was  a  discovery  of 
the  learned  musicians,  who  had  had  the  experience 
of  their  predecessors  for  centuries,  during  which 
many  advances  had  been  made  in  the  science  of 
music,  and  that  the  inventive  powers  of  the 
people  have  little  to  do  with  it :  and  in  this 
view  it  is  certainly  most  likely  that  such  a 
discovery  should  have  been  made,  or  at  least 
pursued,  chiefly  at  Rome.  It  is  rather  difficult 
to  imagine  barbarous  tribes  inventing  harmony 
while  civilised  people  were  ignorant  of  it  and 
studied  music  all  the  while.  Certainly  towards 
the  ninth  century,  the  practice  of  producing 
octaves,  fifths,  or  fourths  simultaneously  was 
known,  and  in  the  former  two  cases  it  was 
called  '  symphonia,'  and  in  the  latter  *  diaphonia.' 
The  terms  '  succentus '  and  '  concentus  '  are  also 
used  as  synonymous  with  '  symphonia.'  Regino 
Prumensis  allows  the  use  of  succentus  in  octaves 
and  fifths,  but  he  prohibits  diaphony  :  Hucbaldus 
acknowledges  both.  Thus  for  a  'symphony' of 
octaves  and  fifths  we  should  have,  in  the  fifth 
tone — 


\^ 


i^-^-^- 


i 


1366 


MUSrS^UM  OPUS 


and  for  a  diaphony  of  fourths,  we  should  have 


The  aucieuts  always  considered  the  fourth  a 
concord ;  and  it  is  a  satisfactory  interval  in 
melody ;  probably  for  this  reason  the  experiment 
of  singing  in  fourths  as  well  as  in  fifths  and 
octaves  was  tried,  and  found  unsatisfactory : 
wherefore  it  was  called  diaphony,  a  term  used 
by  the  ancients  as  contrari/  to  crvficpaivia.  This  is 
doubtless  the  reason  why  the  fourth  is  now 
considered  a  dissonance.  Harmony  appears  to 
have  extended  no  further  than  this  before  the 
time  of  Guido  Aretiuus.  [J.  R-  L.] 

MUSIVUM  OPUS.    [Mosaics.] 

MUSO,  martyr;    commemorated  at  Neocae- 


sarea  Jan.  24  (Usuard.  Mart.'). 


[C.  H.] 


MUSTA,  martvr;  commemorated  Ap.  12 
{Hieron.  Mart.).      '  [C  H.] 

MUSTACUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Nicomedia  Feb.  16  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUSTILA,  commemorated  Feb.  28  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUSTIOLA,  noble  matron,  martyr ;  comme- 
morated at  Clausen  July  3  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

MUSTULA  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  at 
Rome  Feb.  2  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  Ap.  12  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Mauritania 
Oct.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUSTUIjUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Rome  June  5  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUTACUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome 
in  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus  May  10  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUTIANA  (1)  commemorated  at  Caesarea 
June  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Laodicea  July 
26  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  vi.  305). 
[C.  H.] 

MUTIANUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at 
Caesarea  Nov.  19  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUTILATION.     [Body,   Mutilation  of 

THE.] 

MYGDONIUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  Dec, 
28  (Basil.  McnoL).  [C.  H.] 

MYRON  (1)  Bishop,  «  our  holy  father  thau- 
maturgus,"  of  Crete ;  commemorated  Aug.  8 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii.  342). 

(2)  Presbyter,  "  holy  martyr "  at  Cyzicus 
under  Decius  ;  commemorated  Aug.  16  (Basil. 
Menol.) ;  Dec.  17  {Cat.  Byzant. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Aug.  iii.  420 ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  266). 

[C.  H.] 

MYROPE,  martyr  at  Chios  under  Decius ; 
commemorated  July  13  (Basil.  Menol.;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  July,  iii.  482).  [C.  H.] 

MYROPHORI  {ixvpoip6poi).  The  women  who 
brought  to  the  Lord's  tomb  the  "spices  and 
ointments"    which    they   had  prepared   are   so 


NABOR 

called  in  Greek  office-books.  The  third  Sunday, 
after  Easter  is  in  the  Greek  church  the  "Sunday 
of  the  Unguent-bearers"  {twv  fivpocpSptav). 

[C] 
MYSTAGOGIA  (MU(rTa7a)7ia)  would  natu- 
rally mean  the  conducting  or  initiating  into 
mysteries.  It  is,  however,  commonly  used  by 
the  Greek  fathers  as  a  term  for  the  sacraments 
themselves,  regarded  as  conducting  to  higher  life. 
Thus  Chrysostom  uses  the  word  fxv<nayoiyia  for 
Baptism,  Upa  fj.v<naywyia  for  Holy  Communion, 
Kparrip  ttjs  (jLvarayioyias  for  the  cup  in  the 
Lord's  Supper  (Suicer,  Thesaurus,  s.  v.).       [C] 

MYSTAGOGUS  {fxv(n  ay  coy  6  s)  is,  as  Suidas 
has  defined  it,  "  a  priest,  an  initiator  into  mys- 
teries." Hence  the  Lord  Himself  is  described  as 
acting  as  Jlystagogus  to  His  disciples  (Greg. 
Nazianz.  Orat.  40,  p.  659).  And  those  who 
prepared  Christians  for  initiation  into  the  sacred 
mysteries  of  the  church  were  called  by  the  same 
name.  Hence  the  lectures  which  Cyril  of  Jeru- 
salem addressed  to  his  catechumens,  in  which 
he  expounds  the  rites  to  which  they  were  to  be 
admitted,  are  called  KaTiJXTJceis  ixvcrrayasyiKai. 

[C] 

MYSTERY  { ixva-T^piov,  root  ijlv-,  as  in 
fj.veLv,  to  shut).  A  fivar-fipiov  is  properly  a  rite 
to  which  none  but  the  initiated  can  be  admitted. 
Hence  baptism,  to  which  in  early  ages  men  were 
not  commonly  admitted  without  a  catechu- 
menate  of  some  length ;  and  the  Holy  Com- 
munion, to  which  none  could  be  admitted 
without  baptism,  and  of  which  the  most  sacred 
portions  were  concealed  from  the  profane 
[DisciPLiNA  Arcani],  naturally  came  to  be 
called  ixvffri]pia.  Thus  Chrysostom  on  St.  John, 
xix.  34  {Horn.  85),  speaking  of  the  water  and 
blood,  says  that  from  these  are  derived  the 
mysteries  of  baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper. 
Gregory  of  Nazianzus  {Orat.  39,  p.  632,  ed.- 
Paris,  1630)  calls  the  ministers  of  baptism 
olKov6fj.ous  rov  ixv<TTr]piou  ;  and  {Orat.  44,  p.  713) 
says  that  Jesus  in  the  upper  room  partook  of 
the  mystery  {Koivaivel  rov  nvtrrripiov).  The 
Laodicean  Council  {Can.  7)  provides  that  certain 
heretics,  after  learning  an  orthodox  creed  and 
being  anointed  with  chrism,  should  be  admitted 
to  the  holy  mystery  {Koivaive'iy  rcji  nvcrTTipito  rw 
aylcf)  [al.  twv  fx.  twv  ay."]),  i.  e.  to  the  Holy 
Communion,  for  they  were  already  baptized.  In 
later  times,  however,  the  word  jxwriipwv  came  to 
be  applied  to  many  rites  of  the  church  in  much 
the  same  way  as  "the  Latin  Sacramentum,  and 
the  Greek  doctors  generally  reckon  the  same- 
number — seven.     Compare  SACRAMENT.      [C] 

MYSTIC  RECITATION.    [Secret.] 

MYTHOLOGY    [Pagaxisji.I 


N 


NABOR     (1).     Martyr,    commemorated    in" 
Africa,  March  14  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Rome,  Ap.  23' 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii.  165). 

(3)  Martyr,  with  Basilides  and  Cirinus,  com- 
memorated  at    Rome  June   12  {Hieron.  Mart.  ^ 


NABOKUS 

•Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun. 
ii.  524). 

(4)  Mai-tyr,  with  Felix,  Januarius,  Marina ; 
•commemorated  in  Africa  July  10  {Hieron.  Mart. ; 
•Usuard.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr  with  Felix,  Eustasus,  Antonius  ; 
commemorated  in  Sicily  July  12.  The  name  also 
'Occurs  on  the  same  day  in  connexion  with  Felix, 
Primitivus,  Julius,  at  Milan  {Hieron.  Mart. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  iii.  280). 

(6)  Martyr,  commemorated  Sept.  26  (Hieron. 
Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

NABOEUS  (1)  Martyr,  commemorated  in 
Africa  Ap.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
Ap.  25  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Arecium  June  3 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

XAHUM,  prophet,  commemorated  Dec.  1 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Cat.  Bijzant.  ;  Cat.  Ethiop. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  ir.  276).  [C.  H.] 

NAMES  (Influence  of  CiipasxiANiTY  on). 
The  origin  and  meaning  of  names,  a  subject  long 
regarded  as  too  capricious  and  arbitrary  in  cha- 
racter to  admit  of  scientific  treatment,  has  re- 
ceived considerable  elucidation  from  recent  phi- 
lological research  both  in  England  and  on  the 
continent.  Very  slight  investigation  suffices  to 
•shew  that  religion,  whether  pagan  or  Chi-istian, 
furnishes  a  most  valuable  clue  to  such  inquiry. 
The  present  article  is  restricted  to  the  compara- 
tively limited  field  presented  in  the  nomenclature 
of  Christian  nations  during  the  first  eight  cen- 
turies, and  to  an  endeavour  to  determine  how 
fiir  that  nomenclature  was  modified  or  remained 
unmodified  by  Christian  influences. 

For  this  pui'pose,  it  will  obviously  be  of 
primary  importance  to  ascertain  how  far  the 
<jarly  Christian  theory  required  from  converts 
the  assumption  of  a  new  name  at  the  ordinance 
•of  baptism.  On  this  point  the  evidence  is  some- 
what conflicting,  but  generally  it  would  seem 
that  the  pi-actice  was  comparatively  rare  until 
after  the  period  of  persecution.  In  the  first  and 
second  centuries,  it  is  to  be  remembered,  the 
iincient  gentile  relations,  which  transferred  to 
an  adopted  member  of  a  gens  the  praenomen, 
nomen,  and  cognomen  of  his  adoptive  father, 
gradually  ceased  to  exist.  So  early  as  the  reigu 
of  Trajan  we  find  instances  in  the  Fasti  of  the 
designation  of  consuls  solely  by  their  cognomina 
or  agnomina  ;  and  in  the  second  and  third  cen- 
turies such  instances  are  numerous.  Sometimes 
a  consul  is  designated  only  by  his  cognomen  or 
agnomen,  and  sometimes  by  all  his  names.  Thus 
Domitian's  colleague  in  his  ninth  consulship 
(a.d.  83)  appears  now  as  Eufus,  and  again  as 
■Q.  Petilius  Rufus;  the  colleague  of  Philippus  in 
the  reign  of  Honorius  is  sometimes  Bassus,  some- 
times Anicius  Auchenius  Bassus.  Gradually, 
however,  the  Roman  form  of  nomen<dature  almost 
entirely  disappears ;  though  even  so  late  as  the 
6th  century  we  find  Fulgentius,  the  eminent 
African  bishop,  bearing  also  the  names  Fabius 
Claudius  Gordianus,  while  Sidonius,  bishop  of 
Clermont,  in  the  preceding  century,  bore  also  the 
name  Apollinaris. 

The  influences  that  successively  determined 
Christian  practice,  were— (1)  indifference,  orisi-  , 


NAMES 


1367 


nating  in  the  causes  above  mentioned,  with  regard 
to  adoption  or  family  names  ;  (2)  the  freedom 
conceded  by  legislative  enactments;  (3)  the  re- 
moval  of  deterrent  considerations  such  as  existed 
during  the  persecuting  age;  (4)  the  express 
exhortations  of  the  teachers  of  the  church  to  a 
change  of  practice  ;  (5)  the  veneration  of  relics. 
Of  these  influences  (1)  and  (2)  were  shared  in 
common  with  paganism,  and  belong  to  the  first 
three  centuries;  (3)  (4)  and  (5)  are  connected 
with  the  subsequent  period  only. 

(1.)  The  letters  of  Cyprian  illustrate  the  pre- 
valent inditlerence  of  his  age.  In  default  of 
motives  like  those  which  had  formerly  existed  in 
adopting  a  Roman  name  on  admission  to  the 
rights  of  citizenship,  the  provincial  contented 
himself  with  Latinising  his  native  name.  We 
find,  for  example,  Cyprian  referring  to  a  fellow 
bishop  by  the  name  of  Jubaianus,  a  provincial 
name  with  a  Roman  termination.  (Migne,  Patr. 
iv.  129.)  In  the  same  correspondence  we  find 
in  letters  written  on  behalf  of  different  church 
communities,  and  signed  by  their  leading  mem- 
bers, names  of  signataries  such  as  Saturninus 
and  Felix,  repeated  with  addition  of  alter  or 
iterum  alter  {ibid.  iv.  158),  where  it  is  evident 
that  the  employment  of  the  nomen  or  praenomen 
would  have  effectually  prevented  any  confusion. 
(2.)  In  the  3rd  century  it  was  declared  lawful 
by  the  state  for  any  citizen  to  lay  aside  his 
name  and  assume  any  other  he  might  wish. 
This  enactment,  first  promulgated  in  the  reiLjn 
of  Caracalla  (a.d.  212),  and  sanctioned  by  'mc- 
ceeding  emperors,  is  thus  re-enacted  under  Dio- 
cletian and  Maximin  : — "  Sicut  in  initio,  nominis, 
cognominis,  praenominis  recognoscendi  sino-nlos 
impositio  libei-a  est  privatis  :  ita  eorum  mutatio 
innocentibus  periculosa  non  est.  Mutare  itaque 
nomen,  vel  praenomen  sive  cognomen  sine  aliqua 
fraude  licito  jure,  si  liber  es,  secundum  ea,  quae 
statuta  sunt,  minime  prohiberis  :  nullo  ex  hoc 
praejudicio  futuro.  S.  15.  Kal.  Jan.  A.  A.  Conss." 
Justiniani  Codex,  ix.  25  :  Corp.  Jur.  Civil.  (Lipsiae, 
1720),  ii.  396. 

(3.)  Under  ordinary  circumstances,  the  Chris- 
tian of  the  first  three  centuries  appears  to  have 
shared  in  the  prevalent  indifl'erence  with  respect 
to  names,  and  to  have  bajitized  his  children  with 
little  regard  to  the  significance  of  the  particular 
name  bestowed  ;  the  expression  of  St.  Ambrose 
that  our  ancestors  were  wont  to  coin  names  on 
definite  principles, — "  apud  veteres  nostras  ratione 
nomina  componebantur "  (Migne,  xvii.  47),  is 
confirmed  by  the  language  of  St.  Chrysostom, 
who  says  that  the  Jews  made  the  names  given  to 
their  offspring  a  means  of  moral  training  and  an 
incitement  to  virtue,  and  bestowed  them  not  as 
men  did  in  his  day,  carelessly  and  as  chance  might 
dictate,  kuI  oii  KaOiwep  at  vvv  awAws  koI  ws  trvxe 
ras  TTpoffTiyopias  TroLovPTfs  (Migne,  S.  G.  liii. 
179).  It  may  be  observed  that  this  latter  passage 
is  alone  sufficient  to  discredit  the  spurious 
Arabian  canon  of  Nicaea  (Mansi,  Concilia,  ii. 
961),  quoted  by  Martigny,  which  represents  tlie 
church  as  having  already,  in  the  early  part  of 
the  4th  century,  forbidden  the  faithful  to  give 
their  children  names  other  than  those  distinc- 
tively Christian.  There  is,  however,  good  reason 
for  inferring  that  prudential  motives  also  deterred 
Christians  from  assuming  names  significant  of 
their  change  of  fivith,  although  in  times  of  perse- 
cution, when    compelled    openly   to  avow   their 


1368 


NAMES 


religion,  they  often  changed  a  pagan  for  a  scrip- 
tural name  before  undergoing  a  martyr's  death. 
Procopius  of  Gaza,  who  wrote  in  the  rirst  half 
of  the  6th  century,  refers  to  this  as  no  uncom- 
mon practice  under  such  circumstances.  "  One," 
he  says,  "  called  himself  Jacob  ;  another,  Israel ; 
another,  Jeremiah  ;  another,  Isaiah  ;  another, 
Daniel;  and  having  taken  these  names  they 
readily  went  forth  to  martyrdom  "  {Comment,  in 
Isaiah,  c.  44 ;  Migne,  S.  G.  Ixxsvii.  2401). 

(4.)  The  example  and  teaching  of  the  fathers 
proves  that  from  the  earliest  times  the  teachers 
of  the  church  did  not  share  in  the  prevalent 
indifference.  St.  Cyprian  assumed  the  name  of 
Caecilius  in  addition  to  his  own,  as  an  acknow- 
ledgment of  gratitude  to  one  to  whom  he  owed 
his  conversion.  Eusebius  took  the  name  of  Fam- 
phili  from  that  of  the  martyr  Pamphilus,  whom 
he  held  in  special  veneration.  It  is,  however,  in 
the  4th  century,  when  Christianity  had  received 
state  recognition,  that  we  first  find  evidence  of 
a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  leaders  of  religious 
opinion  to  modify  the  customary  practice.  St. 
Chrysostom,  in  the  Homily  above  quoted,  dis- 
tinctly censures  the  prevailing  fashion  of  giving 
a  child  his  father's  or  grandfather's  name  with- 
out regard  to  the  import  of  the  name  itself. 
Such,  he  says,  was  not  the  custom  in  ancient 
times.  Then  especial  care  was  taken  to  give 
childi-en  names  which  should  not  merely  incite 
to  virtue  those  who  received  them,  but  also 
serve  as  admonitions  to  all  wisdom  (SiSacr/caAia 
(pi\o(TO(pias  aTrdcrris)  to  others,  and  even  to  after 
generations.  "Let  us  not,  therefore,"  he  con- 
cludes, "  give  chance  names  (ras  rvxovffas 
irpoffTiyoplas)  to  children,  nor  seek  to  gratify 
fathers,  or  grandfathers,  or  those  allied  by 
descent,  by  giving  their  names,  but  rather  choose 
the  names  of  holy  men  conspicuous  for  virtue 
and  for  boldness  before  God."  (Migne,  S.  G.  liii. 
179.)  At  the  same  time  he  warns  his  hearers 
against  ascribing  any  efficacy  to  such  names,  all 
justifiable  hope  on  the  part  of  the  Christian 
being  grounded  upon  an  upright  life.  We  find, 
from  another  discourse,  that  the  practice  he  re- 
commended was  already  sometimes  observed. 
The  parents  of  Antioch,  he  tells  us,  gave  the 
name  of  Jleletius  (an  eminent  bishop  of  that 
city,  who  died  381)  in  preference  to  any  other 
name,  each  thinking  thereby  to  bring  the  saint 
under  his  own  roof  (Migne,  S.  G.  1.  515). 

But  notwithstanding  some  eminent  exceptions, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that,  prior  to  the  4th 
century,  such  practice  was  rare,  a  conclusion 
supported  by  the  evidence  afforded  by  the  early 
Christian  epitaphs.  The  Martyrologies  also  pre- 
sent us  with  many  names  (as  will  be  seen  from 
the  subjoined  lists)  which  reflect  not  merely  the 
secular  associations  of  paganism,  but  even  its 
religious  culture.  Martyrs  often  encountered 
death  bearing  the  names  of  those  very  divinities 
to  whom  they  refuse  to  offer  sacrifice.  It  has, 
indeed,  been  sought  to  qualify  the  evidence 
derived  from  Christian  epitaphs,  by  conjecturing 
that,  in  order  to  prevent  confusion,  only  the 
original  name  was  inserted  in  the  inscription, 
and  that  in  those  instances  where  we  are  pre- 
sented with  a  second  name, — e.g.,  Muscula  quae 
ct  Galatea  (ann.  383,  De  Rossi,  i.  112),  Asellus 
<;ui  et  Martinianus  (Marangoni,  Cose  Gent.  458), 
and  in  the  well-known  one  of  king  Ceadwalla, 
Hie  dcpositus  est  Ceadwalla  qui  et  Pctrus  (Baedae 


NAMES 

Hist.  Eccles.  v.  7), — the  second  name  is  that  con- 
fen-ed  at  baptism.  Against  this  theory  Le  Blant, 
however,  quotes  the  equally  notable  instance 
Petrus  qui  et  Balsamus  (Ruinart,  Acta  Sincera, 
p.  501).  Balsamus,  according  to  the  Acta,  on 
being  asked  his  name,  replied,  "Nomine  patris, 
Balsamus  dicor,  spirituali  vero  nomine,  quod  in 
baptismo  accepi,  Petrus  dicor."  Other  instances,. 
e.g.,  llacrina  quae  Jovina  (Marangoni,  Acta 
Sancti  Vict.,  88).  Vitalis  qui  et  Dioscuros 
(Marangoni,  Cose  Gent.  465),  Canusias  qui  ct 
Asclepins  (Mai,  Coll.  Vat.  v.  14),  where  the 
second  name  is  directly  derived  from  the  pagan 
mythology,  are  equally  adverse  to  such  a  theory. 

(5.)  While  the  customs  and  associations  which 
had  once  given  interest  and  importance  to  names 
gradually  disappeared,  other  circumstances  began 
to  invest  them  with  new  significance.  Foremost 
among  these  must  be  placed  the  superstitious 
veneration  of  relics.  As  the  presence  of  a  sup- 
posed fragment  of  a  body  of  a  saint  was  believed 
to  secure  his  protection  for  the  locality  where  it 
was  enshrined,  the  inhabitants  of  the  district 
sought  to  prove  their  reverence  for  his  memory 
by  assuming  his  name.  In  later  times,  with  the 
adoption  by  each  country  of  a  patron  saint,  the 
same  principle  became  still  further  extended. 
St.  James  (San  Diego  or  lago)  in  Spain,  St. 
Andrew  in  Scotland  and  Holland,  St.  Martin  in 
France,  and  St.  Maurice  in  Switzerland,  are 
some  of  the  more  notable  instances  in  which  a 
name  (in  some  cases  that  of  an  altogether  myth- 
ical character)  became  the  favourite  national 
designation  for  the  individual.  In  those  coun- 
tries which  were  among  the  last  to  embrace 
Christianity,  this  principle  is  to  be  seen  yet 
more  widely  extended.  Here  the  adoption  at 
baptism  of  a  Christian  name  was  the  usual  prac- 
tice. In  the  14th  century,  Ladislas  Jagellou, 
duke  of  Lithuania,  on  becoming  a  convert  to  the 
faith,  persuaded  many  of  his  subjects  to  follow 
his  example.  In  consequence  of  their  numbers 
they  were  baptized  in  companies,  the  same  name 
being  given  to  all  in  one  company.  All  the 
men  in  the  first  company  were  named  Peter, 
and  all  the  women  Catherine ;  in  the  second 
company,  the  names  given  were  Paul  and  Mar- 
garet ;  and  so  on.     (Salverte,  i.  171.) 

A  considerable  stimulus  to  the  interest  attach- 
ing to  names  was  imparted,  in  the  7th  century, 
by  the  chapters  on  the  suliject  in  the  Etijmologiac 
of  Isidore  of  Seville.  He  taught  that  all  scrip- 
tural names  had  been  given  with  a  pregnant 
reference  to  the  part  or  future  career  of  the  in- 
dividual, and  in  a  lengthened  enumeration  as- 
signed to  each  name  a  meaning  (often  erroneous) 
expressive  of  that  individual's  character  or  ex- 
periences. To  the  influence  of  his  treatise,  we 
may  attribute  the  fact  that  in  the  8th  century, 
with  the  revival  of  letters  in  Frankland,  it  be- 
came a  not  uncommon  practice  for  men  of 
eminence  to  assume  a  literary  alias.  Charles 
the  Great,  and  many  of  his  courtiers,  were  ad- 
dressed in  more  familiar  intercourse,  by  otlier 
than  their  baptismal  names,  scriptural  names 
being  generally  adopted.  Charles  probably  was 
led  to  assume  the  name  of  David,  from  the  erro- 
neous meaning  given  to  it  by  Isidore,  "  fortis 
manu,  quia  fortissimus  in  praeliis  fuit."  (Migne, 
Ixxxii.  323.) 

The  following  lists  from  Martigny,  but  verified 
and   augmented,    represent    two    classes : — (A.)< 


NAMES 

Names  of  Christians  derived  from  Pagax 
AKCi:sTORs;  (B.)  Names  of  Christian  origin 
AND  significance.  Of  the  works  from  which 
these  lists  have  beeu  principally  compiled,  a 
critical  notice  will  be  found  under  Inscriptions 
(pp.  841-844) ;  see  also  Catacombs,  pp.  295-306. 
Those  which  rest  on  the  authority  of  Ariughi, 
Boldetti,  or  Perret,  must  be  accepted  with  the 
caution  necessary  in  relation  to  the  researches  of 
those  archaeologists,  but  it  has  not  been  thought 
desirable  to  expunge  them  from  the  lists.  It 
must  also  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  value  of 
this  evidence  rests,  in  not  a  few  instances,  on 
the  assumption  of  the  exclusively  Christian 
character  of  the  Catacombs  of  Piome, — the  view 
adopted  in  Catacombs,  and  maintained  by  Messrs. 
Northcote  and  Brownlow  {Roma  Sotternmea), 
but  one  by  no  means  unanimously  accepted. 

A.  (a)  Under  the  first  head  are  given  names 
dericcd,  unchanged,  or  but  slighthj  modified  from 
the  pagan  mythology  :  A\c\noyi%  (Act.  Sanct.  Vict. 
76) ;  Apollos  =  Apollonius  (1  Cor.  xvi.  12) ; 
to  be  met  with  even  in  the  6th  century 
(De  Rossi,  i.  1013) ;  Apollinaris  (Marangoni, 
Act.  S.  V.  122)  ;  Apollinaria  (Muratori, 
Thesaur.  1830-6);  Apollonius  {Martyr.  Rom. 
siv.  Feb.) ;  Phoebe  (Rom.  xvi.  1) ;  Pythius 
{Act.  S.  V.  83).  From  Artemis:  Artaemisius 
(Marini,  Anal.  695)  ;  APTEMEICIA  (Perret,  v. 
pi.  78);  Bacchus:  Bacchius  (Marangoni,  Cose 
Gait.  455);  Dionysia  {Act.  S.  V.  113);  Libera 
{lb.  87);  Liberia  (Vignoli,  Insc.  Select.  334). 
The  Dioscuri  {Act.  S.  V.  131) ;  Castoria  {lb.  98). 
Calliope,  Calliopa  {Martyr,  viii.  Jun.).  Ceres, 
Cerealis,  and  from  Demeter,  Demetrius  {Act. 
S.  V.  115);  this  name  would  appear  to  have 
been  borne  by  many  martyrs  {R.  701).  Diana  : 
Dianesis  {lb.  89)  ;  Cinthia  (Vignoli,  332).  Eros  : 
this  appears  as  the  name  of  a  bishop  of  Aries  at 
the  commencement  of  the  5th  century  ;  Erotis 
(Perret,  v.  pi.  46);  a  martyr  in  Ca'ppadocia, 
under  Diocletian  (Oct.  xxvii.)  was  named  Ero- 
theides.  Hercules  :  (?)  Herculanus  (Perret,  v. 
pi.  58);  Eracles,  Eraclia  {Act.  S.  V.  77,  120); 
Heraclides  (Ruinart,  p.  121);  HPAKAEIA  {Act. 
S.  V.  77);  Heraclius,  m.  (Oct.  xxii.).  IIygiea  : 
Hygias  {?  Act.  S.  V.).  Janus:  Janus  (Muratori, 
387,  1) ;  Jauilla  (71. 1886,  6).  Jupiter  :  Joviua 
{Act.  3.  V.  120) ;  Jovianus  (Perret,  v.  pi.  27) ; 
Jovinus  (Marini,  383);  Jovita,  m.  (Feb.  xv.) ; 
Olympius  {Act.  S.  V.  106) ;  Olympia  (Cardinali, 
Isc.  Velit.  203);  Olympiades,  m.  (Apr.  i.  Dec.  i.). 
Jupiter  Ammon  :  Ammonius,  Ammononia  {Mar- 
tyrol.  passim).  Leda  :  Laeda  (Boldetti,  379). 
Lucina  :  Lucina  {lb.  428).  Mars  :  Martia,  m. 
(Jun.  xxi.);  Martianus  (Boldetti,  487);  Mar- 
tialis,  Martinus,  Martina,  passim;  Martinianus 
(July  ii.).  Mercury:  Mercurius  {Act.  S.  V. 
82);  Mercuria  {lb.  98);  Mercurionus  {lb.  4); 
Mercurus  (Fabretti,  551);  Mercurialis  (May 
xxiii.)  ;  Mercurilis  (Mai,  v.  393)  ;  Mercurianetis 
(De  Rossi,  i.  71);  Mercurina  (Le  Blant,  i.  74); 
Mercuriolus  (Cancellieri,  Orsa  e  Simplic.  18). 
Hermes  :  Ermes  (Boldetti,  483) ;  Ermogeues, 
{Act.  S.  V.  72);  Ermogenia  {lb.  94);  Hermes, 
many  martyrs,  Nov.  ii.,  Mar.  i.  etc. ;  Hermogenes 
(Dec.  X.  ;  Sept.  xi.).  These  last  names  were 
extremely  common  in  the  primitive  church,  and 
Martiguy  conjectures  that  their  prevalence  is  to 
be  ascribed  to  the  occurrence  of  the  name 
(Romans  xvi.  14)  as  that  of  one  of  St.  Paul's 
disciples.    This  supposition  is  hardly  in  harmony 


NAMES 


1369 


with  what  we  have  seen  to  be  the  practice  oi 
the  church  at  that  period.  Minerva  :  Minervia 
(Boldetti,  491)  ;  Minervinus  (Dec.  xxxi.)  ;  Mi- 
nervus  (Aug.  xxv.).  Athene:  Atheuodorus, 
martyr  in  Mesopotamia  under  Diocletian  (Nov. 
xi.);  Athenogenes,  bishop  of  Sebaste,  martyr  in 
the  same  persecution  (July  xvi.).  Pallas  :  Palla- 
dius  (Osann.  539,  14)  occurs  also  as  the 
name  of  a  hermit  of  Nitria,  afterwards  bishop 
of  Helenopolis  in  Bithynia.  MuSAicus:  Museus 
(Perret,  V.  pi.  39).  Nemesis:  Nemesis  (Mura- 
tori, 1515,  9);  Nemesius  (Feb.  xx.);  Neme- 
sianus  (Sept.  10) ;  Naemisina  (De  Rossi,  i. 
272) ;  here,  however,  De  Rossi  observes,  "  Vox 
Emisina  defunctae  patriam  signiticat,  Emesam 
nempe  celeberrimam  Phoenices  urbem."  Nep- 
tune :  Posidonius  (Le  Blant,  i.  339).  Nereus  : 
Nereus  saluted  by  St.  Paul  (Rom.  xvi.  15).  The 
Roman  martyrology  gives  (Feb.  xvii.)  the  name 
of  a  martyr  named  Romulus.  Saturn  :  Satur- 
ninus,  extremely  common  in  the  primitive  church 
(Marchi,  p.  85  ;  Act.  S.  V.  82)  ;  also  name  of 
the  reputed  founder  of  the  church  at  Toulouse, 
sent  by  Fabianus,  bishop  of  Rome  ;  Saturnina 
{Act.  S.  V.  80).  A  brother  of  St.  Ambrose 
bore  the  name  of  Satyrus.  Silvanus  :  African 
martyr  (Feb.  xviii.),  bishop  of  Emessa  m.  (Feb. 
vi.),  and  many  other  martyrs.  The  Museum  of 
the  Lateran  {Inscript.  class,  xviii.  n.  17)  contains 
a  marble  inscribed  with  the  name  Urania: 
Oderico  {Syll.  Vet.  Inscript.  Romae,  1765)  gives 
(261)  the  name  of  ^Christian,  derived  from  that 
of  the  muse  of  astronomy,  Uranius.  Boldetti 
(p.  477)  gives  the  epitaph  of  a  Christian  female 
named  Venus,  though  Maury  {Croyances  et 
Le'gend.  de  I'Antiquite',  349)  denies  that  the  name 
can  be  found  in  the  Acta,  and  endeavours  to 
prove  that  the  St.  Venise  of  Gaul  was  really  the 
Venus  of  antiquity  accepted  under  Christian 
modes  of  veneration ;  we  have  also  Venere 
(Marini,  452);  Veneriosa  (Le  Blant,  i.  117); 
Venerius  {lb.  ii.  467),  also  a  bishop  of  Milan 
and  a  hermit  in  the  Island  of  Palms  (May  iv. ; 
Sept.  xiii.) ;  Venerigine  (Oderico,  259).  Aphrodite, 
Aphrodisias  {Act.  S.  V.  97) ;  Aphrodisius,  m.  at 
Alexandria  (Apr.  xxx.).  In  Egypt  many  Chris- 
tians bore  the  names  of  the  divinities  of  that 
country,  though  these  often  receive  from  writers 
or  in  inscriptions  a  Greek  or  Latin  terminal, — 
e.g.  Serapio  from  Serapis  (Boldetti,  469) ;  the 
Acta  of  some  of  the  martyrs  of  the  Thebais  give 
us  the  names  unmodified  (Giorgi,  de  Miracul.  S. 
Coluthi). 

(;S)  From  religious  rites,  auguries,  and  omens. 
Augurius  (Marchi,  39);  Augurinus  (Le  Blant, 
i.  341)  ;  Augustus  {ib.  26)  ;  Auspicius  (Le  Blant, 
i.  342) ;  Desiderius,  m.  (Mar.  xxv.) ;  Expectatus 
(Gazzera,  Iscr.  del  Piem.  28)  ;  Faustinus  (Marchi, 
27);  Faustus,  m.  (Aug.  i.) ;  Felix  {Act.  S.  V. 
129);  Felicia  (Perret,  Ixii.  62);  Felicissimus 
(Passionei,  118);  Felicitas  (Perret,  v.  pi.  3);  the 
derivatives  of  these  in  great  number  ;  Firmus, 
m.  (Feb.  xi.);  Firma  (Matfei,  Mus.  Veron.  281); 
Macarius,  m.  (Sept.  5),  the  Greek  form  is  found 
on  many  marbles  ;  Optatus  (Perret,  xv.) ;  Pro- 
futurus  {ib.  xli.) ;  Pretiosa  (Wiseman,  Fabiola, 
264). 

(7)  From  numbers.  Primus,  Prima,  Primenia 
(Fabretti,  579);  Primenius  (De  Rossi,  i.  206); 
Primigenius  (Marini,  96);  Secundus,  m.  (Jan. 
ix.);  Secundilla,  m.  (Mar.  vii.);  Secundinus 
(Perret,  41);  Tertius,  conf.  (Dec.  vi.) ;  Quartus, 


1370 


NAMES 


disciple  of  the  apostles  (Nov.  iii.) ;  Quartinus 
(Act.  S.  V.  112);  Quartina  (Boldetti,  479); 
Quintilianus  (De  Rossi,  i.  222);  Quiatus,  m. 
(May  X.);  Sextus  (Perret,  Ixii.);  Septimus  (ib. 
Ixix.)  ;  Septimius  {ib.  xvii.)  ;  Octaviana  (Maran- 
goni,  Cose  Gent.  454) ;  Octavia  (Fabretti,  375) ; 
Octavius,  m.  (Nov.  xx.)  ;  Octavianus(De  Boissieu, 
Suppl.  xiv.) ;  Nonnosa  (De  Rossi,  i.  205) ;  Non- 
nosus  (Le  Blant,  i.  110);  Decia  (Aringhi,  ii. 
262) ;  Chylianus,  martyr  bishop  (July  viii.). 
:  (8)  Ffom  colours.  Albanus'  (June,  xxi.) ; 
Albano  (Marini,  266);  Albina  (Reines.  952); 
Candidus  (Perret,  xxxvi) ;  Candida  (De  Rossi,  i. 
346);  Candidiana  (Doni,  539-70);  Flavius 
(Bosio,  433) ;  Fusca,  v.  m.  (Feb.  xiii.) ;  Fusculus, 
m.  (Sept.  vi.);  Nigrinus  (Le  Blaut,  i.  388); 
Rubicus  (Passionei,  118);  Rut'us  (Mai,  v.  404). 

(e)  From  animals.  Names  of  this  class, 
already  adopted  by  paganism,  seem  to  have 
become  more  common  among  Christians  ;  not 
improbably,  as  Martiguy  suggests,  from  a  senti- 
ment of  humility.  Aper  {Act.  S.  V.  93)  ;  Aequi- 
tius  (Oderico,  33)  ;  Agnes,  v.  m.  (Jan.  xxi. ;  Le 
Blant,  ii.  455);  Agnella  (De  Rossi,  i.  277); 
Agnellus  (Dec.  xiv.)  ;  Aquila,  m.  (June  xxiii.)  ; 
Aquilinus,  m.  (May  xvi.) ;  Aquilius  (Le  Blant,  i. 
157);  Asella  {Act.  S.  V.  120);  Asellus  (Maffei, 
281);  Asellicete  (Marini,  393);  Asellicus  (i6. 
422);  Asellianus  (Boldetti,  487) ;  Asellius  (Ma- 
rini, 293) ;  Asinia  (Lupi,  Severi  martyris  epitaph. 
102)  ;  Basiliscus,  m.  (Mar.  iii.)  ;  Capra  (Boldetti, 
361) ;  Capriola  {Act.  S.  V.  8b)  ;  Capriole  {ib.  102)  ; 
Caprioles  (Perret,  v.  pi.  5);  Castora  (Maftei, 
264);  Castoria  (De  Rossi,  i.  284);  Castorius, 
(Gruter,  1050,  10);  Castorinus  {Act.  S.  V.  129); 
Castellus  (Bosio,  106)  ;  Catalinus,  m.  (July, 
XV.)  ;  Catullina  {Act.  S.  V.  131)  ;  Cerviola  (Mai, 
V.  424)  ;  Cervinus  (Lupi,  Severi  m.  epitiipih.  173) ; 
Cervonia  (Marangoni,  460)  ;  Columba,  m.  (Sept. 
jcvii.),  Columbanus,  etc. ;  Dracontius  (Buonarr. 
Vetri,  169)  ;  Damalis  is  perhaps  the  true  form 
of  Damaris,  a  convert  of  St.  Paul  at  Athens  ; 
Felicula  (Fabretti,  549)  and  Faelicla ;  Formica 
(Muratori,  1872,  5);  Leo  (Passionei,  125); 
Leonilla,  Leontia  (Marini,  188) ;  Leonteia  {ib. 
Arv.  422)  ;  Leontius  (De  Boissieu,  Suppl.  iv.)  ; 
Leoparda  (De  Rossi,  i.  136) ;  Leopardus  (Perret, 
v.  pi.  26);  Lepusculus  Leo,  these  two  names 
of  a  child  present  themselves  in  singular  con- 
trast on  a  Roman  marble  of  the  year  401  (De 
Rossi,  i.  226)  ;  Lupus,  m.  (Oct.  xiv.) ;  Lupercus 
(Perret,  v.  pi.  41) ;  Lupicinus  (Marini,  Arv. 
296);  Lupicus  (Boldetti,  398);  Lupula  (Le 
Blant,  i.  396)  ;  Melissa  {Act.  S.  V.  96) ;  Merola 
(De  Boissieu,  545) ;  Merulus,  m.  (Jan.  xvii.) ; 
Muscula  (Perret,  v.  pi.  33  and  71);  Onager 
(Boldetti,  428);  Palumba  (Muratori,  1919,  11); 
Palumbus  (Boldetti,  413);  Panteris  (Perret,  v. 
pi.  50);  Pardales  (De  Rossi,  L  248);  Pecus 
(Mai,  V.  397);  Pecorius  (Lupi,  181);  Por- 
caria  (De  Boissieu,  561);  Porcella  (Boldetti, 
376)  ;  Porcus,  Porcia  (Boldetti,  449)  ;  Serpentia 
{ib.  482);  Soricius  {Act.  S.  V.  153);  Taurus 
(Boldetti,  413);  Tauriuus  (Perret,  v.  pi.  58); 
Tigris  (Fabretti,  ii.  287);  Tigridiua  (Boldetti, 
346);  Tigridius  (Le  Blant,  i.  26);  Tigrinianus 
(Boldetti,  416) ;  Tigrinus  (Reines.  xx.  398) ; 
Tigritis  (De  Rossi,  i.  281)  ;  Tigrius,  m.  (Jan.  xii.)  ; 
Tardus  (Boldetti,  400);  Turtura  (De  Rossi,  i. 
423) ;  Ursa  (Boldetti,  429) ;  Ursacius  (Lami,  de 
Erudit.  Apost.  353) ;  Ursicinus  (Perret,  v.  pi. 
36) ;  Ursulus  (Marini,  Alb.  193) ;  Ursula,  v.  m. 


NAMES 

(Oct.  21);  Ursus  (Boldetti,  308);  Vitella  (Eot- 
tari,  ii.  127) ;  Vitellianus  (Maffei,  483).  Many 
of  these  names  owe  their  preservation  to  the 
fact  of  their  having  been  borne  by  vtartyrs.  A 
stone  engraved  by  Macarius  {Hagiogl.  200)  gives 
us  the  name  niX0TCA  from  Ix^vs,  a  fish 
(IXerC).  As  if  to  leave  no  doubt  that  the 
significance  of  the  name  was  present  to  the 
minds  of  those  to  whom  the  bearer  was  known, 
we  sometimes  find,  side  by  side,  a  figure  of  the 
animal  delineated.  Thus  the  name  of  Porcella 
is  accompanied  by  a  design  of  a  young  sow  (Bol- 
detti, 376)  ;  that  of  Dracontius  '{ib.  386)  by  that 
of  a  serpent ;  that  of  Onager  {ib.  428)  by  that  of 
an  ass ;  that  of  Caprioles  by  that  of  a  young 
goat ;  that  of  Turtura,  by  two  turtles  (Mai,  v. 
451) ;  that  of  Aquilius,  by  two  eagles  (De 
Boissieu,  562).  Over  the  tomb  of  a  female 
Christian  named  Aquilina  (Boldetti,  397)  there 
is  the  representation  of  a  flying  eagle ;  while  on 
the  marble  of  Pontius  Leo,  in  the  corridor  of 
the  Vatican,  there  is  the  figure  of  a  lion.  Signs 
of  another   description   are    used   in   the    same 


way.  The  following  is  one  which  can  only  be 
explained  thus:  genethlia  ivgati  coivgi  in 
PACE,  This  inscription  is  accompanied  by  a 
design  (see  woodcut)  evidently  intended  for  a 
yoke,  in  allusion  to  the  name  of  the  husband, 
Jugas. 

(0  Names  relating  to  Agriculture. — Agellus 
(De  Boissieu,  Suppl.  xxiv.  ;  bazzera,  24)  ;  Agri- 
cia  (De  Boissieu,  552)  ;  Agricola,  m.  (Dec.  iii.)  ; 
Arator,  bp.  (Le  Blant,  ii.  467);  Armentarius, 
bp.  (Jan.  XXX.) ;  Cepasus,  Cepasia  {Act.  S.  V.  81, 
112),  the  onion  was  considered  a  sacred  plant  by 
the  Egvptians;  Cepula  (Marangoni,  Cose  Gent. 
457);  Cerealis  (Boldetti,  399);  Cicercula  (Ma- 
rini, Arv.  827);  Citrasius  (Boldetti,  407);  Fa- 
bius  (Perret,  v.  pi.  41);  Fructuosus,  m.  (Jan. 
xxi.);  Fructulus  (Feb.  xviii.);  Frumentius,  bp. 
(Oct.  xxvii.) ;  Georgius,  saint  and  martyr,  in 
the  last  persecution ;  Hortulanus,  bp.  in  Africa 
(Nov.  xxviii.)  ;  Laurinia,  Laurentius  {Act.  S.  V. 
85);  Olibio  {oliva,  Boldetti,  82);  Oliva,  vir. 
(June  iii.);  Palmatius,  m.  (May  x.) ;  Pastor 
(Marini,  Arv.  255) ;  Piperusa  (i6.  492) ;  Pi- 
perion,  m.  at  Alexandria  (Mar.  xi.)  ;  Rusticus, 
Rustica  (Martyrol.  passim)  ;  Silvanus,  Silvana 
(De  Boissieu,  138);  Silvia  (Le  Blant,  i.  363); 
Silbina  (Boldetti,  492);  Stercorius  (Fabretti, 
582)  ;  Stercoria  (Marchi,  tav.  xv.)  ;  CTEPKOPI 
(Boldetti,  377)  ;  these  last  names  are  frequently 
to  be  met  with  on  the  tombs  of  Christians,  but 
scarcely  ever  on  those  of  pagans,  and  probably 
embody  a  sentiment  similar  to  that  expressed  by 
St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  iv.  13),  and  a  sense  of  the  public 
obloquy  to  which  Christians  were  at  this  time 
exposed.  Theresa,  wife  of  Paulinus,  the  friend 
of  Jerome ;  Tilia  {Act.  S.  V.  91) ;  Venantius 
(Le  Blant,  i.  117)  ;  Vindemialis  (Maffei,  358,  8)  ; 
also  m.  bp.  under  Hunneric  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist. 
Fr.  ii.  3). 

(t;)  From  Flowers. — Amaranthus  (Marangoni, 
462);  Balsamia  (Oderico,  340);  Corona,  m. 
(May  xiv.) ;  Florus,  m.  (Dec.  xxii.) ;  Flora  (De 


NAMES 

Boissieu,  31);  P'lorentius  (Marini,  An:  171); 
Floi-entina  (Ferret,  v.  pi.  54)  ;  Florentinus  (^Act. 
S.  V.  125) ;  Florida,  Floris  (i'6.  85)  ;  Florius,  m. 
(Oct.  x.wii.) ;  Flos,  m.  (Dec.  xxxi.)  ;  Flosculus, 
bp.  (Feb.  ii.)  ;  a  child  martyr  in  the  reign  of 
Valerian  bore  the  diminutive  Flocellus  ;  Laurinia 
{Act.  S.  V.  85) ;  Liliosa,  m.  at  Cordova  (July 
xxvii.) ;  Mellitus  (Act.  S.  V.  100)  ;  Narcissus,  m. 
{Sept.  xvii) ;  Rosa,  v.  (Sept.  iv.) ;  Rosarius  (De 
Rossi,  i.  n.  930) ;  Hoseta  (Marangoni,  Cose  Gent. 
456) ;  Rosius,  conf.  (Sept.  i.) ;  Rosula  (Sept. 
xiv.). 

(0)  From  Jewels. — Chrysanthus,  husband  of 
St.  Daria;  Margaret  (/xapyapir-ns)  vir.  m.  of 
Antioch ;  Sapphira,  this  entirely  shunned  by 
Christians  ;  Smaragdus,  m. 

(i)  From  maritime  or  military  life. — Symbols 
and  names  of  the  former  class  were  adopted  by 
Christians  in  the  first  ages  of  the  church,  pre- 
cedents being  allbrded  by  the  iS'ew  Testament. 
Armiger  (Hiibner,  n.  7);  Emerentiana,  m. ; 
JIarinus  (Bosio,  564);  Marina  (MafFei,  208); 
Maritimus  (Fabretti,  viii.  5)  ;  Maritima  (Reines. 
XX.  443) ;  Nabira,  accompanied  by  the  design  of 
a  ship  (Boldetti,  373)  ;  Nancello  (ib.  485) ;  Nau- 
ticus  (Aringhi,  ii.  261) ;  Navalis,  m.  (Dec.  xvi.)  ; 
Navicia  (De  Rossi,  i.  40 ) ;  Navigia,  Navigius 
(Muratori,  1924,  1997)  ;  Nautico  (Bosio,  506)  ; 
Navicius  (Doni,  xx.  64);  Pelagia  (Bosio,  213). 
This  name  also  occurs  in  an  inscription  given  by 
Marangoni,  "  Pelagiae  Restitutae  Filiae  "  (^Act. 
S.  V.  107),  with  a  fish  between  two  anchors. 
Pelagio  (Bosio,  507) ;  Pelagius  (Marchi,  163) ; 
Pelacianus  (Fabretti,  549) ;  Scutarius,  bp.  (Le 
Blant,  i.  346).;  Sicarius,  St.  (»6.  i.  49);  Thalasia 
(ib.  i.  147);  Thalassus  (Reines.  xx.  39.5);  Tha- 
lassiae  (Spon,  Miscell.  232)  ;  Talassobe  (Bosio, 
283). 

(k)  From  Rivers.— Cjdnus  (Boldetti,  392)  ; 
Inachus  (Fabretti,  548) ;  Jordanis  (Muratori, 
1972);  Nilus  (ib.);  Rodane,  m.  of  Lyons;  Ro- 
danus  (Mai,  v.  401-8);  Siquana,  name  of  a 
female  Christian  whose  titulus  was  discovered  in 
the  Quartier  St.  Just,  at  Lyons  (De  Boissieu, 
567).  The  church  of  Evreux  celebrates  on  Jan. 
xxii.  a  martyr  of  the  name  of  Orontius,  who 
suffered  under  Diocletian. 

(A)  From  Countries  and  Cities. — Afra,  m.  (May 
xxiv.)  ;  Africanus,  m.  (April  x)  ;  Africa  (Hiibner, 
n.  71);  Alexandria  (Boldetti,  484);  Araba,  m. 
(Mar.  xiii.) ;  Ausonia,  m.  of  Lyons ;  Barbara, 
m.  of  Heliopolis ;  Calcedonius  (Act.  S.  V.  108) ; 
XAAKHAONIC  (Fabretti,  592);  Creticus  (Bol- 
detti, 430) ;  Cypriauus,  bp.  of  Carthage,  m. 
(Sept.  xiv.) ;  Daciana  (Maflei,  179)  ;  Dalmatia 
(Le  Blant,  ii.  144) ;  Dalmatius  (D'Agincourt, 
iii.  10) ;  Dardanius  (Le  Blant,  i.  349) ;  Galatia 
(Boldetti,  808)  ;  Garamantius,  from  a  country 
in  Libya  (Act.  S.  V.  82)  ;  Germanus,  St.,  opponent 
of  Pelagius  ;  Galla  (Le  Blant,  i.  363)  ;  Graecinia 
(Boissieu,  Sitppl.  28)  ;  Heraclia  (Lupi,  ii.);  Italia 
(Pellicia,  Polit.  Fed.  iv.  152);  Laodicia  (Mai, 
v.  437);  Ligurius  (Reines.  cl.  xx.  115);  Libya, 
in.  in  Syria  (June  xv.) ;  Lydia  (Acts,  xv.  19); 
Macedonia  (Boldetti,  477);  Macedonius  (De 
Kos.^i,  i.  500)  ;  Maura  (Le  Blant,  i.  382);  Mauri- 
ius  (ib.  ii.  45);  Maurus,  disciple  of  St.  Bene- 
I  i.  t ;  Partenope  (Perret,  xx.  82)  ;  Pelusius,  m.  at 
Vlexandria  (Apr.  vii.) ;  Pausilippus,  m.  (Apr. 
v.);  Roma  (Aringhi,  ii.  169);  Romanus  (Pas- 
ionei,  124);  POMANOC  (Mus.  Later.  Inscrip. 
.'  (ss.  xviii.  9) ;  Sabina,  m.  (Aug.  xxix.) ;  Sabi- 


NAMES 


1371 


nianus,  m.  (Jan.  xxix.)  ;  Sabinus,  m.  (Jan.  xxv. 
and  Boldetti,  545) ;  Sabinilla  (Mai,  v.  477); 
Sabinilius  (De  Rossi,  i.  269)  ;  Samnius  (Boldetti, 
534);  Salonice  (ib.  419);  Sebastiauus,  from 
Sebastos,  the  Greek  equivalent  for  Augustus, 
probably  prior  to  the  assumption  of  the  title  by 
Diocletian  and  his  colleague,  but  frequent  in  the 
Martyrology.  Sepiauus  (Sept.  xix.);  Sidonia 
(Boldetti,  481);  Tessalius  (Boldetti,  413);  Thes- 
salonica,  m.  (Nov.  7) ;  Tiburtius  (Mamachi,  ii. 
230);  Trajanus,'  bp.  of  Saintes  (Greg.  Tur.  de 
Glor.  Conf.  c.  lix.)  :  Transpadanus  (Mai,  v.  408)  ; 
Troadius,  m.  at  Neo-Caesarea  in  Pontus  (Greg 
Nyss.  in  Act.  Greg.  Thaum.)  ;  Tuscula  (Boldetti, 
436) ;  Urbanus,  greeted  by  St.  Paul. 

(ix)  From  the  Months.  Aprilis  (Boldetti,  409, 
420  ;  Maffei,  288  ;  Marini,  Arc.  506)  ;  December 
(Marangoni,  Cose  Gent.  467) ;  AEKEMBPOC 
(Perret,  v.  pi.  77)  ;  Decembrina  (Boldetti,  389)  ; 
Februarius  (Le  Blant,  i.  324):  Januaria  (Jlarini. 
A7-V.  170);  Januaris  (Boldetti,  55);  Januarius 
(Gazzera,  Append,  ii.) ;  Januarinus  (Fabretti, 
552);  Julius  (Marini,  Papiri.,  301);  Junia 
(Perret,  v.  pi.  40);  Junianus  (ib.  v.  pi.  32); 
Kalendius  (Boldetti,  490);  Marius  (Marchi,  91); 
Martins  (ib.  410)  ;  October  (Act.  8.  V.  92). 

(v)  Im2:)lijing  phi/sical  qualities  or  defects. 
Balbina  (Perret,  v.  pi.  29);  Capito,  m.  (July 
21) ;  Callistus,  Callista  (Oct.  xiv. ;  Sept.  ii.) ; 
Crispinus  (Perret,  vi.  158);  Crispus,  m.  (Oct. 
xiv.);  Currentius  (Passionei,  116);  Eucharius 
(Marini.  Alb.  32);  Eucharistus  (Mai,  v.  376); 
EYXAPICTOC  (Aringhi,  i.  522);  Eucharistianus 
(Boldetti,  382)  ;  Fronto,  m.  (April  xvi.) ;  Longina 
(Boldetti,  475) ;  Pulcheria,  v.  m.  (Sept.  x.) ; 
Venustus  (JLay  vi.)  ;  Venustianus,  m.  (Dec.  xxx.). 

(I)  Implying  mental  or  moral  qualities  (very 
numerous).  Agathon,  m.  (Dec.  xvii.) ;  AmancHus 
(De  Boissieu,  13);  Amantius  (Perret,  v.  p.  54); 
Amator  (Hiibner,  n.  171);  derivatives  from  amo 
seem  to  have  been  especially  in  favour  with  the 
Christians  of  Gaul.  Angelica  (Perret,  v.  pi.  23)  ; 
Aristo  (De  Rossi,  i.  166);  Bona  (Boldetti,  381); 
Bonifacius,  m.  under  Diocletian  (Ruinart,  284) ; 
Bonosus  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  i.  275) ;  Bonusa 
(Perret,  v.  pi.  9)  ;  Beniguus  (Boldetti,  489) ; 
Candidus,  Candida  (Martyrol.  passim) ;  Candi- 
diana  (De  Rossi,  i.  44) ;  Casta  (Mai,  v.  425) ; 
Castinus  (Act.  'S.  V.  82);  Castus  (Boldetti, 
390) ;  Clarus,  St.,  first  bp.  of  Nantes,  3rd  cen- 
tury ;  Clemes  (Act.  S.  V.  89) ;  Clementianus 
(ib.  132);  Concordia  (Le  Blant,  i.  344);  Con- 
stantia  (JIarini,  Alb.  31) ;  Constantius  (Act.  S. 
V.  96) ;  Contumeliosus,  with  the  adjunct  Venera- 
bilis  (Le  Blant,  i.  177);  Credula,  m.  (Ruinart, 
201);  Crescens,  companion  of  St.  Paul;  Decen- 
tius  (Boldetti,  345)  ;  Digna  (ib.  492)  ;  Dignitas 
(ib.  410);  Dignantius  (Le  Blant,  i.  350)  ;  Dulcitia 
(Le  Blant,  ii.  58);  Dulcitudo  (Boldetti,  410); 
Eusebius  (ib.  82);  ETCEBIA  (ib.  71);  Facundus 
(Perret,  v.  pi.  26);  Firmus  (Act.  S.  V.  133); 
Fortissima  (Marini,  433) ;  Fulgens,  Fulgentius, 
and  the  diminutive  Fulgentillia  in  Roman  in- 
scription of  year  385  (De  Rossi,  i.  155)  ;  Gauden- 
tius,  m.  (Ruinart,  201) ;  Generose  (Mamachi,  iii. 
243) ;  Generosus,  Generosa  (Martyrol.  passim)  ; 
Grata,  v.  m.  (May  i.) ;  Gratinianus,  m.  under 
Decius  (June  i.)  ;  Gratus,  m.  (Dec.  v.)  ;  Hidonitas 
(Oderico,  349);  Hilarius,  bp.  of  Poitiers;  Hono- 
rata  (De  Boissieu,  47);  Honoratus,  bp.  of  Milan 
(Feb.  viii.);  Hospitius  (May  xxi.);  Ingenua 
(Steiner,  840);  Innocentia  (Boldetti,  79);'^Inno- 


1372 


NAMES 


centina  (Perret,  v.  pi.  37)  ;  Innocentius  (jiassim)  ; 
Justa,  Justus  (Marini,  Fap.  244) ;  Justina 
(Per.ret,  v.  pi.  53);  Katharina,  v.  m.  of  Alex- 
andria; Laetus  (Le  Blant,  ii.  321);  Luminusus 
for  Luminosus  (De  Rossi,  i.  499)  ;  Modestus,  m. ; 
Nobilis  (De  Boissieu,  534) ;  Patiens,  bp.  of  Lyons  ; 
Pretiosa  (De  Rossi,  i.  213)  ;  Pudens,  Pudentiana 
(Muratori,  1854) ;  Probus,  m. ;  Procopius,  m. 
under  Diocletian ;  Reverens  (Oderico,  34) ; 
Sanctus,  Sanctinus  (Muratori,  1985,  12)  ;  Scho- 
lastica,  sister  of  St.  Benedict ;  Sedatus  (Steiner, 
830);  Serenus  (Bosio,  534);  Severus  (Marchi, 
85);  Simplicius  (*.  27);  S.lUnAUKlA  {Act.  S. 
V.  71);  Studentius  (Muratori,  1907);  Urbana 
(Hubner,  n.  112);  Venerandus  (Marini,  Pap. 
332) ;  Vera  (Perret,  v.  pi.  62) ;  Verus  (Act.  S.  V. 
85) ;  Viricunda  (Perret,  v.  p.  51) ;  Vigilantius 
(Passionei,  125)  ;  Virissimus  (Boldetti,  431). 

(o)  Lidicative  of  servile  condition  or  extraction. 

The  sect  to  which  Minucius  Felix  refers  (c.  8  ; 
Migne,  iii.  259)  as  "  latebrosa  et  lucifugax  natio," 
appears  to  have  included  many  of  the  servile 
class,  though,  where  the  master  himself  became 
a  convert  to  Christianity,  their  enfranchisement 
almost  necessarily  followed.  Tertullian,  in  ad- 
ducing examples  to  shew  how  ineffectual  was  the 
reformation  of  character  that  followed  upon  con- 
vei-sion  to  protect  the  Christian  from  the  odium 
attaching  to  the  name,  takes  as  one  of  his  in- 
stances the  converted  slave  {Apol.  c.  8 ;  Migne, 
i.  281).     [Slavery.] 

Two  martyrs  bearing  the  name  of  Servus  suf- 
fered under  Hunneric  in  the  5th  century ;  one 
at  Carthage  (Aug.  xvii.),  the  other  ■a.i  Tibur  (Dec. 
vii).  In  the  Roman  Martyrology  we  find  Ser- 
vilius  (May  xxiv.)  Servilianus,  a  m.  under  Trajan 
(Apr.  XX.),  and  Servulus,  a  m.  at  Adrumetum 
(Feb.  xxi.).  This  last  name  also  occurs  on  a  Roman 
marble  of  the  year  424  (De  Rossi,  i.  277).  Other 
examples  are  Bernacle  (Boldetti,  55) ;  Bernacla 
(Fabretti,  viii.  140)  for  Vernacla;  Verna  (Maffei, 
358);  Vernacia  (^Act.  S.  V.  95);  Vernacla  (Le 
Blant,  i.  119);  Vernacolo  (Bosio,  408) ;  Verna- 
cula  (Boldetti,  54);  Serbulus  (Reines.  987); 
Servilianus  (Mai,  v.  406) ;  Servuli  (Bosio,  213). 

(tt)  Diminutives,  expressive  of  endearment,  and 
chiefly  bestowed  on  females,  are  common  to  pa- 
gan and  Christian  usage.  Augustula  (Marchi, 
30) ;  Capriola  (Perret,  v.  pi.  75) ;  Castula  (Doni, 
XX.  91)  ;  CatuUina  {Act.  S.  V.  131)  ;  Fabiola 
(De  Rossi,  i.  334),  d.  452,  consequently  not  the 
Fabiola  praised  by  Jerome  ;  Feliciola  (Perret,  v. 
pi.  67);  Fornicula  (Boldetti,  545);  Fortunula 
{Act.  S.  V.  94)  ;  the  tomb  of  a  young  female  in 
the  year  444  gives  the  diminutive  Gemmula  (De 
Rossi,  i.  313);  Muscula  (Jb.  112);  Rosula,  m. 
(Sept.  xiv.);  Sanctula  (Stein,  835);  Serenilla 
(Boldetti,  365) ;  Silviola  (De  Rossi,  i.  235). 

Examples  of  abnormal  forms  of  inflexion  some- 
times occur:  as  Julianems  for  Julianas,  Zozi- 
menis  for  Zosimae.  We  also  find  Irenetis,  Ispetis, 
Leopardetis,  etc.  (Lupi,  Sever,  m.  Epitap)h.  157). 
These  latter  forms,  however,  occur  as  early  as 
the  commencement  of  the  Empire,  examples  being 
found  of  the  time  of  Claudius  and  even  in  that  of 
Augustus  (Caredoni,  Cimlt.  157). 

(p)  Names  of  historical  celebrity  frequently 
occur,  especially  in  the  Acta  3Iart'/rum :  Agrip- 
pina  an  aged  m.  under  Valerian  (May  xxiv.) ; 
Alexander  (Martyrol.  pussim) ;  Amphion,  bp.  in 
Cilicia,  conf.  under  Masimin  (June  xii.)  ;  Amulius 
(Boldetti,  475) ;  Annon,  bp.  of  Cologne  (Dec.  iv.) ; 


NAMES 

Antigonius,  m.  at  Rome  (Feb.  xxvii.) ;  Antiochus,, 
m.  at  Sebaste  (July  xv.) ;  Antonius,  passim ; 
Apelles,  one  of  the  earliest  converts  (Romans 
xvi.  10);  Arcadius  (,Tan.  xii.);  Archelaus  (Mar. 
iv.)  ;  Augustus,  m.  in  Nicomedia  (May  vii.) ;  Cato 
(Le  Blant,  i.  334) ;  Cesar  (ib.  i.  344) ;  Cesarius 
(lb.  i.  72);  Cornelia  {lb.  i.  345);  Darius,  m.  in 
Micaea  (Dec.  ix.);  Demetrius,  passim;  Demo- 
critus,  m.  (July  xxxi.);  Diodes,  m.  in  Istria 
(May  xxiv.) ;  Diomedes,  m.  in  Laodicea  (Sept.  xi.)  ; 
Domitianus,  deacon,  m.  at  Ancyra  (Dec.  xxviii.) ; 
Epictetus,  m.  (Aug.  xxii.) ;  Fabius,  m.  at  Caesa- 
rea  (July  xxxi.) ;  Flavius,  Flavia  (May  vii., 
Oct.  V.) ;  Hadrianus,  m.  at  Caesarea  (May  v.)  ; 
Heraclius,  passim;  Juliana,  m.  ;  Julianus  (De 
Rossi,  i.  500) ;  Narses,  m.  in  Persia  under  Sapor  •,, 
Orestes,  m.  under  Diocletian  (Nov.  ix.)  ;  Otacilia, 
wife  of  the  emperor  Philip  ;  Patroclus  (Le  Blant, 
ii.  416);  Peleus,  bp.  m.  in  Phoenicia,  under 
Diocletian  (Feb.  xx.)  ;  Philadelphus,  m.  (May  x.)  ; 
Plato,  m.  at  Ancyra  (July  xxii.);  Plutarchus, 
m.  (June  xxviii.)  Pompeius,  bp.  of  Pavia  (Dec. 
xiv.);  Poppaea  (Boldetti,  361);  Ptolemaeus, 
soldier  in  Alexandria,  m.  (Dec.  x.) ;  Pyrus  (Bol- 
detti, 415) ;  Satyrus  (De  Rossi,  i.  198)  ;  Seleucus, 
m.  (Feb.  xvi.);  Socrates,  m.  (Apr.  xix.);  The- 
mistocles,  m.  in  Lycia,  under  Decius  (Dec.  xxi.) ; 
Theodosius,  m.  (Mar.  xxvi.) ;  Thraseas,  bp.  m.  at 
Smyrna  (Oct.  v.)  ;  Tiberius,  m.  under  Diocletian, 
(Nov.  X.) ;  Timolaus,  m.  at  Caesarea,  under  the 
same  (Mar.  xxiv.) ;  Titus,  disciple  of  St.  Paul ; 
also  m.  at  Rome  (Aug.  xvi.) ;  Valens,  bp.  m. 
(May  xxi.) ;  three  martyrs  bearing  the  names  of 
three  Roman  emperors,  Valerianus,  Macrinus, 
and  Gordianus,  suffered  at  Nyon  is  Switzerland ; 
but  nothing  is  known  respecting  them,  beyond 
the  fact  of  their  martyrdom.  Varus,  soldier,  m. 
under  Maximin  (Oct.  xix.) ;  Vergilius  (De  Rossi, 
i.  195);  Volusianus,  bp.  of  Tours  in  the  time  of 
Childeric,  son  of  Clovis  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc. 
ii.  26). 

B.  Names  of  Christian  Origin  and  Sig- 
nificance. 

(a)  Those  derived  exclusively  from  Christian 
doctrine. 

Aeternalis,  found  on  an  ancient  marble  at 
Vienne,  supposed  by  Martigny  to  be  the  only 
instance  of  this  as  a  proper  name;  Hiibner, 
however  (n.  25)  gives  another  example  found  at 
Emerita  in  Lusitania.  Anastasia  (Perret,  v.  pi. 
61);  Anastasius  (Boldetti,  363);  Athanasia, 
Athanasius  (Martyrol.  passim,  but  almost  en- 
tirely confined  to  Italy)  ;  Christianus,  Christela, 
m.  (Oct.  xxvii.);  Christinus,  Christophorus 
(July  XXV.)  ;  Aquisita  {Act.  S.  V.  123)  ;  Redempta 
(Lupi,  185;  De  Rossi,  i.  156);  PEAEMHTA 
{Act.  S.  V.  109) ;  Redemptius  (Vermiglioli,  Iscr. 
Ferug.  589)  ;  Redemptus  (Lupi,  ib.  110  ;  Gazzera, 
10  ;  De  Boissieu,  Append.  10)  ;  Reparatus  (Nico- 
lai,  232).  With  reference  to  spiritual  salvation  : 
Salntia  (Bosio,  532)  ;  Salvius  (Jan.  xi.)  ;  Soteris 
{Act.  S.  r.  91).  With  reference  to  Predestina- 
tion: Prelecta  (De  Rossi,  i.  597);  PEKEnTOC, 
Rcceptus  (Aringhi,  iv.  37,  p.  121).  Referring 
to  the  new  birth  and  adoption  by  baptism : 
Adepta  (De  Boissieu,  534)  ;  Rcnata  {Act.  S.  V. 
84)  ;  Restitutus  (Boldetti,  399),  this  last  being 
of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  Martyrology. 
With  reference  to  the  spiritual  life:  Viventius 
{Act.  S.  V.  106);  Vivianus  {lb.  134;  Vitalis 
{lb.  88);  Vitalissimus  {lb.  123);  Zoe  {i'>.  129); 
ZnXIKE    (Osann.    441,    119);    Refrigerius  (De 


NAMES 

Rossi,  1.  88)  ;  Eefrigeria  (Boldetti,  286-7).  Pnu- 
mulus,  from  iweviia,  expressive  of  divine  inspira- 
tion, occurs  on  a  marble  from  Lyons  (De  Bois- 
sieu,  582). 

(^)  From  Festivals  and  Rites  of  the  Church. 
Epiphana,  m.  under  Diocletian  (July  xii.) ;  Epi- 
phanius  (De  Rossi,  i.  287) ;  the  mother  of  the 
emperor  Heraclius  I.  was  called  Epiphania  (in 
later  times  the  more  common  form  of  this  name 
was  Theophania):  Natalis,  Natalia,  m.  (July 
xsvii.);  Natalis  (Boldetti,  492);  Pascasia  (De 
Boissieu,  550) ;  Pascasius  (Giorgi,  de  Mon.  Cris. 
33);  Pascasus  {Act.  8.  V.  108);  Pasqualina 
(Nicolai,  Basil,  di  S.  P.  230);  Parasceves,  m. 
(Mar.  XX.)  ;  Eulogia  (Buon.  Vetri,  tav.  iii.  2) ; 
Sabbatius  (Passionei,  135);  Sabbatia  (De  Rossi,  i. 
87)  ;  Sabbatus  (Boldetti,  490). 

(y)  Martyrdom,  from  the  veneration  which  it 
commanded,  often  induced  Christians  to  adopt 
the  names  of  the  sufferers  ;  while  the  generic 
term  gave  rise  to  the  name  Martyrius  or 
Martyria  (Lupi,  82  ;  Gruter,  mliii.  3  ;  Maran- 
goni,  etc.).  Martigny  compares  with  th'is  the 
widespread  name  of  Toussaint  (All  Saints)  in 
niodei-n  times. 

(S)  From  Christian  virtues.  Among  these 
Agape  and  Irene,  with  their  derivatives,  are  of 
especially  frequent  occurrence,  the  latter  being 
often  borne  by  the  Eastern  empresses.  They 
are  also  common  on  the  earliest  monuments.  In 
a  fresco  from  the  cemetery  of  St.  Marcellin-et- 
Pierre  (Bottari,  127)  they  appear  to  be  employed 
with  a  figurative  allusion  to  the  heavenly  feast 
therein  depicted,  but  they  ai-e  also  to  be  found 
with  unquestionable  reference  to  individuals 
(Boldetti,  55;  Ruinart,  348).  The  collection 
by  Le  Blant  (i.  40)  gives  the  epitaph  of  a 
Lyonnese  merchant  with  the  name  of  Agapus  ; 
so  Agapetus  (Perret,  v.  pi.  27  and  62) ;  Agapenis 
(De  Rossi,  i.  99  and  209).  A  splendid  sarco- 
phagus in  Boldetti  (p.  466)  gives  us  Aurelia 
Agapetilla.  Sometimes  the  names  of  the  three 
Christian  virtues,  Pistis,  Elpis,  Agape,  are  united 
in  one  fomily  (De  Rossi,  IX0TC  19).  The 
Roman  Martyrology  (Aug.  i.)  records  these 
names  as  those  of  three  virgins  who  suflered 
under  Hadrian.  Passionei  (118,  47)  has  the 
epitaph  of  a  Christian  lady  named  Fides.  The 
first  wife  of  Boethius  was,  according  to  tra- 
dition, a  daughter  of  the  consul  Festus,  and 
bore  the  name  of  Elpis.  The  bishop  of  the 
church  at  Lyons,  in  426,  was  named  Elpidius 
{Brev.  Lugd.  Sept.  si.).  Other  forms,  such  as 
Elpisura,  Elpidephorus,  are  to  be  met  with 
(Boldetti,  366).  Ispes  (Perret,  v.  pi.  S2) ; 
Spesina  (Cyprian,  Epist.  xxi.,  Migne,  iv.  281  ; 
Vermiglioli,  Fscr.  Peruj.  587).  Caritosa  (Perret, 
V.  pi.  77);  Charitina,  virg.  m.  under  Diocletian 
(Oct.  v.).  From  Irene  we  have  Irenaeus,  a  name 
borne  by  many  martyrs  as  well  as  by  the  famous 
bishop  of  Lyons.  The  church  at  Gaza  in  Pales- 
tine had  a  bishop  named  Irenion,  whom  it  com- 
memorates Dec.  xvi.  Brotlierly  love  is  expressed 
bynames  like  Adelfius  (De  Boissieu,  597)  and 
Adelphus  {Martijr.  Gallic.  April  xxviii.). 

(e)  Names  of  more  general  import  dictated  bg 
pious  sentiment. 

Adeodatus  (Perret,  i.  pi.  31);  Adeodata  (De 
Rossi,  i.  164);  Ambrose,  with  allusion  to  the 
bread  of  life ;  Amphibalus  (?),  priest  for  whom 
St.  Alban  gave  himself  up  to  martyrdom  ; 
Angelica  (Perret,  v.  pi.  31)  ;  Aromatia  (Matfei, 


NA]MES 


1373 


279);  Benedictus;  Cyricus  {Aet.  S.  V.  89); 
Cyriacus,  child  m.  in  Seleucia ;  also  (Marini, 
Arv.  266),  with  other  names  derived  from 
Kvpios.  Deicola  (Jan.  sviii.)  ;  Deogratias 
{Kalcnd.  Garth.  Ruinart,  532);  Deusdedit  (De 
Rossi,  i.  406),  and  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the 
Martyrologies ;  Donatus,  the  grammarian,  tutor 
of  St.  Jerome;  Donata  (Perret,  v.  pi.  21);  Eras- 
mus, m.  under  Diocletian  ;  Evangelius  (Perret, 
V.  19);  Memoriolus  (Le  Blant,  i.  107)  (?),  with 
reference  to  the  phrase  frequent  in  Christian 
epitaphs,  honae  memorite ;  Pientia  (Fabretti, 
579) ;  Pius,  the  first  pope  of  this  name  suf- 
fered under  Antoninus  ;  Sanctus,  m.  at  Lyons  ; 
Sanctinus  (De  Rossi,  i.  532)  ;  Sanctulus  (Boldetti, 
436) ;  Sophia,  first  introduced  from  the  dedica- 
tion of  the  newly-erected  church  at  Constanti- 
nople, was  subsequently  adopted  by  the  niece  of 
Justinian's  consort ;  it  afterwards  became  a 
favourite  name  with  the  imperial  princesses,  and 
spread  widely  among  the  Slavonic  nations  ;  Vera 
(Le  Blant,  ii.  234);  Vitalis  (De  Rossi,  i.  212). 

Derivatives  from  0sJs  are  frequent ;  many, 
however,  appear  to  have  been  transmitted  from 
paganism.  Theophilus  was  the  name  of  a  Greek 
poet  of  the  Middle  Comedy,  and  the  individual 
addressed  by  St.  Luke  must  evidently  have  been 
so  called  prior  to  his  conversion  to  Christianity  ; 
one  of  the  last  high  priests  was  also  so  named. 
Thekla,  the  feminine  of  0eoKA.f;s  (also  a  pagan 
name),  is  said  by  tradition  to  have  been  a  disciple 
of  St.  Paul  at  Ancona.  In  most  of  the  pagan 
names  of  this  class  the  word  probably  denotes 
merely  a  high  degree  of  excellence.  0EOTEKNE 
and  0EOKTICTE  (Marini,  Alb.  98)  are  probably 
distinctively  Christian  ;  as  also  Theopistes,  m. 
(Sept.  XX.).  The  name  of  Servus  Dei  occurs  on 
some  of  the  marbles  of  the  earlier  centuries  (Act. 
S.  V.  132),  and  also  as  borne  by  two  martyrs  of 
Cordova  (Jan.  xiii. ;  Sept.  vi.)  ;  but  Boldetti,  who 
at  first  took  it  for  a  proper  name  in  the  inscrip- 
tion on  a  tomb  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Prae- 
textatus,  subsequently  found  the  words  im- 
pressed with  a  seal  on  the  cement  of  a  loculus 
in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes — a  fact  that 
would  seem  to  imply  tliat  it  was  customary  to 
stamp  them  on  the  tombs.  Ancilla  Dei,  accord- 
ing to  De  Rossi  (i.  133),  was  also  a  proper  name  ; 
and  an  inscription  of  the  year  366  gives  us 
Quod  vult  Deus  (ib.  99).  This  latter  is  not  un- 
frequent  in  the  earlier  centuries,  and  was  borne 
by  a  bishop  of  Carthage  of  the  5th  century,  and 
by  aDonatist  bishop,  a  contemporary  of  Augus- 
tine. Hiibner  (n.  2)  gives  the  singular  name 
Deidomns.  A  marble  at  Naples  bears  an  inscrip- 
tion with  the  name  Jlahet  Deus  (Fabretti,  757). 
The  first  Saxon  archbishop  was  called  Deusdedit 
(Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Cone.  iii.  99).  [Inscrip- 
Tioxs,  i.  853a.] 

(f)  Names  also  occur,  which,  if  not  exclu- 
sively Christian,  suggest  their  probable  adoption 
from  a  conception  of  the  Christian  life  as  one 
of  warfare  :  Bellator  (Act.  S.  V.  93) ;  Fortissima 
(Marini,  433)  ;  Gregory  {ypiryopfcij),  the  guardian 
or  watchman  of  the  church,  often  adopted  by 
bishops;  Victor  (Boldetti,  807);  Victora  (Perret, 
V.  pi.  47) ;  Victoria  (Act.  S.  V.  88)  ;  Victorianus 
(De  Rossi,  i.  195);  Victorious,  m.  (Dec.  xi.) ; 
Victorina  (Hiibner,  n.  8);  Victricius  bp.  and 
conf.  under  Julian  (Aug.  viii)  ;  Victurus,  m. 
in  Africa  (Dec.  xviii.) ;  Vincensa  (Perret,  v.  pi. 
26) ;  Vincentius  (De   Rossi,  i.  217 ;  Hiibner,  n. 


1374 


NAMES 


42);  Vincentia  (NIKE)  (Reiiiesius,  cl.  xx.  221); 
Vittoria  (Perret,  v.  pi.  6). 

(tj)  Other  names  express  the  Christian  joy 
and  assurance  in  the  midst  of  tribulation : 
Beatus  (Perret,  59);  Caelestinus  (De  Rossi,  i. 
72);  Exillaratus  (ibid.  i.  533);  Felix,  Felicio 
(Marini,  ^ft.  110,  26);  Fcli.issimus  (^cf.  ,?.  V. 
"91);  Fidencius  (Le  Blant,  ii.  15);  Gaudontiolus 
(i6.  i.  364-) ;  Gaudentius,  Gaudiosus  (Fabretti, 
iv.  46)  ;  Hilara  (Marchi,  53)  ;  Hilaris,  Hilaritas 
(Boldetti,  397, 407);  Hilarius  (Martyrol.pnssjm) ; 
Hilarus  (Marchi,  39);  Ilarissus  (Marini,  Arv. 
405)  ;  lodocus  (from  jocus),  an  Armorican  prince 
who  settled  as  a  hermit  in  Ponthieu,  and  gave 
his  name  to  a  monastery  owned  by  Alcuin  ; 
Jubilator  (Aringhi,  ii.  175);  Sozomen,  the 
church  historian  ;  Sozomene  [Le  Blant,  ii.  234) ; 
Tutus  (ib.  i.  204). 

The  designation  viol  puTos  (1  Thess.  v.  5) 
seems  to  have  suggested  many  names.  Boldetti 
(407)  gives  an  inscription  containing  three 
derivatives  from  litx. 

LucEio  LucELLO  Florentio 
Qui  vixit  Ann.  xirii.  siexs)  iiir, 
dieb.  xxviii.  oris  xs.  luceius 
PlUfinus  Pater  contra  votum. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  4th  century,  the 
name  of  Mary,  preceded  or  followed  by  another, 
is  occasionally  to  be  met  with.  LiviA  MARIA  in 
PACE  (De  Rossi,  i.  143)  ;  MAPIE  I*1NI,  Iphinae 
for  Rufinae  (Act.  S.  V.  77).  It  occurs,  also,  in 
two  inscriptions  given  by  Perret :  maria  in 
pace  (v.  c.)  and  maria  fecit  filiae  cirice 
(Ixiii.  23).  De  Boissieu  (p.  585)  gives  the  epi- 
taph of  one  Maria  Vcnerabilis,  a  centenarian 
of  Lyons  in  the  5th  century.  A  marble  of  the 
■cemetery  of  SS.  Thruso  et  Saturninus  (^Aot.  S.  V. 
89)  gives  the  name  of  Anna,  but  this  is  yet 
more  rare. 

The  following  are  instances  of  apostolic 
names  : — Andreas  (Vermiglioli,  589) ;  ANAPEAC 
(Osann.  428,  xliv.)  ;  Johannes  (Marini,  Pop.  251), 
Ruinart,  passim ;  with  the  commencement  of 
the  5th  century  the  nami^  becomes  of  more  com- 
mon occurrence  (De  Rossi,  i.  278,  280).  Paulus 
(Act.  S.  V.  105;  De  Rossi,  i.  191);  *AAT10C 
nATAOC  (^Act.  S.  V.  73);  Paula  {ih.  106). 
Petrus  (Marchi,  27  ;  Hiibner,  n.  135a);  HETPOC 
(Osann.  ib.  xlvi.),  with  its  derivatives  Petrius 
(Act.  8.  V.  129);  Petronia  (Montfaucon,  Iter 
Ital.  118);  Thomas,  extremely  rare,  occurs  in 
the  year  490  (De  Rossi,  i.  398;  Hiibner,  n.  178). 
Osann.  (485,  xi.)  gives  us  the  derivation  from 
Stephanus  of  CTE*ANINOC. 

Among  names  taken  from  the  Old  Testament, 
that  of  Susanna  is  not  uncommon :  svssanna 
(De  Rossi,  i.  196);  Rebecca  is  found  in  a  Roman 
epitaph  of  the  4th  century  (De  Rossi,  ib.  96) 
REVECCAE  innoCENTI.  Many  names  of  martyrs 
are  of  this  class :  Moyses,  at  Alexandria  (Feb. 
xiv.) ;  Samuel  and  Daniel,  in  Mauritania  (Oct. 
xiii.);  Tobias,  at  Sebaste  under  Licinius 
(Nov.  ii.). 

The  European  races  which  remained  unsubdued 
by  the  arms  of  the  Empire,  or  but  imperfectly 
subjugated,  offer  certain  points  of  contrast  which 
may  be  briefly  noted.  Among  the  Celts  there 
is  discernible,  on  the  part  of  the  early  converts, 
a  feeling  of  deeper  reverence  and  humility  in  the 
adoption  of  sacred  names.  The  prefixes  of  Ccilc 
'(the  companion  or  vassal).  Gear  (the  friend), 
Cailleach    (the    handmaiden),    and    giolla,    the 


NAMES 

modern  gillie,  and  mael,  a  disciple,  denote  no- 
thing more  than  relations  of  reverent  depend- 
ence. St.  Michael  was  the  object  of  widespread 
devotion  ;  hence  Gear  Michael,  now  Carmichael. 
In  many  Irish  families  of  the  old  Celtic  blood 
Gilla  Christ  (Gilchrist)  appears  to  have  been  a 
Christian  name  (Petrie  and  Stokes,  p.  67). 
Gillespiug  (Gillespie,  csping ^ejnscopus}  helongcd. 
to  the  line  of  Diarmid.  The  names  of  four 
northern  proprietors  in  Domesday  Book, — 
Ghilemicel,  Ghilander,  Ghillepetair,  and  Ghile- 
brid, — probably  attest  the  presence  of  a  Celtic 
element  attracted  by  the  illustrious  foundation 
at  Lindisfarne.  The  name  of  Mary,  which 
gradually  spread  in  the  Latin  church,  after  the 
4th  century  (Northcote  and  Brownlow,  1?.  S., 
pp.  254-7)  is  wanting,  a  point  illustrative  pos- 
siblv  of  the  divergence  between  Celtic  and  Latin 
Christianity  ;  it  is  not  until  the  12th  century 
that  we  find  the  name  of  JIailmaire,  "  servant 
of  JIary  "  (Petrie  and  Stokes,  59).  Maelcolum 
(Malcolm)  bears  testimony  to  the  veneration  in 
which  the  memory  of  the  apostle  of  lona  was 
held. 

Among  the  Teutonic  races  on  the  continent 
we  find  ourselves  on  less  firm  ground.  Many 
names  compounded  with  that  of  the  Supreme 
Being  were  assumed  in  purely  pagan  times,  and 
it  is  often  a  matter  for  doubt  whether  the  prefi.x 
that  belongs  to  names  of  this  character  does  not 
really  denote  a  name  of  the  numerous  class  com- 
mencing with  gund  (war),  a  class  conceived  in 
a  very  different  spirit.  Other  names,  again, 
like  Theodoric,  Theudebert,  etc.,  offer  a  deceptive 
but  unreal  appearance  of  affinity  to  Greek  Chris- 
tian derivatives.  Converts  appear  to  have  re- 
tained their  names  unchanged  ;  Ereda  (?  Freda), 
Brinca  or  Bringa,  Uviliaric,  Trasaric,  Sedaiguu- 
chus,  occur  as  those  of  Gothic  Christians  (McCaul, 
Christian  Inscr.  p.  21);  in  the  opinion  of 
Schottel  (Teutsche  Haubtspraclw,  p.  1031)  it 
was  not  until  after  the  death  of  the  emperor 
Friedrich  II.  (ann.  1250)  that,  under  ecclesias- 
tical influences,  Germany  began  to  admit  a  cer- 
tain infusion  of  Latin  elements  in  her  nomencla- 
ture. Pott,  however,  recognises  a  Christian 
element  in  proper  names  like  Traugott,  Dinkegott, 
Gottlob  (?  '  Deum  lauda  '),  and  in  family  names 
such  as  Kennegott,  Lebgott,  Gottleher,  regarding 
them  as  originally  imperatives,  dictated  by  pious 
sentiment.  To  Heer  and  Herrgott,  which  some 
have  derived  from  the  pagan  Divus  (e.g.,  Divus 
Augustus,  Dims  Antiochus,  etc.,  combined  with 
the  equivalent  for  ©eos),  he  attributes  a  like 
origin  (Die  Personcnnamcn,  pp.  94-98). 

An  interesting  illustration  of  the  importance 
of  this  subject  will  be  found  at  p.  879,  in  the 
account  there  given  of  the  name  Veronica — an  ex- 
ample of  the  manner  in  which  a  false  etymology 
has  sometimes  in  turn  given  rise  to  the  fabriKi- 
tion  of  legend. 

(Works  of  reference  :  besides  the  authorities 
quoted  in  the  course  of  the  article,  Baconniere- 
Salverte,  Essai  historique  et  philosophique  sur  les 
Noms  d^Hommes,  de  Peuples  et  de  Dieux,  transl. 
by  Mordaque,  1862  ;  Petrie  and  Stokes,  Chris- 
tian Inscriptions  in  the  Irish  Language,  1872-4; 
Pott,  A.  F.  Die  Personennamen,  insbesondere  die 
Familiennamen  und  ihre  Entstehungsarten,  1853.) 
[J.  B.  M.] 

NAMES  APPLIED  TO  CHRISTIANS. 
[Faithful.] 


NAMES 

NAMES,    OBLATION    OR     RECITAL 

OF.  I.  Tlie  Offerers. — It  was  a  very  early  rule 
in  the  church,  that  when  the  bisliop  received 
any  gifts  for  the  poor,  he  should  inform  them 
"  who  the  donor  was,  that  they  might  pray  for 
him  by  name."  This  precept  was  in  the  original 
text  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  being  found 
in  the  Syriac  recension  as  well  as  in  the  inter- 
polated Greek  (Bunsen,  Analecta  Ante-Nicaena, 
ii.  133,  286).  When  converts  were  numerous 
this  could  hardly  be  carried  out  otherwise  than 
by  a  public  notice  in  church,  and  if  this  was 
done  in  the  case  of  oflerings  for  the  poor,  it 
would  soon  be  done  for  other  offerings.  Such  is 
the  probable  origin  of  the  recital  or  "  oblation" 
of  the  names  of  the  off'erers  in  the  Liturgy.  If  a 
gift  were  brought  on  behalf  of  the  sick  or  other- 
wise suffering,  or  of  one  deceased,  then  it  was 
their  name,  not  that  of  the  person  who  brought  it, 
which  was  offered.  In  any  case  the  publication 
of  the  name  was  understood  as  a  request  for  the 
prayers  of  the  church  on  behalf  of  the  person 
named. 

St.  Cyprian  uses  the  phrase  "  nomen  oflferre" 
of  the  living,  when,  complaining  of  the  too 
easy  absolution  granted  to  the  lapsed,  he  says, 
"  While  the  persecution  still  continues,  ere  the 
peace  of  the  church  itself  is  yet  restored,  they 
are  admitted  to  communicate,  and  their  name  is 
offered  "  {Ad  Preshjt.  Ep.  16).  When  he  for- 
warded a  charitable  collection  to  Numidia,  he 
gave  the  bishops  there  the  names  of  all  the  con- 
tributors, and  of  the  other  bishops,  and  of  the 
priests,  who  had  assisted  in  making  it,  "  that 
they  might  bear  them  in  mind  in  their  petitions, 
and  make  a  return  for  their  good  work  in  sacri- 
fices and  prayers "  (Preces,  Ad  Januar.  Ep. 
62).  St.  Jerome  speaks  more  than  once  of  this 
practice,  which  appears  to  have  had  its  evils 
after  the  conversion  of  the  empire :  "  The  names 
of  the  offerers  are  now  publicly  recited,  and  the 
redemption  of  sins  is  turned  into  praise  "  (^Com- 
ment, in  Jerem.  ii.  i.  16);  "The  deacon  recites 
in  the  churches  the  names  of  the  offerers,  '  She 
offers  so  much,'  '  He  has  promised  so  much,'  and 
they  take  pleasure  in  the  applause  of  the  people, 
while  conscience  is  tormenting  them"  {Comm. 
in  Ezeh.  vi.  xviii.  5-9).  When  the  benefaction 
was  of  an  enduring  kind,  as  the  erection  or 
endowment  ot"  a  church,  the  name  was  recited 
at  every  celebration.  Thus  St.  Chrysostom 
{Horn,  xviii.  in  Acta  Apost.  5),  addressing  the 
founder  of  a  church,  "  Is  it  a  small  thing,  tell 
me,  for  thy  name  to  have  a  place  perpetually  in 
the  holy  oblations?"  The  council  of  Merida, 
6G6,  decreed  that  "  the  names  of  those  by  whom 
it  is  certain  that  churches  have  been  built  or 
who  are  declared,  or  who  have  been  declared,  to 
have  given  anything  to  the  said  holy  churches, 
shall,  if  they  are  living  in  the  body,  be  recited 
before  the  altar  in  the  time  of  mass ;  but  that, 
if  they  have  departed  or  shall  depart  from  this 
life,  their  names  shall  be  recited  with  those  of 
the  faithful  departed,  in  their  order  "  (can.  19). 
The  publication  of  the  names  of  the  dead,  when  an 
offering  was  made  for  them,  is  found  in  Africa  in 
the  3rd  century.  Thus  St.  Cyprian,  ordering 
that  "  no  oblation  should  be  made  for  the  falling 
asleep"  of  one  who  had  broken  a  law  of  the 
church,  gives  as  the  reason  that  one  who  had 
done  so  did  "  not  deserve  to  be  named  at  the 
altar  in  the  prayer  of  the  priests  "   (^Epist.   ad 


NAMES 


1375 


Presbyt.  Furnit.  1).  St.  Augustine,  speaking  of 
the  future  punishment  of  heresiarchs,  says,  "  In 
that  day  there  will  be  none  to  recite  the  names 
of  the  chiefs  of  their  madness  at  the  altar " 
(C.  Parinen.  iii.  6.) 

II.  j\'aines  constantly  offered. — The  names  of 
the  offerers  on  a  given  occasion,  and  of  the 
sufferers  or  the  dead  for  whom  oblations  were 
made,  would  be  published  only  once  or  a 
few  times  at  the  most ;  but  there  were  other 
names,  as  those  of  the  bishop,  archbishop,  &c., 
certain  eminent  teachers  of  the  church,  whether 
living  or  dead,  and  those  of  departed  martyrs, 
confessors,  &,c.,  including  the  apostles  and  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  which  were  recited  continu- 
ally. These  were  inscribed  in  the  dipxychs. 
In  Africa  at  least,  the  names  of  the  priests 
seem  also  to  have  been  recited  from  a  written 
document.  Thus  St.  Augustine,  suggesting 
that  the  name  of  a  suspected  priest  should 
''  not  be  recited,"  says,  "  For  what  hurt  does  it 
do  to  one,  that  human  ignorance  will  not  have 
him  recited  from  that  tablet,  if  a  guilty  con- 
science does  not  blot  him  out  from  the  book  of 
the  living?"     (Epist.  78  ad  Cler.  §  4). 

III.  When  offered.— Ai  first  the  names  of  the 
living  and  of  the  dead  were  recited  at  the  same 
part  of  the  service.  Thus  in  a  Gothico-Gallican 
Collectio  post  Nomina  :  "  Let  us  beseech  God.  .  .  . 
that  He  sanctify  the  names  of  the  offerers  and  of 
the  departed,  which  have  been  recited."  (Liturg. 
Gall.  221).  Again:  "Let  us  commemorate  the 
names  of  those  who  offer  and  of  those  who 
are  at  rest"  (255).  Similarly  in  Mozarabie 
Orationes  post  Komina:  "  Off'erentibus  venia 
et  defunctis  requies  condonetur"  (J/ws.  Moz. 
Leslie,  17) ;  "  Nominibus  sanctorum  martyrum 
offerentiumque  fidelium  atque  eorum  qui  ab 
hoc  saccule  transierunt,  a  ministris  jam  sacri 
ordinis  recensitis  "  (27)  ;  etc.  That  the  names 
were  all  offered  about  the  same  time  is  also  im- 
plied whenever  petitions  for  the  living  and  the 
dead  occur  in  the  same  collect,  as  3Iiss.  Goth.  M.S. 
191,  194,  201,  &c. ;  3Iiss.  Gall.  Vet.  365,  571  ; 
Jfiss.  3foz.  u.  s.  34,  43,  46,  &c.  In  the  Mozarabie 
Missal  the  Post  Nomina  follows  the  names  of  a 
long  series  of  confessors  :  "  Let  the  presbyter  say. 
Our  priests  offer  an  oblation  to  the  Lord  God.  .  .  . 
Making  a  commemoration  of  the  most  blessed 
apostles  and  martyrs,  the  glorious  holy  Virgin. 
Mary.  .  .  .  Also  for  the  spirits  of  those  at  rest, 
Hilary,  Athanasius,  Martin,  Ambrose,  Augus- 
tine," &c.  (46  names).  There  is  no  direction 
for  the  recital  of  the  names  of  the  offerers  or 
others,  but  after  the  Post  Nomina,  the  following 
constant  form,  from  which  the  practice  appears, 
is  said,  "  Let  the  presbyter  say,  For  Thou  art  the 
life  of  the  living,  the  health  of  the  sick,  and  the 
rest  of  the  faithful  departed,  for  ever  and  ever" 
(Leslie,  4).  So  of  the  Post  Nomina  itself,  St. 
Isidore,  610,  says,  "Effunditur  pro  offerentibus 
sive  pro   defunctis   fidelibus "  {Be  Eccl.  Off.  i. 

The  later  Roman  rule  and  the  reason  for  it 
were,  as  we  learn  from  Pseudo-Innocent,  as 
follows  :  "  Thou  mayest  know  of  thyself,  of  thine 
own  good  sense,  how  superfluous  it  is  for  thee  to 
mention  the  name  of  him  whose  oblation  thou 
offerest  to  God  (though  nothing  be  hid  from  Him) 
previously ;  (that  is),  before  the  priest  makes 
the  prayers  (preces),  and  by  his  petitions  com- 
mends the  oblations  of  those  whose  names  are  to 


1376 


NAMES 


be  recited.  The  oblations  are  therefore  to  be 
commended  first,  and  then  the  names  of  those, 
whose  oblations  they  are,  to  be  given  out :  that 
they  maybe  named  in  the  holy  mysteries  p.p.,  in 
the  MissaFidelium,  or  anaphora],  and  not  among 
the  other  forms  [as  in  the  secreta,  or  coUectio 
post  nomina]  which  we  put  before  them,  that  by 
the  mysteries  themselves  we  may  open  the  way 
for  our  subsequent  prayers  "  {Ep.  ad  Decent.  2). 
Hence  the  origin  of  the  Commcmoratio  pro  vivis 
before  the  consecration,  and  the  Commemorath 
pro  defunctis  after  it  in  the  Roman  canon.  In 
both,  the  priest  may  still  call  up  silently  the 
names  of  any  for  whom  he  desires  to  pray  {Hit'is 
Celebr.  viii.  3 ;  is.  2)  ;  but  when  the  change  was 
first  made,  the  canon  was  still-said,  and  therefore 
the  names  would  be  recited,  aloud.  See  Notitia 
Eucharidica,  ed.  2,  p.  565.  In  the  Vatican  MS. 
of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  printed  by  Eocca 
(_Opp.  Greg.  V.  63;  ed.  1615),  the  former  com- 
memoration runs  as  follows  :  "  Memento,  Domine, 
famulorum  famularumque  tuarum,  //('.  et  III. 
•et  omnium  circum  astantium,  quorum  Tibi  fides 
cognita  est  et  nota  devotio,  qui  Tibi  offerunt  hoc 
sacrificium  laudis  pro  se  suisque  omnibus." 
The  Eligian  codex  resembles  this  (Menard  in 
0pp.  Greg.,  ed.  Ben.  iii.  3).  In  the  margin 
of  the  Othobonian,  and  in  every  vacant 
space  about  the  pages,  are  many  names  of  the 
living  who  sought  the  prayers  of  the  church, 
especially  of  the  sick,  as  well  as  of  deceased 
persons  (Murat.  Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  i.  73;  ii.  2). 
One  of  the  Cologne  MSS.,  used  by  Pamelius, 
inserts  after  "  tuarum,"  in  the  margin,  "  et 
eorum  quorum  nomina  ad  memorandum  con- 
scripsimus,  ac  super  sanctum  altare  Tuum  scripta 
adesse  videntur  "  {Rituale  P P .  \i.  180).  In  the 
canon  as  given  by  Amalarius  {Eclogac  do  Off. 
Miss,  in  fine)  we  have,  after  "tuarum,"  '•'■  Hlo- 
rum  et  Illarum  [Hie  nomina  vivorum  memoren- 
tur,  si  volueris ;  sed  non  domiuica  die,  nisi  certis 
diebus],  et  omnium,"  etc.  Sim.  a  Saltzburg  Ponti- 
fical, cited  by  Martene  (^Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  I.  iv.  viii. 
15).  The  old  Ambrosian  canon  here  resembles 
the  old  Roman,  but  contains  an  additional  clause 
which  has  been  borrowed  by  the  later  Roman  : 
"  Memento,  Domine,  famulorum  famularumque 
Tuarum  [lUorum]  et  omnium  circum  adstantium 
quorum  tibi  fides  cognita  est  et  nota  devotio,  pro 
quibus  Tibi  offerimus  vel  qui  Tibi  offerunt,"  etc. 
(Murat.  M.  s.  133). 

There  is  no  Commemoratio  pro  Mortuis  in  the 
Gelasian  canon  (Murat.  i.  697),  nor  in  several 
copies  of  the  Gregorian.  Gerbert  mentions  three 
in  which  it  is  altogether  wanting,  and  three 
others  in  which  it  has  been  supplied  by  a  later 
hand  (^Mon.  Vet.  Lit.  Alemann.  i.  236).  Only 
in  one  copy,  it  is  believed,  does  a  memorial  of 
the  dead  occur  in  the  canon  both  before  and  after 
the  consecration ;  viz.,  in  the  Rhenaugen  MS.  of 
the  8th  century  (itself  shewn  to  be  a  copy  of  an 
earlier)  from  a  transcript  of  which  Gerbert 
prints.  The  former  of  these  commemorations, 
which  immediately  follows  that  for  the  living 
is  as  follows :  "  Memento  etiam,  Domine,  et 
animarum  famulorum  famularumque  tuarum 
fidelium  Catholicorum  in  Christo  quiescentium, 
qui  nos  praecesserunt,  illoruni  et  illarum,  qui  per 
eleemosynam  et  confessionem  Tibi  reddunt  vota 
sua "  (ibid.  233).  The  second  memorial  after 
the  consecration,  in  this  MS.  is,  "  Memento 
■etiam,    Domine,    et    corum    nomina,     qui    nos 


NAMES 

praecesserunt  cum  signo  fidei  et  dormiunt  iu 
somno  pacis."  With  this  agrees  to  the  letter 
one  Cologne  MS.,  from  which  Pamelius  prints 
(i.  182),  the  Romanising  Frankish  and  Besancon 
Missals  (Murat.  ii.  694,  779),  and  the  canon  given 
by  Amalarius,  but  the  last  named  adds,  "■  Et 
recitantur  nomina.  Dein  postquam  recitata  fue- 
rint  dic^tt,"  etc.  In  others  the  prayer  begins  thus  : 
"  Super  Diptycha"  (Cod.  Vatic.  Rocca),  "  Memento 
etiam  Domine  famulorum  (N.  Cod.  Col.  2  ;  Pamel. 
II.  s.)  famularumque  (N.  Cod.  Col.  2)  Tuarum 
(III.  Rocca  and  Cod.  Elig.  u.  s.  4 ;  Illorum  et 
Illantm  (with  several  names  in  the  margin), 
Codex  Vatic.  Bibl.  Murat.  ii.  4)  qui  nos  .  .  . 
pacis."  All  these  proceed  thus,  "  Ipsis,  Domine, 
et  omnibus  in  Christo  quiescentibus,  locum  .re- 
frigerii,  lucis  et  pacis  ut  indulgeas  deprecamur 
per,"  etc. 

The  Council  of  Aix  in  789,  under  the  influence 
of  Charlemagne,  adopted  the  later  rule  of  Rome 
as  expressed  by  Pseudo-Innocent  (can.  54;  see 
also  Cone.  Francof.  a.d.  794,  can.  51). 

The  early  Ambrosian  canon  did  not  commemo- 
rate the  dei^arted  (Murat.  u.s.  134),  but  an  un- 
varying prayer,  introduced  at  an  unknown  period, 
was  said  secretly  after  the  oblations  were  set  on 
the  altar,  but  before  the  Offerend,  Creed  and 
Super  Oblatum,  in  which  both  living  and  dead  are 
prayed  for  :  "  Receive,  holy  Trinity,  this  oblation 
which  we  offer  unto  Thee  .  .  .  for  the  health 
and  safety  of  Thy  servants  and  handmaidens  N., 
for  whom  we  have  promised  to  implore  Thy  cle- 
mency, and  whose  alms  we  have  received,  and  of 
all  faithful  Christians,  both  living  and  departed  " 
(Pamel.  u.  s.  i.  298). 

The  liturgies  of  the  East  do  not  shew  expressly 
where  the  names  of  offerers  were  published, 
but  there  is  every  reason  to  think  that  it  was 
done  when  the  diptychs  were  read.  St.  Mark 
thus  refers  to  offerers  in  a  prayer  before  the 
anaphora,  which,  following  immediately  the 
diptychs  of  the  dead,  intercedes  for  them  and  for 
the  living  also  :  "  Receive,  0  God,  on  to  Thy  holy, 
supercelestial,  and  intellectual  altar,  the  great- 
ness of  the  heavens,  through  the  ministry  of  Thy 
archangels,  the  thank-offerings  of  those  that  offer 
the  sacrifices  and  oblations,  of  those  who  desire 
to  oflfer  much  and  little,  secretly,  and  openly, 
and  are  not  able  ;  and  of  those  who  have  this 
day  ofiered  the  oblations"  (Renaud.  i.  150).  In 
St.  James  these  intercessions  come  after  the 
consecration.  As  the  offerers  are  mentioned 
immediately  after  the  diptychs  of  the  living 
(compare  Assem.  Codex  Lit.  v.  43  with  85),  we 
infer  that  their  names  had  also  been  recited  at  the 
same  time.  The  clause  in  St.  James  is,  "  Vouchsafe 
also  to  remember,  O  Lord,  them  who  have  this 
day  offered  these  oblations  on  Thy  holy  altar, 
and  those  for  whom  each  has  offered,  or  has  in 
mind,  and  those  whose  names  have  been  now  read 
unto  Thee  "  (m.  s.  43).  The  diptychs  of  the  dead 
follow.  In  St.  Basil,  which  is  derived  from  St. 
James,  the  diptychs  of  the  living  and  dead  are 
read  before  any  of  the  intercessions  are  said. 
The  following  is  the  reference  to  the  offerers : 
"  Remember,  0  Lord,  those  who  have  offered 
these  gifts  unto  Thee,  and  those  for  whom,  and 
by  whom,  and  on  account  of  whom  they  have 
offered  them  "  (Goar,  171).  This  is  not  preserved 
in  St.  Chrysostom,  nor  in  the  Armenian,  which 
is  also  derived  from  St.  Basil.  Perhaps  it  was 
thought,  when  all  oblations  but  those  of  bread 


NAMES 

and  wine  had  ceased,  that  the  similar  clause  in 
the  prayer  of  prothesis  ("  Remember  those  who 
have  offered,  and  those  for  whom  they  have 
offered,"  Gear,  63),  was  sufficient.  In  St.  James 
this  prayer  is  said  with  the  same  intention  at 
the  great  entrance  (Assem.  u.s.  17).  In  the 
Syriac  rites  derived  from  St.  James  the  offerers 
are  prayed  for,  as  in  that,  when  the  diptychs  are 
read  after  the  consecration  (Renaud.  ii.  35,  149, 
157,  &c.).  There  is  no  prayer  for  them  in  the 
Nestorian  liturgies,  but  the  usual  context  comes 
afte'-  (T/ieod.  Renaud.  i.  620  ;  A^est.  631),  except 
in  the  Malabar  (Raulin,  314),  in  which  it  comes 
before  the  consecration,  though  the  diopatkeen 
(diptychs)  were  read  even  before  the  anaphora. 
In  the  Coptic  St.  Basil  the  deacon  says,  "  Pray 
for  — ,"  apparently  naming  the  offerers  ;  and 
the  priest,  "  pointing  to  the  bread  and  wine," 
prays  for  "  those  who  ofl'er  them,  and  those  for 
whom  they  offer  "(Ren.  i.  17).  This  is  after  the 
consecration ;  and  so  the  Greek  Ale.xandrinc 
Basil  and  Gregory  {Ibid.  11,  108);  but  in  the 
Coptic  Gregory  and  Cyril  and  the  Ethiopic  (32, 
42,  515),  the  intercessions,  of  which  this  is  one, 
are  said  before. 

IV.  WJiose  names  were  not  offered. — When  an 
oblation  was  brought,  the  publication  of  the 
name  necessarily  depended  on  its  acceptance  or 
rejection.  Thus  the  council  of  Illiberis  in  313 
forbids  the  names  of  energumens  to  be  given  out 
*'  with  an  oblation  at  the  altar  "  (can.  19).  On 
the  rejection  of  oblations,  see  Oblations,  §  III. 
On  the  exclusion  of  names  of  the  living  or  dead 
fur  whom  mention  was  claimed  as  a  token  of 
communion,  see  Diptychs,  §  2. 

V.  By  whom  the  names  icere  recited. — This  was 
generally  the  office  of  the  deacon,  both  in  the 
east  and  west.  We  have  seen  it  ascribed  to  him 
by  St.  Jerome.  St.  Isidore  of  Seville  says,  "  To 
him  also  pertains  the  office  of  prayers  [preces], 
the  recitation  of  the  names  "  (ad  Leiidcf'r.  8).  Kor 
is  this  irreconcilable  with  the  language  of  St. 
Cyprian,  "Named  at  the  altar  of  God  in  the 
prayer  of  the  priests  ;  "  for  we  may  suppose  that 
in  Africa,  as  in  Gaul  and  Spain,  the  priest  made 
express  reference  to  the  names  published  by  the 
deacons  immediately  before.  If  there  was  an 
exception,  they  were  rather  published  by  the 
subdeacon  than  by  the  priest.  Thus,  in  an 
ancient  pontifical  the  MS.  of  which  dates  from 
the  tenth  century,  "  the  subdeacons  behind  the 
altar  name  or  recite  the  names  of  the  living  and 
dead "  (at  the  "  Memento,"  Missa  Ratoldi  in 
Greg.  Sacram.  App.  u.s.  246).  So  by  an  old 
custom  at  Rheims,  recorded  as  still  existing 
about  965,  the  subdeacon  daily  recited  at  mass 
in  the  ear  of  the  celebrant  the  names  of 
all  bishops  of  the  diocese  ( Fulcuinus  de 
Ahhat.  Lobiens.  vii. ;  Spicileqium  Dacher.  vi. 
551).  ^       ^ 

In  the  Greek  Liturgy  the  deacon  still  reads 
the  diptychs,  and  "  makes  memorials  of  whom  he 
will  of  the  dead  and  of  the  living  "  (Euchol. 
Goar,  78,  170).  Compare  the  Armenian  (Neale, 
Introd.  Hist.  East.  Ch.  594-610).  The  deacon  is 
■ordered  to  say  them  in  the  margin  of  the  Sicilian 
use  of  St.  James,  from  which  liturgy  the  fore- 
going are  derived  (Assem.  v.  85,  86);  in  St. 
Mark  (Renaud.  i.  150),  and  the  Egyptian  litur- 
gies, Coptic  (Bas.  19),  and  Greek  (Bas.  72,  Greg. 
112)  ;  the  Syrian  {Ibid.  ii.  34-36,  137,  279-282)  ; 
and  the  Nestorian  (Badger,  ii.  222).      Only  the 


NAEBONNE,  COUNCILS  OF    1377 

Ethiopic,  which  is  in  other  respects  in  confusion, 
assigns  this  duty  to  the  priest. 

VI.  Notices  of  the  Names  in  the  Collectio  post 
Nomina.  —  These  are  often  of  interest,  e.g. 
"Nomina  quorum  sunt  recitatione  complexa, 
scribi  jubeas  in  aeternitate "  {3Iiss.  Goth,  in 
Liturg.  Gall.  191);  "Offerentium  nomina  recitata 
coelesti  chirographo  in  libro  vitae  jubeas adscribi" 
(232,  comp.  233,  273,  276,  286);  "Quorum 
texuit  recitatio  praemissa  sortem,  inter  electos 
jubeas  adgregari  "  (207,  209)  ;  "  Offerentum 
ac  pausantum  quae  recitata  sunt  nomina,  apostoli 
sui  intercessione  sanctificet"  (221);  "Quorum 
nomina  ante  altare  sanctum  recitata,  aeterna 
quies  suscipiat"  (288,  comp.  Sacr.  Vet.  Gall. 
334)  ;  "  Nomina  quae  vocabulorum  sunt  pro  aeta- 
tibus  memorata,  aeternitatis  titulo  jubeas  prae- 
signari  "  (234).  The  last  appears  to  refer  to  the 
different  ages  in  which  the  persons  commemorate^l 
had  lived.  "Offerentium  nuucupationem  com- 
pertasque  etiam  dantium  accipientiumque  per- 
sonas  nota  vocabulorum  designatione  monstra- 
vit  [sc.  diaconus].  Ad  dilecta  precum  revertamur 
officia"  {Miss.  Richenov.  Neale  and  Forbes,  16). 
This  seems  to  imply  a  custom  of  mentioning  also 
the  name  of  the  deacon  to  whose  hands  an  obla- 
tion was  committed.  Many  similar  references  to 
the  nomina  occur  in  the  corresponding  prayer  of 
the  Mozarabic  missal  (Leslie,  15,  27,  ^7,  &c.). 

The  Roman,  Greek,  and  Eastern  methods  of 
introducing  a  reference  to  the  offerers  in  the 
prayers  have  been  sufficiently  illustrated  in  §  III. 

On  the  subject  of  this  article  refer  to  Gabr. 
Albaspinus,  Observatiomim  Libri  Duo,  i.  7 ;  Lut. 
Par.  1623  ;  Franc,  de  Berlendis,  de  Oblationibus, 
p.  1.  §  12 ;  ed.  Lat.  1,  Venet.  1743  ;  Joan.  Bona, 
Rerum  Liturgicarum  lib.  II.  viii.  7,  xi.  3-5,  xii. 
2,  3,  xiv.  1-4,  with  Sala's  notes,  Aug.  Taur. 
1753;  Martene  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  I.  iv.  8,  nn. 
7-18,23-25;  Leslie,  notes  in  Missale  Mixtum, 
p.  538 ;  Rom.  1755.  Martene,  u.s.  n.  24,  traces 
the  practice  in  the  west  below  the  age  of 
Charlemagne.  [W.  E.  S.] 

NAMFASIUS,  hermit  at  Cahors,  cir.  A.D. 
800  ;  commemorated   Nov.  21  (JIabill.  Acta  SS. 
0.  S.  B.  saec.  iii.  pt.  2,  p.  405.     Venet.  1734). 
[C.  H.] 

NANTES,  COUNCIL  OF  {Nannetense 
Concilium).  Because  Flodoard,  who  was  canon  of 
Rheims  in  the  tenth  century,  speaks  of  one  of 
the  bishops  of  Rheims,  in  the  seventh,  having 
repaired  a  church  in  that  diocese,  "  by  common 
consent  of  the  whole  council  of  the  bishops  of 
France,  set  forth  at  Nantes,"  it  has  been  in- 
ferred that  a  council  was  held  there  A.D.  658  ; 
and  because  twenty  canons  were  quoted  in  the 
ninth  and  following  centuries,  as  though  they 
had  been  passed  at  Nantes,  it  has  been  further 
inferred  that  these  canons  may  have  been  the 
work  of  this  council  in  the  seventh.  Whatever 
may  be  thought  of  the  first  supposition,  internal 
evidence  forbids  this  last  (Mansi,  xi.  59,  and  xviii. 
165-74 ;  comp.  Delaland,  Suppl.  69  ;  also  Rheims, 
Councils  of.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

NARBONNE,  COUNCILS  OF  (Narbon- 
ensia  Concilia).  (1.)  A.D.  589,  at  which  Nigetius, 
bishop  of  Narbonne,  and  six  others,  all  subjects 
of  king  Reccared,  were  present,  and  fifteen 
canons  passed,  agreeably  with  what  had  been 
decreed  at  the  third  council  of  Toledo  the  same 


1378 


NAECISSUS 


year.  By  the  first  the  clergy  may  not  wear 
purple.  The  second  orders  the  doxology  to  be 
repeated  at  the  end  of  every  psalm ;  or,  when  a 
psalm  is  divided,  at  the  end  of  every  such  divi- 
sion. By  the  third  the  clergy  may  not  stand 
gossiping  in  the  streets.  The  fifth  refers  to  the 
eighteenth  canon  of  Chalcedon,  as  though  it  had 
been  passed  at  Nicaea.  By  the  eleventh,  bishops 
may  not  ordain  illiterate  men.  By  the  last, 
a  supersiitious  way  of  keeping  Thursday  as 
a  holiday  is  censured  (Mansi,  ix.  1013  sq.). 

(2)  Said  to  have  been  held  A.D.  788,  by  order  of 
the  Emperor  Charles,  for  determining  the  bounds 
of  that  diocese,  which  alone  shews  that  the  account 
given  of  it  is  in  part  spurious.  But  further, 
it  purports  to  have  been  occasioned  by  the  errors 
of  Felix,  bishop  of  Urgel,  and  yet  he  is  set  down 
among  the  subsci-ibers  to  it.  If  it  ever  met, 
therefore,  its  records  are  deserving  of  no  credit 
as  they  stand  now  (Mansi,  xiii.  821  sq.). 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

NARCISSUS  (1)  Marlyr,  commemorated 
in  Africa  Jan.  1  (Hicron.  2Iart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  with  his  brothers  Argeus  and 
Marcellinus,  commemorated  at  Tomi  Jan.  2  (Vet. 
Rom.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.)  ;  Jan.  3  {Uieron. 
Mart.). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Gerona  in  Spain  in  the  4th  cen- 
tury ;  martyr  with  his  deacon  Felix  ;  commemo- 
rated March  18  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  ii.  621). 

(4)  (NORSOSES),  Patriarch  of  Armenia,  probably 
the  7th,  sat  in  the  second  General  Council  ; 
commemorated  June  15  (Cat.  Armen.). 

(5)  Martyr  with  Crescentio  at  Rome,  com- 
memorated Sept.  17  (Usuard.  Ma>-t. ;  Vet.  Horn. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  v.  476). 

(6)  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  commemorated  Oct. 
29  (Usuard.  Mart. ;    Vet.  Rom.  Mart.). 

(7)  Mentioned  by  St.  Paul  (Rom.  xvi.  11); 
commemorated  Oct.  31  (Cal.  Byzant.).    [C.  H.] 

NARNUS,  bishop  and  confessor  at  Bergomum, 
cir.  A.D.  75 ;  commemorated  Aug.  27  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Aug.  vi.  8).  [C.  H.] 

NAKSES.    [Nersas.] 

NARSEUS,  martyr  at  Alexandria ;  com- 
memorated July  15  (Usuard.  Mart.)        [C.  H.] 

NARTHALUS,  one  of  the  twelve  Scillitanian 
martyrs;  commemorated  at  Carthage  July  17 
(Vet.  Rom.  Mart.);  also  written  Natalus  and 
Xarzalis  (Usuard.  Mart,  and  Var.  Lect.).  [       ] 

NARTHEX  (vdpBr]^,  irpovdos,  av\wv,  (qy. 
aiiXri)  by  Paul  the  Silentiary ;  aroa  by  Hesychius  ; 
Faradi-us.)  (1)  The  word  first  of  all  means  the 
plant  called  giant-fennel,  which  was  used  as  a 
cane  ;  then  it  means  a  cane  or  staff,  and  even  a 
surgeon's  splint.  In  Christian  ecclesiology  it  was 
used  to  designate  the  vestibule  of  a  church.  The 
reason  of  this  application  is  given  in  a  passage  of 
Procopius  of  Caesarea  (circa  527)  in  describing 
the  church  which  the  emperor  Justinian  built  at 
Jerusalem  in  honour  of  the  Blessed  Virgin.  "  A 
great  quantity  of  columns,  immense  in  size 
and  in  colour  resembling  a  flame  of  fire,  support 
the  church  (rhu  veui)  on  every  side,  some  below 
and  some  above,  and  some  about  the  cloisters 
(o-Tocts)  which  surround  the  whole  precinct  (iepc)j'), 
exccjit  on  the  side  which  is   turned  towards   the 


NARTHEX 

east.  Of  which  two  stand  before  the  door  of  the 
church  (rov  veoi),  very  fine,  and  probably  second 
to  no  columns  in  the  world.  Next  there  follows 
a  kind  of  cloister  (aTod.  tis)  named  after  he 
narthex,  I  suppose,  from  its  not  being  n^xde 
wide."  (Procopius,  de  Acdijiciis,  lib.  v.  cap.  6,  ed. 
Dindorf  in  Corpus  Scriptorum  Historiae  Byzan- 
tinae,  vol.  iii.  p.  323,  Bonn,  1838.)  It  is  laid 
down  by  Hofmann  (Lex.  Univ.  s.  v.)  that  the 
length  of  the  narthex  was  the  whole  width  of 
the  church. 

Another  etymology,  unnoticed  by  Bingham 
and  others,  but  exclusively  relied  on  by  the 
Etymologium  Magnum,  and  the  Lexicon  of 
Zonaras,  connects  the  word  narthex  with  vipQ^v 
(napaTh  v4p9ev  ehai  rov  vaov  [al.  lect.  &ix^wvos, 
ed.  Gaisford]),  because  it  was  on  a  lower  level  than 
the  body  of  the  church  (see  a  long  note  upon  the 
subject  by  the  commentator  on  the  Concordia 
Rogularum  of  St.  Benedict  of  Anianum,  temp. 
Charlemagne,  ed.  Migne,  Patrol.  Cnrsus,  torn. 
103,  p.  1010).  This  however  does  not  appeai- 
to  be  in  accordance  with  the  fact.  For  it  will 
be  seen  lower  down,  that  in  some  cases  the 
narthex  was  the  receptacle  of  the  female  part  of 
the  congregation,  and  that  that  receptacle  was 
upon  a  higher,  not  a  lower,  level  than  the  body 
of  the  church.     [Nave.] 

The  word  is  used  sometimes  of  a  part  within 
the  church,  and  sometimes  of  one  without ; 
but  it  always  means  a  part  of  the  church 
further  from  the  altar  than  the  part  where 
the  faithful  were  assembled.  Hence  it  was 
a  place  for  the  catechumens.  Near  them  tho 
possessed  (xftM-^-C^/^^^oh  Syn.  Ancyr.  Can.  17) 
seem  anciently  to  have  had  their  place,  also  in 
the  narthex.  The  entrance  from  the  narthex 
to  the  nave  was,  according  to  Beveridge,  by  the 
"  beautiful  gates"  [DoORS,  p.  573],  near  which, 
as  the  most  honourable  pan  of  the  narthex,  the 
Audientes  stood.  The  communication  of  the 
narthex  with  the  outside  was  through  the 
"  great  gates  "  (fji.eyd\ai  TTu\ai).  The  jdace  of 
the  Catechumeni  in  the  narthex  was  near  these 
last  gates.  The  Energumensor  possessed  coming 
between  the  Catechumens  and  the  Audientes. 

A  passage  of  St.  Gregory  Thaumaturgus  shews 
distinctly  that  in  his  plan  the  narthex  was 
within  the  gate  of  the  church.  He  says  that  the 
Audientes  were  to  do  their  part  "within  the  gate 
(of  the  church)  in  the  narthex,"  (evSoBi  rTjs 
i7v\r\s  ev  roi  vdpOriKi),  EpAst.  Canonica,  Can.  xi. 
See  a  discussion  of  the  several  views  in  the  coin- 
mentarv  of  Du  Cange  upon  Paul  the  Silentiary, 
cap.  8l'. 

Leo  Allatius  wrote  a  tract  upon  the  narthex, 
in  which  he  refutes  the  opinion  that  the  narthex 
was  in  the  porch,  and  shews  that  it  was  inside  the 
church,  near  the  door,  and  that  it  was  the  place 
where  the  Catechumens,  the  Energumens,  and  the 
Penitents  were  gathered. 

Du  Cange  (Gloss.  Graec.  s.  v.  986)  points  to  a 
distinction  (and  possibly  to  some  solution  of  the 
discrepancy  amongst  writers)  between  monastic 
and  non-monastic  churches ;  and  he  affirms  that 
in  the  latter  class,  the  narthex  was  outside,  not 
inside,  the  church.  In  monastic  churches,  a  dis- 
tinction had  to  be  made  between  the  fraternity 
and  the  general  public ;  and  accordingly  such 
churches  were  divided  internally  into  three 
parts  :  (1)  the  Bema  (Sacrarium)  with  the  screen  ; 
(2)  the  yahs,  for  the  monks,  with  rails  separating 


NAEZALIS 

it  from  (3)  the  narthex  for  the  non-monastic 
public.  Du  Cange  quotes  a  MS.  Life  of  St.  Paul 
Latreusis,  which  says  that  his  body  was  buriod 
"  in  the  choir  of  the  church  (^vaov) ;  we  have 
been  accustomed  to  call  the  place  a  narthex."  As 
to  the  distinction  between  monastic  and  non- 
monastic  churches  in  the  East,  Magri  (^Hiero- 
lexicon,  s.  v.)  gives  a  difterent  account,  which  he 
says  depends  upon  his  own  observation.  The 
narthex,  he  says,  in  monastic  churches  serves 
for  lay  monks,  and  in  secular  churches  for 
women.  In  the  latter  case  it  is  fenced  off  by 
grilles  and  rails. 

A  search  has  been  made  in  vain  for  any  tran- 
scription of  the  Greek  word  by  any  of  the  earlier 
latin  writers.  It  appears  to  be  always  trans- 
lated by  porticus,  atrium,  or  some  kindred  word. 
Bingham,  indeed  {Antiq.  viii.  cap.  4,  s.  2),  while 
he  claims  great  antiquity  for  the  thing,  admits 
that  the  name  itself  is  "  not  very  ancient."  But 
the  passage  quoted  above  from  Gregory  Thaunia- 
turgus  may  be  thought  to  shew  that  even  the  name 
was  more  ancient  than  Bingham  imagined. 

It  is  aflirmed,  indeed,  by  Hofmann  (^Lexicon 
Univ.  s.T.)  that  the  narthex  was  by  the  Latins 
called  Paradisus.  This,  however,  seems  to  be 
strictly  the  name  for  the  cloistered  court,  which 
m  some  of  the  older  basilicas  stood  in  front  of 
the  entrance  to  the  church  proper.  In  the  view 
of  some  writers  narthex  was  the  name  appro- 
priated to  that  side  of  the  quadrangular  cloister 
which  abutted  on  the  church  wall.  It  is  not 
till  the  6th  century  (Greg.  Turon.  lib.  2,  c.  21) 
that  we  find  any  trace  of  the  font  being  placed 
in  this  part  of  the  structure. 

(2)  The  staff  or  sceptre  which  the  Greek 
emperor  carried  in  his  hand  at  the  altar-service 
of  his  coronation.  [H.  T.  A.] 

NAEZALIS.    [Narthalus.] 

NASO  (1)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Rome, 
in  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus,  May  10  (Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Cyprus  July 
12  (Usuard.  Mart. ;   Vet.  Eom.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NATALE,  also  Natalis,  dies  natalis,  natalitia ; 
yeyidAtov,  rjfiipa  yevedMos.  These  words  desig- 
nate, in  the  language  of  the  early  church,  the 
death-day  of  one  of  the  faithful,  regarded  as  a 
birth  into  eternal  life.  Even  in  the  generation 
which  immediately  succeeded  the  apostles,  we 
find  the  church  saying  of  Polycarp,  "  we  cele- 
brate the  birthday  of  his  testimony  or  martyr- 
dom (r^u  rov  fxapTvpiov  avrov  ii/j.epav  y^vi- 
eAiov) "  {Mart.  Pohjcarpi,  c.  18) ;  and  at  a 
somewhat  later  date,  Tertullian  tells  us  {de 
Corona,  3)  "  oblationes  pro  defunctis,  pro  nata- 
litiis,  annua  die  facimus,"  where  the  word 
natalitia  seems  to  be  used  for  the  death-day,  not 
of  a  martyr  only,  but  of  any  of  the  faithful. 

Pagi  (on  Baronius,  ann.  67,  n.  23)  contends 
that  the  natalis  of  a  martyr  in  the  calendar  is 
rarely  his  actual  death-day,  but  commonly  that 
of  the  translation  of  his  relics,  as  in  time  of 
persecution  the  actual  death-day  could  not 
generally  be  discovered.  Muratori,  on  the  con- 
trary (Da  SS.  Martt.  NataUtiis)  believes  that 
the  church  took  all  po.ssible  pains  to  determine 
this  very  point.  The  writer  of  the  Acta  S. 
Ignatii,  for  instance,  communicates  to  the  faith- 

CHRIST.    ANT.— VOL.    II. 


NATALE 


1379 


ful  the  very  day  of  the  saint's  martyrdom,  that 
they  might  hold  an  assembly  on  that  day  (Acta 
Igyi.  c.  6).  Cyprian,  too,  (Epist.  37)  required 
that  the  death-days  of  such  of  the  faithful  as 
died  in  prison  should  be  communicated  to  him, 
in  order  that  they  might  be  commemorated  by 
an  oblation  on  that  day.  In  this  way  were 
formed  Calendars  and  Martyrologies.  Cal- 
endars of  this  kind  were  also  common  among 
pagans.  In  the  records,  for  instance,  of  the 
collegium  of  Lanuvium,  published  by  j\lommsen 
(de  CoUegiis,  p.  112),  we  find  the  death-days 
which  were  to  be  celebrated  by  members  of  the 
collegium  set  down  thus  :  "  xiii.  Kal.  Sept.  natali 
Caesenni  Silvari  patris,"  etc.  Here  we  have  the 
form  adopted  in  the  oldest  Christian  calendars 
(De  Rossi,  Roma  Sott.  i.  210).  We  have  but  to 
substitute  some  such  name  as  "  Callisti "  for 
"  Caesenni  "  and  we  have  at  once  a  Christian 
entry.     [Compare  Martyr,  pp.  1123,  1127.] 

In  inscriptions,  Natale  or  natalis  is  very 
common. 

To  take  two  examples  out  of  a  multitude  ; 
the  iiiscription  SANCTIS  martyribvs  tievrtio  jj 

BALERIANO     ET      MAXIMO     QVORVM     ||    NATALES 

\_natalii\  EST  xviii.  kalendas  Maias  tells  us 
that  the  death-day  of  the  martyrs  Tiburtius, 
Valerianus  and  Maximus  was  on  the  eighteenth 
day  before  the  calends  of  May  ;  and  the  inscrip- 
tion PARENTES  FILIO  MERCVRIO  FECE|1rVNT  QVI 
VIXIT  ANN.  V.  ET   MESES  VIII.   |1  NATVS  IN  PACE 

IDVS  Febrv,  that  the  child  Mercurius  was  "  born 
in  peace  " — i.e.  died — on  the  ides  of  February 
(Mamachi,  Origines,  ii.  230  ;  Marangoni,  Acta  S. 
Vict.  p.  88).  It  was  in  accordance  with  this 
feeling  that  the  anniversary  of  a  Christian's 
death-day  was  celebrated  with  the  rejoicing 
which  generally  accompanies  a  birthday  [Cella 
Memoriae].  It  will  be  observed  in  the  two 
inscriptions  given  above — and  the  same  is  the 
case  with  all  inscriptions  of  that  antiquity — 
that  no  year-date  is  given  ;  it  was  sufficient  to 
mark  the  day  on  which  the  annual  commemo- 
ration was  to  be  held. 

The  natalia  of  distinguished  persons  naturally 
soon  came  to  be  used  themselves  as  dates.  Thus 
in  an  inscription  given  by  De  Rossi,  Studentia  is 
said  to  have  died  on  the  natale  of  pope  Marcelias 
(Jan.  16). 

In  process  of  time,  the  word  natalis  came  to 
mean  little  more  than  an  annual  festival,  and 
was  applied  to  commemorations  to  which  in 
the  strict  sense  it  was  inapplicable  ;  thus  the 
Kalendarium  Buchenanum  (Kuinart,  p.  617)  has 
"VIII.  Kal.  Mart.  Natale  Petri  de  Cathedra," 
for  the  festival  of  the  Chair  of  St.  Peter.  And 
the  word  was  also  not  unfrequently  used  for  the 
anniversary  of  the  ordination  of  a  bishop.  It 
designated  also,  with  a  certain  appropriateness, 
the  anniversary  festival  of  the  foundation  of  a 
city. 

The  day  of  the  Institution  of  the  Lord's 
Supper  is  called  Natalis  Calicis,  or  Dies  Natalis 
Eucharistiae.     [Maundy  Thursday,  p.  1160.] 

The  Natalis  Dumiiii  is  the  birthday  of  the 
Lord  in  the  flesh  [Christmas  Day,  p.  35G]  ; 
the  entrance  into  the  life  of  this  world  of  St. 
John  Baptist  [p.  881]  is  also  a  festival. 

(Probst,  Kirchliche  Disciplin  der  drei  crsten 
christlichen  Jahrhundcrte,  \^.  127  ff.  ;  Marti  gny, 
Diet,  des  Antlq.  chrct.  s.  v.  Natale  ;  Bingham's 
Aniiq.  iv.  §  vi.  i:..)  [C] 

4  U 


1380 


NATALLl 


NATALIA,  martyr,  with  her  husband 
Adrianus  ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Aug.  26 
(Basil.  Alenol;  Cal.  Byzant.;"Da.me\,  Cod.  Liturg. 
iv.  266)  ;  ^ept.  28  {Vet.  Eom.  Mart.);  Nathalia, 
Dec.  1  (Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NATALIS  (1)  Martyr,  commemorated  in 
the  East  Jan.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Rome,  in  the 
Forum  Simphrouii,  Feb.  2  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Archbishop  of  Milan,  a.d.  751;  commemo- 
rated Jlay  13  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  iii.  241.). 

(4)  Presbyter  and  confessor,  third  or  eighth 
century  ;  commemorated  Aug.  21  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Aug.  iv.  409).  [C.  H.] 

NATALUS.    [Narthalus.] 

NATATORIA  or  NATATORIUM,  a  word 
sometimes  used  to  designate  a  baptismal  font, 
KoXvfj.fiT)9pa  "  in  natatorio  Sancti  Martyris 
Barlaae  "  {Hist.  Miscell.  in  Zenone,  apud  Ducauge, 
Gloss.).  In  Sidonius  Apollinaris  it  is  found  in 
its  ordinary  sense  for  a  swimming  bath.  {Epist. 
lib.  ii.  Ep.  2).  "  Natatoria  "  is  the  translation  of 
KoXvix^ridpa  Joh.  ix.  7.  Vulg.  and  Joh.  v.  2. 
Vet.  Lat.  (Vulg.  "  piscina  probatica  "),  and  is 
so  used  by  St.  Ambrose  {de  Myst.  c.  iv.  §  22). 
[E.  v.] 

NATHALIA,     martyr,    with    Liliosa     and 
others  ;  commemorated  Aug.  28  (Usuard.  Mart.) 
[C.  H.] 

NATHANAEL  of  Cana  (St.  John  i.),  com- 
memorated Ap.  22  (Basil.  Menol.)  ;  July  4  {Cal. 
Ethiop.).  [C.  H.] 

NATIVITY,  THE  (in  Art).  It  has  been 
remarked  in  a  previous  article  (Mary,  the 
Virgin,  in  Art)  that  while  the  Adoration  of  the 
Magi  IS  one  of  the  commonest  subjects  in  early 
Christian  art,  the  Nativity,  with  the  contem- 
poraneous gospel  fact,  the  Adoration  of  tlie 
Shephei'ds,  is  one  of  the  very  rarest.  Indeed 
it  cannot  be  said  to  belong  to  pictorial  art  at 
all.  It  does  not  once  appear  in  the  innumer- 
able catacomb  frescoes.  It  is  equally  absent 
from  the  mosaics  of  the  basilicas  and  churches. 
The  only  examples  of  the  subject  are  sculptural, 
and  must  be  looked  for  on  minor  works,  such  as 
sarcophagi,  ivories,  and  gems,  and  even  here  it  is 
by  no  means  frequent. 

The  representations  of  this  scene  generallv 
follow  one  type.  We  usually  see  the  Divine  Child 
wrapped  in  its  swaddling  bands  as  the  central 
object,  lying  either  in  a  basket-work  manger,  or 
on  a  tall  stool,  vested  with  han^gings.  The  Babe  is 
sometimes  recumbent ;  but  more  usually  the 
head  and  shoulders  are  raised  without  any 
support,  in  supposed  allusion  to  Matt.  viii.  20, 
Luke  ix.  58.  The  star  appears  above.  The 
virgin  mother  sometimes  lies  on  a  rude  couch  as 
a  newly  delivered  woman,  either  above  or  below 
the  Infant,  on  which  she  lays  her  right  hand, 
sometimes  sits  by  the  manger.  Joseph,  when 
present,  is  seated  at  its  foot,  rapt  in  thought, 
his  head  resting  on  his  hand.  The  ox  and  the 
ass,  the  traditional  accompaniments  of  the 
nativity,  in  allusion  to  Isai.  i.  3,  Habak.  iii.  (cf. 
Baron.  Annot.  i.  §  3 ;  Tillemont,  i.  423)  appear 
either  behind,  or  at  the  head  and  foot  of  the 
rnanger.  'I  he  shepherds,  with  curved  staves  in 
their  hands,  stand  by  adoring. 


NATIVITY 

The  representations  of  the  nativity  on  sarco- 
phagi are  rare.  The  pediment  of  that  which 
forms  the  substructure  of  the  pulpit  of  the 
basilica  of  St.  Ambrose  at  Milan,  offers  an 
example.  The  divine  Babe  lies  on  a  bed,  unat- 
tended, the  star  resting  on  its  head,  while  at  its 
feet  couch  the  ox  and  the  ass  (Allegranza,  Monum. 
di  Milan,  p.   63,  tav.  v. ;    Martigny,    Dictionn. 


No.  1.    Nativity.    Sarcopbngus  under  Pulpit,  St.  Ambrogio,  Milan^ 

p.  89 ;  woodcut  No.  1).  We  find  the  same 
subject  very  rudely  portra)^ed  on  a  sarcophagus 
at  Aries,  figured  by  Millin  {Midi  de  la  France, 
pi.  Ixvi.  No.  4).  Christ  here  lies  on  a  wicker- 
work  cradle,  to  the  left  of  which  His  mother  is 
seated,  and  on  the  right  stands  one  of  the  shep- 
herds with  his  right  arm  extended,  holding  his 
pastoral  staff  in  his  left  hand.  The  ox  and  ass 
are  seen  in  the  background.  Joseph  is  absent. 
In  a  compartment  below  we  find  the  three  Magi, 
with  Phrygian  bonnets.  The  ox  and  ass  are  also 
represented  in  adoration  on  a  sepulchral  fragment 
assigned  to  a.d.  343,  given  by  De  Rossi  {Inscr, 
Christ.  Rom.  i.  p.  51,  No.  73).  Here  the  Infant 
lies  on  the  ground,  and  we  have  two  shepherds 
standing  with  hands  outstretched  in  adoration. 
The  scene  is  similarly  represented  on  two  Roman 
sarcophagi  (Aringhi,  i.  p.  615,  ii.  355  ;  Bottari, 
tav.  Ixxxv.  and  cxciii. ;  Bosio,  pp.  327,  589).    The 


i|iiiiiiiiimiiiiiiiiiriiiip'if 


nirTrnwwii 


Sarcophagus.    (Bosio,  p.  237.) 


former,  of  which  we  give  a  woodcut  (No.  2),  is 
a  double  subject ;  the  left-hand  half  representing 
the  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  It  will  be  noticed 
that  one  of  the  shepherds  kisses  his  hand  in 
token  of  worship.  On  the  sarcophagi  it  is  not  at 
all  unusual  to  find,  by  a  continuation  of  the  two 
subjects,  the  accessories  of  the  nativity,  the  ox 
and  the  ass,  together  with  the  swaddled  babe 
and  the  manger,  forming  part  of  the  Adoration 
of  the  Magi.  (Bottari,  tav.  xxii.,  Ixxxv.,  Ixxxvi. ; 
Aringhi,  i.  pp.  295,  617;  Bosio,  63.) 

The  nativity  is  a  somewhat  frequent  subject 
on  ivories.  The  great  collection  of  Gori  {Thesanr. 
vet.  diptych,  vol.  iii.)  presents  several  examples. 
He  gives  the  ivory  sheath  of  a  knife  (tab.  x.),  on 
one  side  of  which  are  carved  scenes  from  the 
opening  of  the  Gospel  histoiy — the  Annimciation, 
Nativity,  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  Presentation  in 
the  Temple,  and  on  the  other  side  scenes  from 
the  Passion.  The  nativity  follows  the  type 
given  below  (woodcut    No.    3),    only   that   "the 


NATIVITY 

Virgin  lies  on  a  higher  couch  than  the  child.  In 
the  background  are  two  pensile  lamps,  and  the 
star.  An  ivory  tablet  in  the  treasury  of 
the  cathedral  of  Milan  (tab.  xxxii)  represents 
the   same  scene,  the  Virgin   lying  below;    uu- 


NAVE 


1381 


No.  3.    Gem  from  Vettori. 

□imbed  angels  stand  at  the  head  and  foot  of  the 
manger.  Joseph  sits  in  deep  thought.  In  the 
foreground  are  placed  a  basin  and  flagon  for 
water.  Itis  inscribed  H.  FGNHCIC.  Another 
ivory  from  the  Cospian  Museum  at  Bologna 
(tab.  sxxv.)  corresponds  with  this  in  almost  all 
its  details,  but  the  workmanship  is  very  coarse 
(cf.  tab.  xxxix.).  The  treatment  in  the  ivory 
given  (tab.  xi.)  is  somewhat  different.  The 
Virgin,  half  standing,  half  kneeling,  supports 
her  Child  on  the  manger.  Joseph  sits  meditating. 
Angels,  unnimbed,  stand  by  the  manger,  above 
which  the  star  casts  a  trail  of  light,  on  which 
one  of  two  shepherds  below  is  gazing  with  elevated 
eyes,  while  his  companion  kneels,  with  his  ofler- 
ing  of  a  lamb  standing  by. 

A  gem  engraved  by  Vettori  (Kumm.  Aen.  ExpUc. 
p.  37  ;  Perret,  Catacombes,  torn.  iv.  pi.  xvi.  No.  84) 
furnishes  a  good  example  of  the  type  described 
above  (woodcut  No.  3).  Both  angels  and  shep- 
herds are  absent.     The  moon  appears  as  well  as 


No.  4.     Nativity.    Cameo  from  Venuti. 

the  star.  The  whole  scene  breathes  a  holy  calm. 
Cut  No.  4  gives  one  half  of  a  much  mutilated 
green  cameo  of  the  Gth  century,  representing 
the  same  type.  It  is  engraved  and  described  by 
Venuti  (Accadem.  di  Cortona,  torn.  vii.  p.  45, 
t.iv.  ii.  14).  The  mutilated  in.scription  below 
the  subject  refers  to  the  lost  half  of  the  cameo, 
on  which  was  cut  the  visitation,  H  i/Troirai/Te 
ivpa.  /xrj-rpos  xpVO-tov.  (Martigny,  art.  Nativite; 
Bcrgers,  Adoration  des  ;  Boeuf  ct  I'Ane.) 

[E.  v.] 
NATIVITY.     [Christmas.] 

NAULIS.    [Navalis.] 


NAVALIS,  martyr  with  Valcntinus  and 
Agricola ;  commemorated  at  Ravenna  Dec.  17 
{Hieron.  Mart.) ;  Naulis  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 

NAVE.  (Gr.  pdos  :  evKri'ipiop  tov  \aov  ; 
Lat.  Navis,  Capsum ;  Fr.  J\^cf ;  Ital.  Nave; 
Germ.  Schiff,  Langhaus.)  Authorities  are  not 
agreed  upon  the  etymology  of  the  word,  some 
deriving  it  from  (1)  vdos,  temple,  which  is  the 
ordinary  Greek  term  for  what  we  should  call 
"  the  body  of  the  church  ;  "  and  others  from  (2) 
navis,  a  ship.  The  fact  that  in  several  Eui-opean 
languages  (e.  g.  French  and  Italian),  the  corre- 
sponding word  is  used  to  designate  both  "ship," 
and  "  part  of  a  church,"  may  be  thought  to 
favour  the  latter  hypothesis.  As  being  distinct 
from  the  Sanctuary  upon  the  one  hand  (the 
place  for  clergy),  and  from  the  Porch  (the 
place  for  certain  exceptional  classes  of  people) 
upon  the  other,  it  was  spoken  of  as  the  "  quad- 
rangular oratory  of  the  people  "  {^vKrripiov  ruv 
Xaov  TiTpdytiivov).  As  being  the  receptacle  of 
the  people,  for  whose  salvation  the  church  ex- 
isted, it  was  no  great  stretch  of  fancy  to  speak  of 
it  under  the  figure  of  a  ship.  The  Ark  was  at 
all  times  the  Old  Testament  figure  of  the 
Church.  The  idea  of  the  comparison  between 
the  church  and  a  ship  was  elaborated  very  early. 
There  is  a  long  parallel  in  the  so-called  letter  of 
Clement  I.  to  James,  the  Lord's  brother  (Labbc, 
i.  86,  87),  in  which  the  laity  are  represented  as 
the  passengers  occupying  the  body  of  the  ship. 
The  same  idea  is  worked  at  length  in  the  direc- 
tions to  bishops,  given  in  the  Apostolic  Constitu- 
tions, lib.  ii.  cap.  57  (Labbe,  i.),  "  And  first  let 
the  house  be  oblong,  turned  towards  the  east, 
the  Pastophoria  on  either  side  towards  the  east. 
seeing  it  resembles  a  ship  "  (iiaris  eoiKe  vrjl).  In 
the  sixth  century  St.  Gregory  the  Great  casually 
(Expos.  Moralis  in  Job,  lib.  xvii.  cap.  14)  con- 
nects the  same  imagery  with  the  church  as 
containing  an  audience  whose  safety  had  to  be 
secured.  The  resemblance  of  nave  to  its  Greek 
equivalent  (yaos)  may  be  nothing  more  than 
accidental.  The  earliest  description  of  the 
architecture  of  a  church  which  Christian  litera- 
ture presents  is,  according  to  Fleury  {Hist.  Eccl. 
vol.  iii.),  the  account  of  the  church  at  Tyre 
restored  by  its  bishop,  Paulinus  (Euseb.  Hist. 
Eccl.  lib.  X.  cap.  4).  In  this  church,  the  nave 
was  entered  from  the  cloistered  area  outside  by 
three  doors,  of  which  (as  in  many  modern 
churches)  the  centre  one  far  exceeded  the  other 
two  both  in  size  and  in  magnificence,  for  It  was 
overlaid  with  brazen  plates  and  divers  carvings. 

In  the  nave  the  place  of  the  women  was 
distinct  from  that  of  the  men — it  was  on  a  dif- 
ferent story  (virepwop)  of  the  structure,  so  that 
the  women  were  not  visible  to  the  men.  This 
design  of  making  the  women  invisible  gives 
colour  to  the  opinion  of  some  writers  that  the 
position  of  the  women  was  at  the  lower  end  ol 
the  nave  farthest  from  the  sanctuary  towanis 
which  the  faces  of  the  men  would  naturally  be 
turned.  (See  a  note  of  Billius  upon  the  19th 
oration  of  St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzum.  Works, 
vol.  ii.  p.  7'z8,  ed.  Colon.)     [GALLEiiY.] 

In  early  days  the  right  of  asylum  for  criminal.s 
extended  to  the  nave  as  well  as  to  the  altar  of 
the  church.     See  Sanctuary. 

In  later  days  the  nave  has  often  been  put  to 
base   purposes    (c,  g.  buying  and  selling).      A 


1382 


NAYICULA 


search  has  been  made  in  vain  for  any  trace  of 
similar  desecration  within  the  period  embraced 
in  this  Dictionary;  unless  indeed  such  a  prohibi- 
tion as  that  in  the  42nd  of  the  African  canons 
be  taken  as  a  proof  that  a  habit  was  growing 
in  Africa  of  converting  the  body  of  the  church 
into  a  banqueting  hall.  (Labbe,  vol.  ii.  p.  1070, 
ed.  Paris.) 

The  plans  of  an  early  church  that  have  been 
worked  out  from  ancient  writers  by  Goar  and 
our  own  learned  Bishop  Beveridge  ditfer  from 
each  other  in  several  respects ;  but  they  both 
agree  in  assigning  the  nave  as  the  place  of  the 
Ambo  or  Pulpit.  Not  only  were  the  Scripture 
Lessons  read  from  this  pulpit,  but  it  was  some- 
times (not  always)  used  for  preaching,  so  that 
some  of  St.  Chrysostom's  famous  harangues 
were  delivered  from  it.  A  phrase  of  Socrates 
the  historian  shews  why  the  nave  was  chosen 
as  the  locality  for  it.  He  says  (^Hist.  lib.  vi. 
cap.  5,  circa  med.),  that  St.  Chrysostom  had 
been  in  the  habit  of  preaching  from  this  position, 
"  for  the  sake  of  being  completely  heard." 

Some  idea  of  the  size  which  a  nave  sometimes 
assumed  in  early  days  may  be  gathered  from 
the  description  given  by  Evagrius  Scholasticus 
of  the  church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople, 
which  was  built  by  Justinian  in  the  fifth  cen- 
tury. "The  length  from  the  door  opposite  the 
sacred  apse,  wherein  the  function  of  the  blood- 
less sacrifice  is  celebrated,  up  to  the  apse  itself, 
is  a  hundred  and  ninety  fe<*t  (this  probably 
mcluded  a  Narthe.x  as  well  as  a  Nave)  ;  and  the 
breadth  from  north  to  south  is  a  hundred  and 
fifteen  feet."     (Evagr.  Hist.  lib.  iv.  cap.  31.) 

An  early  church,  which  is  described  to  us  is 
that  built  in  the  time  of  king  Childeric  over  the 
sepulchre  of  St.  Martin,  at  Tours,  by  Perpetuus, 
the  fifth  bishop  of  the  see  from  St.  Martin 
himself.  Its  total  length  was  a  hundred  and 
sixty  feet,  its  breadth  sixty  feet,  and  its  height 
forty-five  feet.  Its  nave  had  twenty  windows 
and  five  doors.  (Greg.  Turon.  Hist.  Franc. 
lib.  ii.  cap.  14.)  Another  church  of  the  same 
period  was  that  of  Arverne.  It  was  a  hundred 
and  fifty  feet  long,  sixty  feet  wide,  and  fifty  feet 
high.  This  church  likewise  had  eight  doors,  of 
which  Mabillon  {Do  Liturgid  Gallicana,  lib.  i. 
cap.  8)  concludes  that  five  were  in  the  nave, 
that  is  to  say,  three  in  the  western  fafade,  and 
one  upon  each  side. 

It  is  stated  by  Henke  that  the  word  Navis  was 
first  used  to  designate  a  part  of  a  church  by  the 
Latin  writers  of  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries. 
He  does  not  give  the  passages  upon  which  he 
relies;  but  unless  he  refers  to  other  passages 
than  those  which  are  given  by  Du  Fresne, 
A\  V.  '  Navis,'  or  by  Magri  (Hierolexicon),  it  is 
perhaps  open  to  question  whether  the  date 
should  not  be  placed  still  a  little  later.  See  his 
view  in  Herzog's  Eeal-Encyklopddic,  art. 
'  Baukunst,'  p.  731,  near  the  end.       [H.  T.  A.] 

NAVICULA,  the  vessel  in  which  incense  is 
placed  for  the  supply  of  the  Thurible,  so  called 
because  it  is  often  made  in  a  shape  resembling  a 
boat.  [C.l 

NAVITUS,  bishop  and  martyr,  either  at 
Treves  or  Tongres,  perhaps  in  the  third  century  ; 
commemorated  July  7  (Boll.  Ada  SS.  Jul.  ii. 
464).  [C.  H.] 


NECEOLOGIUM 

NAZAKIUS  (1)  Martyr,  with  Nabor,  com- 
memorated June  12  (Bed.  Mart.);  at  Rome 
(Hicron.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii.  516) ;  at 
Milan  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;   Vet.  Bom.  Mart.) 

(2)  Martyr,  with  Gervasius,  Protasus,  Celsus  ; 
commemorated  at  Milan  June  19  (Hieron.  Mart.; 
Vet.  Rom.  Mart.);  July  28  (Hieron.  Mart.); 
Boll.  (Acta  SS.  Jul.  vi.  533);  Oct.  14  (BasiL 
McnoL;  Cat.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturq.iw. 
271).  ^ 

(3)  Martyr,  commemorated  in  Asia  July  17 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr,  commemorated  in  Africa  July  18 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr,  with  the  virgins  Juliana  and 
Agape;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Aug.  8 
(Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii.  341). 

(6)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Antioch  Oct. 
30  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NEAECHUS,  martyr  in  Armenia,  cir.  A.d. 
260;  commemorated  Aj).  22  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  J\p. 
iii.  12).  [C.  H.] 

NEBRIDIUS,  bishop  of  Egara  in  Spain,  iu. 
the  sixth  century  ;  commemorated  Feb.  9  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  301).  [C.  H.l 

NECEOLOGIUM.  The  book  in  which  were 
entered  the  names  of  the  dead  for  whom  prayer 
was  made  in  religious  houses.  It  was  a  sur- 
vival of  the  primitive  diptychs,  but  admitted 
generally  only  the  names  of  members  of  the 
house,  of  its  benefactors,  and  those  with  whoni 
the  community  had  entered  into  a  compact  for 
mutual  intercession. 

This  book  had  no  settled  name  within  our 
period,  and  afterwards  it  was  variously  called 
necrologium,  obitarium,  obituarium,  liber  obit- 
arius  (all  late  mediaeval),  Kalendarium  (as,  e.g., 
in  a  letter  of  communion  between  the  monks  of 
St.  Remigius  and  those  of  St.  Benignus,  "  We  do 
for  their  dead  as  for  our  own  ;  except  that  briefs 
are  not  sent,  nor  are  they  put  in  the  kalendar 
among  our  own  people,"  Literae  ad  ineundam 
Suffragiorum  Sucietatem,  v.,  in  Mabill.  Anal.  Vet. 
160,  ed.  2;  Anselm:  "Tell  us  his  name  and 
the  day  of  his  death,  that  it  may  be  written  in 
our  Kalendar,"  Epist.  i.  21), — Liber  Vitae  (e.g., 
Bertram,  bishop  of  ilans,  A.D.  616,  made  be- 
quests to  several  churches,  on  condition  that 
his  name  and  the  names  of  certain  others  should 
be  "recited  m  the  book  of  life  in  the  said 
church,"  Act.  Pontif.  Cenom.  c.  11,  in  Mabill. 
Anal.  Vet.  257,  261,  263),— Marty rologium  ("  an- 
niversario  quod  in  nostro  raartyrologioscribitur," 
Litterae,  iv.  U.S.),  which  was  common, — and 
Memoriale  ("  Postquam  defuncti  fuerint,  post 
patres  nostros  defunctos  in  memorial!  defuuc- 
torum  scribantur,"  Litterae,  iii.  M.S. ;  "  Fratrum 
Memoriale,"  Bernard!  Urdo  Clun.  i.  27  in  Vet. 
Discipl.  Mon.  Hergott,  208),  or  Liber  Memorialis 
(in  libro  memorial!  quemcumque  vult(prior),  facit 
notari,"  S.  Wilhelm!  Constit.  Hirsaug.  ii.  17,. 
Hergott,  M.S.  494). 

In  i'he  Hisciplina  Farfarensis  of  Gnido  (ad  calc.) 
may  be  seen  formulae,  under  which  names  of 
diflerent  classes  were  entered.  One  direction 
runs  thus:  "In  martyrologio  taliter  scribendi 
sunt  mouachi,  vel  amici.  Obierunt  Adalgarius, 
Gcrbertus  nostrae  co7igregationis  monackus,  et  de- 


NECROLOGIUM 

positio  Domni  Conradi  Segis,  et  Hcnrici  Duels, 
amicorum  nostrorum.  Ihdimus  nostrae  comjr. 
monachus,  et  sic  de  aliis."     (Hergott,  132.) 

Proofs  are  numerous  of  the  use  of  necro'.ogia, 
though  not  under  a  fixed  name,  within  our  period. 
Thus,  according  to  Bede,  a  boy  living  in  a  monas- 
tery was  told  in  a  vision  (about  A.D.  686)  to 
direct  the  monks,  "  quaerere  in  suis  codicibus 
in  quibus  defunctorum  annotata  est  depositio," 
for  the  day  of  St.  Oswald's  death,  642.  The 
priest  to  whom  he  told  this  accordingly  "  searched 
for  it  in  his  year-book"  (annali ;  Hist.  Eccl.  iv. 
14-.)  Bede,  who  died  in  735,  to  Eadfred,  the 
bishop,  and  the  monks  of  Lindisfarne :  "  When  I 
am  dead  deign  to  pray  and  celebrate  masses  i'or 
the  redemption  of  my  soul,  as  for  one  of  your 
own  family  and  house,  and  to  write  my  name 
among  your  own"  {Vita  Cuthberti,  praef.  2). 
Boniface,  in  752,  writing  to  an  abbat :  "  We 
pray  that  you  will  cause  to  be  celebrated  helpful 
prayers  and  masses  for  the  souls  of  our  brethren, 
fellow-labourers  in  the  Lord,  who  have  fallen 
asleep,  whose  names  the  bearer  of  this  letter 
has  made  known  to  you  "  {Epist.  100,  ed.  Wiirdt- 
wein).  In  755,  king  Alhred  promises  Lullus  of 
Mentz  that  he  will,  in  return  for  prayers  to  be 
offered  in  his  diocese  for  the  king,  his  queen,  and 
several  of  his  friends  and  kin,  undertake  that 
prayers  shall  daily  be  offered  in  all  the  monas- 
teries in  his  dominions  for  Lullus,  and  others 
ivhose  names  he  had  sent  to  the  king.  These 
names,  he  sa3's,  in  general  terms,  would  be  com- 
mitted "  perpetuis  literarum  monumentis,"  from 
which  we  infer  that  no  specific  name  for  the 
monastic  obituary  was  known  to  him  {Epist.  108 
inter  Epp.  Bonif.,  see  also  115,  121,  127,  160, 
&c.) 

From  the  expression  "year-book,"  used  by 
Bede,  we  might  infer  that  generally  the  name  of 
a  deceased  person  was  read  out  of  the  necrology 
once  a  year,  viz.,  on  the  anniversary  of  their 
death.  This  is  confirmed  by  documentary  evi- 
dence ;  as  e.g.,  by  the  "  Litterae  Societatis" 
between  two  monasteries  in  France  (Acta  O.S.B. 
saec.  IL  1093):  "Nomina  vero  defunctorum 
fratrum  Stabulensis  coenobii  Martyrologio 
Solemniacensi  per  singulos  dies  cum  suorum 
fratrum  anniversariis  recitabuntur "  (cited  by 
Martene,  de  Antiq.  3fonach.  Hit.  i.  v.  27).  But 
other  days  might  be  fixed  by  special  covenant  or 
injunction.  Thus  Bertram  of  Mans  (m.  s.  263): 
"  Nomen  meum  ac  sacerdotes  illorum  (supra- 
scriptorum  locorum)  in  libro  vitae  jubeant  ascri- 
bere,  et  per  singulas  festivitates  recitari." 

The  names  for  the  day  were  read  from  the 
necrology  in  the  chapter  of  the  monks  after 
prime.  They  came  after  a  lesson  from  the  mar- 
tyrology  (properly  so-called),  and  were  followed 
by  the  psalm  Be  Profuivlis,  with  a  suitable 
lu-ayer  (Bona,  Rer.  Liturg.  IL  xiv.  2).  De  iVIoleon 
(^r.e  Brun  Desmarets)  found  this  custom  surviv- 
ing among  the  canons  of  Notre  Dame  at  Rouen, 
ill  the  middle  of  the  last  century  (Voyages 
Lituri/i'iues,  282). 

When  the  notice  of  a  death  was  sent  for  entry 
ill  a  necrologium,  the  document  was  called  Breve 
,u-  Brevis  (Litterae  Societatis,  i.  v.  u.s.)  or  Liber 
Jvotularis  (Hariulfus,  Chronic.  Ccntulense,  iii.  9, 
ill  Spicil.  Dacher.  ii.  316,  ed.  2). 

A  special  messenger  was  sent  with  the  brief. 
When  Rolfe  (their  abbat)  died  the  monks  of 
Ccntr.lc  are  said  to  have  sent  a  book  roll  to  au- 


NECROMANTIA 


1383 


nounce  his  departure  "  through  the  churches  and 
places  of  the  saints  with  whom  he  had  entered 
into  a  fellowship  of  mutual  prayers  "  (Hariulf, 
K.s.).  The  messenger  who  carried  it  was  called 
breviger,  brevigerulus,  rotularius,  rotuliger, 
rotliger,  rotlifer,  rolliger,  rollifer  (Ducange  in 
vv.).  At  each  monastery  he  received  a  written 
promise  of  prayers,  which  document  was  called 
titulus.  This  was  sometimes  in  verse,  an  ex- 
ample of  which  may  be  seun  in  Ducange,  under 
BoUifer.  At  length  it  was  brought  back  to  the 
house  that  sent  it  forth,  and  there  kept.  Such  a 
brief,  issued  by  the  nuns  of  Lillechirch  at 
Higham  in  Kent,  accompanied  by  the  tituli  of  no 
less  than  363  religious  houses,  is  preserved  in 
the  Library  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge. 
The  following  is  one  of  the  tituli : — "  Titiilus 
Ecclesiae  Sancti  Augustini  Cant.  Anima  dominae 
Amphelisae  priorissae  de  Lillechirch,  et  Animae 
omnium  fidelium  defunctorum  per  misericordiam 
Dei  requiescant  in  pace.  Amen.  Concedimus 
ei  commune  beneficium  ecclesiae  nostrae.  Oramus 
pro  vestris  :  orate  pro  nostris."  The  last  two 
clauses,  "  Oramus,"  &c.,  are  common  to  all  the 
tituli.  "  Haeftenus  supplies  examples  of  these 
briefs  in  Disquisitionum  Monasticorum  tom. 
ii.  p.  793"  (Mabillon,  Observ.  in  Anal.  Vet. 
160). 

Short  notices  of  this  subject  may  be  seftu  in 
the  Annal.  Benedict,  (ad  ann.  859),  iii.  76  ;  Bona, 
Rer.  Liturg.  ii.  14,  §  2  ;  Martene,  cfe^ni.  Monach. 
Rit.  I.  V.  22-33;  Merati,  Novae  Observat.  ad 
Gavanti  in  Rubr.  Breviar.  V.  xxi.  6.  Mabillon. 
Observ.  in  Atialect.  Vetera,  160 ;  and  Salig,  de 
Biptychis,  cap.  six.,  have  treated  it  at  somewhat 
greater  length.  [W.  E.  S.] 

NECROMANTIA  'Barb.  Nigromantia ' 
(yeKpofiavreia,  veKvo/xavrtla,  yfKvla).  There  are 
two  methods  of  divination  by  means  of  the  dead, 
of  which  we  read  within  the  Christian  era.  The 
first  was  by  the  inspection  of  the  viscera.  Thus, 
Juvenal  (vi.  551)  : — 

"  Pectora  puUorum  mirabitur,  exta  catelli 
Interdum  et  pueri." 

Dionysius,  of  Alexandria,  affirms  that  Valerian, 
at  the  instance  of  an  Egyptian  archimage,  "  slew 
miserable  boys,  sacrificed  the  children  of  un- 
happy parents,  and  divided  the  newly  born  en- 
trails "  (Euseb.  Hist.  vii.  10).  Eusebius  relates 
that  Maxentius  "  at  one  time  opened  the  bodies 
of  pregnant  women,  at  another  searched  the 
viscera  of  newly  born  in  flints  "  (Be  Vita  Const,  i. 
36  ;  sim.  Hist.  viii.  14).  Theodoret  says  that 
after  the  death  of  Julian,  it  was  found  that  he 
had  just  before,  in  a  heathen  temple,  drawn  an 
omen  for  the  battle  from  the  liver  of  a  woman, 
murdered  for  that  purpose  (Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  26). 
Socrates  also  tells  us  that  during  the  reign  of 
Julian,  the  heathen  at  Athens,  Alexandria,  and  in 
other  places  "  sacrificed  children,  both  male  and 
female,  and  inspected  their  entrails  "  (Hist.  Eccl. 
iii.  13). 

The  second  method  was  to  raise  the  souls  of 
the  dead,  and  obtain  direct  answers  from  them. 
Of  this  we  read  much  more  frequently.  Thus, 
Justin  Martyr,  A.D.  140,  appeals  to  "necro- 
mancies and  inspections  of  incorrupt  boys  and 
the  calling  of  human  souls,"  as  a  testimony  to 
the  consciousness  of  the  soul  after  death  (Apol. 
i.  18).     In  the  Recognitions  of  Clement  (perhap.^ 


1384 


NECROMANTIA 


about  A.D.  180)  the  writer,  who  speaks  in  the 
first  person,  represents  himself  as  considering 
whether,  in  the  search  of  truth,  he  shall  go  to 
Egypt,  the  chief  seat  of  such  studies,  and  by  gifts 
induce  a  priest  there  "  to  bring  up  a  soul  from 
the  lower  regions,  by  that  which  they  call  necro- 
mancy "  (i.  5 ;  sim.  Horn.  Clem.  i.  4 ;  De  Gest. 
Petri,  5).  These  "  animarum  suscitiones  "  were 
alleged  as  a  counterpoise  to  the  appearance  of 
angels,  as  believed  by  Christians  (ibid.  viii.  53). 
Tertullian,  citing  the  Greek  historians,  says  that 
"  the  Nasamones  endeavoured  to  obtain  oracles 
of  their  own,  by  staying  at  the  sepulchres  of 
their  fathers ;"  and  that,  "  the  Celts  spend  the 
night  with  the  same  object  among  the  tombs  of 
men  of  valour  "  {Pe  Anim.  57).  Constautius,  in 
a  law  of  357,  denounces  those  "qui  manibus 
accitis  audent  ventilare"  (Codex  Theod.  ix.  xvi. 
De  Malef.  5),  where  the  last  word  is  understood 
of  the  motions  and  gesticulations  (beating  the 
air)  with  which  the  necromancer  accompanied 
his  incantation.  Ammianus  relates  that  Maxi- 
min,  a  high  ofEcial  afterwards  put  to  death  by 
Gratiau,  was  reputed  to  have  in  his  service  (about 
368)  a  Sardinian,  who  was  "  exceedingly  skilful 
in  bringing  up  harmful  spii-its,  and  obtaining  the 
presages  of  ghosts  "  (Hist,  xxviii.  1).  Prudsn- 
tius,  A.D.  405  (c.  Symm.  i.  p.  249  ;  ed.  1596) : 

"  Munnure  nam  magico  tenues  excire  figuras, 
Atque  sepulchrales  scire  Incantare  favillas, 
Vita  itidem  spoliare  alios,  ars  noxia  novit." 

This  kind  of  Necromancy,  which  was  often 
called  4"'X"7'*7'")  ^^^^  thought  to  be  most  suc- 
cessful when  the  answer  came  from  the  soul  of 
a  person  murdered  for  the  purpose.  Thus  in 
the  Eecognitions  of  Clement  already  quoted, 
Simon  Magus  is  made  to  state  that  his  power 
depended  on  the  aid  he  received  from  the  soul  of 
"  an  uncorrupted  boy  slain  by  violence,"  which 
he  "called  up  and  made  to  assist  him  by  adjura- 
tions unutterable  "  (ii.  13;  sim.  iii.  44;  Horn. 
Clem.  ii.  26 ;  Gest.  Petr.  27).  The  soul  imme- 
diately on  death  was  supposed  to  have  many  new 
powers,  and  among  them  "  prescience,  on  which 
account  it  was  called  up  for  the  purposes  of  Ne- 
cromancy" (Recogn.  ii.  13).  Tertullian,  who 
recognises  the  practice  (Apol.  23),  says  that  a 
peculiar  malignity,  and,  therefore,  readiness  to 
assist  in  evil,  was  ascribed  to  souls  early  and 
violently  parted  from  the  body  (De  Animci,  57). 
St.  Chrysostom  speaks  of  a  popular  belief  that 
many  of  the  ySrjTfs  took  and  slew  children  that 
they  might  have  their  souls  to  help  them  after- 
wards "  (Rom.  28,  §  2,  in  S.  Matt.  viii.  29) ; 
and  says  that  "  many  of  the  weaker  sort  thought 
that  the  souls  of  those  who  had  died  a  violent 
death  became  demons  "  (De  Lazai'O,  Cone.  ii.  1). 
Ammianus  says,  that  one  Pollentianus,  in  the 
time  of  Valens  (a.d.  371),  having  cut  the  foetus 
from  the  womb  of  a  pregnant  woman  yet  alive, 
and  "  having  called  up  the  Manes  below,  pre- 
sumed to  inquire  about  a  change  of  government  " 
(Hist.  xxix.  ii.  2).  Here  it  is  probably  meant  that 
this  dreadful  rite  gave  him  power  over  other 
departed  spirits,  or  over  the  infernal  gods 
themselves.  See  St.  Augustine,  de  Civ.  Dei, 
-wiii.  53. 

When  apparitions  and  responses  were  said  to 
bo  granted  to  the  necromancer.  Christian  writers 
were  unanimous  in  replying  that,  supposing  it 
tu  be  true  an  evil  spirit  personated  the  soul  in- 


NEO 

voked  and  deceived  the  magician.  So  the  author 
of  the  Recognitions  (iii.  49),  Tertullian  (daemones 
opcrantur  sub  obtentu  earum,  De  An.  57),  St. 
Chrysostom  (Horn.  28,  in  S.  Matt.  §  2),  and 
others. 

From  the  6th  century  downwards,  the  word 
necromancy  appears  to  have  been  used  vaguely 
to  denote  any  pretended  exercise  of  supernatural 
power.  Thus  Gregory  of  Tours,  A.D.  575,  speak- 
ing of  one  who  afi'ected  to  cure  disease,  says  that 
he  "sought  to  mock  men  by  the  delusion  of 
necromantic  device "  (Hist.  Franc,  ix.  6).  Ad- 
helm,  709,  says  that  St.  Peter  went  through  the 
provinces  extirpating  from  the  root  the  deadly 
wild  vines  of  the  Simonian  Necromancy "  (De 
Laud.  Virg.  25).  The  same  writer  (ibid.  24) 
calls  the  "spirit  of  divination,"  of  Acts  xvi.  16, 
a  "spirit  of  necromancy,"  and  again  (50)  ap- 
plies the  term  to  arts  by  which  the  reason  of  a 
person  was  supposed  to  be  affected.     [W.  E.  S.] 


NECTARIUS  (1)  Martyr,  commemorated 
with  Nicetus  at  Alexandria  May  5  (Hieron.  Mart.), 
both  bishops  of  Vienne  in  the  fourth  century 
(Boll.  Acta  S3.  Mar.  ii.  9).  The  Bollandists 
also  give  Nectarius  bishop  of  Vienne  m  the 
fourth  century,  commemorated  Aug.  1  (Aug. 
i.  51). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Autun,  confessor,  :n  the  third, 
fourth,  or  sixth  century  ;  commemorated  Sept. 
13  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept. 
iv.   59). 

(3)  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  397; 
commemorated  Oct.  11  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  v. 
608). 

(4)  [Nectavus.]  [C.  H.] 

NECTAVUS,  martyr,  commemorated  in 
Pontus  Aug.  22  (Hieron.  Mart.);  Nectavus  or 
Nectarius  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  536). 

[C.  H.] 

NEEDFIEE.  [St.  John  Baptist,  Fire  of,. 
p.  885.] 

NEMAUSIACUM   CONCILIUM.      [Nis- 

MES.] 

NEMESIANUS,  martyr  under  Valerian, 
commemorated  in  Africa  Sept.  10  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Pom.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept. 
iii.  483).  [C.  H.] 

NEMESIUS  (1)  Martyr,  with  Potamius  in 
Cyprus  ;  commemorated  Feb.  20  (Usuard. 
Mart.) 

(2)  One  of  the  seven  sons  of  Symphorosa,  mar- 
tvrs  at  Tibur ;  commemorated  June  27  (Usuard. 
Mart.)  ;  July  21  (Bed.  Mart.). 

(3)  Confessor,  commemorated  in  Lieuvin, 
Aug.  1  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  i. 
46). 

(4)  Deacon,  martyr  at  Rome,  with  his  daugh- 
ter Lucilla ;  commemorated  Oct.  31  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;    Vet.  Pom.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
Nov.  9  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr,  in  Egypt,  commemorated  Dec.  19 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;    Vet.  Porn.  Mart.).         [C.  H.] 

NEO  (1)  Martyr,  with  Lconilla  and  Jonilla. 
at  Lingon,  commemorated  Jan.  17  (Vsuavd.Mart.y 


NEO 

(2)  Martyr,  with  Zeno,  Eusebius,  Vitalius ; 
commemorated  April  28  (Basil.  MenoL). 

(3)  Martyr  with  Agia,  Claudius,  Asterius ; 
ccmmemoi-ated  in  Cilicia,  Aug.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.)] 
in  the  city  of  Egea  in  Lycia  (Usuard.  Mart.)  ; 
under  Lysias  praefect  of  Cilicia  in  the  reign  of 
Diocletian,  Oct.  29  (Basil.  Menol). 

(4)  Martyr,  with  Nico  and  Heliodorus  ;  com- 
memorated Sept.  28  (Basil.  Mcnol.).        [C.  H.] 

NEO-CAESAEEA,  COUNCILS  OF  (Neo- 
Caesariensia  Concilia).  Two  are  recorded. 
(1)  A.D.  315,  or  some  years  later,  as  Hefele 
thinks  (^Councils,  Eng.  Tr.  223)  from  its  four- 
teen canons,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  think 
it  passed  more,  containing  nothing  about  the 
lapsed.  Yet  their  case  may  have  been  passed 
over  designedly,  from  having  had  so  much  space 
given  to  it  at  Ancyra.  This,  however,  would 
bring  it  about  midway  between  the  councils  of 
Ancyra  and  Nicaea,  where  it  has  always  been 
placed.  If  the  signatures  appended  to  it  in 
the  Latin  version  of  Isidore  Mercator  may  be 
relied  on,  the  Neo-Caesarea  where  it  was  held 
was  in  Pontus,  and  it  was  attended  by  several  of 
the  bishops  who  had  previously  met  at  Ancyra. 
By  the  first  of  its  canons  any  priest  marrying  is 
to  forfeit  his  order.  The  third  is  directed  against 
all  persons  who  have  been  several  times  married, 
yet  couched  in  the  spirit  of  the  first  of  Laodicea. 
The  seventh  forbids  priests  attending  second 
marriages.  By  the  eleventh  nobody  may  be 
ordained  priest  who  is  not  thirty  years  old.  By 
the  thirteenth  country  presbyters  are  restricted 
m  their  ministrations,  much  as  country  bishops 
had  been  by  the  thirteenth  Ancyran.  (Mansi,  ii. 
539-52.) 

(2)  A.D.  358,  or  thereabouts,  at  which  Eusta- 
thius,  bishop  of  Sebaste,  was  condemned.  Other 
svnods  held  in  his  case  were  Gangra  and  Melitene 
('Mansi,  iii.  291).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

NEONILLA  (1)  (Neonila),  grandmother 
of  the  martyrs  Peusippus,  Elasippus,  Mesippus, 
martyr,  commemorated  Jan.  16  (^Cal.  Byzant.)  ; 
Jan.  17  (Basil.  Mcnol). 

(2)  Martyr,  with  Terentius  ;  commemorated 
Oct.  28  {Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
272).  [C.  H.] 

_  NEOPHYTE  {v€6<pvTos).  I.  A  newly  bap- 
tized person  was  so  called,  as  being  newly  en- 
grafted on  Christ  (Zonar.  Comm.in  Can.  10,  Cmc. 
Sard.).  The  usage  was  suggested  by  the  employ- 
ment of  the  word  in  1  Tim.  iii.  6.  St.  Augus- 
tine,  in  the  same  context,  says  that  the  gifts  and 
privileges  mentioned  in  Heb.  vi.  1,  2  are  "  eorum 
qui  baptizantur  initia "  and  "  initia  neophy- 
torum"  (Z>e  Fide  et  Oper.  xi.  §  17).  Elsewhere 
he  says  that  it  is  sanctioned  by  the  custom  of  the 
church  that  "  the  eight  days  of  the  neophytes 
be  distinguished  from  the  rest;  i.e.,  that  the 
eighth  agree  with  the  first"  {Epist.  55,  ad 
Januar.  xvii.  §  32).  The  eight  days  were  those 
during  which  the  newly  baptized  wore  their  white 
dress.  [Baptism,  §§  GO-63,  vol.  i.  163.]  St. 
Augustine's  words  above  cited  are  thus  explained 
by  Amalarius:  "The  eight  offices,  which  are 
celebrated  on  account  of  the  neophytes,  are  dis- 
tinguished from  the  rest  that  follow  down  to 
Pentecost.  The  first  has  two  lauds,  i.e.,  Alleluia, 
CunJitcminiJDomino,  and  the  tract.  Laudato  Bomi- 


NEOPHYTE 


1385 


num.,  omnes  gentes.  The  eighth  has  two,  Alleluia^ 
Haec  dies  and  Lavdate  pneri  Dominum,  which  is 
not  the  case  on  any  other  sabbath  from  that  day 
to  Pentecost  "  {Be  Eccl.  Off.  I.  32  ;  copied  by 
Pseudo-Alcuin,  de  Biv.  Off.  21).  Pellicia  (de 
Eccles.  Politia,  I.  i.  1,  §  6,  "Baptizatis  rav 
TSIeo(pvToov  nomen  per  integram  Paschatis  heb- 
domadem  erat ")  and  others  appear  to  think 
that  the  baptized  were  not  called  neophytes 
(except  with  reference  to  an  early  ordination) 
beyond  the  first  week.  This  is  improbable  in 
itself,  and  had  it  been  so,  it  would  not  have  been 
necessary  to  distinguish  them  during  that  period 
by  the  title  of  albati  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc. 
V.  11 ;  Amalar.  M.S.  29  ;  Ps.-Alc.  U.S.),  or  as  positi 
in  albis  (Greg.  Tur.  de  Glor.  Mart.  67),  or  the 
like.  The  contrary  is  also  implied  in  the  follow- 
ing canon  :  "  Neophyti  aliquamdiu  a  lautioribus 
epulis  et  spectaculis  et  conjugibus  abstineant " 
{Cone.  Carth.  iv.  a.d.  398,  can.  86;  Gratian,  de 
Consecr.  v.  12). 

Neophytes  were  often  called  veo(pdni(rroi 
(recently  illuminated).  Balsamon  explains  the 
former  word  by  the  latter  {Comm.  in  Can.  10 
Cone.  Sard.).  The  Catecheses  Mystagogicae  of 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem  are  addressed,  irphs  tovs 
pfO(pOi}Tlarovs  (p.  277,  ed.  Milles).  They  were 
called  infantes  for  an  obvious  reason,  "  Infantes 
appellamini,  quoniam  regenerati  estis,  et  novam 
vitam  ingressi  estis,  et  ad  vitam  aeternam  renati 
estis  "  (August.  Serm.  260).  "  Hodie  Octavae 
dicuntur  infantium.  ,  ,  .  Isti  senes,  juvenes, 
adolescentuli,  omnes  infantes  "  {Serm.  376,  §  2, 
Domin.  in  Oct.  Pasch.).  In  the  Mozarabic  rite, 
after  the  consecration  of  the  water,  the  priest 
prays  that  those  washed  therewith  "may  be 
restored  by  a  new  infancy"  (Leslie,  189).  In  the 
Roman  prayer  of  consecration  he  says,  "  Omnes 
in  unam  pariat  gratia  mater  infantiam  ;"  after  it 
"In  veri  innocentii  nova  infantia  renascatur" 
{Sacram.  Gelas.  Murat. ;  Liturg.  Rom.  Vet.  i.  569, 
570  ;   Greg.  ii.  63-5). 

After  their  baptism  the  neophytes  were  con- 
ducted in  their  white  dresses  to  the  altar,  about 
which  they  were  stationed  during  the  services  o 
the  following  week,  and  where  they  received 
daily.  Thus  in  a  sermon  preached  at  Easter,  355, 
(perhaps  by  St.  Hilary),  "  Novi  homines  effecti, 
sanctum  altare  circumdant  "  ( Vet.  Script.  Coll. 
Ampliss.  Mart,  et  Dur.  ix.  78,  cited  by  Leslie, 
Notae  ad  Miss.  Mozar.  533).  St.  Ambrose  reminds 
a  nun  who  had  made  her  profession  on  Easter 
day,  that  she  had  "  oftered  herself  to  be  veiled  at 
the  altar  of  God,  .  .  .  among  the  shining  lights 
of  the  neophytes,  among  the  candidates  (an 
allusion  to  their  dress)  of  the  heavenly  kingdom  " 
{Be  Lapsu  Virg.  v.  §  19).  The  author  Be 
Mysteriis  (ascribed  to  Ambrose)  :  "  His  abluta 
plebs  dives  insignibus  ad  Christi  contendit 
altare  "  (viii.  §  43).  But  more  fully  Paulinus 
{Epist.  xxxii.  ad  Sever.  §  5) : 


"  Inde  parens  sacro  diicit  de  fonto 

Infantes  niveos  corpore,  corde,  liabitii ; 
Circutnstansqup  rudes  festis  altarlbus  agnos 
Cruda  salutiferis  imbuit  ova  cibis." 

Many  epitaphs  of  persons  who  died  while 
neophytes  are  extant,  in  which  the  fact  is  re- 
corded. E.g.  "  Junius  Bassus  V.C.  qui  vixit 
annis  xlii.  men.  ii.  in  ipsi  praefectura  urbi  neo- 
fitus  iit  ad  Deum  "  (A.D.  359  ;  Bottari,  Boma 
Sotterranea,    tav.   xv.).     See  other  examples  of 


1386 


NEOPHYTE" 


males  in  Gruter's  Corpus  Inscript.  p.  1051  n.  9 
(aged  8  years),  p.  1060  n.  3  (aged  11),  in  Bcsio, 
rioma  Sott.  p.  433  (aged  6),  &c.  The  following 
i  the  epitaph  of  a  married  woman,  "  Hoctavie 
conjnge  neofite  bisomus  maritus  fecit"  (Grut. 
p.  1053  n.  7).  Other  instances  of  female 
neophytes  occur  in  several  collections,  as,  e.g., 
in  Gruter,  p.  1054  n.  1  (3  years),  p.  1057  n.  6  (a 
wife).  The  last  is  called  "  legitima  neophyta." 
Does  this  mean  that  she  died  after  the  eight  days, 
and  so  had  I'ulfilled  all  the  special  observances 
imposed  on  neophytes  ?  Sometimes  they  were 
said  to  have  died  in  albis.  For  example,  "  Hie 
jacet  puer  nomene  Valentiano  qui  vixit  anno  iii. 
et  me  ses  et  dies  xvi.  et  in  albis  cum  pace  reces- 
sit  "  (Le  Blant,  Inscript.  Chre't.  do  la  Gaule,  i. 
476,  who  also  refers  to  Fabretti,  Inscr.  Antiq. 
Explic.  pp.  577,  735).  It  is  reasonably  inferred 
that  such  persons  had,  as  a  rule,  received  clinic 
baptism.    [Sick,  Visitation  of  the.] 

II.  It  frequently  happened  in  the  early  ages 
that  the  fittest  person  for  the  office  of  bishop  or 
priest  in  a  vacant  church  was  one  who  had  not 
passed  through  the  lower  orders,  or  at  least  not 
through  all  of  them.  At  first  it  is  probable  that 
laymen  and  inferior  clerks  were  ordained  priests 
and  bishops  freely  in  such  cases  ;  but  at  length  the 
liberty  became  an  occasion  of  ambition,  and  was 
restrained  by  the  canons,  in  accordance  with  the 
injunction  of  St.  Paul  (1  Tim.  iii.  6),  from  whom 
also  the  name  of  neophyte  (in  this  use  of  it  a 
term  of  reproach)  was  borrowed  to  describe  the 
premature  ruler  of  the  church.  The  earliest 
prohibition  occurs  in  the  80th  of  the  so-called 
apostolic  canons.  "It  is  not  right  that  one  who 
has  come  out  of  paganism  and  been  baptized,  or 
who  has  left  a  sinful  course  of  life,  should  forth- 
with be  ordained  a  bishop.  For  it  is  unfit  that  one 
who  has  not  yet  given  proof  of  himself  should  be 
a  teacher  of  others ;  unless,  indeed,  this  take 
place  through  the  grace  of  God."  The  council 
of  Nicaea,  325,  premising  that  this  "rule  of  the 
church"  had  been  often  broken,  "  either  from 
necessity  or  because  men  urged  it,  so  that  they 
led  men  but  lately  come  over  to  the  faith  from 
paganism,  and  in  the  catechumenate  for  a  short 
time,  to  the  spiritual  laver,  and  further  promoted 
them  as  soon  as  baptized,  to  the  episcopate  or 
presbyterate,"  decreed  that  such  practices  should 
be  tolerated  no  longer  (can.  2).  The  Arabic 
canons  of  Nicaea  depose  both  the  ordainer  and 
the  ordained  in  such  a  case  (can.  12,  vers. 
Ecchell.  Hard.  Cone.  i.  480).  The  council  of  Sar- 
dica,  347,  forbade  any  one  to  be  made  a  bishop 
who  had  not  before  "  served  as  reader  and  deacon 
and  presbyter ;  ....  for  so  he  would  with 
reason  be  regarded  as  a  neophyte"  (can.  10). 
The  council  of  Laodicea,  of  uncertain  date,  but 
probably  about  365  :  "  Persons  lately  illumi- 
nated {i.e.  baptized  [Baptism,  §  5 ;  vol.  i.  p.  156]) 
must  not  be  promoted  in  the  hieratic  order " 
(can.  3);  which  is  thus  rendered  by  Dionysius 
Exiguus,  A.D.  533  ;  "  Non  oportet  neophvtum 
promoveri  ad  ordinem  sacerdotalem  "•  (Hard, 
i.  782). 

Gaul  seems  to  have  been  notorious  for  offences 
against  this  law  of  the  church.  Gregory  I.  in  598 
says  to  queen  Brunichilda,  "their  office  has 
there,  as  we  have  understood,  come  to  be  such 
an  object  of  ambition,  that  bishops  (sacerdotes), 
which  is  too  grievous,  are  at  once  ordained  out 


NEPHODIOCTAE 

of  laymen  "  {Epist.  vii.  Ind.  ii.  115).  Instances 
of  this  are  found  in  Gregory  of  Tours :  "  Nice- 
tius  tamen  ex  laico,  qui  prius  ab  Chilperico 
rege  praeceptum  elicuerat,  in  ipsa  urbe  (Matis- 
censi)  episcopatum  adeptus  est"  {Hist.  Franc. 
viii.  20).  Again  :  "  Laban,  bishop  of  Eause, 
died  this  year,  whom  Desiderius  succeeded  from 
a  layman,  though  tlie  king  had  promised  with  an 
oath  that  he  would  never  ordain  a  bishop  out 
of  the  laity.  Sed  quid  pectora  humana  non 
cogat  auri  sacra  fames  "  {ibid.  22)  ? 

The  Apostolic  canon,  it  will  be  observed,  makes 
an  exception  in  favour  of  those  who,  like  Timothy 
(1  Tim.  i.  18;  iv.  14),  were  supposed  to  receive 
some  divine  attestation  to  their  fitness.  Cyprian, 
Athanasius,  Kectarius,  and  Ambrose  are  instances. 
The  first  named  had  indeed  been  baptized  and 
made  deacon  and  priest  in  succession,  but  all  in 
so  short  a  time,  that  his  biographer  says  of  him 
"  Judicio  Dei  et  plebis  favore  ad  officium  sacer- 
dotii,  et  episcopatus  gradum  (a.D.  248),  adhuc 
neophytus,  et  ut  putabatur,  novellus  electus 
est "  {Vita  auct.  Pontic,  0pp.  Cypr.  praef.  3,  ed. 
Fell.).  The  council  of  Neocaesarea  had  in  315 
forbidden  even  a  priest  to  be  ordained  under 
thirty  years  of  age  (can.  11);  yet  onlv  eleven 
years  after  that,  the  great  "Athanasius,  in 
obedience,  it  was  believed,  to  a  divine  intimation 
conveyed  through  his  dying  predecessor,  who 
called  out  his  name  repeatedly  with  his  last 
breath,  was  ordained  bishop  of  Alexandria  at  the 
age  of  twenty-eight  (Sozom.  Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  17). 
Kectarius  was  not  baptized  when,  in  381,  he 
was  ohosen  to  succeed  Gregory  Nazianzen  at 
Constantinople ;  but  was  then  "  initiated  bv 
baptism),  and  while  yet  clothed  in  the  typical 
dress  (of  the  neophytes)  was  declared  bishop  of 
Constantinople  by  the  common  voice  of  the  synod." 
then  assembled  in  that  city  (Sozom.  vii.  8).  Kor 
was  St.  Ambrose  more  than  a  catechumen,  when 
(a.D.  574)  the  people  of  Milan  insisted  on  his 
becoming  their  bishop ;  but,  "  being  baptized,  he 
is  said  to  have  filled  all  the  ecclesiastical  offices, 
and  on  the  eighth  day  he  was  ordained  with  the 
greatest  favour  and  joy  of  all  "  (  Vita  a  Paulino 
conscr.  §  9).  Some  twenty  years  later,  re- 
ferring to  these  circumstances  and  to  his  great 
unwillingness  to  accept  the  office,  he  says: 
"Nevertheless  the  bishops  of  the  west  approved 
my  ordination  by  their  judgment;  those  of  the 
east  by  their  example  also.  And  yet  a  neophyte 
is  forbidden  to  be  ordained,  lest  he  should  be 
lifted  up  with  pride  ;"  but  (he  urges)  if  there  be 
a  suitable  humilitj^  the  defect  is  healed,  "  ubi 
causa  non  haeret,  vitium  non  imputatur  "  {Epist 
73  ad  Eccl.  Vercell.  §  65).  [W.  E.  S.]  ' 

NEOPHYTUS  (1)  Martyr  under  Diocletian 
at  Nicaea ;  commemorated  Jan.  20  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  297);  Jan.  21  (Basil.  Menol). 

(2)  Bishop  and  confeesor  at  Leontium  in  the 
3rd  century ;  commemorated  Sept.  1  (Boll 
Acta  SS.  Sept.  i.  116).  [C.  H.] 

NEOPOLIS,  martyr  with  Saturninus ;  com- 
memorated May  2  (Usuard.  Mart).         [C.  H.] 

NEOTERUS,  martyr,  commemorated  at 
Alexandria.  Sept.  8  {Hieron.  Mart.);  Neotherius 
(Usuard.  Mart.).  m.  jj.] 

NEPHODIOCTAE.     [Tempestarii.I 


NEPOTIANUS 

NEPOTIANUS  (1)  Martyr,  commemorated 
at  Londou  Feb.  7  {Hicron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  in  Asia  May  11 
{Hieron.  Mart.) ;  presbyter  of  Altinum  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Mai.  ii.  627). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Clermont  in  Auvergne  in  the 
4th  century,  commemorated  Oct.  22  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Oct.  ix.  613).  [C.  H.] 

NEREUS  (1)  Martyr  with  Majulus  and 
others ;  commemorated  in  Africa  May  11  (Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  with  his  brother  Achilleus,  eunuchs; 
commemorated  at  Rome  May  12  {Hieron.  Mart.; 
Bed.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  iii.  4)  ;  on  the 
Via  Ardeatina  (Usuard.  Mart.)  ;  in  the  cemetery 
of  Praetextatus  (  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.) ;  their  natale, 
with  that  of  Pancratius,  on  May  12,  observed  in 
the  Sacramentary  of  Gelasius,  their  names  (but 
not  that  of  Pancratius)  being  mentioned  in  the 
collect  (Murat.  Lit.  Bom.  Vet.  i.  646) ;  a  church 
at  Rome,  dedicated  to  them  before  the  end  of  the 
8th  century  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  ii.  123). 

(3)  Martyr,  commemorated  Aug.  10  (Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr,  commemorated  Oct.  16  (Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr,  commemorated  Nov.  16  (^Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NERSAS,  bishop,  martyr  with  his  disciple 
Josephus  in  Persia;  commemorated  Nov.  20 
(Basil.  Menol.)  ;  June  15  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii. 
1050).  [C.  H.] 

NESTOR  (1)  Martyr  with  Castor  and  Clau- 
dianus ;  commemorated  in  Pamphylia  Feb.  25 
■{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Alexander,  Theo,  and  others  ; 
commemorated  Feb.  26  (^Hieron.  Mart.)  ;  a  bishop, 
martyred  under  Decius  at  Perga  in  Pamphylia 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  627), 
but  on  Feb.  28,  according  to  Basil.  Menol.  One 
of  the  same  name  coupled  with  bishop  Tribimius 
under  March  2  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mart.  i.  127). 

(3)  Martyr  with  Arcadius,  bishops,  at  Tri- 
methus  in  Cyprus;  commemorated  March  7 
(Basil.  Menol.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mart.  i.  643). 
One  of  the  same  name  and  dav  in  Thrace  (Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
Ap.  11  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Disciple  of  Demetrius ;  martyr  at  Thessa- 
lonica  under  Maximian  ;  commemorated  Oct.  26 
(Basil.  Menol.)  ;  Oct.  27  (Daniel,  Cod.  Liturq.  iv. 
272).  [C.H.] 

NESTORUS  (1)  Martyr,  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  May  4(i^icro«.  Mart.) ;  NESTORIUS 
(Boll.  Acta  S3.  Mai.  i.  461). 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Jun. 
8  (^Hieron.  Mart.).  [0.  H.] 

.n.^/;.^™^^^T>DENSE  or  rather  ONES- 
TREFELDENSE  CONCILIUM,  a.d.  702,  at 
which  Wiltrid  was  condemned  and  excommuni- 
cated; the  exact  place  is  not  known:  it  Jay  in 
the  dominions  of  Ealdfrith,  king  of  Northumbria 
(Mansi,  xii.  157-63;  and  Stubbs's  Wilkins,  iii. 
251-4).  ^E.  S.  Ff.] 


NEW  YEAR'S  DAY 


1387 


NEUMA.     [PxEUJiA.] 

NEW  MOON.  "  Let  not  any  one  fear  to  take 
up  any  kind  of  work  at  the  new  moon  ;  for  God 
made  the  moon  to  regulate  the  times,  and  temper 
the  darkness  of  the  night"  (Eligius,  de  I.'ect. 
Cathol.  Convers.  5).  The  superstition  to  which 
St.  Eioy  here  refers  was  extended  by  some  who 
are  condemned  by  St.  Ambrose  to  the  fifth  day 
of  the  moon  ("  quintam  esse  fugiendam,  nihilque 
in  eS.  inchoandum  "  ;  Amhr. Epist.  23,  §  4  ;  comp. 
Virg.  Georg.  i.  276),  and  for  special  purposes  to 
the  seventh  and  the  ninth  :  "  Septima  luna  instru- 
menta  confici  non  debent,  nona  iterum  lund 
servum  emptum,  ut  puta,  domum  duci  non 
oportet  "  (Hilar.  Diacon.  Coinm.  in  Ep.  ad  Gal. 
iv.  10).  Such  superstitions  were  of  purely  pagan 
origin.  Christians  after  the  destruction  of  Jeru- 
salem being  under  no  temptation  to  observe  the 
new  moons  of  the  Jews.  "They  are  wont  to 
blame  us,"  says  Hilary  the  deacon,  a.d.  354, 
"  because  we  despise  their  feast  days,  or  because 
we  do  not  observe  the  beginnings  of  the  months, 
which  they  call  neomeniae  "  {Comm.  in  Ep.  ad 
Coloss.  ii.  17).  The  observances  peculiar  to  the 
Kalends  of  January  throughout  the  Roman  world 
must  have  been  originally  connected  with  the 
first  day  of  the  lunar  month.  [ClRCUMCiSiOX  ; 
New  Year's  Day.]  [W.  E.  S.] 

NEW  YEAR'S  DAY.  It  was  ruled  by  the 
Julian  Reformation  that  the  year  should  begin 
with  the  Calends  of  January,  and  such  was 
thenceforth  the  popular  usage.  But  this  was 
not,  for  long  time,  accepted  by  the  churches  of 
East  and  West.  The  epoch  of  the  ecclesiastical 
year,  it  was  thought,  was  prescribed  by  the  re- 
quirements of  the  Easter  reckoning,  in  accordance 
with  the  law  given  by  Moses  that  the  Paschal 
month  should  be  the  first  month  of  the  year. 
Thus  Anatolius,  in  the  fragment  of  his  Fasc/ml 
Canon  (a.d.  277),  ap.  Eus.  H.  E.  vii.  32,  gives 
as  the  epoch  of  his  (Metonic)  cycle,  "  New  moon 
of  first  month  in  its  first  year,  which  falls  on  the 
26  Phamenoth  in  the  Egyptian  reckoning,  by 
Macedonian  months  is  22  Dystrus,  i.e.  Roman  xi. 
kal.  April "  (=  22  March),  and  adds  that "  the  first 
month  is  that  of  the  Hebrews,  in  which  the 
vernal  equinox  falls."  Hence  in  Victorius,  Diouy- 
sius  Exiguus,  Bede,  m^nsis primus  is  often  synony- 
mous with  mensis paschalis.  In  the  East,  as  the 
Romanised  Syrian  Calendar  made  Xanthicus 
(=  Kisan)  identical  with  the  Roman  April, 
this  month  was  taken  as  the  first :  and  it  is  in 
terms  of  this  reckoning  that  the  Constitut.  Apost. 
(v.  13),  appoint  that  the  Feast  of  the  Nativity 
(i.e.  25th  December)  shall  be  kept  in  the  ninth 
month ;  Epiphany  (viz.  6th  January)  on  the 
sixth  of  the  tenth  month;  as  again,  ibid.  14,  17, 
Xanthicus  and  Dystrus  are  respectively /rs<  and 
tnelfth  month.  Epiphanius  also  seems  to  follow 
this  reckoning,  when  he  says  (^Haer.  Ixx. 
0.  11)  Trph  IffTj/xeplas  oil  irX-qpcad-l^creraL  tJ»  troy, 
"the  year  must  not  end  before  the  (vernal) 
equinox."  But  in  the  West,  in  accordance  with 
the  old  Roman  practice  and  the  numerical  names 
ofthemonths(Quint;lis — December — comp.  Ovid. 
Fasti,  ii.  4,  7),  March  was  taken  as  the  first  or 
paschal  month  ;  thus  St.  Loo  and  Gelasius  speak 
of  the  ember  seasons  as  fasts  of  the  first,  fourth, 
seventh  and  tenth  months.  As  late  as  A.D.  75.5, 
a  canon  of  a  council  in  France  (Mansi,  Coll.  Concc. 


1388 


NEW  YEAR'S  DAY 


xii.  550)  has,  "  mense  primo,  quod  est,  Maitiis 
kalendis."  In  Italy  this  practice  seems  to  have 
been  only  ecclesiastical,  in  France  it  was  also  civil ; 
thus  Gregory  of  Tours  makes  July  the  fifth, 
and  December  the  tenth  month,  and  from  a  con- 
temporary writer  de  Mirac.  S.  Marcellini,  Ma- 
billon  (de  lie  diplomat,  ii.  2.3)  has  the  words,  "Ad 
mensem  Martium  qui  apud  nos  primus  sine  dubio 
vocitatur."  The  successive  continuators  of  the 
history  of  Gregory  of  Tours,  Fredegar  and  others, 
keep  to  the  same  reckoning  from  1st  March. 
Yet  here  and  there  Gregory  falls  into  the  popu- 
lar way  of  making  the  year  begin  with  the 
first  of  January  (Ideler,  Edh.  2,  327). 

The  Roman  New  Year's  Day,  Calends  of  January, 
was  the  one  great  festival  universally  kept 
throughout  the  empire,  as  Libanius  testifies 
(^Opp.  i.  256,  iv.  1^50,  Reiske);  fxiav  Se  o'lSa, 
KOtvrjv  awdvTwv  bir6croL  (wffip  iivh  ttjv  'Paifxaiuy 
apx'hv  '  yiyvirat  Se  iviavTOv  rov  fiev  Tmravfxiuou, 
rov  5e  apxojJ-^vov.  He,  as  a  moralist,  repro- 
bates the  riotous  excesses  and  superstitions 
against  which  the  church  long  kept  up  its  pro- 
test. So  early  as  the  end  of  the  2nd  century, 
Tertullian  (de  Idololatr.  c.  14)  has  to  lament  the 
countenance  given  by  Christians  to  the  old  prac- 
tices at  this  season  (nobis  Saturnalia  et  Januariae 
et  Brumae  et  Matronales  frequentantur,  munera 
commeant,  strenae  consonant,  lusus,  convivia 
constrepunt),  which  they  excused  to  themselves  as 
merely  civil  and  social  observances,  nowise  pagan 
superstitions.  Petrus  Chrysologus  (c.  433),  Senn. 
155,  protests  similarly:  "Dicit  aliquis,  non  sunt 
haec  sacrilegorum  studia,  vota  sunt  haec  joco- 
rum;  et  hoc  esse  novitatis  laetitiam  non  vetustatis 
errorem,  esse  hoc  anni  principium,  non  gentili- 
tatis  offensam.  Erras  homo  !  nou  sunt  haec  ludicra, 
sunt  crimina."  How  long  and  earnestly  the  pro- 
test against  this  conformity  of  Christians  to 
these  old-established  customs  was  kept  up  by 
the  church  may  be  seen  in  Homilies  of  St.  Chry- 
sostom  (a.d.  387),  in  Kalendas,  t.  i.  697,  and 
da  Lazaro,  i.  ibid.  707,  in  the  opening  of 
which  he  calls  the  feast  of  the  Caleuls  iopri^v 
fyaTaviKTjv ;  Asterius  Amasenus  (cir.  400)  in  Ka- 
lendas, p.  55 ;  St.  Augustin,  Serjn.  198,  de 
Cal.  Jan.  (t.  v.  907).  Maximus  of  Turin 
(a.d.  422)  Hvm.  xvi.  de  Circumcisione  Domini, 
p.  46 ;  Caesarius  of  Aries  (a.d.  502),  de  Eal. 
Jan.  Senn.  129,  130,  ap.  St.  Augustini,  0pp. 
Append,  t.  v.  233  sqq. ;  Eligius  of  Limoges 
(A.D.  640),  Serm.  de  Eectitud.  Cathol.  Conver- 
sationes,  c.  5,  ap.  St.  Augustini  0pp.  Ap- 
pend, t.  vi.  267,  c.  (mostly  a  cento  of  passages 
from  the  homilies  of  Caesarius).  The  protest  is 
enforced  by  the  Concilium  Quinisextum  (Trulla- 
num),  A.D.  692,  canon  62,  ras  ovra>  Aeyofx.fuas 
Ka\du5as,  Koi  to.  \sy6jj.fva  Bora,  {rot  i),  Kal  ra 
KaAov/j.si'a  Bpov/j.d\ia  {lirntnalia)  ....  KaOdira^ 
4k  T7)s  TaJviriCTCoj' TToAtreias  TrepiaipeBrjuai  ^ov\6- 
/xeda,  K.r.\.  And  down  to  the  end  of  our  period, 
the  church  (even  after  that  the  1st  of  January  as 
the  Octave  of  the  Nativity  was  entitled  to  rank 
as  a  festival,  viz.  of  the  Circumcision)  con- 
fronted the  heathen  festivities  with  a  three  days' 
fast.  Thus  the  second  Council  of  Tours  (A.D.  567) 
can.  17,  enacts  "  triduum  illud  quo  ad  calcandam 
gentilium  consuetudinem  patres  nostri  statue- 
runt  privatas  in  kalendis  Januariis  fieri  litanias, 
ut  in  ecclesiis  psallatur,  et  hora  viii.  in  ipsis 
kalendis  circumcisionis  missa  Deo  propitio  cele- 
bretur " ;   and  Isidore  of   Seville  (a.d.  595)  de  \ 


NEW  YEAR'S  DAY 

div.  Offic.  Eccles.  i.  40,  says  that  "jejunium 
Januariarum  kalendarum  propter  errorem  gen- 
tilitatis  statuit  ecclesia  .  .  .  per  quod  agno- 
scerent  homines  in  tantum  se  prave  agere  ut  pro 
eorum  peccatis  necesse  sit  omnibus  ecclesiis 
jejunare."  (Large  extracts  from  most  of  the 
authorities  cited  may  be  seen  in  Rheinwald,  Die 
kirchliche  Arcltiiologie,  p.  223  sqq.) 

When  the  25th  December  had  come  to  be  gene- 
rally received  as  the  day  of  the  Nativity  [Christ- 
mas], the  Calends  of  January  acquired  a  Christian 
character,  and  Dionysius  Exiguus  dates  the  years 
of  his  era  (our  a.d.)  a  Circumcisione  Domini. 
But  the  churches  long  shrank  from  making  the 
New  Year's  Day  of  Christians  the  same  with  that 
of  the  heathen,  and  it  was  deemed  preferable  to 
commence  the  year  a  Nat ivitate  (25th  December), 
an  epoch  which  continued  in  use  far  into  the 
middle  ages.  Others,  however,  found  it  more 
suitable  that  the  year  should  begin  25th  March, 
which,  if  25th  December  was  the  day  of  Christ's 
Nativity,  would  be  the  day  of  the  Conception, 
the  6eia  adpKcca-is,  the  Incarnation.  Hence  the 
epoch  ab  annunciatione,  or  a  conceptione.  These 
two  epochs  were  further  recommended  (in  the 
astronomical  point  of  view)  by  their  supposed 
coincidence  with  the  hruma  (25th  December)  and 
the  vernal  equinox  (25th  March).  But,  according 
to  an  ancient  Latin  tradition,  the  Passion  befell 
25th  March.  St.  Augustin,  de  Trin.  iv.  5  :  "Octavo 
Kal.  Apr.  conceptus  creditur  Christus  quo  et 
passus.  Natus  traditur  octavo  kal.  Dec."  Hence, 
perhaps,  the  epoch  a  resurrectione  (or  a  passions') 
Christi,  was  originally  intended  for  the  fixed 
date,  25th  March.  Bede  relates  (de  Temp.  rat.  c. 
45),  that  in  Gaul,  at  first,  this  was  kept  as  the 
day  "  quando  Christi  resurrectio  fuisse  trade- 
batur  ":  and  Zeno  of  Verona,  cir.  A.D.  360,  Serm. 
46,  speaking  of  this  as  the  day  of  the  resurrec- 
tion says,  in  his  mystical  way,  "  idem  sui  suc- 
cessor itemque  decessor,  longaeva  semper  aetate 
novellus,  anni  parens  annique  progenies,  ante- 
cedit  sequiturque  tempora  et  saecula  infinita." 
Certain  it  is,  that  the  dating  of  the  years  of  our 
Lord  from  Easter — the  moveable  feast — (incon- 
venient as  it  was,  as  so  shifting  from  year  to  year, 
that  any  Julian  day  within  the  paschal  limits, 
say  1st  April,  might  fall  twice  in  the  same  year 
or  not  at  all")  prevailed  far  into  the  middle  ages, 
in  France  down  to  the  sixteenth  century.  In 
this  reckoning,  the  first  instant  of  the  New  Year 
was  signalised  by  the  consecration  of  the  tapers 
in  the  night  preceding  Easter  morning.  (Du 
Cange,  s.  v.  Cercus  Paschalis,  and  Mabillon  de  He 
diplom.  ii.  23-6.)  In  Spain  and  Portugal  the 
years  were  dated  from  the  Annunciation  down  to 
the  fourteenth  century,  in  Germany  down  to  the 
eleventh,  then  from  the  Nativity.  Conversely, 
the  English,  in  Bede's  time,  began  the  year  with 
25th  December  ;  after  the  thirteenth  century, 
with  the  25th  March,  which  continued  to  be  the 
legal  civil  reckoning  down  to  1752.  In  Italy, 
besides  the  ecclesiastical  epoch,  1st  March  (see 
above),  25th  March  was  the  customary  civil 
epoch,  with  this  curious  variation,  viz.  that  in 
one  reckoning  (Calculus  Fisanus)  a  given  year  of 
our  Lord  was  made  to  begin  on  the  25th  March 

"  To  meet  this  inconvenience,  it  was  usual  to  add  to  the 
monlh-diiy  ante  pascha  or  post  pascha.  If  the  date  in- 
cludes the  year  of  the  Indiction,  this  generally  removes 
all  doubt. 


NEW  YEAR'S  DAY 

precedi)ig,  and  in  the  other  (C  Florentinus)  on 
the  25th  March  following  the  1st  January,  from 
which,  in  the  now  received  reckoning,  the  given 
year  bears  date.''  The  multiplicity  and  fluc- 
tuation of  epochs  (against  which  the  Calendar  of 
Charlemagne,  commencing  the  year  with  1st 
January,  was  an  ineffectual  protest)  was  a  matter 
of  sore  perplexity  to  later  historians :  thus  Ger- 
vase  of  Canterbury,  early  in  the  13th  century 
{Hist.  Anglicanae  Script,  x.  col.  1336)  complains, 
"  Chronicae  scriptores  ipsos  Domini  annos  diversis 

mod  is  et   terminis  numerant Quidam 

enim  annos  Domini  incipiunt  computare  ab  An- 
nuntiatione,  alii  a  Nativitate,  quidam  a  Circumci- 
sione,  quidam  vero  a  Passione.  Cui  ergo  istorum 
magis  credendum  est  ?" 

In  the  East  the  year,  in  various  forms  of  the 
Julianized  Macedonian  Calendar,  began  24th  Sep- 
tember, but  in  that  "  of  the  Greeks,  i.e.  Syrians," 
constantly  used  for  the  "  year  of  the  Greeks  " 
=  era  of  the  Seleucidae,  the  year  begins  1st  Octo- 
ber. But  the  "  Indictions,"  from  their  first  com- 
mencement at  Constantinople,  bore  date  from  1st 
September,  and  from  the  fifth  century  this  came 
to  be  received  as  the  first  day  of  the  year,  not, 
however,  at  once  superseding  the  older  epoch, 
24th  September;  while  in  Syria,  the  old  Seleu- 
cidian  epoch,  1st  October,  has  continued  in  use 
to  this  day,  except  among  Syrian  Catholics,  who 
use  the  1st  September.  But  the  Syrian  Evag- 
rius,  the  historian  (a.d.  594),  who  uses  the  "  era 
of  Antioch,"  dates  its  years  from  1st  September, 
the  use  of  which  epoch  by  Greek-writing  Sy- 
rians, in  place  of  the  true  Syrian  epoch,  1st 
October,  is  to  be  explained  b}'  the  influence  of 
the  Indictions  in  public  acts  and  records  (Ideler, 
i.  p.  463  sqq.).  The  1st  September  is  the  year- 
epoch  of  the  Constantinopolitan  mundane  era, 
and  as  New  Year's  Day  continued  in  Russia 
down  to  A.D.  1700,  in  Greece  to  1821.  For  the 
Copts,  Abyssinians,  and  Armenians  using  the 
Alexandrine  Calendar,  the  year  begins  29th 
August. 

Year-dating.  During  the  first  centuries  in  the 
West,  the  only  consecutive  Era  [p.  622]  was 
that  ab  urbe  condita ;  the  other  notes  of  the  cur- 
rent year  were  given  by  the  reckoning  from  the 
accession  of  the  reigning  emperor,  or  more  com- 
monly by  the  names  of  the  consuls  of  the  1st 
January  (coss.  ordinarii).  From  the  beginning 
of  the  fourth  century,  as  may  be  seen  in  Clinton, 
Fasti  liomani,  the  latter  note  of  time  began  to  fail ; 
no  consuls  being  appointed,  the  year  v/as  marked 
post  consulatum  of  the  last  named ;  thus,  after 
A.D.  307,  Constantio  IX.  et  Constantino  Coss., 
the  notes  are  (308)  Constantio  X.  et  Maximiano 
VII.  ;  (309)  post  consul.  X.  et  VII. ;  (310)  anno 
ii.  p.  c.  X.  et  VII.  If  the  given  year  had  con- 
suls (or  a  consul)  it  was  named  accordingly. 
Thus  the  first  council  of  Toledo  bears  date  Stili- 
cone  Consule  (a.d.)  400.  By  a  law  of  Constan- 
tine,  A.D.  i'll,  no  constitution  was  valid  without 
name  of  consuls  and  month-day.  In  537,  wlien 
the  consulship  was  all  but  extinct,  Justinian 
enlarged  this  law  by  prescribing  that,  in  all  in- 
struments, first  the  year  of  the  reigning  Caesar, 
then  the  names  of  the  consuls,  and,  lastly,  indic- 
tion,  month  and  day  must  be  noted  {Cod.  Theodos. 
I.  i.  Const.  1 ;  Amoved  i  xlvii.).  [H.  B.] 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 


1389 


«>  This  diversity  continued  down  to  11i9. 


NEW  YEAR'S  GIFTS.  The  custom  of 
making  gifts  on  New  Year's  Day,  with  an  appro- 
priate wish,  prevailed  extensively  in  the  Roman 
empire  in  the  early  days  of  Christianity.  Many 
remains,  such  as  medals,  lamps,  tesserae  oV 
metal  or  of  earthenware,  bear  inscriptions  testi- 
fying that  they  were  designed  for  New  Year's 
gifts,  generally  in  some  such  form  as :  annum 
N0VV3I  favstvm  felicem  tibi.  Gori  {The- 
saurus Dipt.  i.  p.  202)  figures  a  tessera  of  rock- 
crystal  which  was,  as  its  inscription  testifies 
(Martigny,  Bid.  des  Antiq.  Chret.  p.  286,  2nd 
edition),  a  New  Year's  gift  to  the  emperor  Corn- 
modus.  It  does  not  appear  that  any  of  those 
which  have  been  described  bear  any  words  or 
symbols  especially  indicative  of  a  Christian 
origin;  there  was  in  fact  no  reason  why 
Christians  should  not  adopt  the  simple  inscrip- 
tions on  articles  manufactured  for  the  general 
market. 

The  Christian  fathers,  however,  censure  the 
giving  of  strenae,  together  with  other  pagan 
customs  which  tended  to  give  the  kalends  of 
January  a  licentious  character  (see  Augustine, 
Sermm.  197, 198,  and  Circumcision,  p.  394),  and  a 
council  of  Auxerre  in  a.d,  578  (c.  1)  distinctly 
forbade  Christians  "strenas  diabolicas  obser- 
vare."  The  objects  given  were  probably  some- 
times tainted  with  paganism  or  indecency. 

Another  reason  fur  disapproving  of  strenae  is 
furnished  by  Maximus  of  Turin  {JIo7n.  v.  in 
Mabillon,  Iter  Ital.  ii.  18),  who  dwells  on  the 
injustice  occasioned  by  the  gifts  given  by  the 
rich  to  persons  in  power,  such  as  the  poor  "could 
not  emulate.  The  giving  of  New  Year's  gifts 
had  become,  he  intimates,  an  onerous  system 
of  bribery  and  corruption. 

Jerome  (m  Ephes.  vi.  4)  notices  the  practice 
of  schoolboys  giving  strenae  to  their  masters, 
and  begs  bishops  and  priests  not  to  send  their 
children  to  pagan  schools,  lest  the  revenues  of 
the  church  should  be  offered  to  heathen  teachers, 
and  so  perhaps  ultimately  aid  in  heathen  wor- 
ship or  licentiousness.  [C] 

NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF  (Nicaena  Con- 
cilia). There  were  two  councils  held  at  Nicaea,the 
metropolis  of  Bithynia,  both  general ;  the  first  and 
the  last  to  be  received  as  general  by  the  Eastern 
and  Western  churches  alike  ;  the  first  under  Con- 
stantine  I.,  and  the  second  under  Constantino  VI. 
(1.)  The  first  met  A.D.  325,  in  the  consulship  of 
Paulinus  and  Julianus,  so  far  all  are  agreed,  and 
there  was  a  law  published  by  Constantine,  dated 
Nicaea,  May  23  (x.  Kal.  Jun.  in  I.  Cod.  Theod. 
ii.  3,  with  Godfrey's  note),  shewing  that  he  was 
there  then.  According  to  Socrates,  who  pro- 
fesses to  have  got  his  information  from  the 
chronological  notices  aflSxed  to  it  in  a  work  he 
calls  the  Synodicon  of  St.  Athanasius,  it  met 
three  days  earlier,  or  May  20  (i.  13).  It  was 
going  on  when  the  emperor  celebrated  his  20th 
anniversary  (July  25)  according  to  Clinton,  on 
which  day  he  invited  all  the  bishops  present  to 
a  banquet,  as  we  learn  from  Eusebius  {Vit. 
Const,  iii.  15).  This  covers  the  dale  prefixed 
to  its  creed  in  the  acts  of  the  fourth  council ; 
and  it  was  closed  some  time  subsequently  to  this — 
a  note  to  the  Cresconian  collection  says,  just  a 
month  later,  or  August  25— by  a  speech  from 
him  {lb.  21,  comp.  Pagi  ad  Baron.,  A.D.  325,  n.  4). 
All  the  principal  documents  relating  to  it  may 


1390        NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

be  seen  in  Mansi's  Concilia  or  Beveridge's 
S;jnodir,on,  vol.  ii.  in  each  case.  Of  authentic 
and  contemporary  documents  relating  to  it, 
Indeed,  there  are  but  few;  of  apocryphal,  a 
bewildering  host.  As  it  was  the  first  of  its 
kind,  we  cannot  be  surprised  that  its  acts  were 
not  written  down  at  the  time,  as  was  afterwards 
•customary.  There  was  uo  book  kept  of  the 
acts  of  the  first  or  even  of  the  second  coun- 
cil, as  there  was  from  the  third  onwards. 
■Only  what  was  agreed  upon  in  common,  was 
committed  to  writing,  and  subscribed  to  by 
all,  as  Eusebius  says  (^Vit.  c.  iii.  14).  In 
this  limited  class  were  comprehended  only  the 
creed,  canons,  and  synodical  letter.  As  Valesius 
well  observes,  had  anything  more  been  extant, 
St.  Athanasius  would  never  have  been  at  the 
pains  of  recalling  so  many  particulars  of  what 
passed  in  reply  to  his  friend,  but  would  have 
told  him  simply  where  he  could  find  them  re- 
corded. The  'Copies  of  the  Nicene  Council' 
<(J<ra),  transmitted  a.d.  419  to  tlie  African 
church  from  Constantinople,  contained  no  more 
than  its  creed  and  canons.  Its  synodical  letter 
is  extant  in  Socrates  and  Thcodoret  (i.  9),  as  are 
two  letters  issued  by  the  emperor  at  its  close. 
His  circulars  in  convening  it  have  not  been 
preserved  ;  but  if  we  may  trust  to  what  Eusebius 
tells  us  of  their  substance  ( Fif.  C.  iii.  10;  and 
Vales,  ad  L),  his  own  letter  to  Chrestus,  bishop 
of  Syracuse  (/?.  If.  x.  5)  for  assembling  the 
council  of  Aries,  may  serve  to  illustrate  their 
form.  The  letters  of  Eusebius  to  his  own  diocese, 
besides  his  life  of  the  emperor,  and  of  St. 
Athanasius  to  his  friends  and  to  the  African 
bishops  are  first-class  authorities  also  for 
what  passed,  as  far  as  they  go,  though  from 
opposite  sides.  What  Socrates  calls  the  '  Synodi- 
con'  of  St.  Athanasius  is  not  now  extant,  and, 
laeing  only  mentioned  and  quoted  by  Soci-ates, 
cannot  be  placed  on  the  same  footing  with  his 
acknowledged  works.  For  anything  like  cer- 
tainty we  must  be  content  with  what  we  can 
glean  from  these. 

The  emperor,  Eusebius  tells  us,  wrote  flatter- 
ing letters  to  the  bishops  everywhere,  begginf 
them  to  meet  at  Nicaea  with  all  speed  (  Vit.  C.  iii. 
6).  St.  Athanasius  tells  the  Africans  (1.  2)  that 
bishops  to  the  number  of  318  came.  The  council 
has  gone  by  the  name  of  the  318  (titj)  Fathers 
■ever  since,  though  other  accounts  of  its  numbers 
had  been  current.  It  met  in  a  church  {oluos 
evKTTfpios),  one  of  the  largest  then  known,  and 
situated  in  the  very  midst  of  the  palace  (  Vit.  C. 
iii.  7  and  10),  whither  its  members  could  adjourn 
easily,  when  the  emperor  desired  their  presence. 
A  solitary  plane-tree  marks  its  site  still  ;  and 
within  the  village  church  of  Is-nik  is  a  rude 
picture  commemorative  of  the  event  (Stanley's 
E.  C.  p.  121).  But  if  we  may  trust  the  envovs 
of  Gregory  IX.,  they  were  received,  a.d.  1233, 
in  the  actual  church  in  which  the  event  took 
place  (Mansi,  xxiii.  280  sq.).  The  causes  which 
led  to  it  were  threefold  ;  the  heresy  of  Arius, 
the  schism  of  Meletius,  and  the  moot  question  of 
keeping  Easter.  The  first  of  these  was  the 
.newest  and  most  absorbing  of  all ;  but  who  sug- 
gested the  novel  experiment  of  a  general  council 
■for  dealing  with  it?  The  council  of  Antioch, 
A.D.  272,  at  which  its  then  bishop,  Paul  of 
Samosata,  was  deposed,  had  been  the  nearest 
-approach  to  a  general  council  in  earlier  times  ; 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

and  this  had  been  preceded  by  a  number  of 
smaller  meetings,  as  we  learn  from  Eusebius 
(E.  H.  vii.  28),  and  so  grew  out  of  them  in  due 
course.  But  that  of  Nicaea,  the  same  authority 
tells  us  (  Vit.  C.  iii.  6),  was  the  act  of  one  man ; 
and  "  God  it  was,"  says  the  emperor,  "  on  whose 
suggestion  I  acted  in  summoning  the  bishops  to 
meet  in  such  numbers"  (Soc.  i.  9).  It  was  "  by 
the  grace  of  God.  and  the  piety  of  the  emperor 
in  assembling  us  out  of  different  cities  and  pro- 
vinces, that  the  great  and  holy  synod  came 
together,"  say  they  in  recounting  its  issues  (*.). 
No  two  accounts  of  the  .same  thing  could  be 
more  consistent.  Later  writers  insisted  on  sup- 
plementing them  with  a  gloss  of  their  own. 
Sulpitius  Severus,  indeed,  argued  from  contem- 
porary facts,  when  he  talked  of  the  council 
originating  with  Hosius  of  Cordova  (ii.  40);  the 
fathers  of  the  sixth  council  argued  from  the 
us.ages  of  tlieir  own  times  simply,  when  they 
talked,  in  thair  prosphonetic  address,  of  its  having 
been  assembled  by  pope  Silvester  uTic/Constautine. 
Silvester,  of  course,  concurred  in  assembling  it, 
so  far  that  he  tent  representatives  thither,  being 
unable,  through  old  age,  to  attend  in  person"! 
They  who  "filled  his  place"  were  preshijters, 
according  to  the  same  authority ;  and  they  sub- 
scribed second.  Hosius,  designating  himself 
merely  bishop  of  Cordova,  subscribed  first.  He 
subscribed  first  at  Sardica  similarly.  No  less  a 
witness  than  St.  Athanasius  attests  this  last 
{Apol.  c.  Arian.  49  sq.)  ;  and  the  '  Prisca  versio ' 
makes  him  head  its  list  of  subscribers  at  both. 
He  was  revered  on  both  sides  even  then  ;  he  was 
in  the  highest  favour  of  any  bishop  at  court 
now;  he  must  have  been  the  oldest  bishop,  by 
far,  present  at  either,  if,  as  St.  Athanasius  says, 
he  was  100  years  old,  and  had  been  bishop  more 
than  sixty  years,  A.D.  357,  when  his  lapse  took 
place.  Hence,  the  order  in  which  bishops  should 
sit  at  general  councils  being  as  yet  undetermined 
by  rule,  he  who  was  the  most  ancient  would  be 
placed  first,  as  Eusebius  expressly  says  had  been 
done  by  Palmas  {E.  H.  v.  23),  and  was  a  custom 
in  Africa  much  later  (CtHt.  Afric.  86;  comp.  St. 
Aug.  Ep.  lix.) ;  add  to  which,  that  Hosius  had 
been  a  confessor  under  JIaximinian,  as  he  says 
himself.  Persons  talked  of  him,  said  the  Arians 
—  at  least  this  is  what  St.  Athanasius  puts  into 
their  mouths — as  one  who  presided  at  synods  ; 
whose  letters  were  respected  everywhere,  who  had 
formulated  the  Nicene  Creed  (^Ep.  ad  Sol.  §  43-5). 
Taking  all  these  facts  into  consideration,  it  is 
difficult  to  conceive  that  Eusebius  can  mean  any 
but  Hosius  wlien  he  tells  us  that  the  bishop  who 
"sat  first  in  the  right  row"  delivered  the  open- 
ing speech  (T7i.  C.  iii.  11);  especially  when  it 
is  remembered  that  Hosius  had  been  the  only 
bishop  personally  noticed  by  him  in  enumerating 
those  present,  only  three  chapters  earlier,  and 
also  that  the  very  next  thing  we  are  told,  after 
this  notice  of  him,  is  that  the  bishop  of  the 
reigning  city  was  not  present,  but  that  his  place 
was  filled  by  his  presbyters,  who  were  the  next 
to  subscribe  after  Hosius.  Again,  there  is  proof 
positive  from  Eusebius  of  Hosius  having  acted 
for  Constantine  several  times  before  (E.  if.  x.  6  ; 
Vit.  C.  ii.  03 ;  comp.  Soc.  i.  7),  but  no  contem- 
porary proof  wh;itever  of  his  having  ever  acted 
for  pope  Silvester.  If  Eusebius  had  delivered 
the  opening  speech  himself,  he  would  not  hav 
left  us  to  learn  this  from  Sozomen,   nor  would 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

Socrates  have  parsed  it  over  in  silence.  Theodorct 
led  the  way  in  attributing  it  to  Eustathius  of 
Antioch,  which  is  not  surprising  in  one  who  was 
both  a  native  and  a  suifragan  of  that  see.  Inhiter 
times,  a  speech  was  invented  for  Eustathius,  on 
his  authority,  which  is  still  extant. 

Up  to  the  last  quarter  of  the  5th  century — 
notwithstanding  all  that  had  been  written  on  the 
council  by  St.  Athanasius,  and  other  fathers,  by 
the  one  Latin  and  three  Greek  ecclesiastical 
historians  who  followed  Eusebius,  all  also  that 
had  been  cited  fi-om  it  by  the  councils  of  Ephesus, 
Chalcedon,  and  other  places — not  a  word  had 
been  said,  or  a  hint  dropped,  of  Hosius  having 
represented  anybody  there  but  himself,  a.d. 
476,  or  thereabouts,  the  statement  that  pope  Sil- 
vester was  represented  there  by  him,  as  well  as 
by  his  own  true  presbyters,  was  adventured  on 
by  Gelasius  of  Cyzicus,  a  writer  of  the  poorest 
credit,  who  makes  Constantinople  the  seat  of 
empire  when  the  council  met,  and  Rufinus,  the 
historian,  one  of  those  present ;  and  to  this 
statement  bishop  Hefele  gravely  calls  upon  us  to 
assent  still  {Introd.  pp.  36-41  and  46). 

The  emperor,  we  learn  from  Eusebius,  on 
entering,  took  up  a  central  position  in  front  of 
the  first  row,  and  for  a  time  remained  standing 
with  the  rest,  who  rose  to  receive  him  ;  after- 
wards, a  chair  of  gold  having  been  placed  before 
him,  he  seated  himself,  at  the  request  of  the 
bishops,  when  all  sat  down  likewise.  The  open- 
ing speech  made  to  him  on  their  part  has  not 
been  preserved  ;  his  answer  has.  It  was  a  short 
exhortation  to  peace,  delivered  in  Latin,  and 
interpreted  into  Greek  as  he  spoke.  When  he 
had  finished,  he  let  the  ^^  presidents  of  the  coun- 
cil " — in  other  words,  the  bishops — speak.  As 
there  were  multitudes  present  besides  bishops, 
there  can  be  no  more  doubt  that  this  is  what 
Eusebius  means  here  by  that  phrase,  than  that 
bishops  frequently  went  by  that  name.  Endless 
discussions  between  them  ensued,  the  emperor 
acting  the  part  of  moderator  all  through,  con- 
versing with  them  in  Greek,  to  display  his 
familiarity  with  their  own  language,  though  he 
had  previously  spoken  in  Latin,  and  getting 
them  to  be  of  one  mind  and  opinion  on  all  the 
disputed  points  at  last.  They  gave  due  proof  of 
this  in  their  creed  and  canons — Eusebius  tells  the 
faithful  of  his  diocese — and  St.  Athanasiusvouches 
for  his  account  (Z'e  Dec.  Syn.  Nic.  §  3  and  the 
P.S.)  how  the  creed  was  formed.  First,  the  creed 
of  his  own  church  of  Caesarea,  and,  therefore, 
probably  that  of  the  church  of  Jerusalem  also, 
which  he  had  received  from  his  predecessors,  had 
been  taught  as  a  catechumen,  had  taught  and  pro- 
fessed himself  ever  since,  was  recited  before  the 
emperor,  and  found  substantially  correct ;  then, 
some  additions  to  it  having  been  agreed  upon,  it 
was  published  in  the  name  of  the  council.  Both 
forms  are  given ;  but  as  all  creeds  had  been  oral, 
and  not  written  hitherto,  we  must  not  suppose 
that  the  original  form  had  never  varied  or 
received  additions  before.  Besides,  being  about 
to  be  committed  to  writing  for  the  first  time, 
and  used  as  a  public  document  from  that  time 
loith,  the  natural  thing  would  be  that  it  should 
I.'  revised  previously.  The  only  question  in 
re  rising  it  that  seems  to  have'  created  any 
difficulty,  was  the  introduction  of  the  word 
•Homoousios,'  and  this  the  emperor  at  length 
succeeded  in  getting  accepted.     No  doubt  it  was 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF       1391 

on  this  point  that  Hosius  and  Eusebius  measured- 
influences  with  him,  and  the  former  prevailed, 
which  no  one  else  could  have  done,  though  the 
latter  was  too  politic  to  resent  his  defeat.  The 
emperor,  he  tells  his  people,  put  a  sense  on  this 
word  which  he  could  admit ;  and  it  was,  no 
doubt,  for  having  got  this  word  inserted,  that 
St.  Athanasius  credits  his  rival  with  having 
formulated  the  creed  itself.  The  new  and  the 
old  creed  agreed  in  this  :  that  they  commenced 
"  We  (not  I)  believe,"  and  ended  with  a  simple 
profession  of  belief  in  the  Holy  Ghost.  To  this, 
in  the  new  one,  was  subjoined  an  anathema  ;  but, 
instead  of  being  commensurate  with  the  creed, 
it  was  confined,  as  all  subsequent  anathemas  of 
general  councils  were,  to  the  maintainers  of  the 
particular  heresy  then  condemned,  in  this  case 
the  Arian.  All  the  bishops  present  subscribed 
to  the  new  formula,  says  Socrates,  except  five  ; 
says  Theodoret,  except  two  ;  and  these  falling 
under  the  anathema  subjoined  to  it,  and  refusing 
to  condemn  Arius,  shared  his  exile,  decreed  by 
the  emperor.  The  names  of  those  who  sub- 
scribed are  not  extant  in  Greek,  except  in 
the  short  list  of  Gelasius  (Mansi,  ii.  927),  which 
is  purely  fictitious.  No  more  than  228  names 
are  preserved  in  any  of  the  Latin  lists,  which  also 
have  an  artificial  appearance,  being  grouped  in 
provinces,  a  classification  which  is  at  variance 
with  all  the  Greek  lists  of  every  general  council 
extant,  whatever  cardinal  Pitra  (Spic.  Sol.  i.  511) 
or  bishop  Hefele  (p.  296)  may  say.  The  leading 
bishops  known  from  other  sources  to  have  been 
present  were  Hosius  of  Cordova,  Alexander  of 
Alexandria,  Eustathius  of  Antioch,  Alexander 
of  Constantinople,  Macarius  of  Jerusalem,  Euse- 
bius of  Nicomedia,  and  Eusebius  of  Caesarea, 
the  historian  ;  St.  Athanasius,  though  one  of  the- 
foremost  thei'e,  was  a  deacon  only  then. 

After  the  creed  had  been  agreed  upon,  twenty 
canons  on  discipline  were  passed.  Of  their 
number  there  can  be  no  dispute,  founded,  at 
least,  on  any  document  that  is  both  ancient  and 
authentic.  The  pretended  letter  of  St.  Athanasius- 
to  pope  Mark,  and  the  pretended  eighty  or  eighty- 
four  canons  in  Arabic,  therefore,  proclaim  their 
fictitious  character.  But  we  must  not  conclude 
from  the  mere  existence  of  the  latter,  and 
without  further  proof,  with  bishop  Hefele,  that 
the  "  Greek  church"  ever  attributed  "  more  than 
twenty  canons  "  to  this  council,  still  less  ever 
quoted  other  canons  as  Nicene,  "  by  mistake," 
which  were  not  Nicene,  as  popes  Zosimus, 
Innocent,  and  Leo  did  (*.  360-372). 

The  canon  meriting  attention  most  is  the  sixth, 
being  the  principal  of  those  framed  with  refer- 
ence to  Meletius,  whose  case,  the  bishops  in  their 
synodical  letter  may  be  supposed  to  say,  engaged 
them  next  after  Arius.  Meletius  had  ordained 
priests  and  deacons  in  dioceses  outside  his  own, 
and  consecrated  bishops  at  his  sole  discretion' 
(Hefele,  §  40).  The  council  deprived  him  of  all 
power  in  consequence,  but  dealt  more  leniently 
with  his  followers  ;  and  to  prevent  an)'  similar 
irregularities  in  future,  passed  its  fourth,  fifth, 
and  sixth  canons.  Of  these,  the  fourth  orders 
that  the  consecration  of  a  bishop  should,  m 
general,  be  the  act  of  all  (the  bishops)  of  the 
province  (in  which  the  vacant  see  was  situate) ; 
or,  if  that  could  not  be,  that  the  absent  (bishops) 
should  express  their  assent  in  writing,  and  three 
(bishops),  not  of  the  province  necessarily,  come- 


1392        NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

together  in  every  case  to  lay  hands  on  him  ;  yet  so 
that  the  ratification  of  all  that  took  place  should, 
in  every  province,  be  given  to  the  metropolitan. 
In  other  words,  so  long  as  the  bishops  of  the 
pi-ovincewere  consenting  parties,  the  consecrators 
no  fewer  than  three,  and  the  metropolitan  con- 
firmed their  act,  it  was  not  indispensable  that 
the  consecrators,  when  circumstances  would  have 
made  this  inconvenient,  should  be  of  the  same 
province.  Such,  at  least,  was  the  interpretation 
put  upon  it  by  the  fathers  of  the  second  general 
council  (Theodoret,  E.  H.  v.  9,  near  the  end). 
This  canon,  again,  it  will  be  seen  at  a  glance, 
must  refer  to  the  same  act  throughout ;  that  one 
act,  namely,  which  bishops  alone,  who  are  the 
only  persons  mentioned  here,  could  perform. 
Consequently,  the  interpretation  given  to  it  by 
the  fathers  of  the  second  IS!icene  council,  in  their 
third  canon,  is  irrelevant,  and  need  not  be  noticed, 
except  so  far  as  this — viz,  that  the  provincial 
bishops  in  consecrating  a  new  bishop,  confirmed 
his  election,  and  their  metropolitan,  in  approving 
of  his  consecration,  confirmed  both.  But  this  is 
the  only  reference  to  his  election  which  this 
canon  contains.  The  fifth  canon,  similarly  con- 
cerns another  episcopal  act  relevant  to  this  case. 
Meletius  having  been  for  his  offences  excommuni- 
cated by  the  bishops  of  his  province,  it  is  ordered 
that  the  canon  interdicting  any  that  have  been 
excommunicated  by  some  from  being  received  by 
others  {Can.  Apost.  10),  should  rule  cases  of  this 
kind ;  but  that  enquiry  might  always  be  made 
whether  any  persons  had  been  excommunicated 
unfairly  by  their  bishop,  synods  of  all  the 
bishops  in  each  province  are  directed  to  be  held 
twice  a  year,  in  the  spring  and  autumn,  for  that 
purpose.  The  sixth  canon  is  not  merely  con- 
cerned with  episcopal  acts  alone,  but  with  epi- 
scopal acts  only  between  bishops  and  their 
meti-opolitan,  in  other  words,  with  episcopal 
jurisdiction.  Had  it,  therefore,  been  always 
designated  by  its  proper  title  "  bishops  and 
their  metropolitans" — the  only  persons  named 
in  it,  and  the  latter  the  highest  dignitaries 
known  to  the  church  as  yet — its  meaning  would 
have  remained  clear.  As  it  is,  few  subjects  have 
provoked  a  wider  or  a  wilder  literature.  More- 
over, the  first  half  of  the  canon  enacts  merely 
that  what  had  long  been  customary  with  respect 
to  such  persons  in  every  province,  should  become 
law,  beginning  with  the  province  where  this 
principle  had  been  infringed  ;  while  the  second 
half  declares  what  was  in  future  to  be  received 
as  law  on  two  points,  which  custom  had  not  as 
yet  expressly  ruled.  "  This  is  plain  to  all,  that 
if  any  become  bishop  without  consent  of  his 
metropolitan,  the  great  synod  has  defined  that 
he  ought  not  to  be  bishop.  But  should  two  or 
three,  from  simple  contentiousness,  oppose  what 
has  been  agreed  upon  in  common  by  all,  and  is 
in  accordance  with  ecclesiastical  law,  and  reason- 
able, let  the  vote  of  the  majority  prevail,"  that 
is,  become  law.  Nobody  disputes  the  meaning 
of  this  last  half;  nor,  in  fact,  would  the  mean- 
ing of  the  first  half  have  been  questioned,  had  it 
not  included  Rome.  "  Let  ancient  customs  pre- 
vail " — or  become  law — "  in  Egypt,  Libya,  and 
^entapolis " — provinces  then  subject  to  the 
Augustal  prefect,  and  in  which  Meletius  had  been 
creating  disturbances — "so  that  the  bishop  of 
Alexandria  should  have  the  power  (which  he  has 
by  custom) over  all  these  .  .  .  and  in  like  manner 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

at  Antioch,  and  in  all  other  pi-ovinces,  let  the 
churches  be  maintained  in  their  privileges."  No- 
body can  dispute  the  meaning  of  this  either,  as  it 
stands.  Nobody  can  maintain  that  the  bishops  of 
Antioch  and  Alexandria  were  called  patriarchs 
then,  or  that  the  jurisdiction  they  had  then  was 
co-extensive  with  what  they  had  afterwards,  when 
they  icerc  so  called.  "Since  this  is  usual  also  for 
the  bishop  in  the  (capital)  city,  Rome."  It  is  on 
this  clause,  standing  parenthetically  between 
what  is  decreed  for  the  particular  cases  of  Egypt 
and  Antioch,  and  in  consequence  of  the  interpre- 
tation given  to  it  by  Rufinus,  more  particularly, 
that  so  much  strife  has  been  raised.  Rufinus  may 
rank  low  as  a  translator,  yet,  being  a  native  of 
Aquileia,  he  cannot  have  been  ignorant  of  Roman 
ways,  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  had  he  greatly  mis- 
represented them,  would  his  version  have  waited 
till  the  seventeenth  century  to  be  impeached. 
What  is  called  the  "  Prisca  versio  Latina"  can- 
not dispute,  though  it  tries  to  disarm  his  para- 
phrase by  a  gloss  of  its  own,  his  being  "  Ut 
apud  Alexandriam  et  in  urbe  Roma  vetusta 
consuetude  servetur,  nt  vel  ille  Aegypti,  vel 
hie  suburbicariarum  ecclesiarum  sollicitudinem 
gerat ; "  that  of  the  "  Prisca  versio,"  which  is 
undoubtedly  the  later  of  the  two,  by  some  fifty 
years  according  to  Gieseler,  §  91 :  "  Antiqui  moris 
est,  ut  urbis  Romae  episcopus  habeat  principatum, 
et  suburbicaria  loca,  et  omnem  provinciam  suam 
(al.  sua)  soUicitudine  gubernet  ?"  Moreover,  the 
title  given  to  it  in  this  version  runs  as  follows  : 
"  De  primatu  ecclesiae  Romauae  vel  aliarwn 
civitatuiii  episcopis."  "  Suburbicary  churches" 
were  the  churches  of  the  suburban  or  "  suburbi- 
cary places,"  or  "  regions,"  over  which  the  juris- 
diction of  the  city  praefect  extended  (Cave,  Ch. 
Govt.  iii.  2-3),  embracing  a  circuit  in  every 
direction  to  the  hundredth  milestone.  The 
bishop  of  Rome,  therefore,  stood  at  the  head  of 
the  bishops  of  those  churches  in  heathen  times, 
and  before  the  regular  institution  of  metropoli- 
tans. This  was  one  fact ;  afterwards  it  was  a 
fact  no  less,  that  his  jurisdiction  became  com- 
mensurate with  that  of  the  city  vicar,  and  was 
spread  over  ten  provinces :  1.  Campania ;  2. 
Tuscany,  with  Umbria ;  3.  Picenum  ;  4.  Sicily  ; 
5.  Calabria,  with  Apulia ;  6.  Lucania,  with  the 
Bruttians  ;  7.  Samnium  ;  8.  Sardinia  ;  9.  Corsica ; 
10.  Valeria.  These  ten  provinces  the  '  Prisca 
versio'  calls  "  omnem  provinciam  suam ;"  which, 
accordingly,  went  no  farther  northwards  than 
the  gulf  of  Spezzia  on  the  west  coast,  and  the 
mouth  of  the  Rubicon  on  the  east,  leaving  the 
sees  of  Aquileia,  Milan,  and  Ravenna,  similar 
centres  in  their  own  neighbourhood  of  the  seven 
northern  provinces  to  which  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  vicar  of  Italy  was  then  confined  (Pancirol, 
Xotit.  Dign.  ii.  2).  The  composition  of  the 
Roman  synod  at  one  time  bore  testimony  to  its 
original,  at  another  to  its  extended  limits ;  and 
now  and  then  its  dimensions  were  enlarged  ex- 
ceptionullt/,  as  will  be  pointed  out  under  that  head. 
[Pope  ;  Rome,  Councils  of.] 

The  remaining  canons  need  not  occupy  much 
space.  Canons  eight  to  fifteen  relate  to  the 
lapsed  principally — those  that  had  concealed  or 
abjured  their  faith  to  escape  persecution.  The 
Kovatians,  or  Puritans,  as  they  styled  them- 
selves, had  incurred  censure  for  refusing  to 
communicate  with  those  who  had  been  twice 
married  and  also  with   the  lapsed,    even   after 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

they  had  performed  their  penance.  The  manner 
of  restoring  all  such  was  now  settled  ;  but  the 
ordination  of  any  whose  crimes  should  have 
debarred  them  from  the  priesthood  was  declared 
invalid.  To  the  dying,  indeed,  according  to  the 
old  rule  of  the  church,  the  Eucharist,  or  "  last 
and  most  necessary  viaticum,"  is  not  to  be  denied 
under  any  circumstances ;  but  they  are  not  to 
take  rank  with  communicants  proper  should 
they  recover.  By  the  sixteenth,  translations  of 
the  clergy  from  one  diocese  to  another  are  for- 
bidden. By  the  seventeenth,  lenders  on  usury 
are  to  be  struck  off"  the  rolls  of  the  clergy.  By 
the  eighteenth,  deacons  are  forbidden  to  usurp 
any  functions  that  belong  to  priests,  especially 
that  of  giving  the  Eucharist.  By  the  nineteenth, 
it  is  decreed  that  all  the  clerical  followers  of 
Paul  of  Samosata,  deaconesses  included,  must  be 
re-baptized  before  they  can  be  re-ordained. 
Deaconesses  indeed,  never  having  received 
imposition  of  hands,  can  only  be  treated  as  lay 
personages.  That  this  is  the  true  meaning  of 
the  phrase  '6pos  e/crefleiToi,  viz.  '  a  decree 
has  now  been  made,'  is  clear  from  the  applica- 
tion of  the  words  opos,  in  canon  seventeen, 
and  ILpifffv,  in  canon  six.  It  has  been  a  pure 
mistake,  therefore,  which  bishop  Hefele  blindly 
follows,  to  understand  it  of  some  canon  pre- 
viously passed,  whether  at  Aides  or  elsewhere. 
In  the  '  Prisca  Versio '  this  enactment  about 
deaconesses  is  reckoned  a  separate  canon,  making 
twenty-one  in  all.  By  the  twentieth,  all  are 
directed  to  pray  standing  on  Sundays,  and  the 
whole  time  between  Easter  and  Pentecost. 

The  three  first  canons,  having  nothing  to  do 
with  the  causes  which  led  to  the  council,  may 
be  considered  here  more  conveniently  than  where 
they  stand.  The  first  decrees  that  such  as  have 
made  themselves  eunuchs  may  not  be  ordained, 
oi',  if  ordained,  must  resign  their  post.  The 
second  that  none  should  be  raised  to  the  office  of 
priest  or  bishop,  who  had  not  been  long  baptized, 
or  after  full  instruction  ;  and  even  after  ordi- 
nation, should  any  crime  be  proved  against  a 
person,  he  must  forfeit  his  place  among  the 
clergy.  By  the  third,  no  bishop,  priest  or 
deacon,  or  clerk  of  any  sort,  may  have  living 
with  him — ffweiaaKTOv — as  an  inmate  of  his 
house,  any  woman  less  nearly  related  to  him 
than  a  mother,  sister,  or  aunt ;  or,  in  any 
case,  such  persons  as  are  quite  beyond  suspicion. 
It  used  to  be  maintained  that  clerical  celibacy 
was  imposed  by  this  canon ;  and  in  the  same 
breath,  that  the  story  told  by  Socrates  and 
Sozomen  of  the  venerable  bishop  Paphnutius  was 
a  fiction.  Infact,  the  marked  omission  in  this 
canon  of  all  reference  to  the  wife  amongst  the 
female  relatives  of  the  clergy,  is  explained  at 
once  by  his  protest  against  any  separation  of  man 
and  wife. 

On  the  Easter  question  there  was  no  canon 
passed,  but  only  the  understanding  entered  into, 
which  the  bishops  in  their  synodical  letter, 
and  the  emperor  in  his  circular,  record — viz. 
"  that  all  the  brethren  in  the  East,  who  formerly 
celebrated  Easter  with  the  Jews,  will  henceforth 
keep  it  agreeably  with  the  Romans  and  ourselves, 
ind  all  who  from  anc'ient  time  have  kept  Easter 
■IS  we  "  (Soc.  i.  9).  In  other  words,  that  they 
would  all  celebrate  the  festival  of  the  resurrec- 
tion of  our  Lord  always  on  the  first  day  of  the 
week,  though  never  on  the  14th  dav  of  the  month 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF      1393 

Nisan,  even  when  that  day  fell  on  a  Sunday,  but 
the  Sunday  after.     [Easter.] 

The  authority  which  this  council  obtained 
everywhere  gave  rise  to  continual  tamperings  with 
its  decrees,  or  with  its  history  from  interested 
motives.  Nine-tenths  of  such  tamperings,  at 
least,  have  been  in  the  Latin  interest;  and  if 
their  origin  cannot  be  brought  home  positively 
to  the  popes  themselves,  it  cannot  be  denied  that 
they  have  been  foremost  in  using  them.  The 
interpolation  of  the  sixth  canon,  as  has  been 
said,  began  with  the  legates  of  the  first  Leo. 
He  himself  originated  another  gloss  upon  it — 
viz.  that  it  decided  that  of  the  three  sees  men- 
tioned in  it  Rome  had  the  first  place,  Alexandria 
the  second,  and  Antioch  the  third.  The  Sardican 
canons  were  first  cited  as  Nicene  by  popes 
Zosimus,  Innocent,  and  the  same  Leo.  The  pre- 
face to  the  Nicene  council  in  the  Pseudo-Isidorian 
collection  was  penned  in  their  interest.  The 
seventy-first  of  the  Arabian  canons,  according 
to  one  version  of  them  (Mansi,  ii.  1005),  was 
framed  in  their  interest.  Pope  Silvester,  of 
course,  learnt  from  his  presbyters  all  to  which 
his  assent  had  been  given  through  them,  and  re- 
ceived from  them  a  copy  of  the  synodical  letter 
addressed  to  the  church  of  Alexandria,  for  whose 
special  benefit  the  council  had  met.  But  the 
council  addressed  no  letter  to  him,  nor  received 
any  letter  from  him  in  particular.  Later  ages 
invented  three  such  letters,  in  which  his  confir- 
mation of  the  acts  of  the  council  is  asked  and 
imparted,  and  they  are  still  extant  {ih.  719-22). 
As  if  this  was  not  enough,  a  third  Roman  synod, 
in  addition  to  a  first  and  second,  of  still  more 
ambitious  purpose  (ib.  551  and  615-32)  was 
feigned  to  have  been  held,  in  which  he  anathe- 
matised all  who  dared  to  contravene  the  Nicene 
definition  (ib.  1081).  Pope  Adrian  I.  is  the  first 
who  quotes  or  refers  to  these  documents.  One 
more  point  may  be  mentioned,  in  conclusion,  as 
having  an  interest  for  English  readers — viz.  that 
probably  the  earliest  JIS.  of  its  kind  extant 
("  cui  nullum  aliud  simile  invenire  uspiam 
licuit,"  say  the  Ballerini  themselves  of  it)  is  one 
preserved  in  the  Bodleian  archives  (Justellus, 
100-2),  being  a  fine  and  nearly  complete  trans- 
cript of  the  old  Latin,  or  pre-Dionysian,  version 
of  the  Nicene  and  other  canons,  in  three  parts. 
It  may  be  seen  printed,  but  unfaithfully  printed, 
in  the  Bibl.  Jur.  Can.  Vet.  i.  277  sq.,  by  Voel 
and  H.  Justellus,  or  reprinted  by  the  Ballerini, 
in  their  edition  of  St.  Leo,  iii.  478-563. 

That  this  version  was  the  '  Prisca  translatio,' 
which,  Dionysius  Exiguus  tells  us,  he  had  been 
asked  to  improve  upon,  is  clear  enough  from 
internal  evidence  ;  and  has  long  been  accepted  as 
such  by  the  learned.  But,  according  to  Dr. 
Maassen  (^Can.  Recht,  §  8-11)  this  was  by  no 
means  the  earliest  version  of  the  Nicene  decrees 
then  extant  in  Latin :  as  he  assumes  there  were 
Latin  translations  of  them  sent  by  St.  Cyril  of 
Alexandria  and  Atticus  of  Constantinople  re- 
spectively to  the  African  bishops  in  the  5th 
century,  when  appeals  were  being  argued  between 
them  and  Rome,  and  that  even  a  contemporary 
translation  of  them  was  brought  home  by 
Cfficilian,  bishop  of  Carthage,  from  the  Nicene 
council.  It  is  true  that  we  have  Latin  versions 
of  them  given  in  the  Isidorian  collection,  and 
several  MSS.  of  uncertain  date,  which  are  so 
headed :  but  even  so,  the  statements  made  re- 


1394      NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

specting  them  are  vague  and  conflicting  :  and  it 
might  be  shewn  on  similar  evidence,  that  a 
Latin  translation  of  these  canons  was  supplied 
by  the  Nicene  Fathers  to  Pope  Silvester  himself. 
Again,  how  comes  it,  if  so  many  cut  and  dried 
versions  of  the  Nicene  canons  were  thus  early 
made,  that  not  one  is  ever  cited  at  length,  either 
in  these  versions  or  any  other,  by  members  of 
the  African  or  of  the  Roman  Church,  or  by  any 
Western  synod,  in  pre-Dionysian  times  :  to  say 
nothing  of  these  versions  being  unknown  to 
Dionysius  himself,  by  whom  the  African  code 
was  first  brought  into  notice  ?  The  fact  is, 
Dionysius  is  an  inconvenient  authority  for 
modern  theories  respecting  the  Sardican  canons, 
which  the  Popes  endeavoured  to  pass  as  Nicene, 
till  the  appearance  of  his  collection,  as  will  be 
shewn  further  on.  [Sardica,  Council  of  ; 
comp.  DiCT.  Christ.  Bigg.  art.  'Dionysius 
Exiguus.']  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

NICAEA  (2)  the  2nd  council  of,  the  7th  and 
last  general ;  being  the  last  to  be  received  as 
such  finally  by  the  West,.'rn  churches  in  com- 
munion with  Rome,  and  the  Eastern  churches  in 
communion  with  Constantinople ;  as  well  as  the 
only  general  council  which  has  at  times  been 
condemned  by  both,  exclusive  of  Rome.  (Palmer, 
On  the  Church,  iv.  10.  4.)  Met  in  the  8th  year 
of  the  empress  Irene  and  her  son  Constantine, 
A.D.  787.  It  contrasts  with  the  first  council 
in  that  its  acts  are  extant  and  fill  a  volume,  to 
say  nothing  of  their  Jbavi;;ir  been  translated  by 
Anastasius,  the  Roman  librarian,  and  dedicated 
by  him  in  a  preface  of  singular  interest  to  pope 
John  VIII. ;  while  those  of  the  first  were  not 
even  committed  to  writing. 

To  understand  its  decrees,  some  previous  phases 
of  the  contest  about  images  must  be  recalled. 
The  emperor  Leo  III.,  surnamed  the  Isaurian, 
had  taken  a  violent  part  against  images  and 
their  defenders,  which  had  been  bitterly  re- 
sented in  his  own  capital,  and  still  more  by  pope 
Gregory  II.,  who  challenged  him  in  two  fiery 
letters  to  attempt  similar  measures  in  Italy. 
The  emperor  replied  by  confiscating  all  the 
papal  domains  in  Ajjulia,  Calabria,  and  Sicily. 
His  son  and  grandson  following  in  his  steps 
retained  them.  But  his  great-grandson  was  a 
minor,  in  dependence  upon  his  mother,  and  she, 
yielding  to  the  instances  of  the  retiring  patri- 
arch Paul,  and  of  the  new  patriarch  Tarasius, 
took  steps  for  reversing  all  that  had  been  decreed 
against  images  in  a  council  held  under  his  grand- 
father Constantine,  surnamed  Copronymus,  A.D. 
754,  and  which  then  passed  for  the  7th  council. 
She  wrote,  therefore,  to  pope  Adrian  I.  in 
their  joint  names  a.d.  784,  inviting  him  to  a 
council  which  she  proposed  assembling  at  Con- 
stantinople for  that  purpose ;  but  her  letter 
veinained  unanswered  for  two  years.  At  length, 
A.D.  786,  two  presbyters  arrived  from  Rome  to 
be  present  at  it  on  behalf  of  the  pope.  Even  then, 
tlie  council  had  no  sooner  met  than  it  had  to  be 
closed  on  account  of  the  disturbances  to  which 
it  gave  rise.  The  year  fallowing  it  was  trans- 
ferred to  Nicaea,  where  its  proceedings  occupied 
no  more  than  a  month,  as  has  been  said. 
According  to  the  lists  given  in  Mansi,  260 
bishops  or  their  representatives  attended  its 
first  action  or  session,  and  310  subscribed  to 
what  was   defined   at    its  7th    and   last.      The 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

first  place  was  assigned  to  the  legates  of  the 
pope,  though  presbyters.  Tarasius,  who  had 
just  been  appointed  patriarch,  while  yet  a 
layman,  by  the  civil  power,  sat  second,  and  was 
the  chief  speaker  throughout.  Two  presbyters, 
representing  the  patriarchs  of  Antioch  and 
Alexandria,  who  were  kept  away  by  the 
Saracens,  sat  next.  The  see  of  Jerusalem, 
being  vacant,  was  not  represented.  The  rest,. 
with  very  few  exceptions — and  none  farther 
west  than  Italy — came  from  the  east.  At  the 
request  of  the  bishops  of  Sicily,  Tarasius  opened 
proceedings  in  a  short  speech.  The  imperial 
letter,  or  Sacra,  was  then  read,  in  which  re- 
ference was  made  to  his  consecration,  to  the 
petition  that  had  been  made  by  him  for  a 
council,  and  to  the  steps  which  had  been  taken 
for  assembling  this.  Lastly,  several  bishops 
who  had  attended  the  iconoclastic  council  under 
Copronymus,  or  been  consecrated  by  those  that 
had,  on  confessing  their  errors,  and  professing 
the  faith  of  the  six  previous  councils,  were 
received. 

At  the  second  action,  two  letters  from  pope 
Adrian  were  read  ;  one  to  the  empress  and  her 
son,  the  other  to  Tarasius.  The  first  begins 
with  a  faltering  reference  to  the  exaltation  of 
the  Roman  see  by  the  first  emperor  Constantine 
and  his  mother,  together  with  his  recovery  from 
leprosy  through  pope  Silvester,  whose  acts  are 
then  quoted  in  favour  of  images,  supplemented 
by  other  authorities.  Afterwards,  if  Anastasius, 
or  rather  the  anonymous  somebody  who  pro- 
fesses to  record  his  words,  is  to  be  trusted,  the 
pope  commented  on  the  consecration  of  Tarasius, 
and  on  his  being  styled  oecumenical  patriarch  in 
passages  which  the  Greeks  suppressed,  and  con- 
cluded by  protesting  against  the  detention  of  his 
rights  and  patrimony,  contrasting  with  it  all  the 
provinces  and  cities  and  provinces  which  he  had 
just  received  in  perpetuity  from  Charlemagne, 
besides  what  he  had  regained  through  him  from 
the  Lombards.  But  all  this  is  suspicious,  being 
only  preserved  in  a  Latin  version,  and  in  any 
case  should  be  compared  with  a  letter  written 
to  Charlemagne  by  the  same  pope  nine  years 
before  (Cod.  Carol.  Ep.  Ix.),  for  the  marked 
abstention  from  any  reference  to  the  contents  of 
the  papal  archives  in  one,  and  the  palmary 
reference  to  the  donation  of  Constantine  pre- 
served there  in  the  other.  Even  if  genuine,  the 
Greeks  might  well  have  suppressed  this  passage, 
no  general  council  having  ever  been  asked 
before  to  occupy  itself  with  such  subjects.  The 
letter  to  Tarasius  is  said  to  have  been  similarly 
mutilated  ;  but  in  this  case  the  Latin  version 
contains  nothing  of  any  sort  which  is  not  found 
in  the  Greek.  The  pope  merely  speaks  in  it  of 
the  synodical  epistle  received  from  Tarasius 
announcing  his  election  and  containing  his  pro- 
fession. As  this  last  was  in  entire  harmony 
with  the  faith  of  the  six  previous  councils,  and 
had  taken  the  right  view  of  images,  he  would 
not  insist  on  the  twofold  blots  of  his  election — 
at  least,  if  the  patriarch  will  engage  to  do  three 
things :  (1)  to  get  the  pseudo-synod  against 
images  condemned  ;  (2)  to  seek  union  with  the 
Roman  see  to  that  extent  as  to  make  profession 
of  his  devotion  to  it  as  head  of  all  the  churches 
of  God  ;  (3)  to  get  images  restored  by  an  imperial 
edict  to  their  accustomed  places  in  all  the 
churches   of  the   capital    and   throughout    the 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

East,  conformably  with  the  tradition  of  the 
Roman  church.  Both  letters  were  accepted 
enthusiastically  by  the  council,  and  the  bishops, 
in  subscribing  to  them,  declared  them  a  standard 
of  orthodoxy  for  what  they  contained. 

In  the  third  action,  Gregory,  bishop  of  Neo- 
Caesarea,  recanted  his  former  opinions,  and  was 
received.  Then  a  copy  of  the  synodical  letter 
sent  by  Tarasius  to  his  brother  patriarchs  having 
been  read  out,  it  was  pronounced  identical  with 
what  had  been  sent  to  the  pope,  whose  answer 
to  it  they  had  just  heard  and  accepted  accord- 
ingly. Two  points  in  it  deserve  some  notice — 
1.  It  asserted  procession  of  the  Holy  Ghost  from 
the  Father,  through  or  by  the  Son.  2.  It 
anathematised  pope  Honorius  with  other  mono- 
thelite  leaders  by  name,  and  their  dogmas,  as 
well  as  their  followers.  The  reply  to  this  letter 
from  the  patriarchs  of  Antioch  and  Alexandria, 
and  with  it  the  synodical  letter  they  had  them- 
selves received  from  the  late  patriarch  of  Jeru- 
talem,  on  his  election,  followed.  In  the  latter  of 
these  the  Holy  Ghost  is  said  to  proceed  eternally 
from  the  Father :  the  teaching  of  the  six  previous 
councils  is  epitomised  and  professed :  while  pope 
Honorius  is  distinctly  said  to  have  been  anathe- 
matised by  the  sixth.  Both  letters  were  declared 
in  accordance  with  the  profession  of  Tarasius, 
and  subscribed  to  by  all. 

With  the  fourth  action  commenced  the  real 
work  of  the  council.  Passages  from  the  Old  and 
Hew  Testament  were  read  out  favourable  to 
visible  representations  of  things  absent  or  un- 
seen. Passages  from  the  fathers,  mentioning 
images  or  pictures  with  approval  followed. 
Several  of  these  passages,  indeed,  were  drawn 
from  works  of  no  credit ;  some  from  confessedly 
spurious  works,  as  Cave  points  out  (i.  650) 
forcibly.  Still,  the  eighty  -  second  TruUan 
canon,  which  they  considered  oecumenical,  alone 
covers  their  decision  in  principle  ;  and  this  again 
Jiad  been  acted  upon  in  the  preceding  century, 
when  a  picture  of  our  Lord  was  borne  before  the 
apostle  of  England,  as  he  entered  Canterbury. 
Art,  in  general,  might  have  been  lost  to  the 
church  had  they  decided  otherwise.  Finally, 
where  they  state  their  inferences  (Mansi,  xiii.  131) 
and  say  that  they  "  honour  such  representations 
of  holy  persons  and  holy  things,  as  leading  to  the 
perpetual  remembrance  of  their  prototypes," 
they  assert  nothing  irrational ;  and  even  when 
■they  add,  "  as  likewise  making  us  sharers  of 
their  holiness,"  they  may  mean  no  more  than  "  as 
■exciting  people  to  endeavour  to  be  as  good  as 
they  were." 

The  fifth  action  was  occupied  with  details  in 
the  proceedings  of  the  council  against  images 
under  Copronymus,  a.D.  754.  First,  the  worthless- 
ness  of  its  authorities  was  exposed,  and  counter- 
authorities  cited  in  condemnation  of  them. 
Next,  volumes  from  which  passages  in  favour  of 
images  had  been  torn  out  were  displayed.  Lastly, 
the  reaction  against  images  was  traced  back  to 
the  Saracens.  At  the  6th  action,  the  refutation 
of  the  same  council  assumed  a  more  formal 
shape.  It  was  subdivided  into  six  tomes  or 
parts  so  arranged  that  in  each  of  them  Gregory, 
bishop  of  Neo-Caesarea,  one  of  the  recanting 
prelates,  reads  out  portions  of  the  acts  of  the 
pseudo-synod,  and  one  of  the  deacons  of  the 
church  of  Constantinople  their  refutation. 

The    council    met   for   its   seventh   action  on 

CHRIST.   ANT.— VOL.   U. 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF      1395 

Oct.  13,  when  Theodore,  bishop  of  Taormina  in 
Sicily,  read  out  its  definition.  This,  after  a  short 
preface,  commenced  with  the  creed,  in  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan  form  only,  and  without  the  canon 
enforcing  its  exclusive  use,  which  we  find  ap- 
pended to  it  at  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth  coun- 
cils. Long  afterwards  it  was  pretended  on  the 
Latin  side  that  the  insertion  of  the  '' Filioque" 
was  decreed  at  this  council ;  the  very  thing  it 
was  blamed  by  the  council  of  Frankfort  for 
not  having  done.  Next,  it  anathematised  all 
the  heretics  by  name,  whom  the  six  previous 
councils  had  condemned,  including  pope  Honorius. 
Next,  it  declared  for  preserving  all  ecclesiastical 
traditions  intact,  one  of  w^hich  was  the  employ- 
ment of  symbolical  representations.  And  there- 
upon it  decreed,  lastly,  that  images  of  our  Lord, 
His  mother  and  His  saints,  in  colours,  mosaic, 
or  other  material,  might,  like  the  cross,  be 
freely  placed  on  church  walls  and  in  tablets ;  on 
vessels  and  vestments  used  at  divine  service ;  in 
private  houses  or  by  the  roadside,  and  have 
candles  or  incense  burnt,  according  to  custom 
before  them,  and  be  kissed  and  saluted  with  all 
reverence,  saving  only  the  worship  (latria) 
which  is  due  to  God  alone,  deposing  all  bishops 
and  clergy,  and  excommunicating  all  monks  and 
laymen  who  maintained  the  contrary.    [Images.] 

This,  followed  by  corresponding  acclamations 
and  anathemas,  a  joint  letter  to  the  empress  and 
her  son  from  Tarasius  and  the  assembled  bishops, 
and  a  synodical  letter  to  the  faithful,  terminated 
the  more  formal  work  of  the  council.  Its  mem- 
bers met  for  a  supplemental  or  eighth  session  at 
the  palace  called  Magnaura  in  the  capital,  Oct. 
23,  when  the  definition  was  again  read  out,  this 
time  in  the  hearing  of  the  empress  and  her  son, 
who  were  present,  and  t-sventy-two  canons  passed. 
Of  these  the  first  insists  on  the  observance  of 
the  canons  by  all,  but  seems  to  point  rather  to 
dogma  than  discipline.  If  it  is  held  to  confirm 
all  the  canons  of  the  six  previous  councils,  it 
must,  of  course,  be  understood  to  confirm  the 
TruUan  or  Quini-sext  canons.  The  second  or- 
dains that  no  bishop  shall  be  consecrated  who 
has  not  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  Psalter, 
the  canons,  and  Holy  Scripture  in  general.  The 
third  declares  all  appointments  of  bishops  by 
the  civil  power  void,  as  being  contrary  to  the 
canons.  Thus  Tarasius  efl'ectually  barred  his 
own  case  from  becoming  a  precedent.  The  fourth 
and  fifth  are  strong  against  simony.  The  sixth 
renews  the  rule  that  a  provincial  synod  shall  be 
held  at  least  once  a  year.  The  seventh  ordains 
that  any  bishop  consecrating  a  church  in  future 
without  relics  of  the  saints  shall  be  deposed.  The 
eighth  decrees  against  receiving  any  Jews  who 
are  not  sincere  converts.  The  ninth  orders  that 
all  books  against  images  should  be  brought  to 
the  residence  of  the  patriarch  at  Constantinople, 
and  there  stowed  away  with  all  other  heretical 
works.  Any  bishop,  priest,  or  deacon  concealing 
such  books  is  to  be  deposed,  and  any  monk  or 
layman  anathematised.  The  remaining  thirteen, 
being  of  less  consequence,  may  be  passed  over. 

Anastasius  is  allowed  to  have  translated  these 
canons,  •s\'hether  he  translated  the  proceedings  of 
the  eighth  session  or  not,  which  some  deny.  The 
Latin  version,  which  used  to  be  thought  anterior 
to  his,  omits  them  certainly.  But  if  the  titles 
given  at  the  end  of  his  preface  are  his,  it  is 
plain  that  he  looked  upon  the  eighth  session  as 
4  X 


1396 


NICANDER 


one  with  the  seventh,  and  such  is,  apparently, 
the  view  which  Theophanes,  who  was  present, 
takes  of  it  in  his  Chronographia.  The  other 
pieces  in  connection  with  it,  also  given  in  Latin 
and  Greek,  are :  1.  A  complimentary  speech 
addressed  to  the  council  by  Epiphanius,  deacon 
of  the  church  of  Catana,  in  Sicily.  2.  A  letter 
from  Tarasius  to  pope  Adrian,  tersely  describing 
the  council,  which  "  by  placing  a  copy  of  the 
Gospels  in  its  midst,  constituted  Christ  its  head, 
and  by  causing  the  letters  of  the  pope  to  be  read 
first  in  order,  constituted  him  its  eye."  3.  A 
second,  and  still  more  remarkable  letter  from 
the  same  to  the  same,  bristles  with  denunciations 
from  Scripture,  the  canons,  and  the  fathers, 
against  simony,  thus  not  merely  throwing  light 
upon  the  fourth  and  fifth  canons  passed  at  this 
council,  but  suggesting  that  they  may  have  been 
as  much  needed  just  now  for  the  West  as  the 
East.  4.  A  letter  from  the  same  to  an  anchoret 
dignitary,  named  John,  announcing  and  expound- 
ing to  him  the  decrees  of  the  Council.  The  latter 
standing  last  in  Mansi,  which  purports  to  have 
been  addressed  to  the  church  of  Alexandria  by 
this  council,  was  probably  written  to  bring  about 
its  commemoration  in  a  later  age.  It  now  stands 
for  commemoration  in  the  Greek  Menology  on 
Oct.  12,  and  is  there  said  to  have  been  attended 
by  367  fathers.  For  the  letter  written  in  defence 
of  it  by  pope  Adrian  to  Charlemagne,  which 
Mansi  prints  last  but  one,  see  'Council  of 
Frankfort.'  (Mansi,  xii.  951  ad.  f.  and  xiii.  1-820  ; 
Beveridge,  Synod  II.  165-9  ;  Hefele,  III.  410-57.) 
[E.  S.  Ff.] 
NICANDER  (1)  Martyr  in  Egypt  under 
Diocletian;  commemoratedMar.l5(Basil. i(f(?no?. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mart.  ii.  392).  The  Menology 
assigns  to  the  same  day  the  martyrdom  of 
another  Nicander,  "  sanctus  apostolus." 

(2)  Martj'r,  commemorated  in  Africa  June  5 
(^Hieron.  Mart.) ;  Usuard  gives  the  name  on  the 
same  day  with  Marcianus  and  Apollonius,  in 
Egypt ;  and  Hieron.  Mart,  calls  him  in  the  same 
connexion  Nigrandus,  Basil  {Menol.)  mentions 
Nicander  with  Martianus  on  this  day. 

(3)  Martyr,  with  Quiriacus,  Blastus,  and  others, 
commemorated  at  Rome  June  17 {Hieron. Mart.); 
assigned  to  this  day  with  Martianus  in  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jun.  iii.  266. 

(4)  Bishop  of  Myra;  commemorated  Not.  4 
{C'al.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  273). 

(5)  Martyr,  with  Hiero,  Hesychius,  and  others ; 
commemorated  Nov.  7  (Basil.  Menol).     [C.  H.] 

NICANOR  (1)  one  of  the  seven  deacons 
(Acts  vi.),  martyr  at  Cyprus  ;  commemorated 
Jan.  1 0.  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  601). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Martiana  and  Apollonius 
[cf.  Nicander  (2)] ;  commemorated  in  Egypt 
Ap.  5  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart.);  July  28  {Cal.  Byzant.;  Basil.  Menol; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  264).  [C.  H.] 

NICASIUS,  bishop,  martyr,  with  his  virgin 
sister  Eutropia  at  Rheims ;  commemorated 
Dec.  14  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Surius,  de  Frob.  Sanct. 
Hist.  t.  iv.  Dec.  14,  p.  264,  ed.  Colon.  1618). 

[C.  H.] 

NICE,  martyr,  A.D.  303 ;  commemorated  by 
the  Greeks  Ap.  25.  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii. 
361.)  [C.  H.] 


NICETIUS 

NICE  (NiKTj),  a  town  so  called  in  Thrace  not 
far  from  Adrianople,  where  the  Arians  held  a 
council,  A.D.  359,  Oct.  10,  on  their  way  home 
from  Rimini,  to  publish  the  creed  brought 
thither  by  Valens,  in  order  that  from  the  name 
which  it  would  thus  get  it  might  be  confounded 
with  the  Nicene.  (Soc.  ii.  37.)  Instead  of  which 
it  was  condemned  in  the  West,  as  soon  as  known. 
It  betrayed  its  character  by  condemning  the  use 
of  the  word  '  Homoousios ' ;  besides  which  it 
contained  "  the  descent  into  hell,"  which  had 
not  as  yet  appeared  in  any  church  creed.  It  is 
extant  in  Theodoret  (//.  E.  ii.  21),  and  was  re- 
peated almost  word  for  word  at  Constantinople 
the  year  following  (Soc.  ii.  41.)  St.  Hilary 
(Fragm.  viii.)  gives  the  fullest  account  of  what 
took  place.  The  sentence  passed  on  Valens  and 
Ursacius  at  Rimini  was  rescinded  at  the  same 
time.     (Mansi,  iii.  309-314.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

NICEAS  (NiCETAs),  bishop  of  Romatiana  in 
Dacia  ;  depositio  June  22  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jun.  iv.  243).  [C.  H.] 

NICEFORUS.    [NiCEPHORUS.] 

NICENE  CREED.    [Creed.] 

NICEPHORUS  (1)  Martyr  with  Yictorinus 
and  five  others ;  commemorated  Jan.  31  (Basil. 
Menol.)  ;  Nicophorus,  Feb.  25  (  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.); 
NiCOFORUS,  Feb.  25  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Antioch,  under  Valerian  and 
Gallienus  ;  commemorated  Feb.  9  (Basil.  Menol. ; 
Cal.  Bi/zant. ;  Daniel,  Gjd.  Liturg.  iv.  253  ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  283). 

(3)  (NiCEFORUS)  Martyr,  commemorated  in 
Africa  March  3  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr,  commemorated  April  5  (Cal. 
Byzant.). 

(5)  Patriarch  of  Constantinople;  commemo- 
rated June  2  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(6)  Martyr  with  Antoninus,  Germanus,  and 
others ;  conimemorated  Nov.  13  (Basil.  Menol.). 

[C.  H.] 

NICETAS  (1)  a  bishop  in  Dacia  ;  commemo- 
rated Jan.  7  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  365). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Apollonias,  confessor  in  the 
Iconoclastic  period ;  commemorated  March  20 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mart.  iii.  165). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Romatiana.    [Niceas.] 

(4)  Martyr  with  Aquilina,  under  Decius  ;  com- 
memorated July  24  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  v.  492). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia,  under  Maximian  it 
is  said ;  commemorated  at  Venice  Sept.  12 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  iv.  6). 

(6)  A  Gothic  martyr  ;  commemorated  Sept.  15 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg. 
iv.  269  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  v.  38). 

(7)  "Our  father,"  related  to  the  empress 
Irene,  confessor ;  commemorated  Oct.  6  (Basil. 
Menol.).  [C.  H.] 

NICETIUS  (1)  ilartyr,  commemorated  at 
Nicomedia  Jan.  20  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Bishop  of  BesanQon  in  the  7th  century ; 
commemorated  Feb.  8  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  168). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Lyon,  a.d.  573  ;  commemorated 
April  2  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  BolL 
Acta  SS.  Ap.  i.  95). 

(4)  Bishop  of  Treves.     [NiCETUS.]      [C.  H.] 


NICETUS 

NICETUS  (1),  Bishop,  commemorated  at 
Vienne  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Rome,'  on  tlie 
Via  Portuensis,  July  29  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr,  commemorated  in  Italy  Aug.  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name  commemorated 
at  Alexandria  Sept.  10  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Treves,  Oct.  1 
Hieron.  Mart.)  ;  Nicetius  (Surius,  de  Prob.  SS. 
Hist.  t.  iv.  Oct.  i.  p.  2,  Colon.  1618  ;  Mabill. 
Acta  SS.  0.  S.  B.  saec.  i.  p.  184,  Venet.  1733). 

(6)  Martyr,  commemorated  Oct.  10  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NICIA  (1)  Virgin  martyr,  commemorated 
Ap.  28  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  May  23  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NICO  (1)  Bishop,  "  Holy  Martyr,"  with  199 
companions,  A.D.  250,  near  Tauromenium  ;  com- 
memorated Mar.  23  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  255;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Mart.  iii.  442). 

(2)  Martyr,  with  Neo  and  Heliodorus ;  com- 
memorated Sept.  28  (Basil.  MenoL).        [C.  H,] 

NICODEMUS,  Jewish  doctor  (St.  John  iii.)  ; 
inventio  at  Jerusalem  Aug.  3  (Usuard.  Mart.) ; 
Hieron.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NICODEMUS.  Guen^bault  names  a  dip- 
tych of  the  8th  or  9th  century,  published  by 
Paciaudi  {Antiquitates  Christianae,  p.  349  and 
plate),  in  which  Nicodemus  is  holding  a  small 
rase,  fifth  figure  on  the  second  leaf  of  the  dip- 
tych.     He  is  to  found  be    in  an  Entombment 


NIGASIUS 


1397 


Nicodemiu  at  the  Entombment.    (MSS.  Bib.  Nat.,  Paris.) 

from  a  9th  century  Greek  MS.,  given  by  Rohault 
de  Fleury  {L'Evawjile,  vol.  ii.  pi.  xci.  fig.  1) 
fi'om  Biblotheque  Nationale,  Nouvdle  MS.  510, 
where  he  is  pointed  out  by  name  (see  woodcut). 
The  writer  cannot  find  any  representation  within 
our  period  of  his  visit  to  our  Lord  by  night. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 

NICOFORUS  (1),  martyr  with  Victorinus, 
Victor  and  others;  commemorated  in  Egypt 
Feb.  25  (Usuard.  Mart.);  NicoPnORUS,  Feb.  24 
{Hieron.  Mart.).     [Nicephorus.] 


(2)  Martyr,  with  some  of  the  same  companions 
as  preceding,  and  perhaps  the  same  person  ;  com- 
memorated Feb.  28  {Hieron.  Mart.)  ;  Nicophorus 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  724). 

(3)  Martyr,  commemorated  March  1  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr,  commemorated  in  Egypt,  Ap.  27 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  '     [C.  H.] 

NICOLAS,  bishop  of  Myra.    [NicOLAUS.] 

NICOLAUS  (1)  Anchoret,  with  Tranusin 
Sardinia,  in  the  fourth  century  ;  commemorated 
June  21  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  iv.  84). 

(2)  Martyr,  with  Hieronymus  at  Brescia ; 
commemorated  July  6  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  ii. 
285). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Myra  in  the  time  of  Constantine  ; 
commemorated  Dec.  6  (Basil.  3fenoL ;  Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Surius,  de  Prob.  Sand.  Hist.  t.  iv.  Dec. 
p.  182,  ed.  Colon.  1618);  Nicolas,  "  wonder- 
woi-ker  "  {Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
276)  ;  same  name  and  title,  Dec.  7  {Cal.  Armen.); 
Nicolas,  Ap.  10  {Cal.  Ethiop.).  [C.  H.] 

NICOMEDES,  presbyter,  martyr;  natalis 
Sept.  15  (Usuard.  Mai-t. ;  Bed.  Mart.;  Vet. 
Pom.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  v.  5) ;  dedica- 
tion of  his  church  at  Rome,  June  1  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Bed.  3Iart. ;  Vet.  Pom.  Mart.)  ;  dedica- 
tion on  June  1  observed  in  Gregory's  Sacramen- 
tary,  his  name  being  in  the  collect  (Greg.  Mag. 
Lib.  Sacr.  104).  One  of  this  name  for  Sept.  15 
at  Tomi,  and  one  for  June  1  in  Africa,  mentioned 
in  Hicro7i.  Mart.  [C.  H.] 

NICOPHORUS  (1)  Feb.  24,  Feb.  28.    [Nico- 

FORUS.] 

(2)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  Mar.  6  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NICOPOLIS,  COUNCIL  OF,  a.d.  372,  at 
the  border-town,  so-called,  of  Armenia  Minor 
and  Cappadocia.  The  bishop,  Theodotus  of 
Nicopolis,  had  invited  St.  Basil  to  be  present, 
but  when  he  came,  owing  to  his  having  ad- 
mitted Eustathius  of  Sebaste  to  communion,  in 
his  way  thither,  on  terms  unsatisfactory  to 
Theodotus,  he  was  not  admitted,  to  his  great 
annoyance.  {Ep.  99  ;  comp.  Mansi,  note,  iii. 
476.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

NICOPOLITIANUS,  martyr  with  Styracius 
and  Tobilas  ;  commemorated  Nov.  2  (Basil. 
Menol).  [C.  H.] 

NICOSTRATUS  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemo- 
rated at  Nicomedia,  Mar.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  with  Claudius,  Castorius,  and 
others  ;  commemorated  at  Rome  July  7  and 
Nov.  8  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet  Rom.  Mart. :  Bed. 
Mart.) ;  Nov.  8  (Surius,  de  Prob.  Sanct.  Hist.  t. 
iv.  Nov.  p.  212,  ed.  Colon.  1618).  [C.  H.] 

NIDD,  COUNCIL  OF,  a.d.  705 :  held  on 
the  banks  of  the  Nidd,  in  Korthumbria,  by  order 
of  pope  John  VI.,  in  the  reign  of  Osred,  at  which 
Brihtwald,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  was  present, 
and  the  matter  of  Wilfrid,  bishopof  York,  final  ly 
settled  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils,  &c.  iii. 
264-267,  and  Mansi,  xii.  167-174).    [E.  S.  Ff.] 

NIGASIUS,  presbyter,  martyr,  in  the  Vexin, 
probablv  cir.  a.d.  286,  with  Quirinus  and  Pien- 
4X2 


1398 


NIGEANDUS 


tia;    commemorated   Oct.    11  (Usuard.  Mart.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  v.  510).  [C.  H.] 

NIGRANDUS.     [Nicander,  June  5.] 

NILAMMON,  Egyptian  recluse  in  fifth  cen- 
tury ;  commemorated  Jan.  6  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  i.  326).  [C.  H.] 

NILUS  (1)  Martyr,  with  Peleus  and  Helias ; 
commemorated  Sept.  19  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.) ;  named  in  Hieron. 
Mart,  on  this  day  with  Capileus  and  others. 

(2)  "Our  father;"  commemorated  Nov.  12 
(^Cal.  Byzant.).  [C.  H.] 

NIMBUS  (in  Christian  Art),  a  disc  or  plate, 
commonly  golden,  sometimes  red,  blue,  or  green, 
or  banded  like  a  rainbow,  placed  vertically 
behind  the  heads  of  persons  of  special  dignity 
or  sanctity  as  a  symbol  of  honour.  This  disc 
is  sometimes  reduced  to  a  mere  ring,  single  or 
double,  showing  the  background  through.  It 
is,  as  a  rule,  perfectly  plain,  except  in  the  case 
of  our  Saviour,  whose  nimbus  is  commonly  dis- 
tinguished by  a  cross.  The  cross  is  sometimes, 
but  rarely,  depicted  immediately  above  the 
Sacred  Head,  either  just  without  or  just  within 
the  circumference  of  the  disc  (as  in  the  mosaics 
of  the  arch  of  the  tribune  at  St.  Maria  Mag- 
giore),  but  it  is  almost  universally  inscribed 
within  the  circle.  After  the  eighth  century 
living  persons  were,  in  Italy,  distinguished  by 
a  square  nimbus,  which  sometimes  assumed  the 
form  of  a  scroll,  partly  unrolled. 

The  nimbus  is  undoubtedly  of  ethnic  origin. 
It  is  the  visible  expression  in  art  of  the  luminous 
nebula  supposed  to  emanate  from  and  to  clothe 
a  Divine  Being.  It  originally  invested  the  whole 
body.  Thus  Virgil  describes  Juno  as  "  nimbo 
succincta"  (Aen.  x.  634).  By  degrees,  however,  it 
was  restricted  to  the  head,  which  was  naturally 
regarded  as  the  chief  seat  of  this  divine  radiance. 
The  heads  of  the  statues  of  the  gods  (Lucian,  de 
Dea  Syr.  675;  Timon,  c.  51,  154),  and  of  the 
emperors,  after  they  began  to  claim  divine 
honours,  were  decorated  with  a  crown  of  rays, 
or  brilliant  circlet.  Servius  (ad  Aen.  ii. 
615)  defines  the  nimbus  with  which  Pallas 
was  distinguished  at  the  destruction  of  Troy, 
as  "fulgidum  lumen,  quo  deorum  capita 
cinguntur:  sic  enim  pingi  solent ; "  and  again 
(ibid.  iii.  587),  "  proprie  nimbus  est  qui  deorum 
vel  imperantium  capita  quasi  clara  nebula 
ambire  fingitur."  We  also  find  in  the  '  Panegy- 
ricus  Maximiani,'  which  passes  under  the  name 
of  Mamertinus,  "  lux  divinum  verticem  claro 
orbe  complectens,"  associated  with  the  trabeae 
and  the  fasces  and  the  curule  chair  as  symbols  of 
imperial  dignity.  From  the  resemblance  of  the 
nimbus  as  commonly  depicted  to  a  circular  plate 
of  metal,  it  has  been  derived  by  some  from  the 
fj.7]vi<TKos  of  the  Greeks,  a  metal  disk  placed  above 
the  heads  of  statues  to  prevent  birds  from  set- 
tling on  them,  and  polluting  them  (cf.  interpr. 
ad  Aristoph.  Arcs,  v.  1114);  but  though  similar 
in  form  and  position  the  connection  is  probably 
only  apparent,  not  real  (Ciampini  Vet.  Mon. 
i.  112).  Buonarruoti  (Osservaz.  p.  60)  is  of 
opinion  that  the  nimbus  was  borrowed  from  the 
Egyptians,  which  is  also  the  view  of  Pignorius 
(Ciampini,  u.s.  i.  112).  Others  hold  that  it  was 
of  Etruscan  origin,  and  others  again  derive  it 


NIMBUS 

from  India,  where  it  was  certainly  used  to 
encircle  the  deities  of  the  Hindu  mythology 
(Didrorf,  Iconogr.  Chret.  pp.  43,  136);  but  from 
whatever  quarter  it  was  derived,  the  nimbus 
was  regarded  in  the  early  ages  of  Christianity  as 
a  mere  symbol  of  honour  and  dignity,  and  was 
not  at  all  associated  with  divinity  or  special 
sanctity.  In  the  East  especially  it  was  considered 
as  an  attribute  of  mere  power,  whether  good  or 
evil,  and  was  used  much  more  prodigally  than 
in  the  West.  Thus  we  find  it  assigned  in 
Byzantine  art  to  Satan  (Didron,  p.  163,  fig. 
46),  and  to  the  beast  in  the  Apocalypse  (ib. 
p.  165,  fig.  47).  In  the  West  it  may  be  seen 
encircling  the  bust  of  the  emperor  Claudius 
(Monttaucon,  Antiquite  explujn^e,  v.  162) ;  the 
head  of  Trajan,  and  several  medallions  on  the 
arch  of  Constantine,  and  of  Antoninus  Pius  on 
the  reverse  of  one  of  his  medals  (Oisell.  Thes. 
Kumism.  tab.  Ixvii.  1).  Herod  is  distinguished 
by  the  nimbus  in  the  mosaics  of  St.  Mary  Major's 
at  Rome,  as  are  Justinian  and  Theodora  in  those 
of  St.  Vitalis,  and  Constantine  Pogonatus,  Hera- 
clius  and  Tiberius  at  St.  Apollinaris  in  Classe, 
and  Justinian  at  St.  Apollinaris  in  Urbe,  at 
Ravenna;  and  Constantine  and  Charles  the 
Great  in  those  of  the  Lateran  Triclinium  (Agin- 
court,  Beinture,  xvi.  18).  On  medals  the  nimbus 
is  frequently  found  surrounding  the  heads  of 
the  Christian  emperors.  We  may  instance  Con- 
stantine the  Great  on  the. reverse  of  a  great 
bronze  of  Crispus  (Sauclemente,  Numm,  Select. 
iii.  p.  182,  fig.  1),  the  obverse  of  a  gold  coin  of 
Constantine  (Morelli,  Nov.  Spec.  tab.  vii.  No.  1) ; 
and  one  of  Fausta  (Ibid.  tab.  iv.  No.  4); 
Cavedoni,  Bicerche,  p.  53).  Constans,  Constantius 
and  the  later  emperors  are  similarly  distinguished. 
On  the  great  shield  of  Theodosius  he  and  his  two 
sons  have  the  nimbus.  (Buonarruoti,  Osservazioni, 
pp.  60  sq.).  A  silver  shield  discovered  in  the 
ancient  bed  of  the  Arve,  near  Geneva  in  1721, 
figured  by  Montfaucon  (Antiq.  Expliq.  xiv.  p. 
xxviii.  p.  51),  representing  Valentinian  making 
gifts  to  his  soldiers  after  a  victory,  shews  the 
emperor  with  his  head  surrounded  by  a  plain 
nimbus.  The  statues  of  the  Merovingian  kings 
which  formerly  decorated  the  chief  portal  of  the 
abbey  of  St.  Germain  des  Pres  at  Paris  are  also 
described  as  having  their  heads  surmounted  with 
this  symbol  of  royal  dignity  (Mabillon,  Annul. 
Ord.  Bened.  anu.  557,  tom.  i.  p.  169). 

In  illuminated  MSS.  after  the  sixth  century, 
the  secular  use  of  the  nimbus  is  very  frequent. 
It  does  not  appear  in  a  MS.  of  Genesis  of  the 
fourth  or  fifth  century,  in  the  Library  at  Vienna 
(Agincourt,  Beinture,  pL  xix.) ;  but  Priam  and 
Cassandra  have  it  in  the  Vatican  Virgil  (Ciam- 
pini, u.  s.  1,  tab.  XXX vi.  16,  17),  and  in  a  MS. 
of  the  book  of  Joshua  of  the  seventh  or  eighth 
century  from  the  same  collection  (No.  405), 
Joshua  himself,  as  well  as  the  cities  of  Jericho, 
Gibeon,  &c.,  represented  as  females,  is  thus 
decorated.  In  the  Alexandrine  MS.  and  in  a  MS. 
Bible  of  St.  Paul's  at  Rome,  of  the  8th  or  9th 
century  (Agincourt,  Beinture,  xxviii.-xxx.),  not 
only  sacred  and  quasi-sacred  personages,  e.g. 
Moses,  Joshua,  Eli,  Samuel,  Balaam,  &c.,  but  kings, 
such  as  Pharaoh  and  Ahab,  bear  it  (Buonarruoti, 
u.  s.  p.  62).  The  case  is  the  same  in  the  Menolo- 
gium  of  Basil  of  the  tenth  century,  where  the 
nimbus  is  given  without  distinction  to  the  saints, 
and  to  the  emperors,  to  Hei-od  and  other  poten- 


NIMBUS 

tates.  Medea  is  nimbed  on  a  patera  mentioned 
by  Muratori  (ii.  21),  and  Circe  in  a  fresco  at  Her- 
culaneum,  described  by  Didron  (p.  150).  The 
annexed  woodcut  of  a  nimbed  head  of  Mercury, 
from  a  fragment  of  a  bas-relief  given  by  Mont- 
faucon  (m.  s.  i.  part.  2,  pi.  ccxxiv.),  represent- 
ing the  twelve  signs  of  the  Zodiac,  and  the 
twelve  chief  deities,  the  last  all  depicted  with 
the  nimbus. 


NIMBUS 


1399 


Mercury  with  Circular  Nimbno.    (Didron.) 

Familiar  as  the  use  of  the  nimbus  was 
as  a  symbol  of  dignity  or  power,  especially  in 
the  East,  it  was  unknown  as  a  distinctive 
mark  of  divinity  or  sanctity  to  the  earlier 
ages  of  Christian  art.  As  Didron  remarks 
{Iconogr.  Chet.  p.  100),  "the  most  ancient 
monuments  in  France  and  Italy  present  divine 
and  sacred  personages  without  the  nimbus." 
The  first  five  centuries  offer  few,  if  any,  genuine 
examples.  Didron  indeed  asserts  {ib.  p.  101), 
that  "before  the  sixth  century  the  Christian 
nimbus  is  not  to  be  seen  on  authentic  monu- 
ments." It  is  of  the  extremest  rarity  on 
Christian  sarcophagi,  and  in  the  frescoes  of  the 
catacombs,  excepting  those  of  later  date,  and 
such  (unfortunately  a  numerous  class),  as  have 
been  subjected  to  modern  restoration.  As  there 
is  no  class  of  christian  monuments  which  have 
come  down  to  us  in  such  unaltered  state,  there 
is  none  whose  authority  is  so  weighty  as  the 
sarcophagi.  From  these  the  nimbus  is  almost 
universally  totally  absent.  There  is  not  a  single 
example  of  this  symbol  on  any  of  the  sarcophagi 
engraved  by  Bosio  and  Aringhi,  or  in  those  of  the 
Lateran  Museum.  Not  only  the  angels  and  holy 
personages,  but  Christ  Himself  is  devoid  of  it. 
It  is  equally  absent  from  the  sarcophagi  of  Aries, 
Saint  Maximin,  and  Marseilles.  At  Ravenna, 
however,  there  are  two  sarcophagi,  both  of  the 
seventh  century,  which  present  our  Lord  nimbed  ; 
that  of  the  exarch  Isaac  at  St.  Vitalis,  a.d.  644, 
representing  the  adoration  of  the  Magi  (Appell. 
Monuments  of  early  Christian  Art,  p.  27,  No.  9), 
and  one  in  the  basilica  of  St.  Apollinaris  in 
Classe,  on  which  we  see  a  youthful,  beardless 
figure  of  Christ  enthroned  between  the  apostles. 
He  has  a  plain  nimbus,  but  they  are  without 
any  (ibid.  p.  28,  No.  10). 

The  testimony  of  the  glass  vessels  discovered 
in  the  catacombs,  belonging  probably  to  the 
fourth  century,  is  equally  decisive  as  to  the  late 
introduction  of  the  nimbus.  There  are  a  few 
examples  in  Garrucci's  great  collection  in  which 
Christ  is  nimbed  (Vctri  Ornati,  tav.  viii.  7,  tav. 
svi.  5,  tav.  xvii.  G,  tav.  xxiii.  7),  but  in  the 
vast  majority  of  instances  He  is  destitute  of  it. 
Buonarruoti  gives  a  very  curious  g\!xss  (Osservaz. 
xvii.    1),  on  which   St.  Stephen  is  represented 


sitting  listening  to  the  teaching  of  Christ,  also 
seated,  neither  of  them  wearing  the  nimbus; 
but  between  them  is  a  small  figure  of  Christ  in 
the  act  of  benediction,  which  is  nimbed.  The 
reason  of  the  distinction  between  these  two 
figures  of  our  Lord  is  evidently  that  the  one  is 
intended  for  Christ  as  a  Teacher  on  earth,  the 
other  shews  Him  as  seen  by  St.  Stephen  in 
vision  from  heaven.  Other  saintly  personages 
are  still  less  frequently  thus  distinguished.  The 
apostles  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  are  constantly 
without  it  in  Garrucci's  collection,  and  only  once 
with  it  (tav.  xiv.  6),  where  the  character  of  the 
art  is  late.  Among  the  multitudinous  glasses  on 
which  female  figures  are  depicted,  that  inscribed 
"  Mara,"  which  may  perhaps  be  intended  for  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  has  it  (tav.  ix.  11),  and  St.  Agnes 
is  also  once  nimbed  (tav.  xxii.  3). 

Turning  to  another  department  of  Christian 
art,  the  nimbus  is  found  on  Christian  ivories 
of  the  sixth  and  subsequent  centuries.  Martigny 
refers  to  a  diptych  of  the  sixth  century,"  in 
the  treasury  of  the  cathedral  of  Milan,  on  which 
various  scenes  of  the  gospel  histoi-y  are  carved, 
our  Lord  always  wearing  the  nimbus.  The  same 
ornament  is  also  given  to  the  Holy  Lamb,  and  to 
the  evangelistic  symbols.  (Bugati,  Memorie  di 
San  Celso,  in  fin.) 

The  same  distinction  holds  good  in  the  cata- 
comb frescoes.  The  immense  majority  of  them 
do  not  exhibit  the  nimbus,  even  in  the  case 
of  our  Lord  and  His  apostles.  When  found,  the 
character  of  the  painting  points  to  a  date  sub- 
sequent to  the  fifth  century,  often  to  a  consider- 
ably later  period.  In  some  cases,  where  it  does 
appear,  it  is  certainly  due  to  the  modern  resto- 
rations by  which  the  value  of  the  evidence  of 
the  catacomb  pictures  has  been  so  seriously 
damaged.  To  instance  some  of  the  more  remark- 
able examples.  The  beautiful  youthful  head  of 
Christ  from  the  cemetery  of  St.  Caliistus  is 
destitute  of  the  nimbus  (Aringhi,  i.  561 ;  Jesus 
Christ,  Reprksentations  of,  p.  875).  The 
same  is  the  case  with  all  the  figures  in  the  fresco 
of  Christ  in  the  midst  of  His  apostles. with  the 
scrinium  before  them  (Aringhi,  529),  and  with  the 
famous  Virgin  and  Child  from  St.  Agnes  (ibid. 
ii.  208).  [See  Mary,  Virgin,  in  Art,  p.  1150.] 
To  discover  a  nimbed  figure  in  the  catacombs  we 
must  descend  to  a  comparatively  late  date.  It 
appears  abundantly  in  the  frescoes  assigned  to 
the  second  half  of  the  ninth  century  which 
decorate  the  baptistery  in  the  catacomb  of  St. 
Pontianus  and  the  adjacent  parts.  In  the  fresco 
of  the  Baptism  of  Christ  our  Lord,  the  Bap- 
tist and  the  attendant  angels  have  the  entire 
nimbus  (ibid.  i.  381 ;  Dove,  p.  576),  which  also 
encircles  the  heads  of  the  saints  Abdon  and  Sen- 
nen  and  their  companions  in  the  adjacent  fresco, 
where  Christ  has  the  cruciform  nimbus  (see 
Abdon  and  Sennen,  p.  8 ;  Aringhi,  i.  383,  385) 
The  fine  head  of  Christ  from  the  same  catacomb 
(ibid.  379)  is  distinguished  by  a  cruciform  nimbus 
formed  of  pearls.  A  late  fresco  from  St.  Agnes 
shews  us  Christ  seated  between  two  apostles 
(Perret,  tom.  ii.  pi.  4),  and  St.  Peter  between  St. 
Praxedes  and  St.  Pudentiana  (ib.  torn.  iii.  pi.  xii.), 
and  St.  Pudentiana  and  her  saints  (ib.  pi.  xiii.) 
are  similarly  nimbed.  Perret's  plates  present 
the  Blessed  Virgin  twice  with  the  nimbus  (ibid. 
tom.  iv.  pi.  xxi.  1,  17).  No  reliance  can  be 
placed   on   the  appearance  of  the   nimbus  sur- 


1400 


NIMBUS 


rounding  the  head  of  our  Lord  in  the  famous 
early  picture  preserved  in  the  Vatican  Library, 
or  in  that  in  the  Platonia  beneath  St.  Sebastian. 
They  are  iu  both  cases  modern  additions.  This 
unauthorised  tampering  with  early  monuments 
is  severely  condemned  by  Perret  (tom.  vi.  p.  32). 
Turning  to  the  mosaics  v/e  find  the  nimbus 
equally  rare  in  all  the  earlier  examples.  Where 
it  does  appear  in  works  before  the  sixth  cen- 
tury, it  may  usually  be  considered  an  un- 
authorised addition  ("  On  a  tant  retouche 
les  mosaiques,"  Didron,  p.  33,  note  2).  As 
a  token  of  sanctity  it  is  at  first  generally 
limited  to  our  Lord,  and,  somewhat  later,  to 
His  attendant  angels,  though  it  still  continues 
to  be  given  to  kings  as  a  mark  of  secular 
power.  Our  Lord  wears  the  cruciform  nimbus 
on  the  arch  of  St.  Sabina  in  Rome,  a.d.  424,  and 
on  that  of  St.  Paul,  A.D.  441,  where  the  nimbus 
is  surrounded  with  rays.  In  the  important 
mosaic  pictures  which  decorate  the  arch  of  the 
tribune  of  St.  Mary  Major's,  A.D.  440,  Christ  and 
the  attendant  angels,  and,  as  has  been  already 
remarked.  King  Herod,  are  the  only  figures  that 
wear  the  nimbus.  The  Virgin  Mary  is  always 
without  it.  In  the  Ravenna  baptistery,  a.d.  430, 
our  Lord  and  perhaps  the  Baptist  are  alone 
furnished  with  the  nimbus.  The  case  is  the 
same  in  the  mausoleum  of  Galla  Placidia, 
A.D.  450.  The  vaulted  ceilings  of  the  chapels 
of  the  Lateran  Baptistery,  A.D.  462,  exhibit  the 
Holy  Lamb  with  the  cruciform  nimbus. 

In  the  earliest  mosaic  pictures  of  the  next  cen- 
tury at  Rome,  those  of  the  church  of  St.  Cosmas 
and  St.  Damian,  the  only  heads  distinguished 
with  the  nimbus  are  those  of  Christ  and  the 
angels  and  the  Holy  Lamb.  The  church  of  St. 
Vitalis  at  Ravenna,  a.d.  547,  shews  the  gradual 
extension  of  the  employment  of  the  nimbus.  It 
is  given  not  merely  to  our  Lord  (Whose  nimbus 
is  cruciform)  and  the  angels,  but  also  to  St. 
Vitalis,  and  to  the  evangelists  and  prophets  on 
the  walls  of  the  sacrarium.  Melchizedek  as  a 
priest  wears  the  nimbus,  but  not  Abel  or 
Abraham.  The  nimb  surrounding  the  heads  of 
Justinian  and  Theodora  has  already  been  noticed 
(see  for  these  the  article  Crown,  vol.  i.  p.  306  b). 
In  the  Arian  baptistery  at  Ravenna,  where  the 
mosaics  are  a  close  copy  of  those  in  the 
orthodox  baptistery,  the  later  date  is  indicated 
by  the  nimbus  being  assigned  to  the  apostles, 
as  well  as  to  Christ.  In  St.  Apollinaris  in  Urbe, 
A.D.  566,  every  individual  of  the  long  procession 
of  male  and  female  saints  on  either  side  of  the 
nave  is  thus  distinguished.  From  this  time 
onwards  the  use  of  the  nimbus  for  holy  person- 
ages became  universal,  the  only  distinction  being 
that  the  nimbus  of  Christ  was  usually  cruciform, 
that  of  other  individuals  plain. 

The  result  of  our  examination  of  dated  exam- 
ples is  that,  as  Didron  has  laid  down,  the  nimbus, 
however  frequent  previously  as  a  token  of  dignity, 
does  not  appear  as  a  Christian  emblem  before 
the  sixth  century.  That  during  and  after  the 
sixth  century  the  nimbus  was  gradually  adopted 
as  a  mark  of  sanctity,  though  not  by  any 
invariable  law.  That  the  seventh  and  two  suc- 
ceeding centuries  witnessed  the  transition  from 
the  complete  absence  to  the  constant  presence  of 
the  nimbus,  the  same  monument  presenting 
personages  sometimes  with  and  sometimes  without 
it.     (Didron,  Iconogr.  Chr^t.  pp.  101-102.)     We 


NIMBUS 

see  also  that  (setting  aside  the  secular  use  of  the 
nimbus)  the  image  of  our  Lord  was  the  first  to 
be  thus  distinguished ;  that  those  of  the  angels 
attending  upon  Him  were  the  next  in  succession 
("  lumen  quod  circa  angelorum  capita  pingitur 
nimbus  vocatur,"  Isidor.  Hispal.  Orig.  lib.  xix. 
c.  31);  and  that  these  were  followed  by  the 
evangelists  and  their  symbolical  animals,  then 
by  the  apostles,  and  that  ultimately,  towards 
the  end  of  the  seventh  or  beginning  of  the 
eighth  century,  this  honour  was  extended  to 
all  saints.  No  superior  dignity  in  this  respect 
was  originally  accorded  to  the  Virgin  Mary, 
nor  does  any  definite  rule  seem  to  have  been 
followed.  She  is  not  marked  by  the  nimbus  in 
the  fifth-century  mosaics  at  St.  Mary  Major's, 
nor  commonly  in  the  representations  of  the 
adoration  of  the  Magi.  On  the  tomb  of  the  exarch 
Isaac  at  Ravenna,  a.d.  644,  she  is  unnimbed, 
while  the  Holy  Child  has  the  nimbus,  while  in 
the  mosaics  of  St.  Apollinaris  in  Urbe  of  the  pre- 
ceding century,  a.d.  566,  both  are  thus  dis- 
tinguished. In  the  mosaics  of  the  chapel  of  St. 
Venantius  at  the  Lateran,  a.d.  642,  the  Virgin 
as  well  as  the  sixteen  apostles  and  saintly  per 
sonages  who  stand  on  either  side  of  her  wear  the 
nimbus.  In  some  examples  of  Byzantine  Art, 
however,  the  growth  of  the  cultus  of  the  Virgin 
is  indicated  by  the  nimbus  being  assigned  to  her 
while  the  apostles  are  without  it.  As  ex- 
amples of  this  distinction  we  may  refer  to  the 
mosaic  representing  the  Ascension  on  the  cupola 
of  St.  Sophia  at  Salonica,  of  the  6th  century ; 
and  an  illumination  of  the  same  scene  from  the 
Zagba  MS.  of  the  Syrian  Gospels  in  the  Medicean 
Library  at  Florence,  of  which  a  cut  is  given, 
article    Angels,    I.    85.       In     early    examples 


(From  Murtlgny.) 


there  was  frequently  no  distinction  between  the 
nimbus  of  the  Saviour  and  that  of  the  angels  and 


No.  2.  Christ  with  Cracifurm  Nimbus ;  Cemetery  of  St  Pontianus. 

the  others  to  whom   it  was  assigned.      In  each 
case  it  was  a  simple  disk,  or  a  ring  surrounding 


NIMBUS 

the  head,  allowing  the  gi-ound  to  be  seen  through. 
Subsequently  the  Saviour  was  always  dis- 
tinguished by  a  cruciform  nimbus,  the  field  of 
the  disk  being  divided  into  four  quadrants  by 
a  cross,  the  sides  of  which  are  often  concave. 
This  cross,  as  well  as  the  circumference  of  the 
disk,  is  not  unfrequently  formed  of  round  beads 
or  pearls,  as  in  the  annexed  example  from  the 
catacomb  of  St.  Pontianus.  A  further  develop- 
ment was  the  inserting  the  letters  A  and  n  on 
the  disk,  with  the  addition  sometimes  of  the 
Christian  monogram.    We  give  an  example  from 


NIMBUS 


1401 


No.  S.    (From  Martigny. 

the  fifth-century  mosaics  of  the  chapel  of  St. 
Aquilinus,  at  Milan  (No.  3).  A  later  Greek 
development  inscribed  the  three  arms  of  the 
cross  with  the  three  letters  forming  6  iev  (No.  4). 


No.  4.    Fresco;  Thessaly;  Hth 


(From  Didron.) 


A  nimbus  of  a  triangular  form,  in  allusion  to 
the  Trinity,  was  constantly  given  in  later  works 
of  art  to  the  Divine  Being ,  this,  however,  is 
not  found  during  the  first  ten  centuries.  In  the 
mosaics  of  the  cathedral  of  Capua,  where  the  head 
of  the  Holy  Dove  is  surrounded  by  a  trian- 
gular nimbus,  it  is  almost  undoubtedly  a  modern 
alteration.  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  ii.  p.  168 ; 
Didron,  p.  33,  note  2.) 

A  nimbus  of  a  square  or  rectangular  shape, 
from  the  9th  century  onwards,  was  the  mark  of 
a  living  person.  Ciampini  {u.  s.  ii.  14  b)  expresses 
some  doubts  on  this  point,  but  the  following 
passage  from  Paulus  Diaconus  in  the  life  of 
St.  Gregory  is  decisive,  "circa  verticem  vero 
tabulae  similitudinem,  quod  viventis  insigne 
est,  praeferentis,  non  coronam."  Durandus  also 
Avrites,  "cum  aliquis  praelatus  aut  sanctus 
vivus  pingitur,  non  in  forma  scuti  rotundi,  sed 
quadrati,  corona  ipsa  depingitur."  (Div.  Off.  lib. 
i.e.  3).  This,  instead  of  a  thin  tablet,  sometimes 
assumes  the  form  of  a  block  of  very  substantial 
thickness.  As  examples  we  may  cite  the  head  of 
pope  John  I.,  a.D.  705-708  (Agincourt,  Pcinturc, 
pi.  xvii.  No.  6)  and  those  of  pope  Paschal  I., 
A.D.  807-824,  on  the  mosaics  of  St.  Maria  in 
Dominica,and  St.  Praxedes.  [See  Mosaics,  fig.  14.] 
•On  the  celebrated  palliotto  of  the  church  of  St. 


Ambrose,  archbishop  Agilbert,  the  donor,  is  re- 
presented with  the  quadrangular  nimbus,  offer- 
ing the  altar  to  St.  Ambrose,  whose  nimbus  is 
circular.  (Ferrario,  Memorie  di  Sant'  Ambrogio  ; 
Agincourt,  Sculpt,  pi.  xxvi.  c.  15.)  We  find  the 
square  nimbus  surrounding  the  heads  of  pope 
Leo  III.  and  the  emperors  Charles  the  Great,  and 
Constantine,  in  the  mosaics  of  the  Lateran  Tri- 
clinium. Charles  the  Great  also  had  a  nimbus  of 
the  same  form  in  a  mosaic  now  destroyed  at  St. 
Susanna  (Alemanni,  de  Lateranensibus  parietinis, 
p.  12  :  Didron,  pp.  34-83).  Didron  asserts  that 
the  square  nimbus  is  not  found  anywhere  save 
'in  Italy,  and  expresses  his  regret  at  its  absence, 
as  depriving  works  of  art  of  this  evidence  of 
their  date.  Another  singular  variety  of  the 
nimbus  is  that  which  presents  it  in  the  form  of 
a  scroll  partially  unrolled  at  either  end.  Examples 
of  this  remarkable  configuration,  which  seems 
only  to  be  found  in  MSS.  or  in  painted  glass,  are 
given  by  Agincourt  from  a  Latin  Pontificale  of 
the  9th  century  in  the  Library  of  the  Minerva 
at  Rome  {Peinture,  pi.  xxxvii.,  xxxviii).  In  each 
of  the  twelve  compartments  depicting  various 
episcopal  acts  the  bishop  is  distinguished  by  a 
nimbus  of  this  form.     (See  cut  No.  5.) 


No.  B.  Nimbus.    Latin  MSS.    9th  century.    (From  Didron.) 

The  nimbus  is  given  not  only  to  divine  and 
sacred  personages,  but  also  to  allegorical  animals. 
We  may  instance  the  Holy  Lamb  in  the  two 
chapels  of  the  Lateran  Baptistery,  the  apse  of 
St.  Cosmas  and  St.  Damian,  and  the  vaulted  roof 
of  St.  Vitalis  ;  the  holy  dove  on  the  dossier  of 
an  episcopal  throne  (Bosio,  p.  327);  and  the 
evangelistic  symbols,  as  at  St.  Paul's  and  the 
chapel  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  at  the  Lateran. 
The  phoenix,  a  favourite  emblem  of  immortal 
life  through  death,  has  a  stellate  nimbus  in  the 
apses  of  St.  Cosmas  and  St.  Damian,  and  those 
of  St.  Praxedes  and  St.  Cecilia,  and  on  a  coin  of 
Faustina  (Ciampini,  tab.  xxxvi.  fig.  14).  De  Rossi 
furnishes  other  examples  (i?om.  Softer,  ii.  p.  313). 

The  aureole  (aureola,  the  golden  reward  of 
special  holiness)  may  be  defined  as  the  nimb  of 
the  body,  as  the  ordinary  nimbus  is  that  of  the 
head.  To  adapt  it  to  the  shape  of  the  body,  the 
aureole  is  usually  of  an  oval  form,  and  often 
pointed  at  each  end,  of  the  shape  known  as  the 
Vesica  piscis.  Its  duration  in  Christian  art  was 
but  brief.  It  appeared  after  the  nimbus,  and 
disappeared  before  it.  A  singular  e.xample  is 
found  in  one  of  the  wall  mosaics  of  St.  Mary 
Major's  at  Rome,  where  it  assumes  the  character 
of  a  solid  shield  protecting  the  persons  of  Moses 
and  Aaron  from  the  stones  hurled  at  them  by 
the  adherents  of  Korah  and  his  companions.  It 
IS  very  often  found  encircling  the  form  of  the 
Deity,  or  of  our  Lord. 


1402 


NIMFIDUS 


Authorities  : — Agincourt,  Seroux  de,  VArt  par 
les  Monuments;  Behmii  de  Nimhis  Sanctorum; 
Ciampini,  Vetera  Monumenta,  vol.  i.  p.  114  sq. ; 
Buonarruoti,  Osservazioni  sopra  vast  di  vetro, 
p.  60  sq. ;  Didron,  Iconographie  Chretienne ; 
Garrucci,  Vetri  ornati;  Grimouard  de  St.  Laurent, 
Guide  de  VArt  Chre'tien;  Jameson,  Sacred  and 
Legendary  Art;  Martigny,  Dictionnaire des  Anti- 
quite's  Chr^tiennes ;  Munter,  Sinnbilder,  ii.  pp. 
20  ff. ;  Nicolai  de  Nimbis  Antiq.  [E.  V.] 

NIMFIDUS  (Nymphics),  martyr  with 
Saturninus  at  Alexandria  ;  commemorated  Sept. 
5  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  ii.  527).  [C.  H.] 

NIMMIA,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  the 
city  of  Aueustana  Aug.  12  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 
NIMPODOKA.    [NYiiPHODOEA.] 

NINA  (1),  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Milan 
May  6  (Bieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Three  martyrs ;  commemorated  at  Con- 
stantinople May  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Two  martyrs ;  commemorated  at  Rome,  in 
the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus,  May  10  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Thessalonica 
June  1  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Two  martyrs;  commemorated  at  Eome 
June  2  (Hieron.  Mai-t.). 

(6)  Enlightener  of  Georgia,  with  Mama,  vir- 
gins ;  commemorated  June  11  {Cal.  Arnien.). 

(7)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec. 
15  CHieron.  Mart.').  [C.  H.] 

NINEVITE-FAST.  Gregory  Bar-Hebraeus 
(quoted  by  Augusti,  H.  B.  iii.  482  f.,  from  Asse- 
mani,  Biblioth.  Orient,  ii.  304)  mentions,  besides 
Wednesday  and  Friday,  five  famous  fasts  of  the 
Syrians,  of  which  the  Hfth  is  the  Nineveh-fast; 
this  fast,  he  says,  the  Eastern  Syriiins  observe 
from  the  Monday  in  each  of  the  three  weeks 
before  the  great  fast  (Lent)  to  the  Thursday 
morning;  the  western  Syrians  to  the  Saturday 
morning.  The  Abyssinian  church  observes  a 
three  days'  Nineveh-fast  in  July  (Herzog,  Eeal- 
Encycl.  i.  49).  [C] 

NINIANUS,  bishop,  apostle  of  the  Southern 
Picts  at  Candida  Casa  ;  commemorated  Sept.  16 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  v.  318).  [C.  H.] 

NINNOCA,  virgin  in  Lesser  Britain,  in  the 
eishth  century;  commemorated  June  4  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jun.'i.  407).  [C.  H.] 

NISMES,  COUNCIL  OF  (Nemausexse 
Concilium).  Held  at  Nismes  in  the  lifetime 
of  St.  Martin,  who  declined  attending  it,  but  is 
said  to  have  been  informed  by  revelation  of  what 
passed  there.  Mansi  makes  a  strange  guess  at 
its  date  (iii.  685,  note).  IE.  S.  Ff.] 

NIVARDUS,  archbishop  of  Eheims,  cir. 
A.D.  273  ;  commemorated  Sept.  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  i.  267).  [C.  H.] 

NOAH,  patriarch ;  commemorated  Jan.  1 
and  Ap.  1  {Cal.  Ethiop.).  [C.  H.] 

NOBILIS  (1),  Ap.  25.    [Nubilis.] 
(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Sept.  24  (Ilieron. 
Mart.).  [0.  H.] 


NORUNT  FIDELES 

NOCTURN  {Nocturnuin  officium,  nocturnae 
vigiliae,  nocturnus).  Each  of  the  three  divisions 
of  the  matin  office  is  called  a  nocturn.  Anciently 
in  religious  houses  the  night  was  divided  into 
three  portions,  in  each  of  which  psalms  were 
said,  lauds  following  at  dawn.  Jerome  (^Epist. 
22  ad  Eiistochium)  laments  that  even  in  hiS' 
time  the  zeal  of  religious  persons  had  so  far 
cooled  that  monks  recited  the  three  nocturns 
and  lauds  continuously.  [HOURS  of  Prayer,, 
p.  798  ;  Psalmody  ;  Vigil.]  (Martene,  do  Bit.. 
Antiq.  iv.  0.  7.)  [C] 

NODDER,  COUNCIL  OF,  a.d.  705:  on 
the  river  Nodder,  in  Wilts,  at  which  a  charter, 
exhibited  by  Adhelm,  the  newly  appointed  bishop 
of  Sherborne,  was  confirmed.  (Haddan  and 
Stubbs,  iii.  276  ;  Mansi,  ib.  175.)        [E.  S.  Ff.] 

NOEACIS,  NONANNEANE.  Artificial 
words  to  fix  the  tonality  of  the  respective  notes 
of  the  chants  or  their  endings  in  the  memory  of 
the  chanter.  The  first  of  these  belong  to  the 
Plagal  modes,  the  other  to  the  Authentic.  The 
words  themselves  appear  with  some  variations 
of  form.     [See  Music  and  Evovae.]    [J.  R.  L.] 

NOEL.  A  word  formed  from  Katalis,  the. 
common  French  name  for  Christmas  Day 
[p.  35.3].  [C] 

NOITBUEGA,  virgin,  in  France,  A.D.  690  r 
commemorated  Oct.  31  (Surius,  de  Brob.  Sanct. 
Hist.  Oct.  p.  415,  ed.  Colon.  1618).  [C.  H.] 

NOLA.    [Bell.] 

NOMOCANON.  A  Greek  code  of  ecclesias- 
tical laws.  See  Canon  Law,  p.  266;  Codex 
Canoxum,  p.  400.  [C] 

NONES.    [Hours  of  Prayer,  p.  797.] 

NONNA  (1),  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Rome  Ap.  23  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  May 
23  (Ilieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  'in  Africa  July 
20  (Hieron.  Mart.).  '  [C.  H.] 

(4)  Mother  of  St.  Gregory  Nazianzen,  cir. 
a.d.  374  ;  commemorated  Aug.  5  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Aug.  ii.  78).  [C.  H.] 

NONNA.     [Nun.] 

NONNUS  (1),  Martyr;  commemorated  at 
Nicomedia  JIar.  16  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alexandria. 
Mar.  21  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Pamphylia 
JLay  28  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Milan  July 
17  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  portu  urbis- 
Romae  July  25  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NON-RESIDENCE.    [Residence.] 

NOONDAY  SERVICE.  [Hours  of 
Prayer.] 

_  NORUNT  FIDELES,  or  INITIATI,  r<ra<n>- 

01  fxf/j.rivij.(voi,  a  formula  of  repeated  recurrence 


NOSOCOMIUM 

in  ■^he  writings  of  the  Fathers  to  indicate  the 
sacred  mysteries  of  the  faitli  which  were  not  to 
be  openly  published  before  the  uninitiated.  The 
frequency  of  the  phrase  is  a  valuable  evidence 
of  the  "  reserve  "  in  religious  teaching  practised 
by  the  early  Church,  which  indicated  a  doctrine 
of  the  faith  with  sufficient  clearness  to  be  in- 
telligible to  their  Christian  hearers  without 
exposing  it  to  the  irreverent  handling  of  those 
who  were  not  yet  admitted  within  the  Christian 
pale.  Casaubon  writes  of  it  {Exercit.  ad  Baron, 
xvi.  No.  43,  p.  490):  "  Quis  ita  hospes  in 
patrum  lectione  cui  sit  ignota  formula  in  men- 
tione  sacramentorum  potissimum  usitata,  icracnv 
ol  fiiyLVT]ixivoi,  norunt  initiate  "  It  is  of  repeated 
occurrence  in  the  writings  of  Chrysostom,  and 
is  found,  though  less  often,  in  St.  Augustine. 
(Cf.  Chrysost.  Homil.  in  Genes,  xlix.  11  ;  Ps.  cxl.  ; 
Homil.  in  Matt.  Ixxii. ;  in  Joann.  xv.  xlvi.  Ixxxv.) 
[E.  v.] 
NOSOCOMIUM.     [Hospitals.] 

NOSTRIANUS,  bishop  and  confessor  at 
Naples ;  commemorated  in  the  fifth  century, 
Aug.  16  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iii.  294).  [C.  H.] 

NOTARY.  I.  Originally  a  shorthand  writer. 
Isidore  Hispalensis  (^Etymnl.  i.  2'2)  says  that  En- 
nius  invented  1100  characters  (notas)  for  the 
purpose  of  abbreviating,  so  that  they  could 
readily  be  recorded,  that  the  sj'stem  was  im- 
proved and  added  to  by  others,  and  that  Seneca 
extended  the  number  of  characters  to  5000. 
Socrates  (if.  E.  vi.  4)  says  that  the  sermons  of 
St.  Chrysostom  were  preserved  by  such  short- 
hand writers  (6^vypa(pot).  Augustine  (De  Doct. 
Christ,  ii.  26)  says  that  those  who  have  learned 
short-hand  (notae)  are  called  "  notarii."  Again 
(Epist.  21,  Class,  iii.  Migne,  Patrul.)  he  says  that 
the  notaries  of  the  church  take  down  what  is 
said,  so  that  neither  his  own  speech  nor  the 
acclamations  of  the  people  were  lost.  He  also 
{Epist.  172,  Class,  iii.)  complains  of  a  great 
dearth  of  notaries  who  could  write  the  Latin 
language,  and  {Epist.  152)  speaks  of  four  notaries 
being  appointed  on  either  side,  in  one  of  his 
conferences  with  the  Donatists. 

In  this  capacity  they  were  officially  employed 
in  courts  of  justice.  Augustine  {In  Collat. 
Donat.  die  ii,  c.  3)  represents  the  Donatists  as 
pleading  that  they  were  ignorant  of  short-hand 
writing — '  notas  ignorare  ' — and  the  president 
of  the  court  commanding  that  what  the  official 
notaries  had  taken  down  should  be  read  to  them. 
Sometimes  also  they  appear  to  have  been  sent  in 
a  judicial  capacity  to  take  evidence  or  make  a 
report.  Thus  Augustine  {Epist.  128,  Class,  iii.) 
calls  one  Marcellinus  a  tribune  and  notary,  and 
{Epist.  134,  Class,  iii.)  speaks  of  certain  Donatist 
clergy  and  fanatics  being  brought  to  trial  after 
an  official  report  previously  made  (praemissa 
notaria).  In  the  acts  of  the  council  of  Chalce- 
don  {Act  9)  m.ention  is  made  of  one  Damascius, 
tribune  and  notary. 

And  also  in  the  councils  of  the  church.  The  4th 
council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  633  (c.  4),  in  ordering  the 
proceedings  to  be  observed  at  councils,  mentions, 
amongst  other  officials,  the  notaries,  whose  duty 
it  was  to  take  down  the  proceedings  and  read 
them  aloud  if  required.  Archbisho'p  Theodore, 
in  his  account  of  the  council  at  Hertford,  a.d. 
670  (Bede,  H.  E.  iv.  .5)  says  that  the  decisions 


NOTARY 


1403 


of  the  councils  were  written  down  from  his  dic- 
tation by  the  notary  Titillus.  Eusebius  {H.  E. 
vii.  29)  speaks  of  the  ready-writers  {raxvypacftoi), 
who  took  down  the  controversy  between  Paul  of 
Samosata,  at  the  council  of  Antioch,  A.D.  269, 
and  Socrates  {H.  E.  ii.  30)  also  mentions  them 
as  being  present  at  the  controversy  between 
Basil  and  Photinus,  at  the  council  of  Sirmium, 
A.D.  351. 

II.  But  notaries  were  often  simple  secretaries. 
In  this  capacity  they  were  attached  to  courts. 
Thus  Socrates  (//.  E.  vii.  23)  says  that  John, 
who  attempted  to  seize  the  empire  after  the 
death  of  Honorius,  was  previously  the  chief  of  the 
royal  secretaries,  irpwroffraTrjs  vTroypa<pecov  tSiv 
^affLKiKuv.  Charles  the  Great  {Capitul.  i.  c.  3) 
provided  that  every  bishop  and  abbat  should 
have  his  own  notary.  In  the  life  of  John  Da- 
mascene, by  John  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  it 
is  said  that  some  of  the  royal  notaries  {viro- 
ypacpiciiv)  were  employed  to  forge  the  false  accu- 
sation brought  against  him.  Thus  Proclus  was 
notary  {inroypd<pevs)  to  Atticus  (Soc.  H.E.  vii.  41), 
and  Athanasius  to  Alexander  of  Alexandria  (Soz. 
I{.  E.  ii.  17).  Part  of  their  duty  appears  to  have 
been  to  act  as  readers  to  their  masters,  and  they 
seem  to  have  entered  on  their  office  at  a  very  early 
age.  Ennodius  says  that  Epiphanius  of  Ticino 
became  a  lector  at  eight  years  of  age,  and 
from  that  time  discharged  also  the  duties  of  a 
notary  till  his  16th  year  {Vita  Epip,h.  Ticin. 
Migne,  Patrol,  vol.  62,  p.  208).  Evodius,  writing 
to  Augustine  (August.  Epnst.  158,  Class,  iii.), 
speaking  of  a  youth  whom  he  had  employed  as 
reader  and  notary,  says  that  he  was  indefatigable 
in  note-taking,  and  was  accustomed  to  read  to 
him  even  during  the  hours  of  the  night,  adding 
that  so  diligent  and  careful  was  he  that  he 
began  to  regard  him  rather  as  a  familiar  friend 
than  as  merely  a  youth  and  a  notary.  The  nota- 
ries belonging  to  the  see  of  Rome  appear  to  have 
held  a  more  important  position,  and  to  have 
been  sent  on  important  missions,  sometimes  witk 
extensive  powers  entrusted  to  them.  Instances 
of  this  will  be  found  in  the  letters  of  Gregory 
the  Great ;  thus  {Epist.  viii.  26,  Migne,  Patrol.) 
we  find  him  sending  Pantaleon,  the  notary,  to 
Apulia  to  inquire  into  an  accusation  brought 
against  a  bishop  of  Sipontum,  with  power  to  in- 
flict punishment  in  case  the  accusation  was 
proved.  The  first  council  of  Braga,  a.d.  563 
{Praefat.),  speaks  of  Juribius,  a  notary  of  the 
see  of  Rome,  by  whom  Leo  sent  certain  rescripts 
against  the  Priscillianists  to  the  synod  of  Gal- 
licia.  Sometimes,  too,  they  seemed  to  have 
signed  the  letters  of  the  bishop  of  Rome  (Greg. 
Mag.  Epist.  Appendix,  Migne,  Patrol,  vol.  77, 
p.  11,345,  §  1299). 

III.  In  Rome  were  certain  notaries  called 
"  notarii  regionarii,"  to  whom  peculiar  duties 
were  allotted.  Anastasius,  the  libi-arian  {Vita 
S.  dementis')  speaks  of  seven  notaries  appointed 
to  the  seven  regiones,  whose  office  it  was  to  col- 
lect and  register  the  deeds  of  the  martyrs,  and 
(  Vit.  S.  Anteros)  says  that  the  acts  of  the  mar- 
tyrs were  diligently  collected  by  notaries.  Again 
(  Vita  S.  Fahiini)  he  says  that  the  districts  were 
divided  among  the  deacons,  and  that  seven  sub- 
deacons  were  appointed  to  superintend  the  seven 
notaries,  and  {Vita  S.  Juli'i)  that  Julius  I.  or- 
dered that  the  registers  belonging  to  each  church, 
"  uotitia  quae  pro  fide  ecclesiastica  est,"  should" 


1404 


NOTHELMUS 


be  collected  for  safe  custody  by  the  notaries,  and 
that  all  deeds  and  records  should  be  in  the  cus- 
tody of  the  chief"  Primicerius"  of  the  notaries. 
They  also  discharged  certain  functions  in  con- 
nexion with  the  services  of  the  church.  Gregory 
the  Great  {Liber  Sacrament.  §  70)  speaks  of  the 
lighting  of  two  caudles  held  by  two  notaries. 
Messianus  Presbyter  (Vita  Caesarli  Arelat.  ii.  c. 
2,  §  18,  Migne,  Patrol,  v.  67,  p.  1034)  says  that 
it  was  the  duty  of  the  notary  to  precede  the 
bishop,  carrying  his  pastoral  staff. 

IV.  They  do  not  appear  to  have  been  reckoned 
among  the  clergy.  Socrates  {H.  E.  vii.  41) 
narrates  that  Atticus  made  Proclus  his  notary, 
and,  after  he  had  made  great  progress,  pro- 
moted him  to  the  diaconate.  Gregory  the 
Great  (Epist.  iii.  34)  speaks  of  a  subdeacon 
who  could  not  keep  his  vow  of  continency  and 
therefore  retired  from  his  monastery,  gave  up 
his  ofBce  as  subdeacon,  and  performed  the  duties 
of  a  notary  for  the  rest  of  his  life.  But  it  was 
reckoned  one  of  the  steps  to  the  clerical  office. 
Gelasius  {Decret.  c.  2)  sa3's  that  a  monk,  who 
wished  to  enter  holy  orders,  should  serve  for 
three  months  as  a  lector,  or  notary,  or  defensor, 
after  that  he  might  be  made  an  acolyte.  But 
they  seem  occasionally  to  have  retained  their 
title,  and  probably  their  office,  after  ordination. 
In  the  acts  of  the  council  of  Antioch,  read  out  at 
the  council  of  Chalcedon  (Act  14)  mention  is 
made  of  one  Tarianus,  deacon  and  notary.  The 
chapter  of  Sozomen  {H.  E.  iv.  3)  which  relates 
the  martyrdom  of  Martyrius,  the  subdeacon,  and 
JIarcian,  the  lector,  is  headed  '  The  Martyrdom 
of  the  Notaries,'  and  Nicephorus  (if.  E.  ix.  30) 
distinctly  says  that  they  were  notaries  of  Paul, 
the  bishop  of  Constantinople.  It  is  alleged,  on 
the  authority  of  a  letter  of  Julius,  that  Mar- 
tyrius was  a  deacon  (Vales,  Not.  in  Soz.,  H.  E. 
iv.  3  ;  Thomassin,  Ecclesiae  Disciplina).  [P.  0.] 

NOTHELMUS,  archbishop  of  Canterbury  ; 
commemorated  Oct.  17  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  viii. 
117).  [C.  H.] 

NOTITIA.  The  word  notitia  is  technically 
used  for  a  sort  of  list  or  court-almanac  of  places 
and  officials,  and  the  earliest  and  most  famous 
notitiae  are  of  a  purely  civil  character.  The 
most  famous  of  all  is,  of  course,  the  Notitia  Digni- 
tatum,  compiled  in  the  time  of  Arcadius  or 
Honorius,  circa  400  a.d.  (see  Gibbon,  ii.  303, 
note  72.  Pancirolus  and  Bocking),  which  is  a 
complete  list  of  the  provinces  with  their  sub- 
divisions, and  of  the  whole  official  staff  of  the 
empire.  This  has  been  edited  by  Pancirolus. 
whose  work  has,  however,  been  quite  superseded 
by  the  editions  of  Bocking  (2  vols.  Bonn,  1839- 
1853)  and  Seeck  (Berlin,  1876).  This  great 
notitia  is  of  a  purely  civil  character,  and  its  in- 
terest for  the  student  of  Christian  antiquities 
lies  solely  in  its  giving  him  a  ready  means  of 
testing  the  closeness  with  which  the  local  divi- 
sions and  gradations  of  power  in  the  church 
were  modelled  on  those  of  the  state.  It  is  well 
known  how  the  ecclesiastical  arclibishoprics  and 
bishoprics  followed  the  limits  of  the  greater  and 
lesser  provincial  governorships — the  archbishop 
whose  seat  was  at  Narbonne  for  instance  exer- 
cising spiritual  jurisdiction  exactly  over  the 
country  which  had  formed  the  province  of  Gallia 
Narboncnsis.    [Orders,  Holy,  III.]    So  towns  in 


NOTITIA 

Asia  Minor  which  had  been  metropoles  in  the  old 
sense  (for  the  civil  sense  of  the  word,  cf  Marquardt, 
Romische  Siaatsverioaltung,  i.  185)  became  metro- 
poles in  the  new  sense.  Bingham  has  a  lengthy 
discussion  of  this  point.  There  is  a  good  deal  also 
to  be  gleaned  from  Marquardt's  first  volume  ;  see 
especially  pp.  216,  269.  Boissiere  in  his  L'Afrique 
Romaine  (Paris,  1878),  p.  424,  has  some  interest- 
ing remarks  on  the  subject  of  the  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  dioceses,  from  an  unpublished 
lecture  of  Leon  Renier.  Besides  the  Notitia 
Dignitatum  there  is  the  important  Notitia  Pro- 
vinciarum  ct  Civitatmn  Galliae,  compiled  about 
the  same  time  as  the  Notitia  Dignitatum  during 
the  reign  of  Honorius  (Marquardt,  i.  129,  note  3), 
or  at  all  events  some  time  between  386  and  450 
A.D.  (Brambach  in  liheinisches  Museum,  xxiii. 
p.  262  sqq.  ;  Riese,  Geographi  Latint  Minorcs, 
p.  xxxiii.).  This  notitia  is  also  of  a  purely  civil 
character.  It  is  edited  in  Seeck's  edition  of  the 
Notitia  Dignitatum,  and  in  Riese's  Geog.  Lat. 
Min.  (Heilbronn,  1878).  The  Notitia  UrhisCon- 
stantitiopolitanae,  also  edited  by  Seeck  and  Riese, 
gives  the  positions  of  the  fourteen  ecclesiae  in 
Constantinople,  but  is  otherwise  purely  civil. 

The  earliest  undoubted  ecclesiastical  notitia 
that  we  possess  is  that  of  Leo  Sapiens,  a.d.  891. 
But  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  such  notitiae 
existed  at  a  much  earlier  date,  and  the  Ilicroclis 
Synecdemus,  or  Hierocles'  Travelling  Companion, 
has  distinct  traces  of  an  ecclesiastical  character 
in  it.  This  work  was  shewn  by  Wesseling  to 
have  been  written  before  a.d.  535.  The  geiii- 
tives  of  places  which  occur  six  times  in  the  lists, 
and  the  genitive  Srffiov  which  occurs  nine  times, 
look  as  if  they  should  be  preceded  by  the  word 
iTTicTKoiros,  as  in  an  ordinary  notitia.  This  is 
further  confirmed  by  the  occurrence  of  the 
definite  article  in  one  instance,  6  Ttix^pidSaiv 
(Parthey,  HierocUs  Synecdemus  et  notitiae  Graecae 
Episcopituum,  Berlin,  1866,  p.  v.  Hierocles  is 
also  edited  in  Fortia  d'Urban's  Pecueil  des 
Itine'raires  Anciens,  Paris,  1845,  with  the  modern 
names  subjoined.  For  some  remarks  on  the 
personality  of  Hierocles,  see  Schelstrate's  Anti- 
quitas  Ecclesiae,  ii.  720).  The  notitia  of  Leo 
Sapiens  is  full  for  the  East,  but  not  equally 
perfect  for  the  West.  It  has  been  edited  many 
times.  Carolus  a  S.  Paulo  for  instance,  in  his 
Geographia  Sacra  (Amsterdam,  1704),  prints  it, 
in  an  imperfect  form,  along  with  other  notitiae 
in  an  appendix ;  Beveridge  prints  it  on  p.  135 
of  his  antwtationcs  in  canones  at  the  end  of  the 
second  volume  of  his  Synodikon ;  Gear  in  his  edi- 
tion of  Codinus  (Venice,  1729),  p.  287,  foil.,  gives 
the  notitiae  from  that  of  Leo  to  that  of  Andronicus 
Palaeologus;  Schelstrate,  ii.  632  (Rome,  1697), 
prints  the  chief  civil  and  ecclesiastical  notitiae  ; 
Bingham  gives  the  notitia  of  Leo  in  the  third 
volume  of  his  Christian  Antiquities;  unfortu- 
nately he  is  extremely  inaccurate  (see  Neale,  Holy 
Eastern  Church,  vol.  i.  p.  xii.  of  the  preface). 
The  critical  edition,  however,  which  so  far  will 
supersede  all  others,  as  well  of  Leo's  notitia  as  of 
the  other  Eastern  notitiae,  is  that  in  the  work 
of  Parthey  above-mentioned.  The  later  notitiae 
hardly  come  within  the  scope  of  this  dictionary, 
but  may  be  found  in  any  of  the  works  mentioned 
above,  and  best  of  all  in  Parthey.  A  useful  in- 
troduction to  the  study  of  the  notitiae  would  be 
to  read  the  account  which  Fabricms  (Salutaris 
Lux    Evangelii,  p.    342,  foil.    Hamburg,   1731) 


NOTITIA 

gives  of  the  contents  and  bibliography  of  each  of 
the  more  important  of  them. 

It  is  obvious  that  the  notitiae  are  not  the 
only  sources  from  which  a  list  of  bishoprics 
■could  be  compiled.  The  subscriptions  to  the 
councils  are  at  least  of  equal  importance. 
These  can  be  obtained  from  any  of  the  ordi- 
nary editions  of  the  councils,  such  as  that  of 
Harduia  or  Mansi.  The  modern  comprehensive 
book  on  the  subject  is  Gams's  Series  Episcoporum 
(Ratisbon,  1873),  a  work  of  learning,  but  to 
bo  used  with  caution  on  account  of  a  tendency 
to  antedate  the  first  establishments  of  bishoprics, 
and  now  and  then  to  interpose  a  conjectural 
bishop.  An  attempt  is  "made  to  give  a  complete 
notitia  of  the  Christian  world  in  Migne's  Pre- 
miere  Encyclope'die  The'ologique  (Paris,  1862), 
vol.  .xxviii.  p.  759.  Other  sources  will  be 
referred  to  in  the  following  brief  notes  on  the 
■different  parts  of  the  Christian  world  taken  sepa- 
rately. 

1.  Spain.  All  the  old  books  bearing  upon  the 
subject,  e.g.  the  editions  of  councils,  &c.,  go  upon 
the  forged  list  of  Wamba,  which  is  greatly  ante- 
dated, being  put  in  the  7th,  while  it  really  be- 
longs to  the  12th  century.  A  new  critical 
edition  of  this  list  is  shortly  to  be  expected  from 
the  distinguished  Spanish  scholar  Aureliano 
Fernandez  Guerra.  Meanwhile  the  materials 
for  a  judgment  are  to  be  found  in  Florez's  admir- 
able fourth  volume  which  "  contiene  el  origen 
y  progreso  de  los  obispados  .  .  .  .  y  divisioues 
antiguas  de  sus  Sillas."  Florez  was  the  first  to 
throw  doubt  upon  the  supposed  date  of  Wamba's 
list,  and  his  opinion  is  now  universally  accepted. 
Gams's  Kirchengeschichte  Spaniens  (Ratisbon, 
1864)  is  the  modern  work  on  Spanish  ecclesi- 
astical history,  written,  however,  it  must  be  re- 
membered, from  the  ultramontane  point  of  view. 
Cortez  y  Lopez's  Dicdonario  geogrdfico-historico 
de  la  Espana  ayitigua  contains  many  facts,  but 
should  be  read  critically.  Tejada  y  Ramiro's 
Coleccion  de  Canones  de  la  Iglesia  Espanola 
(Madrid,  1850),  and  Hiibner's  Inscriptiones  Jlis- 
paniae  Christianae  (Berlin,  1871),  should  be  re- 
ferred to. 

2.  France.  The  great  authority  is  Sammar- 
than's  Gallia  Christiana,  a  huge  work  in  many 
folios  (Paris,  1715),  a  revised  and  enlarged  edi- 
tion of  which  is  now  being  published  by  Piolin. 
The  first  volume  appeared  at  Paris  in  1870,  and 
vols.  1-5,  and  11-13  have  so  far  appeared. 
Piolin's  Origincs  chre'tienncs  de  la  Gaule  (Paris, 
1855)  will  be  found  valuable.  Longnon's  Ge'o- 
graphie  de  la  Gaule  au  w"  siecle  (Paris,  1878) 
would  be  useful  in  attempting  to  fix  the  locali- 
ties and  circumscriptions  of  doubtful  sees.  See 
:also   Le    Bl  ant's  Inscriptions   chreticnnes   de    la 

Gaule,  2  vols.  (Paris,  1856). 

3.  England.  See  Stubbs's  Eegistrum  Sacrum 
Anglicanum  (Oxford,  1858).  Reference  may 
also  be  made  to  Haddan  and  Stubbs's  Councils 
and  Ecclesiastical  Documents  relating  to  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland  (Oxford,  1869).  Three 
volumes  of  this  work  have  so  far  appeared.  It 
will  not  be  completed  on  the  original  plan,  owing 
to  Mr.  Haddan's  death. 

4.  Italy.  Ughelli's  Italia  Sacra  is  the  great 
authority.  The  second  edition  of  this  work,  by 
€olet  (Venice,  1717-1722)  is  a  great  improve- 
ment on  the  first.  Cappelletti,  Ze  Chiese  d' Italia 
.(Venice,  1844-1871),  corrects  Ughelli  in  many 


NOVICE 


1405 


places,  and  adds  later  and  more  trustworthy 
information.  But  the  work  is  very  unequally 
done,  and  some  of  it  must  be  accepted  with 
caution. 

5.  Asia  Minor  and  the  East  generally. 
Neale's  History  of  the  Holy  Eastern  Church  con- 
tains a  great  deal  of  matter.  See  especially  p.  72 
of  the  first  introductory  volume,  where  a  notitia 
of  Constantinople,  including  the  dioceses  of 
Caesarea,  Ephesus,  Thrace,  and  Illyricum  orien- 
tale  is  given.  On  p.  115  of  the  same  volume 
there  is  a  list  of  the  sees  of  Egypt,  and  on  p.  131 
another  of  the  ancient  and  modern  sees  of  the 
diocese  of  Antioch.  Le  Quien's  Oriens  Chris- 
tianus  (Paris,  1740)  is  still  however  the  great 
source  of  authority,  except  so  far  as  he  has  in 
some  points  been  superseded  by  Parthey's  edition 
of  the  notitiae.  Le  Quien's  conscientious  accuracy 
in  these  matters  is  both  rare  and  admirable. 
See  an  account  of  his  life  and  labours  by  Neale 
in  the  preface  to  his  Introduction,  p.  xii.  The 
great  work  of  Le  Bas  and  Waddington,  Voyage 
arch^ologique  en  Asie  Mineure,  would  have  to  be 
used  if  it  was  desired  to  compile  a  complete 
notitia.  The  Synecdemus  of  Hierocles,  and  the 
notitia  of  Leo  Sapiens,  will  be  found,  as  already 
mentioned,  best  edited  in  Parthey.  Kuhn,  Die 
stddtische  und  bilrgerliche  Verfassung  des 
Romischen  Reichs  (Leipsic,  1865),  is  full  of 
matter.  See  especially  his  section  on  Egypt,  ii. 
454  foil.,  and  the  section  on  Syria,  passim. 

6.  Africa.  Schelstrate,  ii.  652,  makes  out  a 
notitia  of  Africa  from  the  council  of  Carthage 
in  411.  Sirmond  in  his  Opuscula  (Paris,  1675), 
vol.  i.  p.  207,  gives  a  iate  notitia  of  Africa, 
which  may  be  of  service,  if  critically  used. 
There  is  a  study  entitled  L'Afrique  chr^tienne 
by  Yanoski,  in  a  volume  of  Z'  Uniiers  (Paris, 
1844)  containing  other  studies  by  French  writers 
on  the  history  and  antiquities  of  Africa.  Leon 
Renier's  Inscriptions  Eomaincs  de  I'Alge'rie  (Paris, 
1855)  contains  a  certain  amount  of  Christian 
inscriptions,  and  would  repay  examination. 
Dupin's  Geographia  Sacra  Africae,  seu  Notitia 
Omnium  Episcopatuum  Ecclesiae  Africanae,  is 
printed  in  the  eleventh  volume  of  Migne's  Patro- 
logiae  Ctirsus  Completus  (Paris,  1845),  p.  823. 
Kuhn,  ii.431  foil.,  collects  a  great  deal  of  valuable 
material  lor  Africa.  [W.  T.  A.] 

NOVATUS,  brother  of  Timothcus  presby- 
ter ;  commemorated  at  Rome,  June  20  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  June 
iv.  4).  [C.  H.] 

NOVENDIALE.  [Mourning;  Obsequies.] 

NOVICE. 

1.  Introduction;  2.  Reception  of  Novices ;  3.  Dura- 
tion and  Discipline  of  the  Noviciate ;   4.  Rite 
of  Admission;   5.    Renunciation  of  Property; 
6.   Limitation   of    Age ;   7.    Disqualifications ; 
8.  Cases  of  Retrogression,  #c. ;  i>.  Summary. 
1.  As    soon   as   the    monastic    life    began   to 
assume  its   coenobitic  form,  all  persons  desirous 
of  admission  into  the  community  had  to  undergo 
a  period  of  probation.     During  this   time  they 
were    called    "  novitii,"    less    commonly    "  inci- 
pientes,"  "apxapioi,"   "  j/eoirayeis  "    (Alteserrae 
Ascvticon,  iv.  1),  or  "  novelli  "  (Reg.  Mag.  c.  90; 
cf.  Athanas.  Exliort.  ad  Spons.  Christi,  where  Adam 
is  called  "  rudis  ot  novellus  "),  all  terms  express- 


1406 


NOVICE 


ing  inexperience  in  a  vocation.  They  were  called 
also  "  pulsantes"  (JIabillon,  Praef.  saec.  iii.i.  21), 
as  knocking  at  the  door  to  be  let  in;  and  sometimes 
in  the  East,  patTO(p6poi,ii  semi-barbarous  word  of  the 
later  empire,  curiously  descriptive  of  the  inter- 
mediate state  which  they  occupied,  wearing  the 
monk's  tunic,  by  way  of  trial,  under  their  ordinary 
outer  robe,  which  they  retained  till  formally 
admitted.  They  were  also  called  "  conversi  "  or 
converts.  The  "  conversi  "  were  distinct  from 
those  who  were  received  into  a  monastery  under 
age,  "pueri  oblati  "  or  "  nutriti."  This  use  of 
"  conversi  "  and  "  oblati  "  must  not  be  confounded 
with  the  use  of  these  words  to  designate  lay- 
brothers  (Mabillon,  I'raef.  iii.  i.  21  ;  iv.  iv.  .'jG). 

2.  In  instituting  a  noviciate  for  all  who  wished 
to  become  monks,  the  founders  of  monasticism 
followed,  as  usual,  the  precedent  set  by  some 
ancient  schools  of  philosophy.  The  Pythagoreans 
required  a  noviciate  of  five  years  (Maury, 
Histoire  des  Eeligions  de  la  Grece  antique) ;  the 
Druids,  in  some  cases,  one  of  twenty  years 
(Thierry,  Histoire  des  Gaidois).  It  was  necessary 
as  a  safeguard  for  stability  of  purpose.  On  the 
one  hand,  none  were  to  be  rejected  except  for 
some  insuperable  impediment ;  on  the  other 
hand,  none  were  to  be  lightly  accepted,  lest  the 
community  should  be  disgraced  by  the  inconsis- 
tencies of  its  members.  On  the  one  side  there 
was  the  gracious  invitation  of  Him  who  says, 
"  Come  unto  me  all  that  labour  and  are  heavy 
laden,"  and  on  the  other  there  was  the  Psalmist's 
anxious  misgiving,  "  Who  shall  ascend  into  the 
hill  of  the  Lord  ?"  (Basil,  lieg.  c.  6).  Thus 
Benedict  of  Monte  Casino  wisely  orders  that 
ingress  into  the  monastery  must  not  be  too  easy 
(Beued.  Beg.  c.  58),  and  three  centuries  later 
the  great  Prankish  legislator  repeats  the  injunc- 
tion, adding  that  no  one  is  to  be  forced  to  become 
a  monk  against  his  will  (Car.  Mag.  Capitular. 
Monast.  A.D.  789,  c.  11).  It  was  difficult  to  gain 
admittance  into  the  monastery,  because  it  was 
still  more  difficult,  once  there,  to  leave  it. 
"  Vestigia  nulla  retrorsum." 

The  would-be  monk  had  to  wait  as  a  suppliant 
at  the  door  of  the  monastery — by  the  rule  of 
Pachomius  of  Tabennae  and  of  other  Egyptian 
ascetics  of  his  age — seven  days  {Reg.  c.  49  ; 
Pallad.  ffist.  Laus.  c.  28  ;  Feg.  Serap.  Macar. 
etc.  c.  7)  :  according  to  Cassian,  ten  days  {Instit. 
iv.  3,36  ;  Collat.  xx.  1);  by  the  rule  ofPructuosus 
(bishop  of  Bracara  [Braga],  in  Portugal,  in  the 
8th  century),  ten  days  {Reg.  c.  21),  afterwards 
modified  to  three  days  and  nights  (2'^*  Reg.  c.  4). 
He  was  to  lie  there  prostrate,  by  the  rules  of 
Pachomius  and  Fructuosus,  and,  by  the  latter  rule, 
fasting  and  praying,  and  the  porter  was  to  test 
his  sincerity  and  patience  by  insults  and  revil- 
ings  (Fruct.  ib.  cc.  4,  21).  If  ignorant  of  it,  he 
was  to  be  taught  the  Lord's  Prayer  (Pachom.  i6.). 
He  was  also  to  be  questioned  about  his  motive 
for  seeking  admission,  and  in  particular,  lest  he 
should  prove  to  be  a  fugitive  from  justice, 
whether  he  had  committed  any  crime  which  had 
made  him  liable  to  punishment  (Pachom.  ib.; 
Ferreoli  Beg.  c.  5  ;  Fruct.  Beg.  cc.  4,  21).  In 
course  of  time  a  less  austere  reception  was 
accorded  to  postulants.  Mabillon  explains  the 
passage  in  the  Benedictine  rule  which  orders 
them  to  wait  a  few  days  (five  days,  in  his  inter- 
pretation) at  the  gate  ("ad  portam,"  Bened. 
Beg.  c.  34)  to  mean  not  outside  the  monastery, 


NOVICE 

but  in  a  cell  specially  set  apart  for  this 
within   the  cloister  (Mabill.  Praef.  i.  saec."  iv, 
vi).  150). 

3.  Though  allowed  to  enter  the  monastery, 
the  postulant  was  still  an  alien  there.  At  first 
he  was  placed  in  the  strangers'  cell  or  guest- 
chamber,  "  cella  hospitura,"  near  the  gateway 
(Cass.  Inst.  iv.  7)  for  a  year  (Cass.  ib. ;  Fruct. 
Beg.  c.  21),  or,  according  to  the  rule  of  Isidorus 
(bishop  of  Seville  in  the  7th  century),  for  three 
months  (Isid.  Beg.  c.  5).  In  Mabillon's  exposi- 
tion of  the  Benedictine  rule,  the  postulant  was 
to  stay  only  two  months  in  the  strangers'  cell 
before  being  transferred  to  the  cell  of  the 
novices  (Mabill.  Praef.  i.  v.  s.).  Under  the 
orders  of  the  superintendent  of  the  strangers, 
"  custos  hospitum,"  he  was  to  be  busily  employed 
in  menial  offices  for  their  comfort  (Bened.  Beg. 
c.  58;  Fruct.  Beg.  c.  21).  Thence  he  passed, 
after  a  shorter  or  longer  sojourn  according  to 
the  rules  of  the  monastery,  to  the  cell  of  the 
novices,  sometimes  called  the  "  pulsatorium,"  or 
chamber  of  those  who  were  still,  as  it  were, 
knocking  to  be  let  in  (Bened.  Eeg.  v.  s. ; 
Capitul.  Aquisgr.  A.D.  780). 

The  period  of  probation  varied  in  its  duration 
and  the  severity  of  its  discipline.  It  lasted  three 
years  by  the  rule  of  Pachomius  (Pallad.  Hist. 
Lans.)  and  by  the  code  of  Justinian  {Novell. 
V.  2) ;  but  a  latter  decree  makes  this  term  of 
three  years  necessary  for  sti-angers  only,  that  is, 
persons  coming  from  a  distance  ;  only  one  year 
by  the  rules  of  Ferreolus  (bishop  of  Uceta  [Uzes], 
in  Southern  France  in  the  6th  century)  {Beg. 
c.  5),  of  Fructuosus  {Beg.  c.  21),  and  by  the 
so-called  rule  of  Magister  {Beg.  Mag.  c.  90). 
The  former  allowed  even  a  shorter  term,  five 
months,  at  the  abbat's  discretion  {v.  s.)  ;  and  the 
latter  even  permitted  the  novice  to  reside  in  a 
cell  not  within  but  near  the  monastery  {v.  s.). 
Gregory  the  Great  found  some  abbats  in  his  time 
too  facile  in  the  admission  of  novices  ;  to  correct 
this  laxity,  he  insisted  on  a  probation  of  two 
years  at  least  {Epp.  x.  24),  and  in  the  case  of 
men  that  had  been  soldiers,  three  {ib.  viii.  5). 
Benedict  had  been  content  with  a  noviciate  of 
one  year  {Beg.  c.  58),  of  which,  according  to 
Mabillon,  two  months  were  to  be  passed  in  the 
"  cella  hospitum,"  and  the  remaining  ten  in  tho 
"  cella  novitiorum "  {Praef.  iv.  vii.  150),  but, 
according  to  Martene,  all  the  year  in  the  novices' 
chamber  {Beg.  Comment,  c.  58).  This  was  usually, 
but  not  always,  on  the  east  side  of  the  cloister  or 
quadrangle,  between  the  gateway  and  the  east 
end  of  the  chapel,  next  to  the  room  of  correc- 
tion, and  facing  the  scholars'  chamber,  and  the 
"  scriptorium "  or  copyists'  room  on  the  west 
(Altes.  Ascet.  iv.  3,  ix.  7).  In  some  of  the  larger 
monasteries  the  novices  had  their  own  quadrangle, 
almost  like  a  separate  monastery,  with  their  own 
refectory,  dormitory,  infirmary,  and  even,  in  rare 
instances,  their  own  chapel ;  but  this  ceased  with 
the  decrease  in  the  number  of  candidates  for 
admission  {Reg.  Bened.  Comment,  c.  58). 

All  the  time  of  his  noviciate  the  aspirant  for 
the  cowl  was  under  very  strict  tutelage.  On 
entering  the  monastery,  he  was  assigned  to  the 
guardianship  of  one  of  the  older  and  more  ex- 
perienced of  the  brethren,  who  was  to  report  of 
his  behaviour  to  the  abbat  (Bened.  Beg.  c.  58  ; 
Basil.  Reg.  c.  15  ;  Isidor.  Beg.  c.  4;  Fruct.  Beg. 
c.  21  ;  Beg.  Magist.  c.  87  ;  Gregor.  Magn.  Epp. 


NOVICE 

V.  49).  As  it  would  be  hardly  possible  for  each 
novice  to  have  his  own  senior,  it  has  been  sup- 
posed that  the  older  monk,  spoken  of  in  the  rules, 
was  either  one  of  the  decani  or  deans  (Fruct. 
Meg.  V.  s.),  or,  more  probably,  the  "  master  of 
the  novices"  [Magister  Novitiorum],  whose 
special  task  it  was  to  look  after  them  (^Reg. 
llened.  Comment,  v.  s.).  They  were  never  to  stir 
out  of  their  chamber  without  leave  (Cass.  Inst. 
iv.  10).  They  were  never,  on  any  pretext  what- 
ever, to  go  about  the  monastery  at  night  with- 
ovi  a  light  or  without  the  "  master  "  (^lieg.  Bened. 
Comment,  c.  22).*  Even  so  trivial  a  fault  as  walk- 
ing with  the  head  up,  instead  of  bent  forward,  was 
to  be  marked  and  corrected  by  "  the  master"  (ib.  c. 
7).  Slight  allowance  was  made  for  their  not  being 
as  yet  inured  to  the  severe  discipline  of  the 
cloister.  From  "  lauds  "  to  "  prime,"  when  the 
older  monks  retired  to  their  cells,  the  novices, 
with  those  monks  who  had  not  completed  five 
years  in  the  monastery,  were  to  wait  in  their 
dormitory,  learning  psalms  under  the  eye  of  the 
official  for  the  week,  or  ''hebdomadarius  "  (Jb.  c.  8). 
"  Leave  your  bodies  outside  the  gate  all  ye  who 
enter  the  monastery  "  was  the  stern  welcome  of 
Bernard  of  Clairvaus  to  postulants  (Altes.  Ascet. 
iv.  1).  In  the  same  spirit  one  of  the  founders  of 
monachism  in  the  East  enjoined  on  novices 
ignominious  hardships  of  every  kind,  and  the 
necessity  of  very  frequent  confessions  to  test 
their  perseverance  (Basil.  Seg.  c.  6).  In  the 
11th  century  the  docility  and  constancy  of 
novices  in  England  were  sometimes  tested  by 
floggings  (Hospinian,  Hist.  Monach.  iii.  c.  23). 

Opportunities  were  given  to  the  novice  from 
time  to  time  of  reconsidering  his  determination. 
On  first  entering  the  monastery,  before  being 
stripped  of  the  outer  garments  which  he  had 
worn  in  the  world,  he  was  questioned  whether, 
indeed,  renouncing  all  other  things,  he  would 
obey  implicitly  his  new  rule  of  life  (Pachom. 
Reg.  c.  49).  By  the  rule  of  Aurelian,  bishop  of 
Aries  in  the  7th  century,  he  was  to  listen  in  the 
waiting-room,  or  "  salutatorium,"  while  the  rule 
was  read  over  to  him  {Reg.  c.  1).  He  was  then 
to  be  led  into  the  chapter-house,  where,  after 
laying  aside  his  arms,  if  he  carried  any,  he  was 
again  to  make  a  profession  of  his  intention  in 
presence  of  the  father-abbat  and  the  brethren. 
He  might,  if  he  pleased,  send  back  a  farewell 
message  to  the  friends  left  behind  (Blab.  Praejf. 
iv.  viii.  150).  At  the  end  of  two  months, 
again  at  the  end  of  eight  months,  and  once  again 
at  the  end  of  the  year,  the  "  senior  "  to  whose 
charge  he  had  been  committed  was  to  read  over 
the  rule  to  him,  bidding  him  go  back  at  once  to 
the  world  if  he  wished  (Bened.  Reg.  c.  58). 
Finally,  in  the  oratory  or  chapel,  during  divine 
service  (Pachom.  Reg.  c.  49),  after  laying  on  the 
altar  with  his  own  hand  his  written  petition  for 
admission,  and  invoking  the  saints  whose  relics 
were  there  enshrined,  in  witness  of  his  sincerity, 
he  was  formally  admitted  by  the  abbat  into  the 
order  (Bened.  Reg.  v.  s. ;  Mabill.  Praeff.  v.  s.). 
If,  as  might  often  happen,  he  could  not  write, 
he  was  to  put  his  mark  to  the  petition  in  place 
of  signature  (Isidor.  Reg.  c.  5).  He  was  to 
kneel  before  the  abbat,  repeating  the  verse, 
"  Suscipe  me,"  from  the  Psalter ;  and  after  ad- 
mission, he  was  to  prostrate  himself  at  the  feet 
of  each  of  the  brethren,  kissing  their  hands  and 
begging   their   prayers  (Reg.  "Bened.    Comment. 


NOVICE 


1407 


c.  58;  Reg.  Ifagist.  c.  88).  His  secular  dress 
was  to  be  laid  hj  in  a  wardrobe  in  case  of  his 
ever  unhappily  needing  it  again  by  being  ex- 
pelled (^Reg.  Bened.  ib.).  Abbats  were  forbidden, 
under  penalty  of  excommunication,  to  take  any 
bribe  for  admission  (Cone.  Nicaen.  II.  a.d.  787, 
c.  19 ;  Capitid.  Francofurt.  A.D.  794,  c.  16).  In 
the  later  developments  of  monachism,  the  con- 
sent of  the  brethren  in  chapter  became  necessary 
(Hospin.  Hist.  Mon.  v.  s.). 

4.  The  monastic  dress  was  not  usually  as- 
sumed till  the  noviciate  was  over  (Cassian, 
Instit.  iv.  5 ;  Gregor.  Magn.  Upp.  iv.  44). 
Originally,  indeed,  the  dress  of  a  monk  differed 
little  from  that  of  ordinary  people,  except 
so  far  as  it  resembled  the  dress  of  the  philo- 
sophers of  the  Roman  empire,  or  was  dis- 
tinguished by  a  Quaker-like  simplicity  from  the 
fashions  of  the  day.  When,  however,  the 
monastic  life  began  to  be  organised  more  sys- 
tematically, the  dress  became  a  not  unimportant 
part  of  the  rite  of  initiation.  In  the  same  way 
monks  at  first  were  only  required  to  keep  the 
hair  short,  as  a  protest  against  luxury  and 
effeminacy ;  and  the  tonsure  was  for  them  a 
thing  of  later  date  (Bingham,  Orig.  Eccles.  vii. 
iii.).  By  the  rule,  so-called,  of  "  Magister,"  the 
novice  becoming  a  monk  was  to  receive  the 
tonsure  from  the  abbat's  hands,  while  the 
brethren  stood  round  singing  psalms  {Reg.  Magist. 
c.  90).  The  congregation  of  Clugny,  at  a  later 
period,  ordered  their  novices  to  have  the  tonsure 
as  well  as  all  the  monastic  attire,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  hood  or  cowl.  But  this  was  a 
deviation  from  the  old  Benedictine  rule,  which 
reserved  the  tonsure  with  the  outer  robe  for  the 
expiration  of  the  noviciate  (Bened.  Reg.  cc.  55, 
58 ;  Mabill.  Acta  Sanctor.  0.  S.  B.  tom.  i.  p.  7, 
not.  a). 

5.  The  novice  was  in  every  instance  re- 
quired to  divest  himself  absolutely  of  all  his 
worldly  possessions.  He  was  to  be  examined 
very  particularly  on  this  point,  lest  by  keeping 
back  a  single  coin  for  himself  he  should  incur 
the  guilt  of  Ananias  (Cass.  Inst.  iv.  4 ;  Aurelian, 
Reg.  c.  1).  Even  the  clothes  on  his  back  ceased 
to  be  his  own  (Cass.  ib.  c.  5).  But  in  the  earliest 
and  purest  days  of  monachism,  the  monastery 
was  not  to  be  the  gainer  by  the  novice's  liberality, 
but  his  own  relatives  or  the  poor  (Cass.  ib. ; 
Fruct.  Reg.  c.  4).  Afterwards  he  was  allowed 
to  choose  how  his  property  should  be  disposed  of, 
provided  always  that  he  retained  nothing  for 
himself.  By  the  rule  of  Aurelian  he  might  give 
it  away  as  he  pleased  (Jieg.  c.  1).  By  the  rule 
of  "  Magister,"  the  abbat  was  to  exhort  him  to 
intrust  his  worldly  goods  to  the  monastery  for 
the  use  of  the  poor,  or,  if  he  preferred  it,  for  the 
common  fund  of  the  monastery  (^Reg.  Mag.  c. 
87).  There  was  a  curious  regulation  of  the 
monastery  of  Ternav  in  Burgundy  (Mabill.  Aym. 
0.  S.  B.  i.  30,  71,  73),  that  property  "in  kind  " 
was  to  be  converted  at  once  into  money,  in 
order,  probably,  to  facilitate  the  distribution  of 
it.  Thus,  if  a  novice  brought  a  flock  of  sheep, 
the  abbat  was  first  to  buy  it  for  the  monastery, 
or  to  sell  it  by  the  agency  of  the  prior,  and  then 
to  hand  over  the  proceeds  to  the  novice,  to  be 
applied  by  his  direction  (^Reg.  l\irnat.  c.  5).  It 
is  easy  to  understand  how,  in  course  of  time,  as 
monasteries  vied  with  one  another  in  opulence 
and  magnificence,  they  absorbed  the  larger  share 


1408 


NOVICE 


of  what  a  novice  was  renouncing.  Once  theirs,  it 
was  sacrilege  to  deprive  them  of  it  in  any  way. 
But  these  acquisitions  were  not  always  an  un- 
alloyed advantage.  Sometimes  a  novice,  pre- 
suming on  his  munificence,  made  himself  trouble- 
some to  his  brethren  and  his  abbat  (Fruct. 
lieg.  c.  18).  Sometimes,  if  faithless  to  his  pro- 
fession, he  would  reclaim  his  property  by  litiga- 
tion or  by  arms  (ih.).  It  was  important,  there- 
fore, that,  whatever  he  gave  to  the  monastery, 
he  should  give  by  his  own  act  and  deed  ("  ipse 
sua  manu,"  16.).  And  though  none  might  so 
much  as  enter  the  monastery  as  a  postulant, 
bringing  with  him  anything  of  his  own,  the 
formal  and  complete  renunciation  of  all  that  he 
had  in  the  world  was  to  be  made,  solemnly, 
publicly,  in  writing,  before  the  abbat  and  chapter, 
at  a  later  stage  of  his  noviciate  (Beg.  Mag.  c. 
87).  It  was  even  provided  in  the  rule  just 
quoted  that  the  abbat  should  record  the  names 
of  the  donor  and  of  the  subscribing  witnesses  in 
his  own  last  will  and  testament,  lest  at  any 
future  time  the  validity  of  the  gift  should  be 
called  in  question  (i6.  c.  89).  In  the  case  of  a 
minor,  his  parents  were  to  lay  his  hand,  wrapped 
in  the  folds  of  the  altar  cloth,  on  the  altar,  and 
might  either  vow  away  his  property  from  him 
absolutely,  or  reserve  the  life  interest  till  he 
should  come  of  age  (Bencd.  Beg.  Comm.  c.  59). 
When  old  enough,  the  novice  was  bound  to 
execute  this  promise  of  renunciation  (Aurel.  Beg. 
c.  46).  By  the  rule  of  "  Magister  "  the  parents 
might  either  promise  all  the  boy's  fortune  to  the 
monastery  or  might  divide  it  in  three  equal 
portions  between  the  monastery,  the  poor,  and 
his  own  relatives.  In  either  case  they  swore 
on  the  Gospels  to  bequeath  him  nothing  (Beg. 

6.  The  rules  of  disqualification  for  admission 
varied  continually  in  different  countries  and  at 
different  periods,  especially  as  to  the  limitations 
of  age.  The  conflicting  decrees  of  councils  and 
popes  on  these  points  testify  to  the  difficulty  of 
a  compromise  between  the  conflicting  claims 
of  the  home  or  the  state  on  the  one  side  and  of 
asceticism  on  the  other.  Basil,  in  the  East, 
without  defining  more  precisely,  allowed 
children  to  be  received  very  young  to  be  trained 
in  the  monastery  (Beg.  c.  15)  ;  but  they  might 
go  back  to  their  homes,  if  they  wished,  before 
being  finally  admitted.  Once  in  the  monastery, 
by  Benedict's  rule,  they  could  not  abandon  their 
vocation  (Mabill.  Annal.  iii.  37 ;  cf.  Braef. 
AA.  0.  S.  B.).  Cassian  speaks  of  young  boys 
occasionally  among  the  Egyptian  monks  (Colld. 
ii.  11).  Gregory  the  Great  forbade  them  to 
be  received  before  eighteen  years  of  age  ;  but  the 
prohibition  has  been  explained  as  applying  only 
to  the  islands  in  the  Tuscan  Sea,  where  the 
discipline  was  peculiarly  trying  (Epp.  i.  50). 
The  emperor  Leo  fixed  sixteen  as  the  limit 
(Novell.  6).  The  rule  of  Aurelianus,  bishop  of 
Aries  in  the  6th  century,  excludes  children  under 
ten  or  twelve  as  thoughtless  and  as  requiring  a 
nurse  (Beg.  c.  47).  A  canon  to  the  same  effect 
was  passed  by  the  Trullan  council  at  Constan- 
tinople, A.D.  692  (Co7ic.  C.  B.  iii.  c.  40).  Leo  IX., 
towards  the  close  of  the  11th  century,  prohibited 
novices  before  they  have  arrived  at  years  of  dis- 
cretion ;  Urban  II.,  rather  later,  forbade  them 
under  twenty.  After  the  beginning  of  the  9th 
century  they  were  seldom  admitted  under  seven- 


NOVICE 

teen  years  of  age  (Hospinian,  de  Orig.  Manacli 
iii.  23).  Boys  intended  for  the  priesthood  were 
by  a  decree  of  the  second  council  of  Toledo,  a.d. 
531,  to  be  trained  in  the  house  of  the  bishop  till 
they  were  eighteen  years  old  (Gone.  Tolet.  ii. 
c.  1). 

7.  There  is  the  same  uncertainty,  and  there 
are  similar  contradictions,  as  to  the  right  of  the 
parents  to  devote  a  child  to  the  noviciate,  and  of 
a  child  to  present  himself  without  the  consent 
of  his  parents.  Basil,  in  the  earliest  days  of 
monasticism,  forbade  children  to  be  admitted 
unless  brought  by  their  parents  (Beg.  c.  15). 
At  a  later  date  the  civil  law  not  only  discounte- 
nanced parents  keeping  back  their  children  from 
the  noviciate,  but  even  allowed  children  to  be 
admitted  against  or  without  the  consent  of  their 
natural  guardians  (Novell,  cxxiii.  41).  Jerome, 
in  a  more  than  usually  declamatory  passage, 
upbraids  Heliodorus  for  permitting  his  affec- 
tion for  his  parents  to  keep  him  back  from 
the  life  of  a  monk  (Hieron.  Epp.  14,  §  2). 
The  council  of  Gangra  (Kiangari,  in  Anatolia), 
A.D.  525,  a  council  not  very  favourably  disposed 
to  monasticism,  condemned  strongly  sons  re- 
tiring from  the  world  without  their  parents' 
leave,  anathematising  all  so  doing  (Cone.  Gangr. 
c.  16).  Alteserra  contends,  without,  however, 
much  shew  of  reason,  that  this  and  similar 
canons  of  the  council  of  Gangra  were  intended 
only  against  monks  tainted  with  heresy  (Asceti- 
con,  iv.  1).  But  two  councils  during  the  7th 
century  in  Spain,  already  distinguished  among 
the  countries  of  Europe  by  its  monastic  sym- 
pathies, decided  that  children  under  age  were 
bound  by  the  act  of  their  parents  devoting  them 
to  the  monastery,  and  must  abide  by  that 
promise,  however  unwillingly,  in  after  years 
(Cunc.  Tolet.  iv.  a.d.  633,  c.  49 ;  Cone.  Tolet.  s. 
A.D.  656,  c.  6).  The  former  of  these  councils 
of  Toledo,  according  to  Bingham,  is  the  first 
council  that  sanctions  this  perversion  of  parental 
responsibilities  and  of  filial  obedience  (Orig. 
Eccles.  vii.  iii.).  The  latter  enacts  that  up  to 
ten  years  of  age  the  child  may  be  devoted  by 
the  parents ;  that  on  attaining  that  tender  age 
the  child  has  full  power  to  devote  himself,  with 
or  without  their  approval  ;  and  that,  if  parents 
have  so  much  as  tacitly  allowed  a  child  imder 
ten  to  wear  the  monastic  dress,  he  may  never 
return  to  the  world  under  penalty  of  excom- 
munication (v.  s.). 

The  marriage  tie  was  another  source  of  per- 
plexity. Basil  dissuades  married  persons  from 
entering  the  monastic  life,  unless  together,  lest 
the  husband  or  wife  left  alone  in  the  world 
should  be  guilty  of  adultery  (Reg.  c.  12). 
Cassian,  relating  how  Theonas,  an  Egyptian 
monk,  persisted  in  becoming  a  monk  in  spite  of 
his  wife's  entreaties,  seems  by  his  silence  to  dis- 
approve (Collat.  xxi.  8,  9).  The  council  of 
Gangra,  already  quoted,  condemns  any  such  dis- 
regard of  domestic  duties  on  the  part  of  wives 
or  parents  (v.  s.  cc.  14,  15).  In  the  same  spirit 
Gregory  the  Great  cautions  husbands  against 
forsaking  their  wives  even  for  the  life  of  a  monk 
(Gregor.  M.  Epp.  vi.  48).  But  these  salutary 
cautions  were  in  practice  too  often  neglected  in 
the  fervour  of  monastic  propagandism. 

The  case  of  slaves  was  diflerent.  There  the 
monastery  was  interposing  to  rescue  men  from 
degradation.     Yet  there,  too,  was    danger  of  a 


NOVICE 

collision  between  the  monastery  and  social  obliga- 
tions. Canons  and  decrees  give  an  uncertain 
sound,  and  it  could  hardly  be  otherwise,  on  this 
point.  The  council  of  Chalcedon,  a.d.  451,  and 
the  council  of  Gangra,  A.D.  .525,  forbade  slaves  to 
be  admitted  without  their  masters'  leave  {Cone. 
Chitlced.  c.  4 ;  Cone.  Gangr.  c.  3).  Justinian 
ordered  them  to  be  kept  three  years,  and  then 
allowed  them,  if  not  reclaimed,  to  become  monks 
(Novell,  c.xxiii.  35 ;  cf.  Valentinian.  III.  Novell. 
xii.).  Basil  makes  reference  to  Onesimus,  the  run- 
avay  slave,  sent  back  to -his  owner  by  St.  Paul 
(Beg.  c.  11).  The  great  Gregory  has  frequent  oc- 
casion in  his  correspondence  to  advise  on  this 
knotty  point.  Slaves  are  not  to  be  taken  in 
rashly  (Greg.  M.  App.  ad  Epist.  Decrel.  v.  6), 
but  if  they  behave  well  in  the  monastery,  they 
may  stay  (^Epp.  v.  34)  ;  if  not,  they  must  be 
sent  back  to  their  masters  (ib.  ix.  37) ;  a  sub- 
deacon,  to  whom  Gregory  is  writing,  is  told  to 
pay  the  money  to  redeem  a  slave  longing  to 
become  a  monk  {ib.  iii.  40).  On  the  whole, 
without  doubt,  the  influence  of  the  monasteries 
was  often  exercised  wisely  as  well  as  benevo- 
lently for  the  alleviation  and  gradual  extinction 
of  the  evils  of  slavery.  For  example,  a  master 
desiring  to  become  a  monk,  and  bringing  a  slave 
with  him,  found  within  the  walls  of  the  monas- 
tery that  he  had  wilh  him  "  no  longer  a  slave, 
but  a  brother  in  the  Lord  "  (^Reg.  Serupion.  c.  7  ; 
Reg.  Turned,  c.  5,  &c.). 

The  profession  of  the  monk  clashed  not  in- 
frequently with  the  duties  of  the  citizen.  By  a 
decree  of  Valentinian  and  Valens,  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  4th  century,  all  persons  in  monas- 
teries liable  to  serve  in  the  local  senates  of  the 
empire  ("  curiales") '^  were  ordered  either  to 
return  to  public  life  or  to  sell  their  estates  to 
others  of  a  more  public  spirit  (Cod.  Theod.  xii. 
1  ;  Bingh.  Orig.  Eccles.  vii.  iii.).  The  council 
cf  Chalcedon,  in  the  same  century,  protested 
against  monks  serving  in  the  army  or  navy 
(Cone.  Chaleed.  a.d.  451,  c.  7).  Gregory  wisely 
discouraged  public  officers  from  becoming  monks, 
unless  they  had  first  passed  their  accounts, 
and  so  cleared  themselves  of  their  civic  respon- 
sibilities (Greg.  M.  Epp.  iii.  65 ;  viii.  5).  Again, 
the  admission  of  criminals  involved  questions 
of  some  difficulty.  There  was,  on  the  one 
hand,  the  danger  of  interrupting  the  course 
of  justice,  by  preventing  the  sentence  of  the 
law  from  being  carried  into  effect,  and  of 
bringing  down  on  the  monastery  harbouring 
criminals  the  strong  arm  of  the  law,  as  well  as 
the  danger,  which  \)x.  Arnold  felt  so  keenly  at 
Rugby,  of  the  moral  contagion  that  might  spread 
itself  from  an  evil  example.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  might  fairly  be  asked,  was  not  the  reformation 
of  offenders  one  great  purpose  of  the  monastery  ? 


NOVICE 


1409 


a  The  "  curialps,"  or  "  curiae  subjecti,"  may  in  some 
ways  be  compared  to  our  aldermen  or  town-councilmen. 
When  summoned  to  the  office,  they  could  not  refuse,  and 
if  they  endeavoured  to  evade  it,  they  ivere  compelled  to 
return.  I'hey  were  responsible  fjr  the  full  paymi-nt  of 
the  impost  due  from  their  locality.  The  office  being 
burdensome  was  invested  with  some  dignity  as  a  com- 
pensation, but  rame  notwithstanding  to  be  regarded  as  a 
kind  of  servitude.  (See  Ortolan's  History  of  Common 
Law,  translated  by  Uichard  and  Nasmyth,  184].  See 
particularly  Jastiniani  Codex,  i.  iii.  12;  xxxi.  38;  vii. 
xxxix.  5.) 


Cassian  speaks  of  reclaimed  robbers  and  even 
murderers  among  the  monks  of  Egypt  in  his 
day  (Collat.  iii.  5).  The  rule  of  Fructuosus 
provides  that  novices  of  this  character  may  only 
be  received  where  the  abbat  is  a  man  of  more 
than  ordinary  experience  and  gravity,  and  that 
they  must  always  be  subjected  to  a  discipline  of 
more  than  usual  rigour  (Fruct.  Reg.  c.  19).  For  a 
somewhat  similar  reason,  as  well  as  not  to  inter- 
fere with  a  sister  institution,  monks,  by  a  decree 
of  the  council  of  Agde,  in  the  6th  century,  were 
not  to  be  admitted  from  one  monastery  into 
another  (Cone.  Agath.  a.d.  506,  c.  58).  Old 
age  was  sometimes  a  bar  to  admission,  in  the 
earlier  days  of  monasticism.  Cassian  says  of 
some  who  desired  to  become  monks  that  they 
were  too  old  to  learn  (Inslit.  iv.  30 ;  cf.  Pallad. 
Hist.  Laus.  cc.  20,  28).  Poverty  was  never  a 
disqualification.  The  poorest  outcast,  craving 
to  be  let  in,  with  no  possessions  of  any  kind  to 
renounce,  either  for  the  monastery  or  for  the 
poor,  had  simply  to  vow,  like  the  rest,  that  he 
would  be  obedient,  and  that  he  would  never  go 
away  without  leave  of  the  abbat  and  of  the 
brethren ;  if  naked,  he  was  to  be  clothed  (Reg. 
Magist.  c.  87).  The  following  list  of  impedi- 
ments to  becoming  a  novice  in  some  orders  is 
given  by  Martene  ;  but  a  good  deal  was  always 
left  to  the  discretion  of  the  abbat  and  chapter. 
Immature  age,  heresy,  schism,  need  of  a  dis- 
pensation, illegitimacy,  debt,  evil  notoriety,  gross 
wickedness,  bodily  infirmity,  and,  in  case  of  a 
novice  aspiring  to  the  diaconate  or  priesthood, 
ignorance  of  Latin  (Reg.  Bened.  Comment,  c.  58). 

8.  In  the  earliest  ages  there  was  no  vow  of 
perpetuity,  in  so  many  words  ;  only  a  tacit  under- 
standing on  both  sides  that  the  novice  would 
persevere  in  his  vocation  (Bingham,  Orig. 
Eccles.  vii.  iii.).  If,  after  making  his  profession, 
he  turned  back  to  the  world,  he  was  to  forfeit 
what  he  had  promised  to  the  monastery,  and 
was  to  be  left  to  make  his  peace  with  God  as  he 
could  (Justinian,  Novell,  v.).  Short,  however, 
of  an  irrevocable  vow,  everything  was  done  to 
insure  his  perseverance.  Should  there,  after  all, 
be  necessity  for  his  expulsion,  his  old  secular 
dress  was  to  be  given  back  to  him  (Bened.  Reg. 
c.  58)  ;  and  he  was  either  to  be  ejected  igno- 
miniously  in  the  daytime  or  allowed  to  steal 
away  under  the  shadow  of  night  (Cass.  Instit. 
iv.  6).  The  mediaeval  treatment  of  such 
offenders  was  more  severe ;  they  were  to  be 
immured  for  life  (Hospinian,  de  Orig.  Monach. 
ad  loc.  cit. ;  Bened.  Reg.).  During  the  noviciate 
egress  was  comparatively  easy.  After  two 
months  of  it,  the  novice  might,  if  he  wished, 
depart  in  peace,  with  staff,  wallet  of  provisions, 
and  the  abbat's  benediction  (Reg.  Mag.  c.  88). 
If,  even  at  the  last  moment,  just  before  solemnly 
assuming  the  monk's  habit,  he  wished  to  retract, 
he  was  free  to  do  so,  but  under  sentence  of 
penance  for  levity  of  purpose,  and  as  a  man  still 
in  God's  sight  dedicated  to  the  life  of  a  priest,  if 
not  to  the  higher  life,  as  it  was  regarded,  of  a 
monk  (Mabill.  Praeff.  iv.  vii.  150).  A  novice 
receding  within  the  year  was,  by  the  rules  of 
the  Benedictine  order  of  "  Grandimontenses," 
never  to  be  allowed  to  try  again  (Reg.  Com- 
ment, c.  29). 

Novices  generally  enjoyed,  during  this  proba- 
tion, the  civil  exemptions  and  immunities  of 
monks  (Alteser.  Asccticon,  iv.  4).     Degradation 


1410 


NOVITIOLI 


to  the  noviciate  was  sometimes  a  punishment 
for  monks  who  were  disobedient  (Du  Cange, 
Glossar.  Lat.  s.  v.).  Benedict  ordered  the  younger 
monks,  just  out  of  their  noviciate,  to  be  cor- 
rected for  their  faults  by  extraordinary  fastings 
{Reg.  30). 

9.  All  these  carefully  devised  regulations 
about  novices  shew  that  the  founders  and  re- 
formers of  monastic  orders  regarded  the  no- 
viciate, and  rightly,  as  a  very  important  part  of 
their  system.  If  the  authority  of  the  abbat  was 
the  keystone  of  the  arch,  the  rigorous  probation 
before  becoming  a  monk  was  the  cornerstone  of 
the  edifice.  Thus  the  admission  of  a  novice 
("  susceptio  novitii  ")  was  one  of  the  five  princi- 
pal duties  of  the  abbat  and  chapter  ("  praecipua 
agenda  monasterii ") ;  the  other  four  being  the 
expulsion  of  renegades,  the  penances  for  mis- 
conduct, the  acceptance  of  donations  or  bequests, 
■and  any  proposition  for  changing  any  of  the 
rules  of  the  society  {Heg.  Bened.  Commentat.  c. 
3).  Benedict  himself  lays  down  the  principle, 
that,  while  the  discipline  of  novices  must  not  go 
beyond  their  power  of  endurance,  still,  so  far  as 
it  goes  it  must  be  adhered  to  strictly  {Seg. 
Frolog.).  It  was  a  sagacious  remark  of  Eutro- 
pius,  a  Spanish  abbat  (Serbitanus  or  Sirbitanus) 
towards  the  end  of  the  6th  century,  "  we  do  not 
want  quantity,  but  quality  in  our  novices  " — 
"  non  quantos  [quot]  sed  quales "  (Mabill. 
Ann.  0.  S.  B.  vii.  21).  Yet  the  noviciate  and  the 
framing  of  regulations  about  it  seem  to  have  been 
left  generally  to  the  monastic  bodies  themselves. 
The  canons  of  councils,  though  continually  re- 
lating to  the  monks  and  monasteries,  are  com- 
paratively silent  about  the  noviciate.  It  was  con- 
isidered  probably  an  integral  part  of  the  internal 
administration  of  the  monasteries.  It  may  be 
observed  that,  while  in  the  commencement  of 
monasticism  the  age  for  admission  was  earlier, 
and  the  probation  longer,  the  inverse  practice 
prevailed  in  course  of  time.  Obviously  the 
younger  the  novice,  the  greater  the  need  of  long 
and  elaborate  preparation. 

[For  Literature,  see  Monastery,  p.  1229.] 

[I.  G.  S.] 

NOVITIOLI.  A  name  sometimes  given  to 
catechumens,  because,  says  Bingham  (Antiq.  X. 
i.  1),  "  they  were  just  entering  upon  that  state 
v/hich  made  them  soldiers  of  God  and  candidates 
of  eternal  life."  [C.] 

NUBILIS  (NoBiLis),  martyr ;  commemorated 
in  Africa  Ap.  25  {Hieron.  Mart.) ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Ap.  iii.  361).  [C.  H.] 

NUCUS,  martyr.     [Mucius,  June  15.] 

NUDIPEDALIA.  A  word  used  to  describe 
walking  barefoot  in  processions,  and  other  func- 
tions of  the  church,  as  a  sign  of  humiliation 
(Tertullian,  Apol.  c.  4).  It  was  also  a  pagan 
form  of  supplication  to  the  deities.  (Tertull. 
adv.  Gentes,  c.  40.)  [C] 

NUMBERS,  THE  GOLDEN.  [Easter, 
p.  593.] 

NUMERIANUS,  bishop  and  confessor  at 
Treves,  a.d.  657  ;  commemorated  July  5  (Boil. 
Acta  SS.  Jul.  ii.  231).  [C.  H.] 


NUN 

NLTMIDIA,  COUNCIL  OF.  A  turbulent 
meeting  of  Donatists,  held  there  A.D.  348,  at 
some  place  unknown,  to  allay  the  storm  raised 
by  Macarius,  who  had  been  sent  on  thither  for 
relief  of  the  poor  by  the  emperor  Constans. 
(Mansi,  iii.  143.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

NUMIDICUS,  martyr  with  others  in  Africa 
in  tlie  third  century ;  commemorated  Aug.  9 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii.  410).  [C.  H.] 

NUMISMATICS.    [Money.] 

NUN.  1.  The  Name ;  2.  Pagan  Precedents ; 
3.  The  Sacred  Virgins ;  4.  Origin  and  Groicth  of 
Convents  ;  5.  Age  for  Admission  and  Duration  of 
Probation;  6.  Perpetuity  of  Obligation;  7.  Conse- 
cration of  a  Nun ;  8.  Conventual  Pules ;  9.  Epi- 
scopal Control,  4'C- >  10-  Occupations  of  Nuns; 
11.  Nuns  and  Monks. 

(1)  Among  the  various  designations  used  by 
ancient  Christian  writers  for  nuns,  the  most 
noticeable  are  these.  "  Nonna  "  (Hieron.  Epp.  22 
ad  Eustochium),  a  term  of  filial  reverence,  signify- 
ing an  aged  woman,  a  mother,  or  nurse,  just  as 
the  older  monks  were  called  "  nonni  "  by  their 
younger  brethren  (Bened.  Peg.  c.  63  ;  cf.  Bened. 
Anian.  Concord.  Pegul.  c.  70  ;  Menard,  ad  loc). 
The  word  is  perhaps  from  Egypt,  and  occurs  in 
the  form  of  vSvis  in  some  editions  of  Palladius. 
"  Sanctimonialis,"  or  "  Castimonialis,"  expressing 
the  holiness  of  the  vocation ;  the  latter  syllables 
of  these  words  become  in  later  writers  the  sub- 
stantive word  "  monialis."  "  Monastria,"  a  less 
usual  word,  signifying  seclusion  from  the  world. 
"  Sponsa  Christi,"  or  spouse  of  Christ.  "  Ancilla 
Dei,"  handmaid  of  God.  "Velata,"  veiled. 
"  Ascetica,"  ascetic  (Alteser.  Asceticon.  III.  ii.). 
The  names  "  agapetae,"  beloved,  and  "  sorores," 
sisters,  degenerated  into  terms  of  reproach,  as 
implying  familiarity  with  monks  (Bingh.  Orig. 
Eccles.  VI.  ii.  13  ;  cf.  Cone.  Ancyr.  a.d.  314.  c. 
18). 

(2)  There  were  precedents  in  paganism  for 
an  institution  of  this  kind.  The  Roman  vestals 
held  a  very  high  place  in  the  Roman  constitu- 
tion. Usually  admitted  very  young,  between 
the  ages  of  six  and  ten,  they  were  bound  to  fulfil 
a  term  of  thirty  years  after  admission ;  ten  as 
novices,  ten  in  the  worship  of  the  temple,  ten  as 
teachers  of  those  who  were  to  take  their  places. 
After  the  expiration  of  these  thirty  years,  they 
were  free  to  marry,  but  availed  themselves  of 
this  liberty  very  rarely  (Preller,  Les  Bieux 
de  Vancienne  Pome).  Among  the  Pythago- 
reans, also,  women  consecrating  themselves  to 
virginity  might  attain  a  very  exalted  rank  in 
the  hierarchy  (Maury,  Histoire  des  Beligions 
de  la  Grece  Antique).  Ambrose  seeks  a  pre- 
cedent in  the  sacred  observances  of  the  Jews 
{Be  Yirginibus).  But  the  passage  in  the  book 
of  Maccabees  is  a  very  slight  foundation  to 
build  upon  (II.  Mace.  iii.  19). 

(3)  In  one  sense  the  profession  of  a  nun  dates 
from  an  earlier  period  than  the  corresponding 
profession  of  a  monk.  Before  the  custom  of 
addicting  themselves  for  religious  purposes  to  an 
unmarried  life  had  made  much  progress  in  the 
Christian  church  among  men,  it  was  already  in 
vogue  among  women.  They  had  no  public 
duties  to  renounce  •,  it  was  easier  for  them  to 
exchange  their  ordinary  employments  for  those 
of  charity  and  devotion  ;  perhaps,  too,  they  were 


NUN 

predisposed  to  understand  the  exhortations  to 
purity,  which  are  so  prominent  in  the  Gospel,  as 
exhortations  to  virginity,  and  to  take  such  words 
about  marriage  as  those  of  St.  Paul  to  the 
Corinthians  in  the  most  literal  sense  (1  Cor.  vii. 
35).  The  "  sacred  virgins,"  or  "  ecclesiasti- 
cal virgins,"  were  an  important  part  of  the 
organisation  of  the  church  in  its  first  three 
centuries,  and  their  names  were  enrolled  on  the 
list  ("  canon "  or  "  matrieula ")  of  church 
officials  (Bingham,  Origin.  Eccles.  vii.  4 ;  Hog- 
pinian,  de  Orig.  Alonachatits,  i.  10).  The  empress 
Helena,  mother  of  Constantine  the  Great,  shewed 
especial  respect  for  these  devoted  women  (Socrat. 
Hist.  Eccles.  i.  17).  But  these  "  asceticae  "  were 
not  living  together  in  communities,  nor  bound 
by  vows  (Cyprian,  Epp.  4,  62  ;  cf.  De  Habitu 
Vtrg.).  Even  so  late  as  the  close  of  the  4th 
century,  a  canon  of  the  council  of  Carthage 
speaks  of  these  virgins  as  dwelling  with  their 
parents  {Cone.  Carthag.  III.  a.d.  o97,  c.  33  ; 
Gregor.  M.  Dialog,  ii.  7,  14).  If  orphans,  they 
were  to  be  placed  by  the  bishop  in  a  building 
set  apart  for  them.  Probably  the  persecutions 
of  the  "  sacred  virgins  "  by  Julian  (Sozomen, 
Hist.  Eccl.  V.  3),  by  that  reaction  which  in- 
evitably follows  persecution,  helped  to  make 
their  vocation  at  once  more  popular  and  more 
systematic.  Some  of  the  Roman  ladies,  who 
were  induced  by  Jerome's  influence  to  devote 
themselves  to  it,  continued  in  their  homes. 
Others  left  their  homes  to  give  themselves  more 
completely,  as  they  believed,  to  a  life  of  devotion 
{Epp.  ad  Eustoch. ;  ad  Dametriad. ;  Ambrose,  Epp. 
ad  Marcell.).  The  civil  law  of  the  later  empire 
exempted  from  the  capitation  tax  (a  plebeiae 
capitationis  injuria)  these  ecclesiastical  virgins, 
and  grants  them  especial  protection  from  insults, 
making  it  a  capital  offence  to  offer  violence  to 
any  one  of  their  number,  or  even  to  propose 
marriage  to  them  {Cod.  Theodos.  xiii.  x.  4,  ix. 
XXV. ;  Cod.  Justinian.  I.  iii.  5). 

(4)  Very  early  in  the  5th  century  Palladius 
describes  several  communities  of  virgins  living 
together  in  the  Scetic  desert,  in  Egypt,  and  in 
Tabennae,  an  island  on  the  Nile.  Some  of  these 
communities  were  apparently  not  under  a  very 
careful  discipline.  Dorotheus,  the  superintend- 
ent of  one  of  them,  used  to  sit  at  an  upper 
window,  looking  down  on  the  inmates,  to  stop 
their  quarrellings  (Pallad.  Hist.  Laus.  cc.  34,  36, 
38,  137).  Chrysostom  mentions  crowds  or 
associations  of  virgins  (coetus  virginum)  in 
Egypt,  in  those  days  pre-eminently  fertile  in 
asceticism  {Homil.  in  Matt.  c.  8).  Ruffinus 
speaks  of  them  in  Oxyrinchus  (Behnesch)  in 
Egypt.  Ambrose  says  that  they  abounded  in 
Alexandria,  in  the  East,  in  Italy,  and  were 
esteemed  very  highly  {De  Virginit.  7,  De  Vir- 
ginibus,  10,  De  Lapsu  Virg.).  Jerome  complains 
that  parents  were  apt  then,  as  in  later  years,  to 
get  rid  of  their  sickly  or  ill-favoured  daughters 
in  this  way  ( Hieron.  Ep.  ad  Demctriad.). 
Augustine  mentions  nuns,  in  buildings  apart 
from  monasteries,  making  woollen  garments  for 
the  monks  {De  Mor.  Eccles.  c.  31).  In  his  pro- 
tests against  the  excesses  of  Donatists,  he  rebukes 
severely  the  indecent  behaviour  of  the  virgins, 
unworthy  of  the  name,  who  accompanied  the 
roving  bands  of  the  "  Circumcelliones  "  {Cont. 
Parmenian.  iii.  3 ;  De  Bono  Viduitat.  c.  15). 
Jn  the  last  year  of  the  6th  century  the  pope, 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


NUN 


1411 


Gregory  the  Great,  attributes  the  preservation 
of  Rome  from  the  Lombards  to  the  prayers  of 
the  nuns,  about  three  thousand  in  number, 
within  its  walls  (Gregor.  M.  Epp.  vi.  42,  vii.  26). 

(5)  At  first,  as  was  the  case  with  monks,  and 
especially  in  the  East,  youth  was  hardly  con- 
sidered a  hindrance  to  self-dedication.  Basil 
draws  the  line  at  sixteen  or  seventeen  {Beg.  c.  7  ; 
Ep.  ad  Amphiloch.  c.  18).  Asella  and  Paula  de- 
voted themselves,  or  were  devoted,  even  earlier 
(Hieron.  Epjp.).  Ambrose  advises  that  it  must 
not  depend  on  the  number  of  years,  but  on  the 
maturity  of  character  {De  Virginitate,  c.  7). 
The  Council  of  Sai-agossa,  in  the  close  of  the 
4th  century,  and  the  Council  of  Agde,  a  little 
more  than  a  century  later,  forbid  the  veil  to  be 
assumed  before  the  age  of  forty  {Cone.  Caesamug. 
A.D.  381,  c.  8 ;  Cone.  Agathens.  A.D.  506,  c.  19)  ; 
and  the  third  Council  of  Carthage,  about  the  same 
date  as  that  of  Saragossa,  before  twenty-five 
{Cone.  Carthag.  III.  A.D.  397,  c.  4).  Gregory 
the  Great  writes  that  nuns  may  not  be  veiled 
before  sixty  years  of  age,  but  the  profession 
might  be  made  sooner  {Epp.  iv.  11 ;  cf.  Mabill. 
Annal.  0.  S.  B.  viii.  47).  Charlemagne,  in 
order  to  discourage  the  practice  of  taking  the 
veil  prematurely,  re-enacted  the  old  African 
canon  already  quoted,  fixing  twenty-five  years  >  f 
age  as  the  earliest  age  for  it  {Capital,  a.d.  789, 
c.  46  ;  A.D.  805,  c.  14).  The  Council  of  Frank- 
fort allows  an  earlier  age  in  exceptional  cases 
{Cone.  Frnncof.  a.d.  793,  c.  46).  The  Coun- 
cil of  Aachen,  twenty-two  years  later,  forbids 
young  women  to  become  nuns  without  the  con- 
sent of  their  parents  or  guardians  {Cone.  Aquisgr. 
A.D.  817,  c.  20).  As  to  the  length  of  time  ne- 
cessary for  probation,  a  Council  of  Orleans  in 
the  6th  century,  draws  a  distinction  between 
convents  where  the  inmates  are  to  stay  for  ever, 
and  those  where  they  only  sojourn  for  a  time. 
In  the  latter  case  the  probation  is  to  last  three 
years  ;  in  the  former,  one  year  is  enough  {Cone. 
Aurelian.  V.  a.d.  549,  c.  19).     [Novice.] 

(6)  From  the  first  it  was  understood  on  all 
hands  that  a  woman  consecrating  herself  to  the 
profession  of  virginity  ought  not  to  marry ;  and 
in  accordance,  as  it  was  thought,  with  apostolic 
precepts  (1  Cor.  vii. ;  1  Tit.  ii.),  anyone  going 
back  from  this  profession  was  gravely  censured  as 
falling  from  a  higher  vocation  {Cone.  Ancyr.  a.d, 
315,  c.  19).  But  it  was  not  till  the  Benedictine 
rule  had  been  established  in  Europe  that  the 
vow  of  virginity  was  regarded  as  absolutely 
irrevocable.'  At  first  in  some  cases,  if  not  in 
all,  the  distinction  was  recognised  between  lawful 
wedlock  and  incontinency.  In  course  of  time  the 
same  stigma  of  infamy  was  branded  on  a  nun 
marrying,  as  on  one  guilty  of  gross  immorality, 
just  as  a  monk  was  condemned  alike  for  marriage 
and  fornication.  The  Council  of  Elvira  in  Spain, 
early  in  the  4th  century,  allowed  nuns  forsaking 
their  profession  to  be  restored  to  communion,  if 
penitent,  after  offending  once,  but  not  in  case  of 
the  offence  being  repeated  {Cone.  Eliheritan.  a.d. 
c.  324,  c.  13).  iiasil  ordered  a  penance  of  one  or 
two  years  before  restoration  to  communion  ;  in 
his  eyes,  the  marriage  of  one  who  is  already  the 
spouse  of  Christ  is  adultery  {Ep.  ad  Amphiloch. 
c.   18).     The  Council   of  Valence,  in   Southern 


See  H.  C.  Lea's  Uistory  of  Cdibacy,  Pliiladolpbia, 
4Y 


1412 


NUN 


France,  about  the  same  date,  sentenced  nuns 
marrying  to  a  long,  but  not  perpetual,  excom- 
munication (Cone.  Valent.  A.D.  374,  c.  2).  The 
Theodosian  code  allowed  them  to  return  to  the 
world  at  any  time  before  attaining  forty  years 
of  age,  especially  if  they  had  been  compelled  in 
the  first  instance  by  their  parents  to  become 
nuns  {Cod.  Theodos.  Nov.  viii.  et  ix.).  Pope 
Innocent  I.,  in  the  commencement  of  the 
5th  century,  forbids  a  nun  after  marrying  or 
being  seduced  to  be  restored  to  communion, 
unless  the  partner  in  her  transgression  has 
retired  into  the  cloister  ("de  saeculo  recesserit," 
understood  by  Hospinian  as  if  it  were  "de- 
cesserit")  (Innoc.  I.  Ep.  2  ad  Victric.  Roto- 
magens.).  Epiphanius  draws  very  strongly  the 
distinction,  obliterated  in  later  ages,  between  the 
marriage  of  a  nun  and  profligacy;  in  the  former 
case,  after  penance  done,  the  ban  of  excommuni- 
cation is  to  be  taken  off  from  her  (Epiphan. 
Haeres.  Ixi.).  Leo  I.,  in  the  middle  of  the 
century,  only  allows  nuns  who  have  broken 
their  vow  before  taking  the  veil  to  be  received 
after  penance  to  communion ;  for  those  who  so 
ofiend  after  taking  the  veil  there  is  no  restora- 
tion (JSp.  90).  Rather  earlier  in  the  century 
Augustine,  with  characteristic  largeness  of 
thought,  admits  that  marriage  in  these  cases, 
though  very  culpable,  is  not  invalidated  (Z>e 
Bono  Viduitat.  8,  9,  10).  Jerome,  as  charac- 
teristically, writes  more  inexorably  (^Ep.  ad 
Demetriad.).  The  Council  of  Chalcedon,  pre- 
scribing a  period  of  penance  varying  in  duration 
according  to  the  discretion  of  the  bishop,  recom- 
mends the  offending  sister  to  mercy  (Cone. 
Chalced.  a.d.  451,  c.  16).  The  second  Council 
of  Aries,  in  the  year  following,  re-enacts  the 
decree,  already  cited,  of  the  Council  of  Valence, 
adding  the  limitation,  "  if  the  offender  is  over 
twenty-five  years  of  age  "  (Cone.  Arelat.  ii.  a.d. 
452,  c.  33).  The  decree  of  the  Council  of 
Orange,  a  hvf  years  before  this,  is  of  the  same 
purport  (Cone.  Arausican.  A.D.  441,  c.  28).  A 
century  later  the  sentences  pronounced  are  more 
severe.  The  fifth  Council  of  Orleans  excom- 
municates both  parties  in  the  event  of  a  nun 
marrying  after  her  fourth  year  in  the  convent 
(Cone.  Aurelian.  V.  a.d.  549,  c.  19);  and  the 
Council  of  Macon  makes  this  an  excommunica- 
tion for  ever,  except  by  special  dispensation 
from  the  bishop  in  mortal  sickness  (Cone. 
Matiscon.  A.D.  c.  581,  c.  12).  The  third  Council 
of  Paris  pronounces  anathema  against  any  one 
presuming  to  tempt  a  nun  to  marry  (Cone. 
Paris,  _A.D,  557,  c.  5).  Gregory  the  Great  cen- 
sures in  gravest  terms  the  marriage  of  a  nun, 
as  a  great  wickedness  (Ep.  y.  "24).  Nuns 
otherwise  breaking  their  vow  of  chastity  he 
orders  to  be  transferred  to  a  stricter  monastery 
for  penance  (Epp.  iv.  9). 

(7)  The  Consecration  of  a  nun  was  a  solemn 
rite,  only  to  be  administered  by  a  bishop,  or,  at 
least,  by  his  authorisation.  The  third  Council 
of  Carthage,  in  the  end  of  the  4th  century, 
forbade  priests  so  to  officiate,  except  by  the 
bishop's  order ;  the  Council  of  Paris,  under  the 
successor  of  Charlemagne,  forbade  abbesses  to 
usurp  this  function  (Cone.  Carthag.  III.  a.d.  390, 
c.  3  ;  Syn.  JUppon.  a.d.  393,  c.  34  ;  Syn.  Carthag. 
a.d.  419,  c.  6  ;  Cone.  Paris,  a.d.  825,  cc.  41,43). 
Ambrose,  in  the  4th  century,  cautions  women 
against   assuming    the    veil    precipitately   and 


NUN 

without  due  consideration  (De  Virginitate,  c.  7). 
His  sister  Marcellina  was  formally  admitted  in 
the  great  basilica  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome  by  pope 
Liberius,  and  part  of  the  ceremony  was  her 
receiving  from  his  hands  the  robe  of  virginity 
(Ep.  ad  Marcellin.;  Innoc.  Ep.  ad  Victr.  c. 
13.  He  relates  elsewhere  how  young  women 
came  to  him  at  Milan  from  other  parts  cf 
Italy  and  from  other  countries  to  be  veiled 
(^De  Virginibus,  i.  c.  10;  cf.  Cone.  Carthag 
iv.  A.D.  398).  Hospinian  (^De  Orig.  Monach.  u.  s., 
contends  that  there  was  no  such  ceremony  be- 
fore Constantine  the  Great,  and  that  Tertullian 
(De  Virginibus  Yelandis)  speaks  only  of  the 
modesty  in  dress  and  deportment  which  becomes 
Christian  maidens  generally.  The  favourite 
seasons  for  this  ceremony  were  Epiphany,  Easter, 
and  the  festivals  of  Apostles  (Gelasius,  Ep.  9, 
ad  Epise.  Lucan.  c.  12).  The  veil  was  a 
sign  of  belonging  to  Christ  alone  (Athauas. 
Exhortat.  ad  Spons.  Dei).  The  fillet  or  riband 
(vitta),  with  its  gleam  of  purple  or  gold, 
represented  the  crown  of  victory  (Optatus,  de 
Sehismat.  Donat.  vii.  4),  and  the  tresses 
gathered  up  and  tied  together  marked  the 
difference  between  the  bride  of  Christ  and  the 
bride  of  an  earthly  bridegroom  with  her  tresses 
loosened  according  to  the  old  Roman  custom. 
The  ring  and  bracelet,  symbolic  also  of  the 
betrothal  to  Christ,  as  well  as  the  use  of  a 
special  office  for  the  occasion,  were,  Bingham 
argues,  of  a  comparatively  modern  date  (Orig. 
Eccles.  VII.  iv.).  The  Council  of  Gangra,  while 
correcting  several  laxities  of  the  day,  condemned 
the  practice  of  nuns  dressing  like  monks  (Cono. 
Gangr.  A.D.  365,  cc.  13,  30).  The  same  council 
forbade  nuns  to  have  their  heads  shaven  (ib. 
c.  17 ;  cf.  Cod.  Theodos.  XVI.  ii.  27) ;  and  so 
decreed  two  Gallic  councils  in  the  6th  and 
7th  centuries  (Mabill.  Annul.  0.  S.  B.  vii. 
52,  xiii.  7).  Ambrose  and  Optatus  write  to  the 
same  effect  (Ambr.  de  Laps.  Virgin,  c.  8 ;  Optat. 
de  Sehismat.  Donatist.  vi.  4).  On  the  other 
hand,  Jerome  and  Augustine  imply  that  the 
custom  in  their  experience  was  otherwise 
(Hieron.  Ep.  ad  Sabinian.  August.;  Ep.  211). 
In  Egypt  and  Syria  the  custom  of  shaving  the  ■ 
head  seems  to  have  been  adopted  for  cleanliness, 
nuns  having  infrequent  opportunities  of  washing 
the  head  (Hieron.  u.  s.  ;  cf.  Sozom.  Hist.  Ecct. 
V.  10).  The  uncertainty  of  rule,  and  the  diver- 
sity of  practice  on  this  point  arose,  perhaps,  in 
part  from  the  apostolic  injunctions  to  the  Chris- 
tian women  at  Corinth  (1  Cor.  si.)  conflicting 
with  the  monastic  tonsure ;  and  partly  from 
the  twofold  aspect  of  the  vocation  of  a  nun,  as, 
on  the  one  hand,  pledged  to  virginity,  and,  on 
the  other,  betrothed  to  the  Redeemer.  Another 
objection  against  the  tonsure  of  nuns  in  Europe 
was  the  circumstance  that  this  was  an  ancient 
punishment  for  adulteresses  among  the  Teutonic 
tribes. 

(8)  The  rules  of  the  conventual  life  for 
women  resemble  closely  those  for  men  (Mabill. 
Annal.  0.  S.  B.  i.  52).  Scholastica,  sister  of  the 
great  Benedict,  was  esteemed  in  Europe  the 
foundress  of  nunneries,  according  to  the  legend- 
ary tradition  (Mabill.  Praejf.  I.  iii.).  The  nuns 
were  to  obey  their  abbess  implicitly  (e.g. 
August.  Ep.  211).  By  the  rule  of  Caesarius, 
bishop  of  Aries,  in  the  6th  century,  they  were 
never  to  go  out  of  the  convent;  were  to  havo' 


NUN 

nothing  of  their  own ;  were  to  be  allowed  the 
luxury  of  a  bath  only  in  sickness  (Caesar.  Arelat. 
Reg.  cc.  1,  4,  29).  The  rule  of  Aurelian,  his 
successor  in  the  see,  orders  that  they  may  never 
receive  letters  without  the  cognisance  of  the 
abbess,  and  that  if  anyone  brings  a  maid  with 
her  into  the  convent,  the  servant,  by  the  very  act, 
becomes  free  and  in  all  things  her  equal  (Aure- 
lian Arelat.  Reg.  cc.  4,  13).  The  rigorous  rule 
called  ■•'  Cujusdam,"  not  unreasonably  ascribed 
by  some  to  Columba  of  lona,  prescribes  for  nuns 
continual  silence,  frequent  confessions,  a  very 
spare  diet,  very  hard  labour,  under  penalty  of  ex- 
communication (^Reg.  CujuscL  cc.  6,  9,  10, 12,  18, 
19).  The  rule  of  Donatus,  bishop  of  Besangon,  in 
the  middle  of  the  7th  century,  makes  mention  of 
female  officers  corresponding  to  the  abbat,  friar, 
hebdomadarius  or  septimanarius  in  a  monastery  ; 
it  allows  wives,  who  have  left  their  husbands,  to 
bo  admitted  (cf.  Syn.  Carthag.  II.  a,d.  309,  c.  1)  ; 
it  forbids  the  nuns  to  keep  anything  under  lock 
and  key ;  it  orders  small  delinquencies  to  be 
punishe'd  by  slappings  (Donat.  Vesontionens. 
Reg.  cc.  4,  5,  7,  11,  32,  67).  Gregory  the 
Great,  in  his  life  of  Benedict  of  Nursia,  gives 
a  curious  legend,  how  two  nuns  were  punished 
grievously  for  their  silly  chatterings  (Gregor. 
M.  Vit.  S.  Bcncd.  c.  23). 

(9)  Nunneries  were  generally,  as  might  be 
anticipated,  more  amenable  than  monasteries  to 
the  control  of  their  bishop.  But  the  occurrence 
from  time  to  time  of  a  canon  on  this  point 
shews  that  they,  too,  could  sometimes  be  in- 
subordinate (e.g.  Cone.  Arelat.  a.d.  554,  c.  5 ; 
Cone.  Forojul.  a.d.  791,  c.  47 ;  Cone.  Francofurt. 
A.D.  793,  c.  47  ;  Cone.  Aquisgran.  a.d.  816,  c.  68 ; 
Gone.  Paris,  a.d.  829,  c.  13).  Again,  another 
council  insists  that  they  must  account  to  their 
bishop  for  all  immunities  froin  episcopal  du«s 
{Cone.  Vernens.  A.D.  755,  c.  20).  Gregory  blames 
a  bishop  for  not  having  hindered  a  nun  from  leav- 
ing her  convent  (Gregor.  M.  Epp.  ix.  114).  He 
orders  the  bishops  to  install  new  abbesses;  to 
prevent  nunneries  being  founded  without  suffi- 
cient endowment ;  to  keep  lay-women  out  of  them 
(Epp.  iii.  9,  iv.  4,  v.  12,  vii.  7).  The  power 
of  abbesses,  like  that  of  abbats,  was  checked  by 
certain  limitations  both  from  within  and  with- 
out. By  the  rule  of  Donatus  the  abbess 
must  take  counsel  with  her  nuns  (m.  s.  c.  2). 
By  the  decree  of  an  English  council  in  the  8  th 
century  the  abbess  is  to  be  elected  by  the 
nuns,  either  from  their  own  number  or  from 
elsewhere,  with  the  advice  of  the  bishop  {Cone. 
Chaleyth.  [Chelsea?],  a.d.  787,  c.  5).  Gregory 
the  Great  in  his  day  disapproved  of  young 
abbesses,  and  of  abbesses  fi-om  another  convent 
CEpp.  iv.  11,  vi.  12).  By  a  council  near  Paris 
in  the  8th  century  it  is  ordered  that  the 
bishop,  as  well  as  the  abbess,  may  send  a  nun 
misbehaving  herself  to  a  penitentiary  ;  that  no 
abbess  is  to  superintend  more  than  one  monas- 
tery, or  to  quit  the  precincts,  except  once  a  year 
when  summoned  by  her  sovereign  ;  and  that  the 
abbess  must  do  penance  in  the  monastery  for  her 
faults  by  the  bishop's  direction  (cum  consilio 
episcopi,  Cone.  Vernens.  a.d.  735,  c.  6).  Charle- 
magne enacted  that  the  bishop  must  report  to 
the  Crown  any  abbess  guilty  of  misconduct,  in 
order  that  she  might  be  deposed  {Cone.  Franco- 
furt. A.D.  795,  c.  47).  Abbesses  were  forbidden, 
in  the  reign  of  his  successor,  to  walk  alone,  and 


NUN 


1413 


thus  were  placed  in  some  degree  under  the  sur- 
veillance of  the  sisterhood  {Cone.  Mogunt'm.  ii. 
A.D.  847,  c.  16).  Charlemagne  prohibited 
abbesses  from  laying  hands  on  any  one,  or  pro- 
nouncing the  blessing  (Capitul.  Carol.  M.  a.d. 
798,  c.  76 ;  Cone.  Francofurt.  a.d.  793,  c.  46). 
Hospinian  alleges  that  some  abbesses  claimed 
to  ordain,  but  this  can  only  be  understood 
in  the  sense  of  admitting  into  minor  orders 
or  into  the  sisterhood  (Hospinian,  u.  s.).  Bing- 
ham states  that  abbesses  are  first  mentioned  as 
taking  part  in  the  proceedings  of  a  synod  at  the 
Council  of  Becantield  (Becanceldae),  in  Kent, 
A.D.  694  (Bing.  Origin.  Eccles.  VII.  iii.;  cf. 
Mabill.  Annal.  0.  S.  B.  sviii.  28).  In  the  feudal 
system  abbesses  were  liable,  like  his  other 
vassals,  to  the  king's  service,  but  by  proxy, 
because  of  their  sex  and  vow  of  seclusion.  They 
of  course  exercised  lordship  over  the  fiefs  belong- 
ing to  their  convents.  In  each  province  the 
convents  were  under  the  supreme  authority  of 
the  abbess  of  the  central  convent  of  that  order, 
just  as  the  monasteries  were  subject  to  a  "  pro- 
vincial "  and  "  general  "  of  the  order. 

(10)  The  routine  in  a  nunnery  corresponded 
verv  nearly  with  that  of  a  monastery.  There 
was  the  same  periodical  rotation,  hour  by  hour, 
of  sacred  services,  varied  by  work,  chiefly  manual, 
of  one  sort  or  another,  with  brief  intervals  at 
stated  times  for  rest  or  refection.  The  usual 
occupation,  in  the  way  of  working,  was  from 
the  first  in  wool.  Jerome,  urging  nuns  to 
make  their  vocation  real  by  strenuous  diligence, 
advises  them  to  have  the  wool  ever  in  their 
hands  {Ep.  ad  Eustoch.)-  The  passage  in 
Augustine's  writings,  where  he  speaks  of  them 
handing  through  the  door  of  the  convent  the 
dresses  which  they  have  made  for  the  aged 
monks  waiting  there  with  food  for  the  nuns  in 
exchange  (August,  de  Morih.  Eccles.  c.  31),  re- 
calls the  ancient  epitaph  on  the  Roman  house- 
wife in  the  simple  days  of  the  republic,  "  domi 
mansit,  lanam  fecit."  But  this  primitive  em- 
ployment was  apt  to  degenerate  into  a  preference 
for  fancy-work,  which  was  discouraged  as 
frivolous  and  vain,  except  when  it  was  made 
useful,  in  ecclesiastical  embroidery,  &c.,  for  the 
adornment  of  the  sanctuary  (Mabill.  Annal. 
0.  S.  B.  svi.  24).  The  rule  of  Caesarius  en- 
joins working  in  wool,  but  forbids  fancy-work 
(m.  s.  cc.  14,  42).  The  rule  of  Aurelian  orders 
the  nuns  all  to  learn  reading  and  writing 
(literas  discant  omnes,  u.  s.  c.  26).  In  the 
revival  of  education  under  Charlemagne,  the 
nunneries  did  good  service.  Hitherto  monastic 
schools  had  been  used  chiefly  for  training  monks 
and  clergy  only.  The  great  legislator  extended 
the  advantages  of  education  to  the  laity  also, 
instituting  for  them  the  "  scholae  exteriores," 
and  leaving  the  "  scholae  interiores "  for  the 
others.  The  schools  in  the  nunneries  were 
already  useful  for  girls  in  this  larger  sphere, 
the  training  of  the  young  being  naturally  con- 
genial to  the  nuns.  Their  course  of  lessons 
differed  of  course  from  the  "  trivium "  and 
"  quadrivium "  of  the  monastic  system,  being 
confined  to  an  elementary  sort  of  catechism 
in  religious  knowledge,  music,  housework, 
and,  more  rarely,  Latin  (Alteser.  Ascetic,  v. 
10;  Herzog,  Eloster-Schulen).  Nuns  were 
also  employed  frequently  in  transcribing  and 
illuminating  sacred  books,  and  m  the  arts  of 
4  Y  2 


1414 


NUN 


medicine  and  painting  (Mabill.  Acta  Sanctor. 
0.  S.  B.  i.  p.  646  ;  I'raeff.  ii.  3,  iii.  4).  Boni- 
face, during  his  missionary  labours  in  Germany, 
sent  to  his  old  home  iu  England  for  a  supply  of 
nuns  to  assist  in  civilising  and  Christianising 
the  wild  hordes  whom  he  was  converting 
(Othlon.  Vit.  S.  Bonifacii,  c.  25 ;  Mabill.  Fraejf. 
iii.  2,  4).  Hospinian  says  that  he  made  use  of 
them  not  for  teaching  only,  but  also  for  the 
purpose  of  preaching  (m.  s.  ;  cf.  Mabill. 
Fraeff.  ii.). 

(11)  Great  care  was  necessary  from  the  first 
to  prevent  a  too  close  proximity  of  nunneries 
and  monasteries,  as  well  as  any  intercourse 
between  the  nuns  and  the  other  sex  generally. 
Augustine,  Jerome,  and  other  fathers  of  the 
church  reiterate  their  cautions  against  these 
dangers.  The  Council  of  Ancyra  forbade  the 
consecrated  virgins  to  associate  with  men  even 
as  sisters  (^Conc.  Anajr.  a.d.  314,  c.  18;  cf. 
Cone.  Carth.  A.D.  312,  c.  3).  Justinian  forbade 
women  to  enter  the  conventual  buildings  of 
men  {Novell,  cxxxiii.).  In  the  5th  century 
canons  were  made  strictly  prohibiting  any  more 
monasteries  to  be  founded  for  monks  and  nuns 
together,  and  ordering  those  already  in  existence 
to  be  partitioned  between  the  sexes  (Mabill. 
Annal.  0.  S.  B.  v.  23  ;  cf.  Herzog,  Kloster). 
The  rule  of  Caesarius  allows  no  other  man  than 
the  bishop,  the  clergy  officiating,  and  the 
steward  (provisor)  of  the  convent  to  enter 
within  its  walls  (m.  s.).  The  nuns  were  to 
make  their  confession  to  the  bishop  through 
their  abbess  (Mabill.  Annal.  0.  S.  B.  xii.  32). 
Some  nuns  were  censured  in  the  6th  century 
for  having  nursed  through  his  illness  a  monk 
of  the  venerable  age  of  80  ( Mabill.  u.  s. ). 
The  Council  of  Seville,  a  little  later,  forbids 
a  nunnery  to  be  placed  too  near  the  monastery 
to  which  it  is  attached  for  protection ;  enacts 
that  this  arrangement  must  have  the  sanction 
of  the  bishop  or  council ;  that  no  communi- 
cation is  to  pass  from  the  one  establish- 
ment to  the  other,  except  through  the  abbat 
and  abbess ;  and,  while  allowing  the  nuns  to 
work  with  their  fingers  on  dresses  for  the 
monks,  and  the  monks  to  minister  spiritually 
to  the  nuns,  precludes  all  other  intercourse  what- 
ever (Cone.  Hispal.  A.D.  619,  c.  11).  The  letters 
of  Gregory  the  Great  abound  with  precautions 
and  directions  on  this  delicate  subject.  The 
person  acting  for  the  nunnery  in  its  temporal 
affairs  must  always  be  either  a  monk  or  a 
cleric,  of  high  repute  and  of  long  experience ; 
he  must  save  them  all  occasion  for  going  out 
of  the  precincts  ;  nuns  are  never  on  any  pretext 
to  lodge  under  the  roof  of  a  monastery.  He  de- 
nounces severely  the  custom  of  nuns  being  "  com- 
matres "  with  monks  (Gregor.  M.  JSpp.  iv.  9, 
42,  viii.  21,  22).  The  danger,  indeed,  was  one 
of  constant  recurrence,  and  required  unceasing 
vigilance  (Syn.  Carthag.  c.  A.D.  346,  cc.  3,  4 ; 
Cone.  Toletan.  I.  a.d.  400,  cc.  6,  9).  The  second 
council  of  Kicaea  condemned  the  double  or 
mixed  monasteries  already  mentioned,  and,  even 
in  cases  of  consanguinity,  forbade  a  nun  to  see 
a  monk,  except  in  the  presence  of  an  abbess 
{Cone.  Nicaen.  ii.  A.D.  787,  c.  20).  The  council 
of  Frejus  forbade  the  abbat  of  the  protecting 
monastery  to  visit  the  nunnery  without  the 
bishop's  leave  {Cone.  Forisjul.  A.D.  794,  c.  12). 
Still,  in  spite  of  every  precaution,  the  insidious 


NUPTIAL  CONTRACT 

temptation  baffled  only  too  often  the  edicts  of 
councils  and  reformers,  in  the  8th  century 
nuns  gained  admission  into  monasteries  on  the 
ground  of  being  necessary  in  sickness  and 
similar  emergencies,  and  secular  women,  on  the 
same  excuse,  were  harboured  in  convents  (Mabill. 
Fraeff.  III.  i.).  In  the  monastery  of  St.  Maurice 
(Agaunense),  in  the  Valais,  women  were  in  the 
habit  of  frequenting  the  basilica  or  chapel  of  the 
monastery  (Mabill.  Annal.  0.  8.  B.  i.  74).  In 
the  10th  century  the  archbishop  of  Sens,  in 
Champagne,  destroyed  the  separate  cells  (aedi- 
culae),  then  becoming  common,  in  which  nuns 
lived  apart  from  the  restraints  of  the  convent 
(Mabill.  0.  8.  B.  Praeff.V.  vi.).  The  "  canonicae  " 
of  the  8th  and  subsequent  centuries  differed  from 
nuns  in  retaining  more  of  their  secular  character. 
They  were  not  bound  by  a  vow  of  perpetuity ; 
they  repudiated  the  titles  of  monachae  and 
matres ;  and,  though  engaged,  like  nuns,  in  the 
work  of  education,  they  confined  their  teaching 
chiefly  to  the  children  of  the  nobles  [Cano- 
Nici ;  Schools].  The  "  widows,"  who  devoted 
themselves  to  the  service  of  the  church  from 
its  earliest  days,  belong  in  many  respects  to  the 
same  category  as  the  "  sacred  virgins."  Like 
them,  they  were  exempted  by  the  Code  of  Theo- 
dosius  from  the  ordinary  capitation  tax ;  but  it 
was  expressly  provided  that  this  exemption 
should  only  be  granted  to  those  widows  whose 
advanced  age  and  sobriety  of  demeanour  gave  a 
guarantee  that  they  would  not  marry  again 
{Cod.  Theodus.  u.  s.).  The  so-called  "Apo- 
stolical Constitutions,"  after  saying  that  a  widow 
does  not  receive  the  imposition  of  hands  {ov 
X^'poTovelrai,  cf.  Gelasius,  Ep.  9,  c.  13)  enact 
that  only  those  may  be  admitted  into  the 
order  who  are  altogether  beyond  suspicion 
of  levity  or  inconstancy  {Apostol.  Constitut. 
viii.  25).  Similar  precautions  occur  repeatedly 
iu  later  ages,  for  instance,  in  the  decrees  of  the 
Council  of  Orange  iu  the  5th  century,  and  of 
the  Frankish  kingdom  in  the  9th  century 
{Cone.  Arausiean.  a.d.  441,  c.  27 ;  Cone.  Tolet. 
X.  cc.  4,  5  ;  Capital,  a.d.  817,  c.  21).  [See 
Abbess,  Asceticism,  Benedictixe  Rule  and 
Order,  Celibacy,  Monastery,  Novice,  &c.] 
For  the  Literature,  see  Monastery,  p.  1229. 
[I.  G.  S.] 
NUNC  DIMITTIS.     [Canticle.] 

NUNCIUS,  confessor  in  the  county  of  Namur, 
perhaps  in  the  seventli  century ;  commemorated 
Oct.  10  (Boll.  Acta  88.  Oct.  v.  124).       [C.  H.] 

NUNCTUS,  abbat  and  martyr,  near  Merida, 
cir.  A.D.  580 ;  commemorated  Oct.  22  (Boll. 
Acta  88.  Oct.  ix.  596).  [C.  H.] 

NUNILO,  martyr,  with  Elodia,  virgins; 
commemorated  at  Huesca  in  Spain,  Oct.  22 
(Usuard.  3Iart.).  [C.  H.] 

NUNNUS,  a  surname  of  Hippolytus,  martyr  ; 
commemorated  "  in  portu  urbis  Eomae,"  Aug. 
23  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NUNTIUS.    [Legate.] 

NUPTIAL  CONTRACT.  Tabulae  nup- 
tiales  (Tertullian  ad  Uxorcm,  ii.  3)  were  the 
"deeds"  by  which  dowry  was  conferred  in 
marriage.     In  many  ancient  representations  of 


NUT 

wedded  couples  a  scroll  is  represented  either  in 
the  hand  of  one  of  the  persons  or  in  some  part 
of  the  picture,  which  is  commonly  supposed  to 
be  the  nuptial  contract.  See  Marriage,  p. 
1114.  Two  are  sometimes  found  in  representa- 
tions on  glass.  (Buonarruoti,  tav.  xxiii.  3.) 
(Martignj-,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  chre't.  s.  v.  Tabulae 
Nuptiales).  [C] 

NUT.  In  the  symbolism  of  the  Fathers  the 
nut  bears  various  interpretations,  the  essential 
idea  being  the  same  in  all,  viz.,  a  hidden  trea- 
sure concealed  beneath  an  unpromising  exterior. 
From  this  point  of  view  it  became  a  very  appro- 
priate emblem  of  Jesus  Christ,  in  whom  the 
Godhead  was  hidden  beneath  the  veil  of  the 
manhood.  We  find  it  so  employed  by  St.  Augus- 
tine (Sermm.  de  temp.;  Boniinic.  ante  Nativitatcm). 
In  this  passage  he  divides  the  nut  into  three 
parts,  the  husk,  the  shell,  and  the  kernel,  and 
finds  something  corresponding  to  each  in  the 
Person  of  the  Saviour.  First,  he  sees  in  them 
the  Flesh,  Bones,  and  Soul  of  Christ ;  and  then 
refining  still  further,  he  regards  the  husk  as  the 
symbol  of  our  Lord's  Body ;  the  kernel  of  the 
Deity  within  affording  both  food  and  light  to 
the  soul ;  and  the  shell  of  the  wood  of  the  Cross, 
which  at  the  same  time  divides  the  outward  and 
inward  in  man,  and  also  by  the  wood  of  the 
Atonement  unites  the  earthly  and  the  heavenly. 
St.  Augustine's  friend  and  correspondent  Paulinus 
of  Nola  expresses  the  same  conceit  in  one  of  his 
poems  {Foema  xxvii.  In  Nat.  S.  Felic.  ix.  277- 
287).  He  finds  a  deep  mystery  in  Jacob's 
peeled  rods,  especially  in  the  one  which  was  of 
hazel  (Gen.  xxx.  37),  on  which  he  thus  com- 
ments : — 

"  In  nuce  Christus, 

Virga  nucis  Christus  quoniam  in  nucibus  cibus  intus 
Testa  foris,  et  amara  super  viridi  cute  cortex. 
Cerne  Deum  nostro  velatum  corpore  Christum, 
Qui  fragilis  carne  est,  verbo  cibus,  et  cruce  amarus. 
Dura  superficies  verbum  crucis,  ct  crucis  esca  est, 
Coelestem  Christi  claudens  in  came  medullam." 

Another  slightly  different  line  of  interpretation 
regarded  the  nut  as  the  emblem  of  the  Chris- 
tian bearing  about  with  him  the  divine  Wisdom 
in  a  fleshy  body.  Thus  St.  Gregory  the  Great 
wi-ites  (cap.  vi.  Cant.):  " Quid  per  nucem  nisi 
perfectos  quosque  intelligimus,  qui  dum  Divinam 
Sapientiani  intra  corpora  sua  retinent,  quasi 
nucleum  in  fragili  testa  portant  ?  Quid  isti  nisi 
nuces  existunt,  qui  nuclei  dulcedinem  intus 
ferunt ;  exterius  vero  carnis  utilitatem  praeten- 
dunt  ?  "  We  find  a  similar  symbolism  in  Philo 
(de  Tit.  3Ios.  lib.  iii.).  Boldetti  describes  and 
gives  a  representation  of  a  nut  of  amber  found 
by  him  in  a  Christian  tomb.  It  opened  down 
the  middle,  and  contained  a  cameo  of  the  sacri- 
fice of  Isaac  (^Osservaz.  p.  298 ;  tav.  1,  No.  10, 
11  ;  De  Rossi,  Horn.  Sott.  vol.  iii.  p.  595). 

[E.  v.] 
NYMPHAEUM,  a  name  for  the  fountain  or 
cistern  usually  found  in  the  centre  of  the  atrium 
before  the  door  of  a  church,  called  also  "  Can- 
tharus  "  and  "  Phiala "  (Fountains  at  the 
Entrance  of  Chdrches,  p.  685).  Anasta- 
sius  records  that  a  "Nymphaeum,"  surrounded 
by  a  triple  arcade,  was  erected  by  pope  Hilary 
in  front  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Cross  in  Rome 
(Anastas.  69).     In  Paciaudi  Cde  Sacr.  Christian. 


OATHS 


1415 


Balneis,  p.  145  sq.)  we  find  an  account  with  an 
engraving  of  an  oblong  marble  cistern,  found 
near  the  site  of  Pisaurum,  ornamented  with 
symbolical  bas-reliefs  of  the  7th  century,  which 
he  considers  to  have  been  a  "  Nymphaeum  "  in 
the  atrium  of  a  church.  The  word  is  used  for 
ordinary  fountains  and  tanks  by  Ammianus 
Marcellinus  (lib.  xv.  p.  324),  and  Capitolinus 
(in  Gordiano,  iii.),  "  Opera  Gordiani  Eomae 
nulla  extant  praeter  quaedam  nymphaea  et  bal- 
nea." Cedrenus  and  Zonaras  (xiv.  1)  used  the 
word  for  a  hall  for  the  public  celebration  of 
marriages.  Mabillon  strangely  interprets  the 
passage  from  Anastasius  of  the  place  set  apart 
for  females.  (Ducange,  Constantinop.  Christiana, 
lib.  i.  c.  26,  p.  86  sq.).  [E.  V.] 

NYMPHIA,  male  or  female  saint  of  Laodicea, 
martyr  with  Eubulus  of  Rome  in  the  first 
century ;  commemorated  Feb.  28  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Feb.  iii.  719).  [C.  H.] 

NYMPHODORA,  martyr,  with  Menodora 
and  Metrodora  ;  commemorated  Sept.  10  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant.  ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
265).  [C.  H.] 

NYMPODOEA,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Nicaea,  Mar.  13  (Hieron.  Mart.);  Nimpodora 
(Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NYSSA,  COUNCIL  OF,  on  the  confines  of 
Cappadocia,  where  a  council  was  held  A.D.  375, 
at  the  instigation  of  Demosthenes,  the  civil 
vicar,  in  which  St.  Gregory,  brother  of  St.  Basil 
and  bishop  of  Nyssa,  was  condemned.  (Basil, 
Ep.  237  ;  Mansi,  iii,  502.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 


OAK,  THE,  Synod  of.  [Chalcedon  (1), 
p.  333.] 

OATHS  on  formal  and  solemn  occasions,  or 
for  the  purpose  of  legal  attestation,  were  not 
prohibited  among  the  early  Christians.  There 
were  considerable  scruples,  doubtless,  in  using 
them,  and  their  use  was  regarded  with  jealousy 
by  more  than  one  of  the  great  church  writers. 
The  ground  of  the  aversion  to  them,  as  to 
other  practices  which  have  since  been  held  to  be 
generally  lawful  among  Christian  people,  was 
the  prevalence  of  idolatry.  All  adjurations  in 
common  use  naturally  invoked  the  name  of  a 
heathen  deity,  or  were  cast  in  some  form  which 
a  Christian  could  not  utter  without  a  tacit  com- 
pliance with  heathenism.  Tertullian  has  one 
passage  (Be  Idololat.  c.  11)  where,  after  speaking 
of  lying  being  the  servant  of  covetousness,  he 
proceeds  :  "  Of  fiilse  swearing  I  say  nothing, 
since  it  is  not  lawful  to  swear  at  all" — a  pas- 
sage which  would  seem  to  forbid  the  use  of  an 
oath  under  any  circumstances.  It  is  manifest, 
however,  that  Tertullian  is  not  discussing  the 
lawfulness  of  oaths,  but  is  repeating  in  a 
general  way  the  prohibition  of  our  Lord  (St. 
Matt.  V.  34)  against  introducing  adjurations 
into  common  conversation.  Nevertheless,  the 
feeling  of  that  age  was  strong  against  the  indis- 
criminate use  of  oaths.     Thus  Clement  of  Alex- 


1416 


OATHS 


andria  (Stromat.  vii.  8,  p.  861,  ed.  Potter)  says 
that  Eo  true  Christian  will  ever  perjure  himself, 
lor  he  will  not  even  swear  ;  it  is  an  indignity  for 
him  to  be  put  upon  his  oath.  And  even  a  cen- 
tury later,  Lactantius  {Epitome,  c.  6)  disapproves 
of  the  use  of  oaths  on  the  same  ground,  lest 
from  constraint  or  carelessness  a  man  should 
slip  into  perjury.  The  unlawfulness  of  swearing 
was  one  of  the  views  set  forth  by  Pelagius. 
Augustine  {Ep.  clvii.)  shewed,  in  reply,  that 
there  is  scriptural  ground  for  the  lawfulness 
of  an  oath,  but,  in  common  with  many  of  the 
fathers,  he  viewed  its  use  with  suspicion  and 
disfavour. 

2.  Coming  to  the  direct  evidence  that  oaths 
were  employed  and  sanctioned  in  the  early 
church,  TertuUian  (Apolog.  c.  32)  repudiates 
the  charge  that  Christians  could  swear  by  the 
;;enius  of  Caesar,  for  the  genii  are  nothing  else 
than  demons ;  but,  he  adds,  they  do  swear  by  the 
omperor's  safety;  and  he  defends  the  oath,  on 
the  ground  that  in  kings  men  reverence  the 
appointment  of  God,  and  he  holds  that  to  be  a 
great  oath  which  involves  the  safety  of  what 
God  hath  willed.  The  same  oath,  "  virep  ttjs 
rroiTTjpias  tov  ivcre^eardTOV  Auyovcrrov  Kaivarau- 
t'lov,"  is  mentioned  by  Athanasius  {Ep.  ad 
Monachos,  t.  i.  p.  866,  ed.  Colon.).  Compare  the 
oath  of  Joseph  (Gen.  xlii.  15),  "  By  the  life  of 
Pharaoh "  (v?;  tV  vyUiav  ^apai),  Septuagint). 
This  form  of  oath,  which  was  probably  adopted 
as  an  indirect  answer  to  the  charge  of  dis- 
loyalty, so  freely  cast  at  the  early  Christians, 
was  evidently  subject  to  abuse.  So  the  fourth 
council  of  Carthage,  A.D.  398,  c.  61,  orders  a 
clergyman  swearing  by  any  creature  (per  crea- 
turas)  to  be  severely  reprimanded,  and,  if  obdu- 
rate, to  be  excommunicated.  Athanasius  required 
of  Constantius  {Apolog.  ad  Constant,  t.  i,  p.  678) 
that  his  accusers  should  be  put  upon  oath.  In 
Vegetius,  who  lived  at  the  close  of  the  4th  cen- 
tury, there  is  a  form  {Tnstit.  7-ei  Militar.  i.  5)  of 
the  oath  required  of  Christian  soldiers.  They 
nwear  by  God,  by  Christ,  by  the  Holy  Spirit, 
.'.ad  by  the  majesty  of  the  emperor.  Other 
illustrations  of  the  use  of  oaths,  cited  by  Bing- 
ham, will  be  found  in  Aug.  {Ep.  cliv.)  ad  Pub- 
ticoL  ;  Id.  Serm.  sxs.  De  Verbis  Apost. ;  Greg. 
Xaz.  (Ep.  ccsix.)  ad  Thcodor. ;  Basil,  in  Psalm. 
xiv.  t.  i.  p.  133;  Hieron.  in  Matt.  v.  The  laws 
c'f  the  Christian  emperors  contain  frequent  men- 
lion  of  oaths.  ConstantLae  confirms  {Cod.  Theod. 
IX.  i.  4)  a  promise  of  reward  to  those  who  will 
inform  against  the  corrupt  practices  of  his  minis- 
ters by  the  adjuration,  "  So  may  the  Almighty 
be  ever  merciful  to  me,  and  keep  me  safe."  One 
of  the  statutes  of  Arcadius  {Cod.  Theod.  ii.  is. 
8),  shews  that  contracts  were  usually  confirmed 
l)y  an  oath,  either  by  the  name  of  God  or  the 
emperor's  safety.  In  the  conference  between  the 
Catholics  and  Donatists  in  the  time  of  Honorius 
{Collat.  Carthag.  die  i.  c.  5  ;  Hard.  Cone.  i.  1052), 
the  emperor's  delegate  swore  to  judge  impar- 
tially ''  by  the  marvellous  mystery  of  the 
Trinity,  by  the  sacrament  of  the  Incarnation, 
and  by  the  emperor's  safety."  And  indeed, 
whatever  may  have  been  the  scruples  of  imli- 
viuual  fathers,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  oaths 
were  invariably  required  both  in  civil  and  cri- 
minal causes  under  the  Christian  emperors. 
Cunstantine  laid  down  a  general  law  {Cod.  Theod. 
U.  xzxis.  3)  that  all  witnesses  before  a  court 


OATHS 

were  to  bind  themselves  by  an  oath  before  giving 
evidence.  The  Justinian  Code  not  only  confirmed 
this  law  {ibid.  IV.  xx.  9),  but  added  a  clause  to  it 
{ibid.  IV.  lix.  1),  that  both  plaintift'  and  defendant 
must  swear  upon  the  Gospels ;  the  one,  that  he 
brought  his  action  not  for  the  purpose  of 
calumny,  but  on  legitimate  grounds;  the  other, 
that  he  had  a  just  defence.  By  a  further  enact- 
ment, the  parties  to  a  cause  swore  (Justin.  Novel. 
cxxiv.  1)  that  no  bribe  had  been  or  would  be 
given  to  the  judge  or  any  other  person.  Nor 
was  the  obligation  of  an  oath  confined  to  lay 
causes.  To  check  simony  in  cases  of  ecclesi- 
astical preferment,  the  electors  were  required 
(Justin.  Novel,  cxxiii.  1)  to  take  an  oath  that 
they  did  not  select  their  nominee  from  any  im- 
proper motive.  Also,  at  the  time  of  ordination, 
the  candidate  swore  upon  the  Gospels  (Justin. 
Novel,  cxxxvii.  2)  that  he  had  given  no  money 
to  the  bishop  ordaining  him.  Among  the  pri- 
vileges of  the  bishops  was  an  exemption  from 
appearing  in  person  to  give  evidence  in  the 
public  courts.  It  is  not  quite  clear  whether  the 
privilege,  as  originally  conferred  by  Theodosius, 
extended  so  far  as  this.  It  was,  however,  dis- 
tinctly granted  by  Justinian  {Novel,  cxxiii.  7); 
and  the  same  law  enacted,  that  whenever  bishops 
were  examined  in  private  their  testimony  should 
be  taken  not  upon  oath,  but  upon  their  word  in 
presence  of  the  holy  Gospels,  as  becomes  priests. 
With  the  exception  of  some  of  the  Spanish 
synods,  scarcely  any  mention  is  -found  of  oaths 
in  decrees  of  councils.  In  the  decree  which  con- 
cludes the  acts  of  the  fourth  council  of  Toledo, 
A.D.  633,  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  kings  is  in- 
sisted upon ;  and  the  eighth  council  of  Toledo, 
A.D.  653,  c.  2,  has  a  long  dissertation  on  the 
sanctity  of  oaths,  and  insists  upon  the  necessity 
of  an  oath  in  making  treaties,  in  the  reconcilia- 
tion of  friends,  and  in  giving  evidence ;  and 
adds,  that  if  no  evidence  is  forthcoming  against 
an  accused,  then  his  oath  is  suSicient  to  establish 
his  innocence. 

3.  Profane  swearing  was  not  in  itself  an  offence 
subject  to  canonical  punishment.  It  was  a  vice 
against  which  preachers  frequently  inveighed, 
but  amendment  was  left  to  each  one's  conscience. 
(Tertull.  de  Pudicit.  c.  19.)  Its  prevalence 
at  Antioch  called  forth  strong  remonstrances 
from  Chrysostom;  and  in  one  of  his  sermons 
{Horn.  22,  ad  Pop.  Ant.  t.  i.  p.  294)  he  threat- 
ened to  exclude  all  swearers  from  partaking  of 
the  Holy  Mysteries.  A  form  of  oath  which  the 
idolatrous  adulation  of  the  heathen  emperors 
had  brought  into  vogue  was,  "  By  the  genius  of 
Caesar,"  tV  Kalaapos  rvxh''^  Per  genium 
Caesaris.  It  had  such  a  hold  upon  the 
people  that  TertuUian  declares  {Apolog.  c.  28) 
that  men  would  more  readily  swear  falsely  by 
all  the  gods  than  by  the  single  genius  of  Caesar. 
In  the  early  centuries  this  oath  was  one  of  the  tests 
of  recantation.  Polycarp  was  frequently  asked  by 
the  proconsul  (Euseb.  H.  E.  v.  15)  to  swear  by 
the  fortune  of  Caessr.  A  similar  temptation 
was  put  before  some  African  martyrs :  "  Only 
swear  by  the  genius  of  the  king,  and  you  will 
be  safe."  {Acta  Mart.  Scyllitan.  ap.  Baron,  an. 
202,  n.  2.)  And  for  a  Christian  to  utter  it 
was  a  recognised  lapse  into  idolatry.  (Tertull. 
Apolog.  c.  32  ;  Origen,  contr.  Cels.  viii.  p-  421.) 
The  form  of  an  oath  in  common  use  is  an  in- 
direct  evidence   of    the  soundness  of  doctrine. 


OATHS 

Thus  it  was  urged  as  a  special  charge  against 
Donatus  (Optatus,  iii.  p.  65)  that  he  encouraged 
his  followers  in  swearing  by  himself,  or  by  the 
martyrs  of  his  party.  The  oath  of  allegiance 
exacted  by  Justinian  from  governors  of  pro- 
vinces is  a  fiiir  indication  of  the  development  of  the 
observance  paid  to  the  Virgin  and  to  angels :  "  I 
swear  by  Almighty  God,  and  His  only-begotten 
Son  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  by  the  Holy 
Spirit,  and  by  Mary,  the  holy,  glorious,  and  ever- 
Virgin  Mother  of  God,  and  by  the  four  Gospels 
which  I  hold  in  my  hands,  and  by  the  holy  arch- 
angels, Michael  and  Gabriel,  to  pay  due  allegi- 
ance," &c.  (Gave,  Prim.  Christian.  III.  i.  212  ; 
Bingham,  Antiq.  XVI.  vii.  4 ;  Suicer,  s.  v.  'dpKos.) 
4.  Oaths  of  purgation  entered  largely  into  the 
administration  of  justice  in  the  middle  ages. 
The  ordinary  term  expressing  this  oath  was 
"  sacramentum."  "  Juramentum,  quod  mutato 
nomine  appellatur  sacramentum,  quia  in  eo  id 
oculis  fidei  pervidetur,  quod  corporis  oculis  non 
conspicitur."  (Hincmar,  do  Dicortio  Lothar.  et 
Tethherg,  interrog.  6.)  The  formality  was  tech- 
nically called  "  purgatio  canonica,"  that  is  to 
say,  a  mode  of  purging  approved  by  the  canons, 
as  distinguished  from  "  purgatio  vulgaris,"  such 
as  a  duel,  or  hot  iron,  or  any  other  ordeal,  all  of 
which  the  church  discountenanced.  In  cases 
where  the  evidence  was  conclusive,  an  oath  of 
purgation  was  of  no  avail ;  but  in  all  petty 
causes,  in  which  the  evidence  was  conflicting  or 
insufficient,  or  was  not  admitted  by  the  judge, 
or  in  which  the  plaintiff  or  accuser  was  absent, 
the  defendant  was  allowed  to  purge  himself  from 
the  charge  by  a  solemn  oath.  It  is  obvious  that 
this  right  might  open  the  road  to  perjury,  but 
the  oath  was  surrounded  with  such  circumstances 
of  awe  and  solemnity  that  it  was  believed  that 
no  one  would  dare  to  swear  falsely,  or  that,  if  he 
did,  the  vengeance  of  God  would"  overtake  him. 
That  such  interpositions  were  held  to  have 
actually  taken  place  at  the  shrines  where  the 
perjury  had  been  committed,  see  Gregory  of 
Tours,  Miracula,  i.  20,  33,  53;  and  the 
Life  of  St.  Eloy  by  Audoen  or  Owen,  bishop  of 
Kouen,  A.D.  640,  cc.  56,  59,  77.  If  the  cause 
was  sufficiently  grave,  the  accused  or  the  de- 
fendant did  not  swear  alone,  sold  manu  sua,  but 
-others  supported  him  in  the  oath,  the  number 
depending  on  the  gravity  of  the  case.  These 
supporters  were  variously  named.  In  the  laws 
of  the  German  and  Frisian  tribes  (Leg.  Aleman. 
vi.  2  ;  Leg.  Frisian,  i.  2,  6,  8)  they  are  termed 
sacramentales.  In  the  Capitularies  of  Charles 
the  Great  (iii.  58),  consacramentales  ;  and  again 
(ibid.  iii.  64)  juratores ;  and  (ibid.  iv.  26)  con- 
juratores.  Care  was  taken  that  they  should  be 
people  of  good  report,  whose  evidence  would  be 
trustworthy,  and  of  the  same  rank  and  condi- 
tion as  the  accused.  So  that  if  a  priest  was 
under  the  necessity  of  purging  himself  from  a 
charge,  his  compurgators  must  be  priests  also. 
(Capitular.  Aquisgr.  A.D.  803,  c.  7;  G'pitular.  Crol. 
Mag.  V.  34.)  An  old  Welsh  law  has  an  enact- 
ment (Ze;;.  Hoiili  boni  Frincip.  Walliae,  c.  14), 
that  if  a  woman  is  exposed  to  a  charge  which 
cannot  be  proved,  she  may  clear  herself  by  teven 
female  compurgators,  septimd  manu  mulierum 
^xpurgat ;  if  she  is  accused  a  second  time,  she 
will  require  fourteen ;  but  if  a  third,  and  there 
is  any  probability  in  the  charge,  she  will  need 
fifty  women  to  join  with  her"  in  attesting  her 


OATHS 


1417 


innocence.  The  sacramentales  or  compurgatores 
were  selected  partly  by  the  accused,  when  they 
were  termed  advocati  ;  partly  by  the  plaintiff,  in 
which  case  they  were  called  nominati  or  denomi- 
nati.  Nominati  also  expressed  the  nominees  of 
either  side.  When  a  person  whose  case  was  in 
dispute  swore  alone,  he  was  &^\i\  jurare  sua  manu. 
If  with  one  witness,  unica  manv,  or  ami  uno 
sacramentali,  or  in  manu  proximi ;  and  so  with 
any  number  up  to  a  hundred.  The  third  council 
of  Valence,  A.D.  855,  c.  13,  has  an  instance  of 
au  oath,  sept'iagesima  quartd  manu.  The  coni' 
purgatorcs  at  the  time  of  swearing  were  required 
to  be  fasting.  (Capitular.  Aquis/jr.  A.D.  787,  c.  62.) 
The  mode  of  conducting  the  formality  is  given 
in  Leg.  Aleman.  vi.  7.  The  witnesses  were  to 
place  their  hands  upon  the  chest  containing  the 
relics,  and  the  principal  in  the  cause  alone  was 
to  utter  the  words,  and  lay  his  hand  upon  their 
hands,  and  swear  that  he  had  right  on  his  side. 
To  add  solemnity  to  the  oath,  it  was  always  to 
be  taken  in  a  church,  either  on  the  cross,  or  the 
altar,  or  the  Gospels,  or  the  relics.  All  the  Eng- 
lish Penitentials  refer  (Theodor.  I.  vi.  4  ;  Bedae, 
v.  2  ;  Egbert,  vi.  2)  to  an  oath  thus  taken,  at 
the  hand  of  a  bishop,  or  on  the  altar,  or  on  the 
cross.  An  instance  of  a  father  swearing,  with 
his  hands  raised  over  the  altar,  to  the  innocence 
of  his  daughter,  is  given  by  Gregory  of  Tours. 
(Hist.  iii.  33.)  In  the  Capitulary  of  Charles  the 
Great,  v.  34,  a  suspected  priest  is  ordered  to 
purge  himself  with  an  oath  taken  on  the  Gospels 
in  presence  of  the  people.  The  practice,  how- 
ever, of  requiring  an  oath  from  the  clergy  was 
not  uniform.  Thus,  the  council  of  Meaux,  A.D. 
845,  c.  48,  prohibited  bishops  from  swearing 
^ipon  any  sacred  object ;  it  was  sufficient,  appa- 
rently, that  the  oath  was  taken  in  presence  of 
the  object.  And,  prior  to  this,  the  Capitular. 
Episcop.  A.D.  801,  c.  20,  had  appointed  that  a 
priest  should  not  swear  at  all,  but  simply  make 
his  declaration  with  gravity  and  truth.  And  the 
Lnstitution.  Eccles.  p.  92,  apud  Ducange,  s.  v. 
Jurainentum,  which  bears  the  name  of  Egbert, 
puts  a  special  valuation  on  the  oaths  of  the 
clergy.  In  criminal  cases  the  oath  of  a  priest 
was  worth  that  of  120  serfs;  of  a  deacon,  60; 
of  a  monk,  30.  In  disputes  about  property  the 
oath  of  a  priest  could  transfer  the  land  of  one 
serf  to  the  church.  In  swearing  by  the  Gospels, 
the  ordinary  formality  was  to  lay  the  hands 
upon  the  sacred  volume,  but  sometimes  the  book 
was  held.  Thus  Pelagius,  afterwards  pope,  A.D. 
555-560,  when  charged  by  the  Roman  people  of 
factious  conduct  towards  his  predecessor  Vigilius, 
ascended  the  pulpit  of  St.  Peter's,  holding  the 
Gospels  and  the  cross  above  his  head,  and  swore 
that  he  was  innocent.  Oaths  over  the  tombs 
and  relics  of  saints  were  of  frequent  occurrence. 
One  of  the  Capitularies  (Carol.  Magn.  vi.  209) 
required  all  sacramenta  to  be  administered  in  a 
church  and  over  relics,  invoking  the  name  of 
God,  and  those  saints  whose  remains  were  below. 
The  hands  were  to  be  placed  on  the  relic  chest 
(Leg.  Aleman.  vi.  7),  or  on  the  tomb  of  the 
saint  (Greg.  Turon.  de  Glor.  Confess,  c.  93),  or 
were  to  be  extended  towards  the  sacred  spot. 
(Greg.  Turon.  Miracul.  i.  20.)  All  these  oaths, 
for  the  confirmation  of  which  some  sacred  object 
was  beheld  or  touched,  were  called  corporal 
oaths,  juramenta  coi-poralia,  '6pKoi  ffcDfiariKol. 
For  further  varieties  of  such  oaths,  and  details 


1418 


OBADIAH 


of  their  use,  see  Ducange,  s.  v.  Jnramentum. 
They  were  sometimes  mixed  up  with  pagan 
superstitions.  The  fourth  council  of  Orleans, 
A.D.  541,  0.  16,  condemns  oaths  taken  on  the 
head  of  a  wild  or  domestic  animal.  And  the 
council  in  TruUo,  A.D.  692,  c.  94,  prohibits  gene- 
rally, '6pK0i  "E.\Ky\vtKo\.  [G.  M.] 

OBADIAH,  prophet,  commemorated  Nov.  19. 
(Cal.  BiJzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liiurg.  iv.  274.) 

[C.  H.] 

OBEDIENCE.  [Discipline ;  Orders,  Holy.] 

OBITUAKY.     [Necrologium.] 

OBLATE,  (oblata,  ohlatio ;  barb,  oblada, 
oUagia,  oblia).  "Oblata"  is  a  late  equivalent 
to  "  oblatio  "  (as  proba=probatio,  confessa=con- 
fessio,  missa=missio,  &c.).  When  oblatio  was 
understood  of  the  provision  for  the  Eucharist  it 
generally  included  both  elements,  e.g.  "  Populus 
dat  oblationes  suas ;  id  est,  panem  et  vinum  " 
(prd.  Rom.  ii.  6  in  Mus.  ItaL  ii.  46) ;  "  Obla- 
tionem,  i.e.  panem  et  vinum,  viri  et  foeminae  ad 
missas  off'erunt "  {AUocutio  Episc.  89  in  Eegino ; 
de  Ecd.  Discipl.  ii.  5 ;  so  Amalarius,  de 
EccL  Off.  iii.  19).  The  offering  of  bread  alone 
■was,  however,  also  called  "  oblatio, "  as  by 
Germanus  of  Paris,  555  ;  "  Dum  sacerdos  obla- 
tionem  confrangeret "  (Eaipos.  Missae  Brev.  in 
Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  i.  iv.  12,  Ord.  i.) ; 
in  a  Gregorian  rubric  in  one  ancient  MS., 
"  Offeruntur  a  populo  oblationes  et  vinum  ;" 
and  by  Amalarius,  "  Cum  oblatione  cali.x 
Domini  auferatur  de  altari  "  (Edoga,  22).  But 
"  oblata"  was  the  far  more  common  form  when 
the  bread  only  was  intended,  and  from  the  fre- 
quency of  its  use,  when  men  spoke  of  sacra- 
mental bread,  it  came  at  length  to  be  applied  to 
smaller  loaves  or  cakes  of  bread  for  ordinary 
uses.  Thus  a  writer  in  the  9th  century  speaks 
of  "rolls  of  bread  which  are  commonly  called 
oblatae  "  (Iso,  de  Mirac.  S.  Othmari,  ii.  3,  in 
Surius,  Nov.  16).  In  Quinquagesima  the 
monks  of  Clugny  received  at  supper  cakes 
"  which  by  men  of  the  Roman  tongue 
are  called  nebulae,  by  our  people  oblatae " 
{Consuet.  Cluniac.  i.  49  in  Spicil.  Dach.  i.  667, 
ed.  2).  Similarly  the  customs  of  Evesham 
allowed  in  Lent  a  certain  quantity  of  wheat 
from  the  granary  "  ad  oblatas  ad  caenam,"  and 
half  as  much  on  Maundy  Thursday  (Dugdale, 
Monast.  i.  149,  ed.  2).  'At  length,  when  the 
Eucharistic  bread  was  made  very  small  and  thin, 
wafers  for  sealing  were  called  oblatae,  whence 
the  French  ovhlie  and  the  Spanish  oblea. 

Oblata  was  more  commonly  applied  to  the  un- 
consecrated  loaf,  hostia  to  the  consecrated.  Thus 
in  the  Ordo  Eoinanus,  before  the  consecration, 
"Pontifex  .  .  .  suscipit  oblatas  de  manu  pres- 
byteri,"  "  Archidiaconus  suscipit  oblatas  Ponti- 
ficis  "  {Ord.  i.  15,  &c. ;  Sim.  §  48  ;  Ord.  ii.  9,  10, 
iii.  13,  14,  V.  8,  10),  while  "hostia"  [Host]  is 
only  used  after  (as  in  i.  19,  ii.  13  ;  iii.  16),  of  the 
•'  fraction  of  the  hosts."  Yet  until  "  hostia  " 
entirely  superseded  it,  "  oblata  "  was  also  occa- 
sionally used  of  the  consecrated  element.  Thus  in 
the  8th  century,  when  the  usage  was  quite 
unsettled,  "  Pontife.x  autem  tangit  a  latere  calicem 
cum  oblata,"  "  Rumpit  oblatara  ex  latere  dextro  " 
{Ord.  Bom.  i.  16,  19).  Amalarius:  "p'ractio 
oblatarum  "  (Ecloga,  25). 

For  particulars  respecting  the  preparation  and 


OBLATI 

the  form  of  oblates,  see  Elejiekts,   vol.   i.  pp. 
601-604.  [W.  E.  S.] 

OBLATI  (MoNASTici).  Like  the  terms 
"  conversus  "  and  "  donatus,"  the  word  "  oblatus" 
in  connexion  with  the  monastic  system  has 
several  meanings,  which  must  be  carefully  dis- 
tinguished, as  expressing  different  ideas  belong- 
ing to  different  periods  in  the  history  of  monas- 
ticism.  In  every  sense  the  "  oblati  "  were  a 
link  between  the  world  and  the  monastery. 

In  the  first  instance  the  "  oblati  "  were  chil- 
dren brought  by  their  parents  to  the  monastery, 
and  there  dedicated  to  the  monastic  life.  In 
this  sense  the  "  oblati  "  were  distinct  from  the 
"  conversi,"  persons  of  mature  age  taking  on 
themselves  the  vows.     [CONVERSi ;  NoviCE.] 

When  monks,  in  course  of  time,  ceased  to  be 
regarded  as  laymen,  and  began,  by  the  very  fact 
of  their  profession,  to  be  ranked  with  the  clergy, 
and  as  the  original  simplicity  of  the  monastic 
life  began  to  disappear,  the  need  came  to  be  felt 
of  a  class  of  persons  in  every  monastery  who 
should  assist  the  monks  in  some  of  their  more 
ordinary  occupations,  and  so  leave  them  more 
free  for  the  services  of  their  chapel  and  the 
meditations  of  their  cells.  At  the  same  time 
these  assistants  were  useful  for  purposes  outside 
the  walls  of  the  monastery,  and  could  be  sent  by 
the  abbat  or  prior  on  various  errands  of  a  secular 
kind  without  the  monks  being  disturbed  from 
their  devotions  (Fructuosi  Beg.  c.  13  ;  Isidori 
Beg.  c.  20).  In  this  sense  the  oblati  were  "  lay- 
brothers,"  or,  as  Menard  explains  {Covxmetitar. 
ad  Bened.  Anian.  Concord.  Begul.  Ixx.  5),  the 
servants  or  domestics  of  the  monastery  (servi 
vel  famuli,  26.),  receiving  their  food  and  a  dis- 
tinctive dress  from  the  abbat,  but  not  bound 
by  the  same  vows  as  their  brethren  in  the 
monastery  (Du  Cange,  Glossar.  Lat.  s.  v.).  The 
third  council  of  Aries  (A.D.  455)  speaks  of  a 
"  lay  multitude  subject  to  the  abbat,  but  not 
owing  any  subjection  to  the  bishop  of  the  dio- 
cese "  (Cone.  Arelat.  iii.  App.).  Sometimes  from 
humility  a  novice,  it  might  be  of  high  rank,  of 
great  learning,  or  already  in  sacred  orders,  chose 
to  be  admitted  into  a  monastery  on  this  humbler 
footing  (Alteserrae  Asceticon,  iii.  5 ;  Du  Cange, 
Gloss.  Lat.  s.  v.).  Monasteries  gradually  en- 
larged their  possessions  ;  and  the  services  of 
laymen  were  requisite  not  merely  within  the 
precincts,  but  to  superintend  and  cultivate  the 
land  belonging  to  the  monastery  (Du  Cange,  i6.). 

At  a  later  period  a  class  of  "  oblati  "  came 
into  existence,  not  so  closely  attached  to  the 
monastic  system  of  which  they  claimed  to  be 
members.  In  some  cases  persons,  without 
assuming  a  distinctive  dress,  or  residing  within 
the  monastic  precincts,  devoted  their  property 
to  the  monastery,  reserving  to  themselves  the 
life  interest  only ;  in  others  they  bound  them- 
selves and  their  descendants  to  be  its  servants 
or  retainers  (Du  Cange,  Gloss.  Lat.  s.  v.).  Of 
course  in  cases  such  as  these  there  was  no  pro- 
bation. The  promise  itself  sufficed.  These 
"  oblati  "  or  "  donati  "  are  described  by  Alte- 
serra  as  the  associates  and  deputies  of  the  monks 
(adjuvae  et  vicarii  conversorum),  or  as  their 
servants  (servi  monachorum),  because  they  dedi- 
cated themselves  and  their  possessions  to  the 
monastery  without  taking  on  themselves  the  out- 
ward garb  either  of  a  cleric  or  of  a  monk  (Altes, 


OBLATION,  THE 

Ascet.  iii.  5).  If,  however,  the  oblate  assumed 
the  dress,  he  then  became  entitled  to  enjoy  the 
privileges  and  immunities  of  the  order  (j6.)- 
These  associates,  having  been  objected  to  in  some 
quarters,  were  formally  approved  by  pope 
Urban  II.,  A.D.  1091  ((6.).  Single,  and  even 
married,  women  were  sometimes,  admitted  on 
these  conditions  (Jb.).  Mabillon  speaks  of  these 
"  oblati "  or  "  donati "  as  not  in  any  true 
sense  monks  (nequaquam  monachi),  though  not 
uncommonly  termed  monks  of  the  second  order 
(monachi  secundi  ordinis).  He  quotes  a  passage 
from  Alcuin,  in  the  8th  century,  about  a  number 
of  lay  brothers  attached  to  monasteries  (grex  de- 
votorum),  but  the  term  "  oblatus  "  in  this  sense  is 
of  a  later  century  (Mabill.  Ann.  0.  S.  B.  xv.  49). 
From  an  early  period,  indeed  as  soon  as  the 
monastic  life  began  to  command  the  reverence 
of  secular  potentates,  these,  in  return  for  their 
benefactions,  not  infrequently  sought  and  ob- 
tained admission  into  the  fraternity,  as  out- 
members,  in  order  to  have  their  names  inscribed 
on  the  roll,  and  mentioned  in  the  conventual 
prayers.  Thus  Maurus,  a  disciple  of  the  great 
Benedict,  received  Theodebert,  king  of  the 
Franks,  into  the  monastery  afterwards  called 
"  St.  Maur  sur  le  Loire  "  (monasterium  Glan- 
nafoliense)  in  the  close  of  the  6th  centurv, 
rj84.  (A.D.  584,  JlabiU.  AA.  0.  S.  B.  Vita 
Sti.  Mauri,  cc.  40,  50,  51.)  Similarly,  many 
kings,  nobles,  and  prelates  during  the  middle 
ages,  for  instance  the  German  emperor  Frederic 
II.,  and  the  Greek  emperor  Emanuel  Comnenus, 
claimed  the  honours  of  monkhood,  without 
formally  subjecting  themselves  to  its  discipline. 
In  some  instances  grandees  were  admitted  as 
oblates  during  sickness,  or  at  the  point  of  death. 
(Altes.  Asceticon,  iii.  7.)  [I.  G.  S.] 

OBLATION,  THE  (ablatio,  sacrificium, 
avacpopa,  '7rpo(r<popa,  Bvcia,  TrpoaayuyT],  Trpoc- 
Ko/xiS-n).  Under  this  name  the  Eucharist,  the 
Christian  thank-oft'ering,  was  understood  at  a 
very  early  period.  Thus  Irenaeus,  167,  referring 
to  its  institution,  says  that  Christ  taught  His 
disciples  "  the  new  oblation  of  the  new  cove- 
nant"  (ffiter.  iv.  17,  §  5).  The  sacrament  is 
with  him  "The  oblation  of  the  church,  which 
the  Lord  taught  should  be  oftered  over  the  whole 
world  "  (18,  §  7).  The  Apostolical  Canons  speak  of 
"  the  time  of  the  holy  oblation  "  (c.  3.  comp.  8). 

I.  In  the  mind  of  Christians  of  the  first  litur- 
gical period  there  was  a  much  closer  connexion 
between  the  oblation  of  bread  and  wine  and  the 
commemorative  sacrifice  than  would  be  likely  to 
survive  the  expansion  and  rearrangement  of  the 
original  form  of  the  Anaphora.  For  the 
memorial  of  the  sacrifice  of  Christ  appears  to 
have  been  made  at  first  by  the  simple  offering  of 
the  bread  and  cup  by  the  priest  with  thanks- 
giving (Eucharist),  the  account  of  the  institu- 
tion, and  the  Lord's  Prayer.  This  hypothesis 
satisfies  all  the  phenomena.  It  explains  language 
in  the  fiithers  (see  Caxox  of  the  Liturgy,  vol.  i. 
p.  268)  which  otherwise  would  seem  ambiguous 
or  confused  ;  it  harmonises  with  the  fact  that  in 
the  Gallican  liturgies,  which  have  admitted  no 
change  since  the  8th  century,  that  which  we  should 
now  call  the  canon  consisted  to  the  last  of  the 
narrative  of  the  institution  only;  it  accounts  both 
for  the  statement  of  Gregory  I.  that  the  canon 
was  the  composition  of  a  scholastic,  and  that  it 


OBLATION,  THE 


1419 


was  the  custom  of  the  apostles  to  consecrate  the 
host  of  oblation  "  ad  ipsam  solummodo  oration- 
em  "  (Dominicam)  (Epist.  vii.  64),  and  for  those 
anticipatory  references  to  the  effect  of  consecra- 
tion, which  occur  in  the  prayers  of  oblation  of  so- 
many  ancient  liturgies.  See  after,  Oblatioxs,  §  x. 

II.  The  Prayer  of  Commemorative  Oblation. — By 
the  repetition  of  our  Lord's  words  at  the  institu- 
tion, the  bread  and  wine  were  declared  to  be  thence- 
forth His  body  that  was  wounded,  and  His  blood 
that  was  shed  on  the  cross.  From  this  point, 
therefore,  the  liturgical  rite  became  the  complete 
representation  of  His  sacrifice.  This  was  ex- 
pressed in  a  prayer  (called  by  modern  writers 
from  one  or  the  other  of  its  two  elements,  the 
Memorial  or  the  Prayer  of  Oblation),  in  which 
after  mention  of  the  atoning  passion  (if  not  also, 
as  afterwards,  of  the  great  events  that  followed 
in  its  train),  a  verbal  offering  of  the  present 
eucharistic  sacrifice  was  made  with  prayer  for 
its  acceptance  and  for  remission  of  sins,  and  all 
other  benefits  of  that  sacrifice  which  was  com- 
memorated by  it.  See,  for  instance,  the  Liturgy 
of  St.  James,  or  of  Jerusalem,  in  which  the  priest 
says,  "  We  sinners,  therefore,  also  bearing  in 
mind  His  life-giving  sufferings,  salutary  cross 
and  death,  and  resurrection  from  the  dead  on 
the  third  day,  and  ascension  into  heaven  and 
session  on  Thy  right  hand,  the  God  and  Father, 
and  His  second,  glorious,  and  fearful  coming  .... 
do  offer  unto  Thee,  0  Lord,  this  awful  and  un- 
bloody sacrifice,  praying  that  Thou  deal  not  with 
us  after  our  sins,"  &c.  (Assem.  Codex  Liturg.  v. 
37).  Similarly  St.  Chrysostom  and  St.  Basil 
{Euchol.  Goar,  77,  165)  ;  the  Armenian  has,  "  In 
behalf  of  all,  and  for  all,  we  offer  Thee  Thine 
own  of  Thine  own  "  (Neale,  Jlist.  East.  Church, 
Introd.  558).  The  form  in  St.  Mark  greatly  re- 
sembles this  (Renaud.  Coll.  Liiicrg.  Orient,  i.  156), 
as  do  those  in  the  Egyptian  liturgies  of  St.  Basil 
and  St.  Gregory,  both  Coptic  and  Greek  (ibid.  15, 
31,  68, 105).  The  Coptic  St.  Cyril  has  no  oblation, 
but  the  memorial  of  the  death,  &c.  only  (47), 
The  Ethiopian  oblation,  though  part  of  an  office 
derived  from  the  Coptic  Jacobites,  is  peculiar  in 
naming  the  elements,  "  Now  also,  0  Lord,  com- 
memorating Thy  death  and  resurrection,  we 
offer  unto  Thee  this  bread  and  this  cup,"  &c. 
(519).  In  all  the  Greek  and  Oriental  liturgies, 
the  prayer  before  us.  whether  beginning  with  the 
oblation  or  the  memorial,  starts  from  the  words 
of  institution,  and  is  followed,  properly,  at  once 
by  the  invocation  (Epiclesis). 

It  is  probable  that  the  oblation  in  connexion 
with  the  memorial  was  thought  unnecessary  by 
those  who  set  the  example  of  omitting  it,  be- 
cause of  the  similar  form  which  introduced  the 
intercessions  after  the  invocation. 

In  the  West  the  prayer  of  oblation  appeared 
sometimes  as  part  of  the  canon,  sometimes  as  a 
distinct  form.  It  follows  immediately  the  words 
of  institution  in  the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian 
canon :  "  Unde  et  memores,  Domine,  nos  tui 
servi,  sed  et  plebs  tua  sancta,  Christi  filii  tui 
Domini  Dei  nostri  tam  beatae  passionis,  necnon 
et  ab  inferis  resurrectionis,  sed  et  in  caelos 
gloriosae  ascensionis,  oflerimus  praeclarae  ma- 
jestati  tuae  de  tuis  donis  ac  datis  hostiam 
puram,  hostiam  sanctam,  hostiam  immacula- 
tam,  panem  sanctum  vitac  aeternae  et  calicem 
salutis  perpetuae  "  (Murat.  Liturg.  Lat.  Vet. 
i.    697  ;    ii.    4).     Similarly    in    the    Romanising 


1420 


OBLATIONS 


Jlissale  Francorum  and  the  Sacramentary  of 
Besan(;on  {ibid.  ii.  694,  778).  The  Spanish  and 
Gallican  canons  were  very  short,  and  the  com- 
memoration and  oblation  found  their  place  in  a 
prayer  which  came  immediately  after  it,  the 
Fost  Pridie  of  the  Spanish  and  Post  Mysterium, 
or  Post  Secreta,  of  the  Gallican  liturgies,  which 
embraced  the  invocation  as  well.  Very  few, 
however,  of  those  extant  contain  these  three  set 
forth  with  any  distinctness,  and  some  of  those  of 
later  composition  lose  sight  of  them  all.  The 
following  example  from  the  Mozarabic  Missal  is 
complete  :  "  Facimus,  Domine,  filii  tui  nostri  Jesu 
Christi  commemorationem,  quod  veniens  ad  nos 
humanam  formam  assumsit,  quod  pro  homi- 
nibus  quos  creaverat  redimendis  passionem 
crucis  perpessus  est.  .  .  ,  Per  ipsum  Te  ergo, 
summe  Pater,  exposcimus,  ut  banc  tuae  placa- 
tionis  hostiam,  quam  Tibi  offerimus,  e  manibus 
nostris  placatus  accipias,  eamque  de  caelis  a  sede 
placato  vultu  respiciens  benedicas,"  &c.  (Miss. 
Moz.  Leslie,  15).  From  the  Gothico-Gallican 
Missal  we  may  select  this :  "  Memores  gloriosis- 
simi  Domini  passionis  et  ab  inferis  resurrectio- 
nis,  offerimus  tibi,  Domine,  banc  immaculatam 
hostiam,  rationalem  hostiam,  incruentam  hostiam, 
hunc  panem  sanctum  et  calicem  salutarem, 
obsecrantes  ut  infundere  digneris  Spiritum  tuum 
sanctum  edentibus  nobis,  vitam  aeternam  re- 
quiemque  perpetuam  conlatura  potantibus " 
{Lit.  Gall.  Mabill.  298).  This  collect  is  of  great 
interest,  as  down  to  the  word  "  calicem  "  inclu- 
sive it  agrees  with  a  quotation  by  Pseudo- 
Ambrose  {de  Sdcramentis,  iv.  6),  who  was  pro- 
bably a  Gallican  bishop,  Ambrose  of  Cahors, 
of  the  age  of  Charlemagne  (Oudin,  de  Script. 
Eccl.  i.  1827).  As  the  Gallican  books  were 
at  that  time  being  suppressed  in  favour  of  the 
Roman,  we  probably  have  in  this  prayer  a  part 
of  the  Roman  canon  above  cited  varied  with  a 
view  to  conform  it  to  a  familiar  Gallican  formu- 
lary. This  is  made  more  probable  by  the  fact 
that  the  prayer  in  Pseudo-Ambrose  continues  to 
resemble  the  Roman  canon  from  the  point  indi- 
cated, while  it  becomes  wholly  unlike  the  Galli- 
can Post  Mysterium.  There  is  no  express  prayer 
of  oblation  in  the  old  canon  of  Milan,  which  after 
the  words  of  institution  proceeds  thus :  "  Haec 
facimus,  haec  celebramus,  tua,  Domine,  praecepta 
servantes,  et  ad  communionem  inviolabilem  hoc 
ipsum,  quod  corpus  Domini,  sumimus,  mortem 
Dominicam  nuntiamus.  Tuum  vero  est,  Omni- 
potens  Pater,  mittere  nunc  nobis  unigenitum 
Filium  tuum,  quem  inquaerentibus  sponte 
misisti  "  (Murat.  Lit.  Lat.  Vet.  Dissert,  i.  133). 
[W.  E.  S.] 
OBLATIONS  (ohlationes,  munera,  dona, 
SZpa,  (ppocr<popa'i).  The  presentation  of  offerings 
of  various  kinds  and  under  several  names  is  re- 
cognised by  the  earliest  Christian  writers  as  one 
of  the  proper  functions  of  bishops  and  priests. 
Thus,  Clement  of  Rome,  "  It  will  be  no  small 
sin  in  us,  if  we  cast  out  of  the  overseership 
{i-KKTKOnris)  those  who  have  offered  the  gifts 
blamelessly  and  holily "  (Epist.  ad  Cor.  44). 
This  passage  may  be  illustrated  from  the  so- 
called  Apostolical  Constitutions  (viii.  5  ;  see  Bun- 
sen,  Analecta  Ante-Nicaena,  ii.  379).  Laymen 
were  also  said  to  offer.  Here  we  need  only  quote 
a  remark  of  Hilary  the  Deacon,  who  wrote  about 
360  :  "  Quamvis  enim  proprio  sacerdos  fungatur 
officio,   ille   tamen  offerre  dicitur   cujus  nomine 


OBLATIONS 

agit  sacerdos.  Ipsi  enim  imputatur  cujus  mun- 
era offeruntur"  {Quaest.  ex  Vet.  Test.  46;  in 
App.  3  ad  0pp.  S.  Aug.  ed.  Ben.).  Hence,  fre- 
quently in  the  Roman  secretae,  or  prayers  super 
oblata,  such  expressions  as  these,  "  Munera  populi 
Tui  "  (Vig.  S.  Job.  Bapt.) ;  "  Oblationes  famul- 
orum  famularumqixe  Tuarum "  (Dom.  7  post 
Pent.) ;  "  Oblationes  populi  Tui "  (S.  Jac.  Ap. 
Nat.),  &c. 

The  present  article  treats  of  the  gifts  or  obla- 
tions above  mentioned,  and  of  the  rules  and 
usages  that  prevailed  with  regard  to  them.  On 
the  anthem  sung  during  the  reception  of  the 
altar  oblations,  see  Offertorium. 

I.  Oblations  of  Bread  and  Wine. — A  part  of  the 
oblation  of  the  people  from  the  first  were  bread 
and  wine.  Thus  St.  Irenaeus,  167,  tells  us  that, 
as  God  "  gave  to  the  people  (of  the  Jews)  a  pre- 
cept that  they  should  make  oblations,  ....  so 
does  He  now  will  that  we  also  should  offer  on 
the  altar  often,  without  ceasing  "  {Haer.  iv.  18, 
§  6).  The  3rd  apostolical  canon  forbids  bishops 
or  priests  to  "offer  on  the  altar"  (with  some 
exceptions  named)  "  anything  beyond  what  was 
appointed  by  the  Lord  to  be  offered  at  the 
sacrifice."  The  council  of  Carthage,  397,  re- 
newing this  prohibition,  adds,  in  explanation, 
"  that  is,  bread  and  wine  mixed  with  water  " 
(can.  24 ;  in  Cod.  Afric.  37).  In  the  Acta  of 
Theodotus,  the  martyr  of  Ancyra,  303,  we  read 
that  the  governor  of  Galatia  ordered  all  bread 
and  wine  to  be  polluted  by  contact  with  things 
offered  to  idols,  "  so  that  not  even  to  God,  the  Lord 
of  all,  could  a  pure  oblation  be  presented  "  (Bol- 
land,  May  18,  p.  152  ;  Ruinart,  Acta  Sine.  Mart. 
vii.  298).  Martin  of  Bracara,  569,  in  his  collec- 
tion fi'om  the  Greek  canons,  inserts  a  prohibition 
like  that  of  Carthage,  but  makes  no  exception  : 
"  It  is  not  lawful  for  anything  to  be  offered  in 
the  sanctuary  but  bread  and  wine  and  water  " 
(55;  Cone.  Hard.  iii.  397).  The  council  of 
Macon,  585,  finding  the  ancient  rite  neglected, 
"  decreed  that  on  every  Lord's  day  an  oblation  of 
the  altar  should  be  offered  by  all,  men  and 
women,  both  of  bread  and  wine  "  (can.  4 ;  comp. 
Pseudo-Fabian,  Hard.  Cone.  i.  1797).  The  coun- 
cil of  Nantes,  assigned  by  Pagi  to  the  year  660, 
speaks  of  the  "  oblations  which  are  offered  by  the 
people  "  for  the  sacrament,  and  "  of  the  loaves 
which  the  faithful  ofier  at  the  church,"  and 
directs  their  use  (can.  ix.).  According  to  the 
Ordo  Romanus,  "  the  people  give  their  offerings, 
that  is,  bread  and  wine  "  (Ord.  ii.  6  ;  Mns.  Ital.  ii. 
46).  So  a  rubric  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramen- 
tary printed  by  Pamelius  :  "After  that  the 
ofl'ertory  is  sung,  and  the  oblations  and  wine  are 
offered  by  the  people"  {Liturgicon,  ii.  178). 
After  the  8th  century,  at  least,  bishops  inquired 
at  their  visitation,  "  if  men  and  women  offered 
an  oblation,  that  is,  bread  and  wine,  at  masses  ; 
and  if  the  men  did  not,  whether  their  wives  did 
it  for  them,  for  themselves,  and  all  belonging  to 
them,  as  it  is  contained  in  the  canon  "  (Regino, 
de  Discipl.  Eccl.  ii.  v.  89 ;  see  Cone.  Matisc.  a.d. 
585,  can.  4).  Amalarius  of  Metz,  827  :  "  The 
people  make  their  oblations,  i.e.  bread  and  wine, 
after  the  order  of  Melchizedec "'  {De  Eccl.  Off. 
iii.  19). 

II.  Similar  Oblations  offered  for  the  Dead. — (1) 
These  were  primitive,  but  the  motive  changed 
after  the  3rd  centui-y.  At  first  the  eucharist 
was  celebrated  at  the  funeral,  or  at  some  other 


OBLATIONS 

time  aftei-  the  death  of  a  person  in  full  com- 
munion as  an  act  of  thanksgiving  for  his  victory. 
Oblations  were  brought  to  these  celebrations  by 
the  friends  of  the  deceased ;  but  we  do  not  find 
that  any  thought  of  benefit  to  him  from  these 
ofleriugs  was  then  entertained.  See  for  informa- 
tion connected  with  the  subject  of  this  section, 
Obsequies,  §§  xxix.-sxxv. 

We  must  distinguish  between  these  oblations, 
a  part  of  w^hich  served  to  the  celebration  of  the 
sacrament,  and  those  which  were  designed  for 
the  feast  of  the  commemoration.  It  is  to  the 
latter  that  St.  Augustine  refers,  when  he  says, 
■'  Oblationes  pro  spiritibus  dormientium,  quas 
vera  aliquid  adjuvare  credendum  est,  super  ipsas 
memorias  non  sint  sumtuosae,"  &c.  (^Epist.  22 
ad  Aurel.  6).  These  were  of  the  nature  of  alms, 
being  given  to  the  poor  on  behalf  of  the  de- 
ceased.    See  OBSiiQUiES,  §  xxvi. 

(2)  Among  the  prayers  of  oblation  to  be  said 
privately  at  the  ollertory  in  the  collection  of 
eucharistic  prayers  known  as  the  Missa  Illyrici 
are  three  to  be  said  "  pro  defunctis,"  and  one 
both  for  living  and  dead.  They  begin  thus, 
"  Suscipe,  Sancta  Trinitas,  hanc  oblationem  quam 
tibi  oft'ero  pro  auima,"  &c..  (IVIartene,  de  Ant. 
Eccl.  Hit.  i.  iv.  12,  ord.  4).  The  MS.  is  not  older 
than  the  10th  century,  but  the  prayers  may  be 
earlier.  None  of  them  have  been  adopted  for 
open  use  in  the  Missae  Defunctorum  of  the 
church  of  Rome.  The  same  prayer  occurs  in  the 
Codex  Katoldi  (who  died  986),  before  the  Super 
oblata  (Menard,  in  Sacram.  Greg.  0pp.  Greg. 
Ben.  iii.  486). 

There  was  evidently  at  a  somewhat  early 
period  a  temptation  to  defraud  the  dead  of  their 
oblations.  The  council  of  Carthage,  398,  im- 
plies that  the  surviving  friends  were  sometimes 
guilty  of  this  :  "  Let  them  who  either  refuse  to 
the  churches  the  oblations  of  the  departed  or 
give  them  with  difficulty  be  excommunicated, 
as  persons  who  starve  the  needy "  (can.  95). 
The  4th  canon  of  Vaison,  442,  dwells  on  this 
crime  at  some  length,  and  orders  the  oflenders 
to  be  "cast  out  of  the  church  as  unbelievers." 
The  47th  of  the  council  of  Aries,  452,  adopts  by 
name  the  decree  of  Vaison.  See  to  the  same  effect 
Cone.  Matiscon.  581,  can.  4.  It  is  probable  that 
many  of  those  who  withheld  the  usual  offerings 
were  influenced  by  the  teaching  of  Aerius,  who 
rejected  all  prayer  and  offerings  for  the  departed 
(Epiphan.  adv.  Hacr.  Ixxv.  3). 

(3)  The  very  nature  of  the  sacrament  implies 
that  many  might  be  commemorated  under  one 
oblation.  Yet  we  are  told  of  some  who  doubted 
this  (Walafr.  Strabo,  de  Reb.  Eccl.  22).  A  simi- 
lar error  seems  to  have  required  correction  in 
the  East ;  for  a  canon  of  Nicephorus  of  Constan- 
tinople declares  that  "  he  does  not  sin  who  offers 
one  oblation  for  three  persons  "  (can.  11 ;  Monum. 
Grace.  Cotel.  iii.  446). 

III.  From  whom  and  for  whom  received. — (1) 
Epiphanius,  368,  tells  us  generally  that  the 
church  "  receives  oblations  from  those  who  com- 
mit no  injustice,  and  are  not  transgressors  of  the 
law,  but  live  in  righteousness  "  (De  Fide,  24). 
The  bishop  was  to  decide  on  the  fitness  of  an 
offerer.  Constit.  Apost.  iv.  6  :  "It  behoves  the 
bishop  to  know  whose  oblations  he  ought  to 
receive  and  whose  not."  Disqualifications  for 
baptism  would  also  be  disqualifications  for  offer- 
ing.    Among  these  were  the  professions  of  the 


OBLATIONS 


1421 


actor,  charioteer,  gladiator,  racer,  fencing- 
master,  Olympic,  piper,  harper,  lyrist,  dancer, 
astrologer,  &c.  {Const.  Ap.  Yiii.  32;  Coptic,  yi. 
78 ;  Tattam.  167). 

The  oblations  of  all  non-communicants  were 
rejected.  "  Bishops  ought  not  to  receive  gifts 
from  him  who  does  not  communicate  "  (Cone. 
Ulib.  313,  can.  28).  In  fact,  with  one  exception, 
they  were  not  present  when  the  offerings  were 
made  (Cone.  Valent.  524,  can.  1).  The  cousis- 
tentes  [Penitence]  formed  the  one  exception. 
They  were  present,  but  could  not  offer. 

Persons  not  in  charity  were  forbidden  to  offer 
as  well  as  to  receive.  See  Optatus  (De  Schism. 
Donat.  vi.  1) ;  the  council  of  Carthage,  398 
(can.  93) ;  the  council  of  Toledo,  675  (can.  4 ; 
and  Gapit.  Reg.  Fr.  vii.  242) ;  Gregory  II.  A.D. 
715  (Capititlare,  11). 

By  the  94th  canon  of  Carthage,  398,  the 
priests  are  to  reject  the  oblations  of  those  who 
oppress  the  poor.  It  was  for  an  act  of  ty- 
ranny that  the  offering  of  Valens  at  Caesarea, 
393,  was  not  received  by  St.  Basil  (Greg.  Naz. 
Drat.  43  and  52). 

(2)  With  regard  to  the  oblations  of  the  dead, 
the  general  principle  is  thus  stated  by  Leo,  A.D. 
440 :  "  Horum  causa  Dei  judicio  reservanda  est. . , 
Nos  autem  quibus  viventibus  non  communica- 
vimus,  mortuis  communlcare  non  possumus " 
(Epist.  ii.  ad  Rust.  8  ;  comp.  Ep.  Ixxxiii.  ad 
Theod.  3).  St.  Cyprian  ordered  that  "  no  oblations 
should  be  made-  for  the  falling  asleep  "  of  one 
who  had,  in  contravention  of  the  canons,  made  a 
presbyter  his  executor,  and  he  says  that  this 
was  in  accordance  with  the  practice  of  his  pre- 
decessors (Epist.  i.  ad  Furnit.).  See  Obsequies, 
§xl. 

IV.  Tlie  Sacramental  Bread  and  Wine  taken 
out  of  these  Oblations. — St.  Cyprian,  reproving  a 
rich  woman  who  brought  no  offering  herself, 
says  that  she  "  took  part  of  the  sacrifice  which 
a  poor  person  offered"  (De  Opere  et  Eleemos.) 
St.  Augustine:  "The  priest  receives  from  thee 
that  which  he  may  offer  for  thee "  (Ewirr.  in 
Psalmos,  129,  §  7).  St.  Caesarius,  506:  "Offer 
oblations  to  be  consecrated  on  the  altar.  A  man 
able  to  afford  it  ought  to  blush,  if  he  has  com- 
municated from  the  oblation  of  another  "  (Serm. 
66,  §  2).  In  John  the  Deacon's  Life  of  Gregory 
the  Great  is  the  story  of  a  woman  who  was  cor- 
rected by  a  miracle  for  smiling  in  disbelief, 
when  she  heard  the  oblation,  which  she  recog- 
nised as  made  by  herself,  called  "  the  body  of 
the  Lord "  (ii.  41).  In  the  Ordo  Romanus  of 
the  9th  century,  the  archdeacon  takes  from  the 
whole  mass  of  oblations,  "  et  ponit  tantas  (obla- 
tas)  super  altare  quantae  possint  populo 
sufficere"  (Ord.  iii.  §  13;  Mus.  Ital.  ii.  57). 
And  somewhat  later:  "Accipiat  (diaconus)  ex 
ipsis  oblatis  quantum  ei  videtur ;  et  ponat 
desuper  altare "  (v.  8 ;  ibid.  67).  Compare 
Pseudo-Clement,  Ep.  ad  Jacob,  in  Hard.  Cone.  i. 
50.  Hincmar  of  Rheims,  852,  provides  for  the 
use  of  those  "  oblates  which  are  offered  by  the 
people,  and  are  more  than  are  required  for  the 
consecration  "  (Capit.  i.  c.  7). 

V.  In  ichat  Vessels  offered  and  received. — In 
the  West  the  bread  was  presented  by  the  offerer 
in  a  fanon  of  white  linen,  and  received  in  a 
vessel  or  cloth  called  offertorium  (see  Fanox 
(3),  vol.  i.  p.  661,  and  Offertorium,  (2)  (3)). 
The  wine  wa.<:  brought  in  amulae  [Ajia,  vol.  i. 


1422 


OBLATIONS 


p.  71],  and  poured  into  a  "  calix  major" 
[Chalice,  ib.  p.  340];  whence,  if  the  ofteriugs 
were  large,  it  was  transferred,  if  necessary,  to  a 

SCYPHUS. 

VI.  Where  these  Oblations  tcere  received. — It 
is  probable  tha't  at  first  all  who  offered  bread 
and  wine,  and  perhaps  oblations  of  various  other 
kinds,  drew  near  to  the  altar  and  there  presented 
their  gifts  to  the  deacons.  Thus,  in  the  East, 
Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  A.D.  254,  speaks  of  a 
layman  "  going  to "  and  "  standing  at  the 
table "  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  vii.  9).  The  same 
writer  implies  that,  except  at  certain  times,  even 
women  "went  up  to  the  holy  table"  (^/^pist. 
ad  Basil.  2).  In  the  4th  century,  however,  we 
find  a  different  rule.  The  council  of  Laodicea, 
probably  in  365  (can.  19),  after  settling  the 
time  at  which  the  laity  shall  "  give  the  peace, 
and  so  the  oblation  be  celebrated,"  adds,  "And 
it  is  lawful  for  those  in  holy  orders  alone  to 
enter  the  altar-place"  (dvffi.aari]piov\  see  Voig- 
tius,  de  Altaribus,  ii.  28).  Another  canon  (44) 
of  the  same  council  forbids  women  to  enter  it. 
The  council  in  Trullo,  691:  "Let  it  not  be  per- 
mitted to  any  one  whomsoever  among  the  laity 
to  go  into  the  sacred  altar -place "  (can.  69). 
There  was  an  exception,  however,  "  in  accordance 
with  a  ver}'  old  tradition,"  in  favour  of  the 
emperor,  "  when  he  should  desire  to  offer  gifts 
to  the  Creator  "  (ibid.).  Evidence  of  the  alleged 
tradition  occurs  in  the  story  of  Theodosius,  390, 
who  at  Constantinople  not  only  "  brought  his 
gifts  to  the  holy  table,"  but  was  expected  to 
remain  within  the  inclosure  (Theodorct,  Hist. 
Eccl.  v.  18).  Theodosius  the  Younger,  in  431, 
says  of  himself:  "We  draw  near  to  the  most 
holy  altar  for  the  oblation  of  the  gifts  only  " 
{Edict.  Labb.  Cone.  iii.  1237).  Turning  to  the 
West,  we  find  Theodosius  at  .Milan,  390,  "when 
the  time  summoned  to  offer  the  gifts  for  the 
holy  table,  rising  up  and  going  on  to  the  sacra- 
rium  "  (jSiv  avaKTopcov ;  Theodoret,  u.  s.).  In 
France,  in  the  6th  century,  the  laity  communi- 
cated in  the  chancel,  and  therefore,  we  infer, 
offered  there.  Thus  the  council  of  Tours,  5G7 : 
"  Let  the  holy  of  holies  be  open  to  laymen  and 
women,  that  they  may  pray  there  and  communi- 
cate, as  the  custom  is  "  (can.  4_).  Theodulf  of 
Orleans,  797,  says:  "Let  not  women  on  any 
account  draw  near  to  the  altar  when  the  priest 
is  celebrating  mass,  but  stand  in  their  places, 
and  let  the  priest  receive  their  oblations  there 
to  offer  them  to  God  "  {Capita  ad  Presbyt.  6). 
Laymen  are  only  cautioned  lest  they  provoke 
the  fate  of  Uzzah  {ibid.).  In  the  fifth  book  of 
the  Capitularies  of  the  French  Kings  (collected 
about  845)  is  a  law,  not  traced  to  any  earlier 
source,  which  orders  that  "notice  shall  be  given 
to  the  people  that  they  offer  oblations  to  God 
every  Lord's  day,  and  that  the  said  oblations 
will  be  received  outside  of  the  inclosure  of  the 
altar"  (c.  371).  Similarly,  Herard  of  Tours, 
858,  cap.  72.  At  Rome,  730,  at  a  pontifical 
mass,  we  find  the  oblations  of  the  nobles  received 
in  the  senatorium  ("quod  est  locus  principum"; 
Ord.  Bom.  iii.  12),  those  of  the  rest  of  the 
people  in  the  body  of  the  church,  the  receivers 
going  first  to  the  men's  side  and  then  to  the 
women's  {Ord.  Bom.  i.  13  ;  comp.  ii.  9  ;  iii.  12  ; 
V.  8).  The  priests  and  deacons  offered  last,  and 
"  before  the  altar  "  (ii.  9).  "  They  alone," 
says   Amalarius,    "  approach    the    altar   whose 


OBLATIONS 

ministry  is  about  the  altar"  (Ecloga,  19). 
Somewhat  later  the  laity  seem  to  have  gone  all 
to  one  place  to  present  their  offerings;  for  the 
revised  Ordo  says :  "  Let  him  (the  bishop)  be  led 
by  a  presbyter  and  the  archdeacon  to  the  place 
where  the  oblations  are  offered  by  the  faithful 
laity,  whether  men  or  women"  {Ord.  v.  9). 

VII.  Prayer  of  the  Offerer. — It  is  to  be  sup- 
posed that  a  devout  worshipper  would  always 
say  a  silent  prayer  when  presenting  his  gift. 
In  the  collection  known  as  the  Missa  Illyrici 
some  short  forms  are  suggested  for  use  at  this 
time  (Martene,  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  i.  iv.  12,  ord.  iv.). 

VI II.  By  whom  received  from  the  Offerers. — 
In  general  the  oblations  were  taken,  not  by  the 
celebrant,  but  by  a  deacon  or  sub-deacon,  if 
present.  None  of  the  ministers  of  Basil,  we  are 
told,  came  forward  to  receive  the  oblations  of 
Valens,  because  they  did  not  know  his  mind 
about  them  (Greg.  Naz.  Orat.  43,  §  52)  ;  from 
which  it  is  clear  that  it  was  at  that  time  no 
part  of  the  bishop's  duty  to  take  them  even 
from  the  hand  of  the  emperor.  Isidore  of 
Seville,  A.D.  610:  "The  sub-deacons  receive  the 
oblations  from  the  faithful  in  the  temple  of 
God "  {Etymol.  vii.  xii.  23  ;  De  Eccl.  Off.  ii. 
10  ;  Amalar.  do  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  11 ;  Raban.  Maur. 
de  Instit.  Cler.  i.  8  ;  Cone.  Aquisgr.  A.D.  816, 
i.  6).  In  an  "  Allocutio  ad  Subdiaconum  Ordi- 
nandum,"  in  the  missal  of  the  Franks,  it  appears 
to  be  implied  that  the  sub-deacon  not  only 
received  the  oblations,  but  separated  at  his  dis- 
cretion as  much  as  would  be  required  for 
the  communicants  {Litury.  Gall.  Mabill.  303). 
Pseudo-Clement,  in  the  8th  or  9th  century, 
speaks  of  the  "  minister  of  the  altar,"  i.e.  in 
strictness,  the  deacon,  as  "taking  the  obla- 
tion of  the  holocaust  from  the  offerers " 
(Epist.  ad  Jacob.  Hard.  Cone.  i.  50).  In  a 
pontifical  mass  at  Rome  in  the  8th  century  the 
oblations  of  bread  offered  by  the  nobles  were 
received  by  the  bishop  himself,  the  archdeacon 
following  to  receive  the  Amulae.  The  region- 
ary  sub-deacon  took  the  loaves  from  the  pontiff 
and  gave  them  to  another  sub-deacon,  by  whom 
they  were  placed  in  a  larger  sheet  of  linen 
("  corporale,  id  est  sindonem,"  Ord.  Bom.  ii.  9  ; 
"lineum  pallium,"  v.  8)  held  by  two  acolytes. 
The  amulae  were  emptied  by  the  archdeacon 
into  a  flagon  (scyphus)  carried  by  an  acolyte. 
The  other  offerings  of  bread  were  received  by 
the  bishop  whose  weekly  turn  it  was,  who  him- 
self put  them  into  the  sindon  borne  after  him. 
A  deacon  takes  the  amulae,  and  pours  their 
contents  into  a  scyphus  {Ord.  Bom.  i.  §  13  ; 
comp.  ii.  9 ;  iii.  12 ;  v.  8).  But  Remigius  of 
Auxerre,  A.D.  880,  represents  the  priest  as 
tai<ing  the  oblations,  though  he  supposes  a 
deacon  present :  "  Suscipit  interim  (while  the 
offertory  is  being  sung)  sacerdos  a  populo 
oblata  "  {De  Celebr.  Miss,  ad  calc.  Pseudo-Alcuin. 
de  Die.  Off.).  So  Ahyto  of  Bale,  811,  directs 
that,  "  when  the  oblatcs  are  oiiered  by  the 
women,  they  be  received  by  the  presbyters  at 
the  chancel  screen,  and  so  brought  to  the  altar  " 
{Capitula  16). 

IX.  By  whom  set  on  the  Altar. — In  the  West 
this  was  the  office  of  the  deacon.  Thus  Isidore 
says  that  it  belongs  to  the  Levites  "  oblationes 
inferre  et  disponere  "  {Epist.  ad  Leudefr.  8  ; 
comp.  Etymol.  \\i.  xii.  23;  Cone.  Aquisgr.  81^,. 
i.  7) ;  i.e.  "  inferunt  oblationes  in  altaria,  com- 


OBLATIONS 

ponunt  mensam  Domini  "  QDe  L'ccL  Off.  ii.  8). 
It  was  thought  that  the  propriety  of  this  usage 
was  indicated  by  the  fact  that  tlie  first  deacons 
were  chosen  to  "  serve  tables  "  (Ba  Eccl.  Off.  iii. 
19).  Rabauus  says:  "  Levitae  otl'erunt  oblationes 
in  altaria "  (De  Instit.  Cler.  i.  7  ;  comp.  with 
Isid.  above).  At  Rome,  in  a  pontifical  mass  in  the 
8th  century,  the  archdeacon,  receiving  the  oblates 
from  the  sub-deacons,  set  them  on  the  altar. 
Then  he  takes  the  bishop's  amula,  and  pours  the 
contents  through  a  strainer  into  a  chalice,  and 
similarly  those  of  the  deacons.  The  sub-deacon 
rejeives  the  water  offered  by  the  choir  from  the 
precentor,  and  "  pours  it  crosswise  into  the 
chalice."  Next,  the  bishop,  going  to  the  altar, 
takes  the  oblates  from  the  presbyter  of  the 
week  and  the  deacons.  The  archdeacon  then 
takes  the  bishop's  oblates  from  the  oblationary 
(sub-deacon),  and  gives  them  to  the  bishop,  who 
sets  these  on  the  altar  himself.  The  archdeacon 
then  takes  the  chalice  from  the  regionary  sub- 
deacon,  and,  putting  the  Offertoriuji  through 
the  handles,  sets  it  on  the  altar  near  the  bishop's 
oblates  on  the  right  (^Ord.  Horn.  i.  14,  15; 
comp.  ii.  9  ;  iii.  14,  15  ;  v.  8 ;  vi.  9). 

In  the  East  this  appears  to  have  been  gene- 
rally the  part  of  the  celebrant.  The  Apostolical 
canons  imply  as  much  when  they  forbid  bishops 
and  presbyters  to  bring  and  set  on  the  altar 
{Trpocrcp4p€iy  iirl  rh  6v(naaTripiov)  anything  but 
bread,  wine,  &c.  (can.  3).  The  Clementine 
liturgy  says  :  "  Let  the  deacons  bring  the  gifts 
to  the  bishop  at  the  altar  "  (Constit.  Almost,  viii. 
12).  The  liturgy  of  St.  James:  "The  priest 
bringing  in  the  holy  gifts  says  this  prayer  "  (of 
oblation,  Assem.  Codex  Liturg,  v.  17).  In  the 
Syrian  offices  the  celebrant  "  brings  the  euchar- 
istic  bread  on  to  the  altar"  {Liturg.  Orient. 
Coll.  Renaud.  ii.  3),  and  the  same  usage  pre- 
vails among  the  Copts  and  Abyssinians  (ibid.  i. 
185-188).  The  Nestorian  rites  vary  (Badger's 
Ncstorians,  ii.  218  ;  Neale,  Introd.  Hist.  East. 
C/i.  436).  In  the  later  Greek  liturgy,  at  the 
"  great  entrance "  the  deacon  brings  in  the 
paten,  the  priest  the  chalice ;  but  the  latter 
sets  both  on  the  holy  table  (Eucholog.  Goar,  73). 

X.  By  whom  presented  to  God. — Deacons,  as 
we  have  seen,  might  set  the  oblations  on  the  altar, 
but  only  a  bishop  or  priest  could  offer  them  to 
God.  "  Deacons  have  no  authority  to  offer " 
{Cone.  Aic.  325,  can.  18).  The  principle  was 
that  "  exordium  ministerii  a  summo  est  sacer- 
dote "  (Pseudo-Ambr.  de  Sacram.  iii.  i.  §  4) ; 
and  as  the  power  of  the  priest  himself  was 
derived,  he  could  not  delegate  it.  "  Apart  from 
the  bishop,"  says  Ignatius  the  martyr,  "it  is 
not  lawful  to  baptize  or  to  celebrate  an  agape," 
which  included  the  eucharist  {Ad  Smyrn.  7), 
where  the  interpolator  has,  "or  to  offer,  or  to 
bring  sacrifice,  or  to  celebrate  a  feast."  Hence 
priests  were  forbidden  to  "  celebrate  masses  "  in 
any  diocese  without  the  sanction  of  the  bishops 
{Cone.  Vernense,  7 bo,  can.  8).  The  bishop  was 
the  offerer  by  himself  or  by  the  priest,  and 
therefore  in  the  language  of  the  earliest  period 
a  good  bishop  was  one  who  "offered  the  gifts 
blamelessly  and  holily"  (Clem.  Rom.  Epist. 
i.  44). 

XI.  ITow  offered  by  the  Celebrant.  Prayers  of 
Oblation. — At  first  "the  whole  of  that  action 
was  accomplished  in  silence "  (Bona,  Her. 
Liturg.  ii.  viii.  §  2  ;  Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Hit.  i. 


OBLATIONS 


1423 


iv.  vi.  16  ;  and  others).  It  must  not  be  inferred, 
however,  that  the  primitive  church  did  not  re- 
gard the  action  of  the  celebrant  with  respect 
to  the  unconsecrated  gifts  as  a  distinct  offering 
of  them  to  God.  It  only  means  that  such  an 
oblation  was  not  verbally  made  when  they  were 
set  on  the  altar,  though  implied  in  the  long 
eucharistic  prayer  which  immediately  followed! 
St.  Ireuaeus  expressly  says  that  Christ,  in 
instituting  the  sacrament,  "  taught  the  new- 
oblation  of  the  New  Testament,  which  the 
church  throughout  the  world  offers  to  God  who 
gives  us  aliments — the  first-fruits  of  His  gifts  in 
the  New  Testament  "  (c.  Eaer.  iv.  17,  §  5).  "  This 
pure  oblation  the  church  alone  offers  to  the 
Creator,  offering  it  to  Him  of  His  own  creature 
with  thanksgiving  "  {ibid.  18,  §  4).  Hence  it  is 
evident  that  he  who  said  the  eucharistic  prayer 
was  believed  to  offer  the  elements  to  God.  Such 
an  oblation  is  assumed,  though  not  expressed,  in 
the  long  preface  (the  original  euxapio-ria)  of  the 
Clementine  Liturgy.  All  other  liturgies  have  a 
distinct  prayer  of  oblation  introduced,  as  we 
must  suppose,  at  some  later  period.  It  is  always 
said  by  the  celebrant,  and  was  probably  at  first 
only  a  clearer  expression  of  an  oblation  of  the 
good  creatures  of  God  then  lying  before  him. 
'Phis  is  evidently  the  meaning  of  the  earlier  and 
simpler  forms ;  but  the  later,  as  will  be  seen, 
introduce  thoughts  which  must  appear  entirely 
out  of  place.  We  will  begin  with  those  which 
are  true  to  their  original  intention.  In  St. 
Jlark,  after  the  cry  of  the  deacon,  "  Pray  for  the 
offerers,"  "  the  priest  says  the  prayer  of  proposi- 
tion," in  which  is  the  following  petition,  "  Cause 
Thy  face  to  shine  upon  this  bread  and  on  these 
cups  which  the  all-holy  table  receives  through 
the  ministry  of  angels  and  attendance  of  arch- 
angels and  service  of  the  priesthood  "  (Renaud. 
i.  143).  This  is  only  a  prayer  for  the  accept- 
ance of  the  gifts  expressed  in  a  lofty  style,  nor 
can  we  see  more  than  this  in  St.  James  :  "  Thy- 
self bless  this  offering  "  {irpSOea-tv  ;  comp.  Heb. 
ix.  2 ;  Matt.  xii.  4),  "  and  receive  it  on  to 
Thine  altar  above  the  heavens  "  (Assem.  u.  s.). 
In  St.  Basil's  "prayer  of  oblation"  {evxh 
7rpo<rKO|Ui5f;s)  the  celebrant  prays  chiefly  for 
himself  that  he  may  rightly  fulfil  his  office,  but 
also  for  the  acceptance  of  the  offerings,  "  Of 
Thy  goodness,  0  Lord,  receive  these  gifts  from 
the  hands  of  us  sinners  "  (Goar,  164).  In  St. 
Chrysostom,  however,  which  has  long  been  the 
common  liturgy  of  the  Greeks,  the  prayer  would 
be  more  suitable  after  the  consecration,  for  it  is 
an  invocation  [Epiclesis],  "that  this  our  sacri- 
fice may  be  acceptable  unto  Thee,  and  that  the 
good  spirit  of  Thy  grace  may  make  His  abode  on 
us,  and  on  these  gifts,  and  on  all  Thy  people  " 
(Goar,  74). 

In  all  the  Eastern  liturgies  of  later  revision 
there  is  the  same  tendency  that  we  observe  in 
St.  Chrysostom,  to  anticipate  the  consecration, 
or  to  confound  the  previous  oblation  of  the 
elements  with  that  of  the  sacramental  body  and 
blood.  Thus  in  the  Armenian :  "  Do  Thou  to 
whom  we  bring  this  sacrifice  accept  this  offering 
from  us  and  make  it  the  mystery  of  the  body 
and  blood  of  Thine  only  begotten  Son,  and  grant 
unto  us  who  are  partakers  of  them  tliat  this 
bread  and  wine  may  be  for  the  healing  and 
pardoning  of  our  sins  "  (Neale,  u.  s.  444). 

In  the  West  there  was  no  unvarying  verbal 


1424 


OBLATIONS 


oLlation  of  the  elements  until  after  the  12th 
century  (Microl.  A.D.  1160,  i)e  Eccl.  Ohserv.  11). 
Five  have  become  of  obligation  since,  viz.  (1), 
"  Suscipe,  Sancte  Pater,  omnipotens  aeterne 
Deus,  hanc  immaculatam  hostiam,"  &c. ;  (2), 
"  Offerimus  Tibi,"  &c. ;  (3),  "  In  spiritu  humi- 
litatis,"  &c.  (which  appear  to  be  borrowed  from 
Spain ;  3Iiss.  3Iozar.  Leslie,  2,  232  ;  see  below)  ; 
(4),  "Veui  Sanctificator,"  &c.  (which  is 
Gallican  ;  Microl.  u.  s.  11 ;  see  below)  ;  and  (5), 
"  Suscipe,  Sancta  Trinitas,"  &c.,  which  is  both 
Ambrosian  (Pamel.  Eituale  PP.  i.  298)  and 
Gallican  (Microl.  u.  s. ;  see  below).  Long, 
however,  before  any  of  these  prayers  are  known 
to  have  been  even  in  private  use,  there  was  a 
variable  collect  in  the  sacramentaries,  called  in 
the  Gelasian  the  secreta  ("because  it  is  said 
secretly  ";  Amal.  de  Off.  Eccl.  iii.  20) ;  and  in  the 
Gregorian  either  secreta  or  oratio  super  oblata, 
m  which  the  oblations  were  directly  or  indirectly 
offered.  The  following  is  an  example  from  the 
so-called  Leonian  sacramentary :  "  We  beseech 
Thee,  0  Lord,  that  the  gifts  of  Thy  people  may 
be  acceptable  to  Thee  through  the  intercessions 
of  the  blessed  apostles  (SS.  Peter  and  Paul)  ; 
that  as  they  are  offered  to  Thy  Name  for  their 
triumphs,  so  they  may  be  perfected  by  their 
merits ;  through,"  &c.  (Murat.  Lit.  Bom.  Vet.  i. 
330). 

During  the  whole  office  of  oblation  an  anthem 
of  three  verses  was  sung;  the  first  of  which, 
called  the  Offertory,  was  repeated  between  the 
second  and  the  third  until  the  offerings  were  all 
brought  up,  and  the  celebrant  said  "  Orate  "  (^Ord. 
Bom.  ii.  9).  "  In  offerendis  revertuntur  versus, 
dum  offerenda  repetitur "  (Remig.  Autiss.  in 
Pseudo-Alcuin,  de  Div.  Off.  40).  See  examples 
in  Antiphonarium  Gregor.  (^O^yp.  iii.  653  et  seq., 
ed.  Ben.). 

In  the  Milanese  rite  the  celebrant  says  in  a 
loud  voice,  "  Receive,  most  merciful  Father,  this 
holy  bread,  this  cup,  wine  mixed  with  water, 
that  it  may  become  the  body,  the  blood,  of 
Thine  only  begotten,"  &c.  (Pamel.  u.  s.  297). 
This  is  followed  by  later  prayers  said  secretly, 
and  by  a  variable  "  Oratio  super  Oblata  alta  voce 
dicenda"  (see  MiSSA  VIII.  (2)  (c)),  which  corre- 
sponds, though  said  aloud,  to  the  Roman  secreta. 
In  the  Gallican  liturgies,  suppressed  in  the  8th 
century,  there  is  no  constant  form  of  oblation  ; 
there  was,  however,  a  Collectio  post  Nomina 
corresponding  to  the  secreta  of  Rome.  See  ex- 
amples in  Missa  VIII.  (3)  (e).  The  Mozarabic 
priest  says  four  distinct  prayers  of  oblation  :  (1) 
over  the  bread  and  cup,  ■'  May  this  oblation  .  .  . 
which  we  offer  for  our  sins,  be  acceptable  to  Thy 
Majesty,"  &c. ;  (2)  over  the  cup  only,  "  We  offer 
unto  Thee,  0  Lord,  this  cup  for  the  benediction  of 
the  blood  of  Thy  Son,"  &c. ;  (3)  setting  the  cup 
on  the  altar  and  placing  the  veil  (filiolam)  over 
it,  he  says,  "  We  beseech  Thee,  0  Lord,  graciously 
to  accept  this  oblation,  and  to  pardon  the  sins  of 
all  the  offerers  for  whom  it  is  offered  unto  Thee, 
through,"  &c. ;  (4)  "  In  spiritu  humilitatis," 
&c.  (Leslie,  m.  s.),  of  which  "  Veni  .  .  .  Sancti- 
ficator" (above)  is  in  this  liturgy  a  continuation. 
The  sacrifidum  (the  Mozarabic  offertory)  is  then 
sung ;  some  prayers  of  preparation  follow,  and 
the  celebrant  having  said,  "  Offerunt  Deo  Domino 
sacerdotfes  nostri,  Papa  Romensis  et  reliqui, 
pro  se,"  &c.,  and  read  the  names  of  tliose 
commemorated,  this  part   of  the   liturgy  closes 


OBLATIONS 

with   the   Oratio  post  Nomina  (see  Missa   viii. 
(4)  (d)). 

We  observe  in  many  of  these  Latin  prayers  of 
oblation  the  same  departure  from  their  original 
intention  that  was  noticed  in  several  of  the 
Eastern  forms.  Thus  in  the  Roman  Missal  we 
have,  "  Receive  this  immaculate  host*  which  I 
offer  ...  for  my  numberless  sins,"  &c.  Simi- 
larly in  a  Mozarabic  Post  Nomina  (Leslie,  39). 
For  attempted  explanations  see  Bona,  Per.  Lit.  ii. 
ix.  3  ;  Le  Brun,  Explic.  de  la  Messe,  iii.  vi.  2 ; 
Romsee,  Sens.  Bit.  Miss.  xiv.  5  ;  and  others.  They 
amount  to  this :  "  Qu'en  commeneant  a  offrir 
le  pain  nous  parlous  d^ja  comme  si  nous  offrions 
cette  hostie  sans  tache  qui  est  I'unique,  dont 
I'offrande  puisse  nous  laver  de  nos  peches  "  (Le 
Br.).  Many  Roman  secretae  contain  a  similar 
assumption  {Sacr.  Greg.  ii.  46).  Similar  incon- 
gruities occur  in  Gallican  collects  Post  Nomina 
(Miss.  Goth.  191). 

It  may  be  conjectured  that  the  foregoing 
anomalies  first  made  their  appearance  when  an 
attempt  was  made  in  an  age  of  decaying  learning 
and  intelligence  to  simplify,  by  breaking  up  and 
rearranging,  the  prolonged  eucharistia,  which 
originally  embraced  both  the  oblation  of  the 
gifts  when  brought  to  the  celebrant,  and  all 
that  belonged  to,  and  was  connected  with,  the 
subsequent  consecration. 

XII.  The  Bemainder  of  the  Consecrated  Obla- 
tions.— No  uniform  mode  of  disposing  of  them 
prevailed  during  any  part  of  our  period  either 
in  the  East  or  West.  For  a  considerable  time  a 
part  was  sent  to  the  absent,  and  a  part  taken 
away  by  the  communicants  for  daily  use  at 
home.  [Reservation.]  A  part  was  also  in 
some  places,  from  the  6th  to  the  8th  century 
inclusive,  sent  to  other  churches,  as  Fermentdm. 
We  have  to  speak  here  of  the  part  that  still 
remained  when  due  provision  had  been  made  for 
these  purposes.  Evagrius,  near  the  end  of  the 
6th  century,  tells  us  that  "  it  was  an  ancient 
custom  in  the  royal  city  (Constantinople),  when- 
ever a  large  quantity  of  the  holy  particles  of 
the  undefiled  body  of  Christ,  our  God,  was  left 
over,  for  uncorrupted  boys  of  those  that  at- 
tended the  school  of  the  undermaster  to  be  sent 
for  to  consume  them "  {Eccl.  Hist.  iv.  36). 
From  the  testimony  of  Nicephorus  Callistus, 
who  had  himself,  when  a  boy  at  that  school, 
communicated  in  this  manner,  we  learn  that  the 
custom  survived  till  the  earlier  part  of  the  14th 
century,  if  not  later  (Bist.  Eccles.  xvii.  25). 
At  Jerusalem,  however,  as  we  know  from  the 
authority  of  Hesychius  the  patriarch,  601, 
"  whatever  happened  to  be  left  unconsumed  was 
given  to  the  fire,"  as  were  the  remains  of  the 
sacrifices  mentioned  in  Exod.  xii.  10  (^Explan.  in 
Levit.  (viii.  32)  ii.).  In  the  West  the  council  of 
Macon,  585,  decreed  that  "  whatever  remains  of 
the  sacrifices  shall  be  left  in  the  sacrarium  after 
the  mass  is  ended,  innocent  children  be  brought 
to  the  church  by  him  whose  office  it  is  on  the 
Wednesday  or  Friday,  and,  a  (subsequent)  fast 
having  been  prescribed  them  [Fasting,  §  8], 
receive  the  said  remains  sprinkled  with  wine  " 

"  This  phrase  occurs  with  proper  appliciUiim  in  a 
Gallican  Post  Secreta,  and,  therefore,  after  the  consecra- 
tion :  "  Offerimus  tibl,  Domine,  hanc  immaculatam 
hostiam  .  .  .  Obsecrantes  ut  iiifundere  digneiis  Spiritum 
tuum  sanctum  edentibus  nobis,"  &c.  {Miss.  Guth.  in 
Lit.  Gall.  298.) 


OBLATIONS 

(can.  6).  The  following  order  occurs  iu  one  of 
the  forged  decretals  about  830,  but  probably 
derived  from  an  earlier  document :  "  But  if  any 
shall  remain,  let  them  not  be  reserved  till  the 
morrow,  but  consumed  by  the  care  of  the  clerks, 
with  fear  and  trembling.  But  let  not  those 
who  consume  the  remains  of  the  Lord's  body 
that  have  been  left  in  the  sacrarium  come  toge- 
ther immediately  to  take  common  food,"  &c. 
{Epist.  Clem,  ad  Jac. ;  Hard.  Cone.  i.  50  ;  see  the 
same  as  Praecepta  Petri  in  S.  Leon.  Opera,  ed. 
Bailer,  iii.  674).  That  this  latter  usage  was 
widely  spread  in  the  West  we  may  infer  from 
the  appearance  of  the  above  passage  from  Pseudo- 
Clemens  in  Regino  (de  Eccl.  Discipl.  i.  195 ; 
Burchard,  Deer.  v.  11;  and  Gratian,  Beer.  iii. 
De  Consecr.  ii.  23). 

XIIL  Disposal  of  the  Unconsecrated  Surplus, — 
The  Apostolical  Constitutions  (both  texts) :  "  The 
eulogiae  that  are  over  and  above  in  the  mystic 
rites  let  the  deacons  distribute  among  the  clergy, 
according  to  the  discretion  of  the  bishop  or  the 
presbyters  —  to  the  bishop,  four  parts ;  to  a 
presbyter,  three  parts ;  to  a  deacon,  two  parts ; 
and  to  the  rest,  subdeacons,  or  readers,  or  singers, 
or  deaconesses,  one  part "  (viii.  31  ;  in  the  Coptic 
Canons  of  the  Apostles,  tr.  Tattam,  c.  75). 
They  are  here  called  eulogiae,  because  blessed 
through  being  offered.  Theophilus  of  Alexandria, 
A.D.  385 :  "  Let  the  clerks  divide  those  things 
which  are  ofi'ered  on  account  of  the  sacrifice 
(that  remain)  after  those  consumed  for  the  use 
of  the  mysteries,  and  let  not  a  catechumen  eat 
or  drink  thereof,  but  rather  the  clerks  and  the 
faithful  brethren  with  them "  (can.  7 ;  Hard. 
Cone.  i.  2000).  These  oblations  are  spoken  of 
under  the  name  of  eialogiae  by  Socrates,  who 
says  that  Chrysanthus,  the  Novatian  bishop  at 
Constantinople,  "  received  nothing  from  the 
churches,  only  taking  two  loaves  of  the  eulogiae 
on  the  Lord's  day  "  {Eecl.  Hist.  vii.  2).  John 
Jloschus,  A.D.  630,  relates  the  story  of  a  monk 
who,  being  employed  to  distribute  eulogiae, 
"which  the  deacons  had  set  on  the  holy  altar," 
happened  to  say  over  them  the  words  of  conse- 
cration, and  thus,  as  it  was  afterwards  revealed, 
unintentionally  consecrated  them  (_Prat.  Spirit. 
25). 

We  have  less  distinct  information  of  the  dis- 
posal of  the  superfluous  oblations  at  an  early 
period  in  the  West.  The  earlier  drafts  of  the 
Ordo  Romanus  tell  us  nothing ;  but  from  Ordo 
vi.  (Mabill.)  we  learn  that,  after  all  the  oblations 
of  the  clergy  and  people  had  been  placed  on  the 
altar,  fresh  loaves  were  brought  to  the  arch- 
deacon, from  which  the  bishop  took  what  he 
thought  proper  for  consecration,  and  then  gave 
all  the  rest  back  to  the  archdeacon,  "  who  gave 
them  in  charge  to  the  custos  of  the  church  for 
safe  keeping  "  (§  9).  This  belongs  to  a  period 
at  which  fewer  communicated  than  during  the 
7th  century.  We  are  not  told  how  these  remains 
were  employed,  but  it  is  probable  that  in  the 
West  the  superfluous  oblations  of  a  festival 
served  for  the  celebrations  of  other  days ;  for 
we  are  told  in  the  Life  of  St.  Augustine,  by  Pos- 
sidius,  that  he  would  sometimes  in  church 
admonish  the  faithful  for  "  their  neglect  of  the 
gazophylacium  and  secretarium,  from  which  the 
things  needful  for  the  altar  are  brought  iu  "  (24). 
According  to  St.  Ambrose,  the  custos  was  a 
deacon ;    "  Haec   quanti  consilii   sit    prospicere, 


OBLATIONS 


1425 


non  ignoratis.  Et  ideo  eligitur  Levita  qui  sacra- 
rium custodiat"  (De  Off.  Min.  i.  50,  §  265). 
Gifts  for  the  altar  were  put  into  the  SACIIARIUM 
or  SECRETARIUM  ;  those  for  the  poor,  the  clergy, 
or  the  church,  into  the  gazophylacium. 

As  the  excess  of  bread  and  wine  ofiered  for  the 
sacrament  gradually  decreased,  so  it  ceased  to 
form  part  of  the  ordinary  provision  for  the 
clergy,  and  was  distributed  only  as  a  token  of 
communion,  or  blessed  for  the  antidoron.  [Eu- 
logiae.] This  last  application  is  expressly 
ordered  by  the  council  of  Nantes,  perhaps  in 
657  (can.  9  ;  Hard.  vi.  459),  and  after  it  by 
Hincmar,  852  {Ad  Presbyt.  7). 

XIV.  Other  Altar  Oblations. — The  third  apo- 
stolical canon,  as  we  have  it,  after  forbidding 
anything  but  what  Christ  appointed  to  be 
offered  on  the  altar  (naming  Honey  and  Milk 
[see  vol.  i.  p.  783 ;  Tertull.  de  Cor.  2Iil.  3  ;  Id. 
adv.  Marc.  i.  14 ;  Clem.  Alex.  Paedag.  i.  vi.  50, 
51;  Hieron.  adv.  Lucif.  8;  Joan.  Diac.  Epist. 
ad  Senar.  (12)  in  Mtts.  Ital.  i.  75  ;  Sacram.  Leon. 
in  Murat.  Lit.  Pom.  Vet.i.  318;  Ratoldi  Pontif. 
in  Me'nard,  Sacram.  Greg.  n.  338  ;  Ordo  Romanus 
in  Hittorp.  87 ;  Apost.  Const.  Copt.  ii.  46,  Tat- 
tam's  tr.  62 ;  or  Boetticher's  in  Bunsen's  Ana- 
lecta  Antenicaena,  ii.  468;  0>xlo  Bapt.  Aethiop. 
in  Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Pit.  i.  i.  xv.  16], 
"  sicera,  birds,  or  any  living  things,  or  legumes  "), 
adds,  "except  new  grains  or  grapes  in  their 
season"  [Fruits,  Offering  of].  The  second 
book  of  the  Coptic  Canons  of  the  Apostles,  the 
Coptic  form  of  the  Constitutions,  permits  "  the 
blessing  of  the  grape,  the  fig,  the  pomegranate, 
the  olive,  the  prune,  the  apple,  the  peach,  the 
cherry,  and  the  almond."  Again :  "  It  shall  be 
that  they  shall  offer  flowers :  let  them  offer  a 
rose  and  the  lily  "  (c.  54 ;  Tattam's  tr.  p.  74  ; 
or  Boetticher's,  u.  s,  471).  The  Greek  canon 
proceeds :  "  But  let  it  not  be  permitted  to  oflfer 
anything  else  upon  the  altar,  in  the  time  of  the 
holy  oblation,  than  oil  for  the  lamp  [Oil] 
and  incense "  (Beveridge,  Works,  xi.  sxxix. 
Oxf.  1848).  [Incense,  Vol.  I.  pp.  830,  831.] 
Oil  for  another  purpose — viz.  for  the  unction 
after  baptism — was  offered  at  the  altar  in  Africa 
before  the  probable  date  of  the  above  canon. 
Thus  St.  Cyprian,  255,  speaks  of  chrism  as 
"  the  oil  hallowed  on  the  altar "  (^Epist.  70). 
Much  later,  in  Pseudo-Dionysius,  the  bishop 
"  takes  the  fxipov,  and  sets  it  on  the  holy  altar  " 
{Be  Eccl.  Hier.  iv.  2).  According  to  the  Ordo 
Pomanus,  however,  this  oil  was  brought  "  ante 
altare,"  and  there  consecrated  {Ord.  i.  31  ; 
app.  7). 

XV.  Beeds  of  Gift,  4c.  laid  on  the  Altar,  or 
held  before  or  over  it. — By  a  law  of  the  Frank 
king  Dagobert,  A.D.  630,  all  free  persons  who 
gave  aught  "  to  the  church  for  the  ransom  of 
their  soul,"  "  vills,  lands,  serfs,  or  any  money," 
were  to  confirm  the  gift  by  an  "  epistle  "  under 
their  own  hand  before  six  or  more  witnesses,  wlio 
were  to  subscribe  the  deed.  "  And  then  let  him 
place  the  said  epistle  on  the  altar,  and  so  deliver 
the  money  itself  in  the  presence  of  the  priest 
who  serves  there "  {Capit.  Reg.  Franc.  Baluze, 
i.  95).  Sim.  Lex  Alamannorum,  eod.  ann.  {ibid. 
57).  In  803  Charlemagne  received  a  petition 
from  his  states,  in  which  they  asked  for  greater 
security  for  gifts  made  to  the  church,  on  the 
ground  that  the  donor  "  makes  a  writing  of  those 
things  which  he  desires  to  give  to  God,  and  holds 


1426 


OBLATIONS 


the  writing  itself  in  his  hand  before  or  over 
(coram  altari  aut  supra)  the  altar,  saying  to  the 
priests  and  guardians  of  the  place,  '  1  offer  and 
■dedicate  to  God  all  the  things  which  are  set 
down  in  this  paper,  for  the  remission  of  my 
sins,  and  of  the  sins  of  my  parents  and  children ' 
(or  for  whatever  he  shall  wish  to  make  them  over 
to  God  for),  for  the  service  of  God  out  of  these 
things  in  sacrifices,  and  celebrations  of  masses,  in 
prayers,  lights,  the  maintenance  of  the  poor  and 
the  clergy,  and  other  forms  of  service  to  God, 
and  of  usefulness  to  this  church."  They  were 
offered  under  expressed  pain  of  sacrilege  if  the 
church  were  robbed  of  them  (Cap.  Baluz.  u.  s. 
i.  407  ;  or  in  the  collection  of  Benedict,  vi.  370). 

It  was  probably  a  very  frequent  custom  to  lay 
valuable  gifts  of  any  kind,  of  small  size,  on  the 
■altar,  apart  from  the  eucharistic  service,  with  or 
without  such  a  deed  as  is  described  above.  Thus 
"  a  devout  man  "  in  the  6th  century  "  placed  on 
the  altar  of  the  church  "  of  St.  Nazaire,  near 
Nantes,  a  belt  most  carefully  wrought,  of  the 
purest  gold,  with  all  its  furniture.  He  gave 
it  "ad  reficiendos  pauperes,"  but  with  prayer 
for  the  aid  of  the  martyr  in  his  needs  (Greg. 
Turon.  de  Glor.  Mart.  6l'). 

XVI.  Oblations  not  set  on  the  Altar.— '^  AM 
things  that  are  offered  to  God  are  without  doubt 
also  consecrated.  And  not  only  are  the  sacrifices 
which  are  consecrated  to  the  Lord  on  the  altar 
called  oblations  of  the  faithful;  but  whatever 
offerings  are  offered  to  Him  by  the  faithful, 
whether  consisting  of  serfs  or  arable  lands,  vine- 
yards, woods,  meadows,  waters,  or  watercourses, 
furniture,  books,  utensils,  stones,  buildings, 
garments,  woollen  fabrics,  cattle,  pastures,  parch- 
ments, movables  and  immovables,  or  whatsoever 
things  are  done  to  the  praise  of  God,  or  can  fur- 
nish supply  and  ornament  to  holy  church  and  her 
priests,  by  whomsoever  they  are  of  free  will 
offered  to  God  and  His  church,  these  all  un- 
doubtedly are  consecrated  to  God  and  belong  to 
the  right  of  the  priests  "  (Capit.  ii.  Car.  Magn. 
A.D.  814,  c.  12 ;  Capit.  Beg.  Franc,  i.  522 ;  in 
Benedict's  collection,  vi.  407  ;  Cap.  Herardi,  65 ; 
Isaac  Ling.  vii.  7). 

(a)  Charitable  Gifts. — Justin  Martyr,  in 
Samaria,  a.d.  140,  tells  us  that,  when  the  Chris- 
tians of  his  day  met  on  the  Sunday  for  prayer 
and  the  holy  communion,  "  those  who  were  pros- 
perous, and  wished  to  do  it,  gave  each  as  he 
determined  beforehand  what  he  would,  and  that 
the  collection  was  laid  up  with  the  presiding 
•(elder),  who  personally  relieved  orphans  and 
widows  and  those  who  were  in  distress  from 
sickness  or  any  other  cause,  and  those  in  bonds 
and  strangers  sojourning  among  them,  and  in  a 
word  took  care  of  all  who  were  in  any  necessity  " 
(Apol.  i.  67).  Tertullian  at  Carthage,  A.D.  199  : 
"Though  there  be  a  sort  of  (money)  chest,  the 
amount  in  it  is  not  got  together  from  payment 
as  for  a  religion  that  is  bought.  Every  person 
once  a  month,  or  when  he  will,  and  only  if  he 
will  and  be  able,  places  therein  a  moderate  gift ; 
for  no  one  is  forced,  but  gives  it  of  his  own 
accord.  These  are,  as  it  were,  the  deposits  of 
piety  ;  for  therefrom  are  dispensed  portions,  not 
for  feasts  or  drinking  bouts,  or  thankless  haunts 
of  voracity,  but  for  feeding  and  burying  the 
needy,  and  for  boys  and  girls  destitute  of  means 
and  of  parents,  and  for  the  aged  confined  now  to 
the  house,  also  for  the  shipwrecked,  and  for  any 


OBLATIONS 

who  become  pensioners  on  their  confession,  in  the 
mines  or  the  islands,  or  in  prisons,  if  only  it  be 
for  the  sake  of  the  way  of  God "  (Apol.  39). 
Caesarius  of  Aries,  502,  considers  it  the  part  of 
a  good  Christian,  "  when  he  comes  to  church,"  to 
"  offer  according  to  his  ability  money  or  food  for 
the  poor"  (Serm.  77,  §  2  ;  comp.  Sorm.  76,  §  2). 
Similarly  Pirminius,  750 :  "  Quando  ad  eccle- 
siam  convenitis,  pauperibus  secundum  vires 
vestras  aut  argentum  aut  aliud  aliquid  porri- 
gite "  (Scarapsiis  in  Vetera  Analecta,  Mabill. 
72 ;  ed.  2).  Isidore  of  Seville,  595,  says  that  it 
was  part  of  the  duty  of  the  archdeacon  to  "  receive 
the  money  collected  from  the  communion  "  (_Ep. 
ad  Leudefr.  12). 

The  fourth  apostolical  canon,  referring  to  the 
grapes  and  corn  mentioned  in  the  third,  says, 
"  But  let  every  other  fruit  be  sent  away  into  the 
house  (or  chamber,  oIkov,  the  Gazophylacium  or 
Domus  Ecclesiae,  Possid.  Vita  August.  24),  as 
first-fruits  for  the  bishop  and  the  presbyters, 
but  not  brought  to  the  altar."  In  the  Life  of  St. 
Augustine  (m.  s.  see  above  §  xiii.)  a  distinction  is 
made  between  offerings  for  the  gazophylacium 
and  for  the  secretarium.  We  learn  there  also  how 
the  former  were  applied  :  ''  He  was  always  mind- 
ful of  his  companions  in  poverty,  and  used  to 
distribute  to  them  from  the  same  source  as  to 
himself  and  all  his  household,  viz.  from  the 
revenues  of  the  church,  or  even  from  the  obla- 
tions of  the  faithful"  (23).  A  feast  for  the 
poor  was  often  the  object  of  an  oblation.  Thus 
Paulinus,  a.d.  405,  relates  (Pocma  xx.  317)  how 
a  pig  was  reared  with  this  intention.  Two  other 
instances  are  mentioned  by  this  author  in  the 
same  poem  (lines  67,  389). 

(6)  Offerings  were  also  made  for  the  furniture 
of  the  church,  and  of  a  lamb  at  Easter.  [Lamb, 
Offering  of.] 

XVII.  To  whom  the  Oblations  were  intrusted. — 
All  oblations  of  whatever  kind  were  given  to  the 
bishop  in  trust.  "  That  which  is  collected,"  says 
Justin  Martyr,  "  is  laid  up  with  him  who  pre- 
sides" (Apol.  67).  Among  the  earlier  of  the 
apostolical  canons  are  two  (39,  41)  which 
place  the  whole  property  of  the  church  from 
whatever  source  derived  in  the  hands  of  the 
bishop  in  trust  for  the  poor  and  the  clergy,  him- 
self included.  Hence  the  precept  addressed  to  the 
bishops  in  the  Constitutions  (ii.  25):  "Dispense 
the  offerings  to  the  orphans  and  widows  and 
afflicted  and  strangers  .  .  .  giving  their  shares 
to  all  in  want,  and  yourselves  using  the  things 
of  the  Lord,  but  not  devouring  them  alone  ;  but 
sharing  them  with  the  needy,  be  ye  without 
offence  before  God.  .  .  .  It  is  right  for  you,  0 
bishops,  to  be  nourished  from  the  things  brought 
into  the  church ;  but  not  to  devour  them." 
This  is  in  the  purer  text  also  (Bunsen,  Analecta 
Anteiiicaena,  ii.  256).  See  further  under  Pro- 
perty OF  THE  Church. 

On  the  subject  of  oblations  the  reader  may 
consult  Franc,  de  Berlendis  De  Oblationibus  ad 
Altare,  enlarged  Latin  ed.,  after  two  in  Italian, 
Venet.  1743;  J.  B.  Thiers,  Saintete'de  VOffrande 
da  Fain  ct  du  Vin  aux  Messes  des  Morts ;  Par. 
178  ;  L.  A.  Muratorius,  Diss.  xvii.  in  S.  Paulini 
Poemata,  De  Votis  Votivisque  Christianor^um 
Oblationibus  in  his  Anecdota,  tom.  i.  Mediol. 
1697  ;  reprinted  in  his  ed.  of  Paulinus,  Veron. 
1736  ;  and  by  F.  A.  Zaccaria,  with  the  Latin  ver 
sion  of  Cl.  Fleury's  Disciplina  Fopuli  Dei,  torn. 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

iii.  Diss.  29,  Venet.  17G1  and  1782  ;  Jo.  Mabillon 
in  Praef.  i.  in  Saec.  iif.  0.  S.  B.  §  vi.  Ohscrv. 
Eccles.  nn.  51-63,  reprinted  by  Zaccaria,  u.  s. 
torn.  iii.  Diss.  14;  Gabr.  Albaspinus,  Be  Vet. 
Eccl.  Bit.  Ohscrv.  i.  5,  Lut.  Par.  1623  ;  and  ad 
calc.  0pp.  Optati,  Par.  1679  ;  Edm.  Martene,  De 
Ant.  Eccl.  Hit.  i.  iv.  vi.  last  ed.  Antv.  1763  ; 
Alex.  Aurel.  Pelliccia,  De  Christianae  Ecclesiac 
Folitia,  iii.  1,  Neap.  1777,  Colon,  ad  Rhen.  1829 ; 
Joach.  Hildebrandus,  Primitivae  Ecdesiae  Offer- 
torium  pro  Defunctis,  Helmst.  1667.    [W.  E.  S.] 

OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD.— The 

lieathen  fear  of  evil,  if  the  body  wereleft  unburied 
or  neglected,  was  unknown  to  the  Christian  from 
the  first.  "All  those  things,  that  is  to  say,  the 
arrangement  of  the  funeral,  the  state  attendance 
on  the  burial,  the  pomp  of  obsequies,  are  rather 
consolations  of  the  living  than  advantages  to  the 
dead"  (Aug.  De  Civ.  Dei,  i.  12  ;  so  Serm.  172, 
§3,  and  De  Cur.  pro  Mart.  ii.  §4;  comp.  St. 
Chrysostom,  Horn.  iv.  in  Heb.  §5;  .see  after, 
§  viii.).  But  "  not  on  that  account  are  the  bodies 
of  the  departed  to  be  spurned  and  flung  aside ; 
and  least  of  all  those  of  the  righteous  and  faith- 
ful, of  which  the  Spirit  has  made  use  as  organs 
and  instruments  for  the  performance  of  all  good 
works  "  {De  Cio.  13  ;  De  Cur.  iii.  §  5).  It  was 
inferred  from  various  references  in  holy  Scripture 
(Gen.  xlvii.  30,  1.  2,  24 ;  Tob.  ii.  9,  xii.  12  ;  &c.), 
and  especially  from  the  narrative  of  our  Lord's 
burial,  that  "  the  bodies  of  the  dead  are  subjects 
of  the  providence  of  God,  to  whom  even  such 
works  of  piety  are  well  pleasing  "  (Z)e  Civ.  u.  s.). 
But  the  future  resurrection  of  the  body  was  the 
chief  ground  of  present  care  for  it ;  it  could  not  be 
right,  they  thought,  deliberately  to  destroy  and 
dissipate  that  for  which  God  designed  a  glorious 
future.  Thus  Prudentius,  Hymn,  in  Exeq.  De- 
funct. 1.  45 : — 


"  Hinc  maxima  cnra  sepulcris 
Irupenilitur;  hinc  resoliUus 
Honor  ultimus  accipit  artus 
Kt  I'uneris  ambitus  oriiat." 

I.  The  Laying-out  of  the  Body. — The  first 
solemn  circumstance  was  the  formal  composure 
of  the  whole  body:  "They  put  the  hands  to- 
gether, close  the  eyes,  put  the  head  straight, 
draw  down  the  feet  (Pseudo-Chrysost.  de  Job. 
Ham.  i.  §  2).  Dion)'sius  of  Alexandria,  A.D.  254, 
says  that  during  the  plague  the  Christians  of 
that  city  "  took  up  the  bodies  of  the  saints  (v/ho 
(Ii 'd  of  it)  in  their  arms  and  laps,  closed  their 
'■\i's  and  mouths,  carried  them  on  their  shoulders, 
an  1  laid  them  out,"  &c.  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  vii. 
-■-'.)  St.  Augustine  closed  his  mother's  eyes  with 
lii^  own  hands  (Confess,  ix.  12,  §29).  Pseudo- 
llpiphanius,  apostrophising  Joseph  of  Arimathea, 
s;iys  :  "  Dost  thou  then  with  thy  fingers  close,  as 
)"(omes  the  dead,  the  eyes  of  Jesus,  who,  with 
His  undefiled  finger,  opened  the  eye  of  the  blind  ? 
And  dost  thou  close  the  mouth  of  Him  who 
(i|»-ncd  the  mouth  of  the  dumb?"  {De  Sepulcro 
J>i,m.  inter  0pp.  Epiph.  iv.  17  ;  ed.  Dind.). 

II.  The  Washing.— Vdtes  followed  which  had 
1(  ng  been  common  to  all  the  more  civilised 
races. 

There  is  a  reference  to  the  washing  in  the  case 
of  Durcas  (Acts  ix.  37);  and  the  practice  was  so 
much  a  matter  of  course  among  Christians  that  we 
find  Pseudo-Epiphanius  (t{.s.)and  othersassuming 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD     1427 

'  incidentally  that  the  body  of  our  Lord  was  so 

I  treated.  TertuUian  alludes  to  it  when  he  says,  "  I 

;  can  be  stifFand  pale  after  a  bath  when  dead  "  (Apol. 

;  42).    Gregory  Nazianzen    asks  those  who  delay 

their  baptism,  if  they  are  "  waiting  that  they  may 

be  washed  when  dead  "  (De  Bapt.  i.  648).     The 

i  ceremonial  importance  of  the  action  in  France  in 

i  the  6th   century  is  evident  from  the  frequency 

i  with  which  it  is  mentioned  by  Gregory  of  Tours, 

when  we  can   discover   no  other  reason  for  his 

noticing  it  (Hist.  Franc,  ii.  5;  iv.  5  ;  vii.  1  ;  De 

Glor.  Conf.  75  ;    Vitae  Patr.  xiv.  4).     See  other 

examples  of  men,  Hist.  Franc,  vi.  46 ;  De  Glor. 

I  Conf.  81 ;    Vitae  PP.  x.  4  ("  coi-pus  sacerdos  ab- 

lutum  recondit  in  tumulo  ")  ;  ibid.  xiii.  3.   Simi- 

'  larly  of  women,  "Having  been  washed  by  other 

i  women,  she  was  buried  "  (De  Glor.  Conf.  16). 

Miracles  are  said  by  Bede  to  have  been  wrought 

by  the  earth  on  which  the  water  used  in  washing 

the  body  of  St.  Cuthbert  had  been  thrown  (  Vita 

S.  Cuthb.).     To  come  to  the  end  of  our  period, 

the  body  of  Charlemagne  is  said  to  have  been 

washed  "  more  solemn!  "  (Egiuhard.  in  Vita,  c,  9, 

§  36). 

III.  T/ie  Beard,  4'C.,  cut. — At  one  period  there 
was  a  custom  of  shaving  the  head,  at  least  in 
France.  When  the  body  of  St.  Eloy,  who  died 
about  665,  was  removed  from  its  first  resting- 
place,  "  his  beard  and  hair,  which  had  been  shaved 
off  according  to  custom  at  the  time  of  his  death, 
had  grown  in  the  tomb  in  a  wonderful  manner  " 
(Vita,  auct.  Audoen.  ii.  47  ;  Dach.  Spicil.  ii.  116, 
ed.  1723).  A  later  example  occurs  in  the  case 
of  an  Angevin  bishop,  who  was  buried  "  barba 
rasa  "  (Gesta  Gulielmi  Maj.  c.  1,  in  Spicil.  Dach. 
ii.  160). 

IV.  The  Body  anointed  or  embalmed. — The 
next  process  was  to  "  anoint "  the  body.  This 
may  have  been  often  done  with  the  simple  oil, 
but  more  frequently,  where  it  could  be  procured, 
with  a  precious  unguent,  nvpov,  which  might  be, 
as  Galen  describes  it,  only  medicated  oil  (De 
Methodo  Medendi,  xi.  16);  but  sometimes  we  are 
to  understand  that  the  body  was  embalmed  with 
various  antiseptic  gums  and  spices.  When  the 
woman  in  Matt.  xxvi.  7  poured  ointment  on  our 
Lord's  head.  He  accepted  it  as  done  in  anticipa- 
tion of  His  death,  irphs  rh  ivracpidcrai  fxe,  "  with 
a  view  to  prepare  me  for  burial"  (ver.  12). 
After  His  death,  Nicodemus  (John  xix.  39,  40) 
"  brought  a  mixture  of  myrrh  and  aloes,  about  a 
hundred  pound  weight,  and  wound  the  body  in 
linen  clothes  with  the  spices,  as  the  manner  of 
the  Jews  is  to  bury."  Afterwards  the  women 
who  had  followed  Him  from  Galilee,  probably 
in  ignorance  of  what  had  been  done,  "prepared 
spices  and  ointments,"  apw/xuTa  Kal  fivpa,  for  the 
same  purpose  (Luke  xxiii.  56).  This  example 
would  probably  have  suggested  the  custom 
among  Christians,  had  they  not  inherited  it  from 
their  Jewish  and  heathen  forefathers. 

TertuUian  is  alluding  to  this  practice  when  he 
says,  "The  Sabaeans  will  know  that  merchandise 
of  theirs,  more  in  quantity  and  more  costly,  is 
lavished  on  the  burial  of  Christians  than  on  the 
censing  of  the  gods"  (Apol.  42).  Again,  "Let 
them  look  to  it,  if  the  same  objects  of  trade, 
frankincense  to  wit,  and  other  foreign  things  for 
sacrifice  to  idols,  are  likewise  useful  to  men  for 
medicinal  pigments, — to  us  (Christians)  also  be- 
side for  a  solace  of  burial  "  (De  Idol.  11 ;  see  also 
De  Resurr.  Cam.  27).  Clemens  Alexandrinus, 
4  Z 


1428     OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

A.D.  192,  explaining  a  mystic  interpretation  of 
Matt.  xxvi.  7,  says  incidentally,  "  For  the 
,  dead  are  anointed "  (fivpi^ovTaL,  Faedag.  ii.  8, 
§  62).  In  the  Octavius  of  Minutius  Felix  the 
heathen  objector  says,  "  Ye  (Christians)  reserve 
unguents  for  funerals"  (c.  2).  In  the  same 
century  (290)  we  find  a  Roman  governor  threat- 
ening a  martyr  thus,  "  You  imagine  that  some 
wretched  women  are  going  to  embalm  your  body 
with  spices  and  ointments?  But  what  I  am 
thinking  of  is  how  to  destroy  your  remains  "  (^Acta 
Tarachi,  7 ;  in  Ruinart,  Acta  Sine.  385).  And 
many  other  instances  are  found. 

A  sweet  odour  has  often  been  perceived  on  the 
opening  of  an  ancient  tomb  (see  Catacombs,  Vol.  I. 
p.  309).  This  arose,  without  any  doubt,  from 
the  spices  buried  with  the  body,  but  superstition 
has  regarded  it  as  a  proof  of  the  sanctity  of  the 
person  who  occupied  the  tomb.  This  was  an 
early  opinion.  Thus,  when  the  tomb  of  St. 
Valerius  was  opened  in  550,  the  sweet  smell  was 
taken  to  indicate  that  "  a  friend  of  God  rested 
there"  (Greg.  Tur.  de  Glor.Conf.  84).  So  at 
the  discovery  of  the  body  of  St.  Mallosus,  the 
bishop  of  Cologne,  who  was  present,  exclaimed, 
"I  believe  in  Christ  that  He  is  revealing  His 
martyr  to  me,  seeing  that  this  sweet  odour  has 
surrounded  me "  (ibid.  63).  Compare  also  St. 
Jerome's  Life  of  Ililar ion,  46,  where  he  speaks 
of  the  body  of  the  saint  as  "  tantis  fragrante 
odoribus  ut  delibutum  unguentis  putares." 
When  the  tomb  of  Amantius  was  opened,  an 
unspeakably  sweet  odour  proceeding  from  it 
reached  even  the  people  in  the  porches  and 
courts  of  the  church  (Fortunatus  in  Vita  S. 
Amant.  11).  See  also  Epist. ;  Luciani  de  Revel. 
Stephani  Mart.  §  9  ;  Eugippus  of  St.  Severin  in 
Res  Gest.  S.  Sev.  Baron.  Ann.  vi.  §  10,  ad  an.  488, 
&c.  For  a  similar  story  from  Constantinople,  see 
Sozomen,  Hist.  Eccl.  ix.  2.  Evagrius  supplies 
another  from  the  East  (Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  3).  But 
they  were  common  everywhere. 

V.  Tlie  Grave-clothes. — The  body  was  always 
clothed,  often  in  linen  only,  but  sometimes  also 
in  the  best  dress  worn  in  daily  life,  or  in  the 
insignia  of  office.  The  custom  was  traditional, 
but  it  received  a  mystic  interpretation,  the  new 
dress  then  put  on  being  said  to  represent  the 
garment  of  incorruption  in  which  the  body  will 
be  clothed  when  restored  to  life  (Pseudo-Chrysost. 
de  Patientid,  ix.  808). 

1.  The  body  seems  to  hare  been  generally 
s-rathed  in  linen  (see  Catacombs,  p.  309),  as 
might  be  expected  from  what  we  know  of  the 
custom  of  the  Jews.  Lazarus  was  "bound  hand 
and  foot  with  grave-clothes "  (.John  xi.  44). 
*'  Then  took  they  the  body  of  Jesus,  and  wound 
it  (i5i)(Tau)  in  linen  clothes  (odoviois')  with  the 
spices,  as  the  manner  of  the  Jews  is  to  bury  " 
(ibid.  xix.  40).  St.  Matthew  (xxvii.  59)  and  St. 
Luke  (xxiii.  53)  say  that  Joseph  "  wrapped,  or 
rolled,  it  in  fine  linen — iviTvXt^ev  ahro  vivZovi  " 
(Kadapa,  M.).  St.  Mark  (xv.  46)  says,  ereiATjo-e 
rrj  ffiySSvi.  The  custom  had  been  brought  from 
Egypt  and  retained,  though  the  Jews  did  not 
embalm  their  dead.  Words  that  express  the 
notion  of  swathing  are  sometimes  used  at  a  later 
period.  Thus  the  disciples  of  St.  Anthony 
el\i^avTes  his  body — buried  it  (Athan.  Vita  S. 
Anton.  90).  Similarly  Dionysius  of  Alexandria 
speaks  of  the  Christians  of  that  city  as  -jrepi- 
CToXa'is  KaTaKO(r(jiovi'res,m  preparation  for  burial, 


OBSEQUIES  OP  THE  DEAD 

the  bodies  of  those  stricken  by  the  plague  (Hist. 
Eccl.  Euseb.  vii.  22).  In  Latin  authors  the  more 
common  word  is  "  obvolvere."  In  the  above  two 
instances  the  material  is  not  mentioned,  but  we 
may  assume  that  it  was  linen,  the  use  of  which 
was  common  everywhere,  if  not  universal.  To 
give  examples,  St.  Jerome,  speaking  of  a  woman 
who  had  been  unjustly  put  to  death,  says, 
"  They  wrap  the  bloody  corpse  in  a  linen  cloth  " 
(Epist.  ad  Innoc.  12).  Sixtus  III.,  a.d.  432, 
"  with  his  own  hands  dressed  "  the  body  of  his 
enemy,  Bassus,  "  with  linen  clothes  and  spices  " 
(Anast.  Biblioth.  Vitae  Font.  No.  45).  In 
Gregory  of  Tours  we  read  of  a  nun  who  was 
buried  "  induta  linteis  mundis  "  (Hist.  Franc,  vi. 
29),  and  of  a  bishop  who  in  a  vision  was  told 
to  prepare  for  his  burial  by  "  getting  him  clean 
linen  clothes"  (ii.  5).  The  linen  was  some- 
times waxed.  Thus  in  one  Life  of  St.  Cuthbert 
we  are  told  that  his  body  was  "  in  sindone  cerata 
curatum"  (Vita,  iii.  iv.  13;  Bolland.  Mart.  20). 
The  body  of  St.  Ansbert,  archbishop  of  Rouen, 
A.D.  698,  "  magna  fidei  ambitione  vestitum  est, 
ac  desuper  linteis  ceratis  obvolutum "  (Aigrad. 
in  Vita  Ansb.  9  ;  Boll.  Feb.  9).  In  a  later 
instance  we  read  of  a  "  shirt  (camisale)  covered 
with  wax  "  carefully  put  on  the  body  of  the 
deceased  (St.  Udalric),  "lest  the  priestly  ap- 
parel in  which  he  was  clad  should  be  quickly 
destroyed  by  the  earth  "  ( Vita  S.  Udalr.  xxvii. 
83  ;  Boll.  July  4). 

2.  Among  the  Romans,  while  the  private 
citizen  was  buried  in  a  toga,  those  in  office,  even 
to  the  lowest  vicomagister  (Livy,  xxxiv.  7),  were 
buried  in  the  dress  proper  to  it.  The  analogous 
practice  was  to  some  extent  adopted  among 
Christians.  In  the  Acta  of  Peter  of  Alexandria, 
martyred  in  301,  it  seems  implied  that  the 
linen  in  which  he  was  wrapped  was  the  dress 
in  which  he  usually  officiated  (Bligne,  Ser. 
Gr.  xviii.  464,  5).  This  is  not  a  contempo- 
rary account ;  but  if  it  be  not  historically  true, 
it  may  be  taken  to  shew  the  custom  of  the 
country  a  century  and  a  half  later.  St.  Cuth- 
bert was  "  vestimenta  sacerdotalia  indutus " 
(Anon.  Vita,  u.  s.).  The  same  thing  is  related 
of  an  Irish  bishop  named  Merolilanus  (Flodoard, 
Hist.  Eccl.  Rem.  iv.  48),  and  of  Gebhard  of 
Constance  :  "  Sacerdotalibus,  ut  moris  est,  vesti- 
bus  indutus  "  (  Vita,  i.  22  ;  in  Menard,  note  680 
to  Sacram.  Gregor.).  Of  St.  Ansbert  we  read :  ' 
"  As  he  had  been  wont  to  stand  at  the  holy 
altars  of  Christ,  so  the  brethren  had  taken  care 
that  he  should  be  clothed "  (Aigrad.  u.  s.). 
Hadrian  I.,  A.d.  772,  was  "  wrapped  in  his  apo- 
stolical ornaments  (infulis),  as  the  custom  is  to 
bury  a  Roman  bishop"  (Vita,  in  Mus.  Ital.  i,  41). 
Observe  also  the  instance  of  Udalric  in  the  last 
paragraph.  Charlemagne  was  clad  in  the  im- 
perial vestments,  and  "  his  face  covered  under 
the  diadem  with  a  napkin  "  (  Vita,  Auct.  Monach. 
Engol.). 

Under  this  head  we  may  mention  an  order 
ascribed  to  Eutychian,  A.D.  275,  that  no  martyr 
should  be  buried  "  without  a  dalmatic  or  a  pur- 
ple collobium  "  (Anast.  Vit.  Font.  No.  28)  ;  such 
ornaments  thus  becoming  the  insignia  of  mar- 
tyrdom. 

3.  A  dress  more  or  less  costly  to  shew 
honour  to  the  deceased,  but  with  no  other 
significance,  is  often  mentioned.  Thus  when 
Marinus  wa.s  martyred  at  Rome  in  the  reign  of 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

Gallicnus,  Astyrius,  a  senator,  clothed  the  body 
'•  very  richly  "  for  the  burial  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl. 
vii.  16).  The  remains  of  Stratonica  and  Seleu- 
cus,  A.D.  297,  were  covered  with  a  silk  cloth 
(S.  E.  Assemanus,  Acta  SS.  Martyrum,  ii.  121). 
tjt.  Anthony  wrapped  the  body  of  Paul,  the 
first  hermit,  in  a  "  pallium  "  which  St.  Atha- 
nasius  had  given  him  (Hieron.  in  Vita  Pauli, 
§  14).  St.  Anthony  himself,  when  dead,  was 
wrapped  in  an  old  cloak  which  had  also  been 
the  gift  of  Athanasius  many  years  before  (St. 
Ath  in  Vita  S.  Ant.  §  91);  St.  Gregory  of 
Nyssa  gives  an  elaborate  account  of  the  manner 
in  which  the  body  of  his  sister  Macrina  was 
prepared  for  the  grave  (a.d.  379).  It  was  pro- 
posed to  bury  her  in  her  ordinary  dress,  but  her 
brother  had  provided  a  better.  As  this  was  not 
done  to  please  human  eyes,  an  old  black  mantle 
(llxdTiov)  was  thrown  over  all  (De  Vita  S.  Macr. 
ii.  App.  200  ;  Par.  1618).  St.  Jerome,  addressing 
wealthy  Christians,  asks :  "  Why  do  ye  wrap 
(obvolvitis)  your  dead  in  garments  covered 
with  gold  ?"  (Vita  PauU,  17.)  Of  Paula  the  same 
father  says  :  "  What  poor  man  died  who  was  not 
wrapped  in  her  garments?"  {Epist.  108  ad 
Eustoch.  §  5.)  Several  times  Gregory  of  Tours 
mentions  that  persons  of  eminence  were  clothed 
before  burial  "  dignis  vestimentis  "  (^Hist.  Fr.  iv. 
37,  51 ;  De  Glor.  Conf.  81 ;  Vitae  Patrum,  xiv. 
4,  XX.  4).  When  Chilperic  was  slain,  A.D.  584, 
a  bishop  covered  his  body  for  burial  with  "  better 
garments"  {Hist.  Fr.  vi.  46).  The  Seven 
Sleepers  of  Ephesus  "to  this  day  rest  in  the 
very  place  (where  they  were  found),  covered  with 
clothes  of  silk  or  fine  linen  "  (^Mirac.  i.  95). 

4.  In  the  6th  century  we  first  hear  of  a 
strange  abuse  by  its  prohibition.  The  council  of 
Auvergne,  533 :  "  It  is  to  be  observed  that  the 
bodies  of  the  dead  be  not  wrapped  in  palls  or 
divine  services,"  i.e.  cloths  used  for  the  service 
of  the  altar  (can.  3) ;  "  Touching  the  covering 
of  the  Lord's  body  or  the  pall  of  the  altar,  let 
not  the  body  of  a  priest,  when  carried  to  the 
tomb,  be  ever  covered  with  it "  (can.  7).  The 
council  of  Auxerre,  A.n.  578  :  "  It  is  not  per- 
mitted that  the  bodies  of  the  dead  be  wrapped 
in  the  veil  or  in  palls"  (can.  12).  The  latter 
practice  is  also  forbidden  by  Boniface  of  Mentz, 
743  (can.  20).  Nor  was  the  East  free  from  the 
same  superstition.  Pseudo-Athanasius,  as  quoted 
by  John  Damascene  :  "  Fail  not  to  burn  oil  and 
wax  candles  at  the  tomb,  though  the  body  be 
buried  in  an  air,"  i.e.  a  eucharistic  veil  of  the 
largest  size  (Damasc.  Orat.  de  iis  qui  in  Fide 
dormierunt,  §  19). 

5.  It  is  probable  that,  however  the  body  was 
dressed,  a  napkin  always  concealed  the  face,  as  in 
the  scriptural  examples  (John  xi.  44,  xx.  7). 
Of  St.  Cuthbert  we  read,  "  Capite  sudario  cir- 
cumdato  "  (Anon.  Vita,  iii.  u.  s.) ;  of  St.  Ansbert, 
that  "  sudarium  cera  litum  capiti  ejus  imponere 
Tellent "  (Aigrad.  u.  s.) ;  and  of  Charlemagne, 
"Sudario  sub  diademate  facies  ejus  operta " 
(Monach.  Engol.  u.  s.). 

6.  The  richness  of  the  dress  and  ornaments 
sometimes  buried  with  the  dead  was  a  tempta- 
tion to  thieves.  This  led  to  their  being  cut  or 
torn  and  otherwise  rendered  useless  before  the 
body  was  left  in  the  tomb.  Thus  St.  Chryso- 
stom :  "  A  costly  burial  has  often  been  the 
cause  of  the  tomb  being  broken  open,  and  of 
the  body    that    was  buried   so  carefully   being 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD     1429 

cast  out  naked  and  graveless.  .  .  .  That  this 
may  not  happen,  many  persons  tear  the  fine 
linen  clothes  and  fill  them  with  many  kinds 
of  spices,  that  they  may  in  two  ways  be 
made  useless  to  those  who  are  guilty  of  such 
outrage,  and  so  commit  them  to  the  eartli " 
{Horn.  85  in  S.  Joan.  Ec.  §  5).  Examples  of 
such  robberies  are  not  wanting.  Thus  when,  in 
585,  a  woman  of  high  rank  had  been  buried  at 
Metz,  "  with  great  ornaments  and  much  gold," 
some  young  men  of  her  family  "  uncovered  the 
tomb  and  took  and  carried  off  all  the  ornaments 
of  the  dead  body  that  they  could  find  "  (Greg. 
Tur.  Hist.  Franc,  viii.  21).  When  Hadrian  I. 
was  buried  in  the  monastery  of  Nonantula,  a.d. 
795,  some  of  the  monks,  thinking  that  the  rich 
robes  with  which  the  body  was  covered  would 
be  better  bestowed  on  their  church,  "  went  at 
night  to  his  sepulchre,  and  having  stripped  him 
of  his  shining  and  glittering  garments  clad  him 
in  poorer"  (^Vita  Hadr.  in  Mus.  Ital.  i.  41). 

VI.  Bells  tolled.— ^6  first  hear  of  bells  in 
connexion  with  death  in  the  7th  century  ;  but 
the  notices  are  scanty.  Bede  relates  that  when 
St.  Hilda  died,  in  673,  a  nun  in  a  distant  monas- 
tery founded  by  the  saint,  while  in  her  dormi- 
tory at  night,  "  suddenly  heard  in  the  air  the 
well-known  sound  of  the  bell  by  which  they 
were  wont  to  be  roused  to  prayers  or  called 
together  when  any  one  of  them  had  been  called 
out  of  this  world  "  {Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  23).  Here 
the  custom  was  to  toll  the  bell  as  soon  as  the 
death  had  taken  place.  The  Life  of  St.  Boniface 
seems  to  imply  that,  in  the  churches  founded  by 
him,  the  bell  was  tolled  when  the  corpse  was  on 
the  way  to  the  grave.  The  inhabitants  of  the 
place,  we  are  told,  resisted  the  removal  of  his 
remains,  A.D.  755,  but  suddenly  "  the  bell  of  the 
church,  touched  by  no  human  hand,  was  put  in 
motion  "  (Willibaldus,  Vita  S.  Bonif.  c.  xii.  §  38 ; 
sim.  Othlo  in  Vita,  ii.  §  25).  This  was  accepted 
at  once  by  all  as  an  intimation  that  the  body 
was  to  proceed  to  another  place  of  rest.  Stur- 
mius,  the  founder  under  Boniface  of  the  great 
monastery  of  Fulda,  seeing  himself  in  danger, 
A.D.  770,  ordered  all  the  bells  of  that  house  to 
be  rung  to  assemble  the  monks  to  pray  for  him 
and  to  receive  his  last  words  {Vita,  c.  25  ;  Acta 
Bcned.  iv.  279).  The  second  council  of  Cealc- 
hythe,  A.D.  816,  directs  that  "  in  every  church 
throughout  the  parishes,"  on  the  death  of  the 
bishop,  "  the  signal  be  immediately  struck,  and 
every  congregation  of  the  servants  of  God  meet  at 
the  basilic  "  to  sing  psalms  for  his  soul  (can.  10). 

VII.  Praijers  and  Psalms  before  the  Funeral. 
— The  body  of  Constantine  was  watched  day  and 
night  as  it  lay  in  the  palace  "in  a  golden  coffin," 
covered  with  a  purple  cloth  and  surrounded  by 
innumerable  lights  (Euseb.  Vita  Const,  iv.  66) ; 
but  we  do  not  read  of  any  religious  rite  per- 
formed at  that  time.  Nor  are  any  prayers  or 
psalms  mentioned  at  this  stage  in  the  case  of  St. 
Ambrose,  though  his  body  lay  in  state  in  the 
great  church  called  by  his  name  (Paulinus  in 
Vita  S.  Amh.  48). 

1.  Yet  Tertullian,  about  A.D.  195,  speaks  of 
prayer  being  made  at  this  time  :  "Cum  in  pace 
dormisset,  et  morante  adhuc  sepultura,  interim 
oratione  presbyteri  componeretur,"  &c.  {De 
Aniim'i,  51).  What  this  "prayer  of  the  pres- 
byter" was  does  not  appear.  In  the  Gelasian 
Sacramentary  are  four  sets  of  prayers  to  be 
4"Z  2 


1430    OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

used  over  the  departed.  The  first  group  are 
headed,  Orat.  post  Obitum  Hominis  ;  the  second, 
Orat.  antequam  ad  Sepulcrum  deferatur  (Liturgia 
Lai.  Vet.  Murat.  i.  747, 9).  In  the  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary  (ibid.  ii.  213)  we  find  prayers  correspond- 
ing to  the  former  of  the  above  groups  under  the 
heading,  Omtiones  in  Agenda  dlurtuorum  quando 
Aninia  egreditur  dc  Corpore.  After  these  prayers, 
psalms  (not  indicated  ;  in  the  Vatican  Codex, 
*'  psalmi  congrui,"  0pp.  S.  Greg.  v.  230,  ed. 
1615)  are  sung,  and  then  "dicantur  capitula  " 
("deinde  Oratio  Dominica  et  haec  versuum 
capitella,"  Cod.  Vat.  u.  s.)  :  "  In  memoria,"  &c. 
(Ps.  cxii.  6,  P.  B.  V.)  (after  which  Cod.  Vat. 
gives  "Anima  ejus,"  &c.,  from  Ps.  xxr.  12); 
"Ne  tradas  bestiis  animas,"  &c.  (Ps.  Ixxiv.  20; 
see  Vulg.  Ixxiii.  19);  "Pretiosa,"  &c.  (Ps.  cxvi. 
13),  for  which  Cod.  Vat.  substitutes,  "  Eedimet 
Dominus  animas  sanctorum  suorum "  (derived 
probably  from  Ps.  xcvii.  10);  "Non  intres,"  &c. 
(Ps.  cxliii.  2) ;  "  Requiem  aeternam  dona  eis, 
Domine  "  (derived  from  2  Esdr.  ii.  34  ;  Vulg.  4, 
Esdr.).  Two  prayers  follow  in  this  book  as 
given  by  Muratori,  headed  Incipiimt  Orationes 
post  Lavationein  Corporis  (215),  which  correspond 
to  the  second  set  in  the  Gelasian,  as  described 
above.  In  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (viii.  41) 
are  prayers  bearing  a  strong  general  resemblance 
in  matter  to  the  above  Western  forms,  under 
the  title,  Tlpo(r^oivi)(ns  inrep  tHov  KfKoifJ.r]iJ.(VQ}v. 
They  seem  intended  to  be  introduced  by  the 
deacon  after  the  usual  suffrages  in  any  service 
of  prayer  with  the  words,  "  For  our  brethren 
who  rest  in  Christ,  let  us  pray."  They  might 
be  said,  apparently,  at  any  time  after  the  death. 

The  Gelasian  prayers  mentioned  above  are 
foand,  with  some  change  and  omission,  in  a  very 
ancient  MS.  preserved  at  Eheims  (printed  by 
Menard,  Sacram.  Greg.  not.  68),  in  which  they 
have  the  following  heading  :  "  Incipit  Officiuni 
pro  Befunctis.  In  primis  cantatur  Psalmus,  In 
cxitii  Israel,  cum  antiphona,  vel  alleluia."  The 
book  appears  to  have  been  written  in  the  time 
of  Charlemagne  (Praef.  x.  Oj^p.  Greg.  iii.  ed. 
Ben.),  when  the  alleluia  was  generally  in  the 
West  no  longer  thought  suitable  to  a  funeral 
office.  It  is  still  sung  in  the  Greek  offices 
{Euchologion,  Goar,  526,  527,  531,  535,  553), 
and  in  that  for  priests  with  frequent  repetitions 
(562,  563,  564,  &c.). 

2.  Testimonies  to  the  use  of  psalms  before 
the  funeral  are  much  more  frequent  than  to  th". 
prayers.  When  Monica  died,  "  Evodius  seized  a 
psalter  and  began  to  cliant  the  psalm  Misericor- 
diam  et  judicium  (the  101st),  the  whole  family 
responding  "  (Aug.  Conf.  ix.  12,  §  31).  Before 
the  burial  of  Macrina  there  was  "psalmody 
throughout  the  night,  as  at  the  vigil  of  a 
martyr's  festival  "  (Greg.  Nyss.  Do  Vita.  S.  Macr. 
ii.  App.  200).  St.  Jerome  tells  us  that  at  the 
death  of  Paula  "  not  wailings  and  beatings  in 
the  breast  were  heard,  as  is  the  wont  among 
men  of  this  world,  but  numberless  psalms  in 
divers  tongues"  {Epist.  108  ad  Bust.  §  29). 
Even  before  Fabiola  was  dead,  if  we  are  to  take 
St.  Jerome's  words  to  the  letter,  this  chanting 
had  begun:  "Psalms  sounded,  and  the  alleluia 
echoing  aloft  shook  the  gilded  ceilings  of  the 
temples"  (^Ep.  77  ad  Ocean.  §  11).  Earlier  in 
the  same  century  the  disciples  of  Pachomius 
(cir.  350),  "  having  cared  for  his  venerable  body 
after  the  custom  ...  as  was  meet,  passed  the 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

whole  night  watching,  singing  psalms  ancF 
hymns"  {Vila,  53;  Rosweyd,  138).  The  6th 
century  furnishes  many  instances  ;  e.g.  the  body 
of  Fulgentius,  A.D.  553,  placed  in  the  oratory  of 
a  monastery,  "  invited  both  monks  and  clerks 
to  watch  together  that  whole  night  in  psalms 
and  hymns  and  spiritual  songs  "  {Vita,  in  fine  ; 
Surius,  Jan.  1).  St.  Gall,  a.d.  554,  lay  three 
days  in  a  church,  "  constant  singing  of  psalms 
going  on  "  (Greg.  Tur.  Vitae  PP.  vi.  7).  Simi- 
larly St.  Salvius  (about  560),  (id.  Hist.  Franc. 
vii.  1);  St.  Aridius,  571  (Vita  S.  Arid.  34; 
inter  0pp.  Greg.  Tur.  1303) ;  and  St.  Piadegund,. 
587  (Baudon.  in  Vita,  27). 

VUI.  Mourning  Habits. — The  feeling  expressed 
in  the  foregoing  extracts  was  carried  so  far  that 
in  many  churches,  if  not  in  all,  mourning-dresses 
of  a  dark  colour  were  strongly  discouraged. 
Practically  this  affected  one  sex  only,  at  least 
among  the  Romans,  for  their  women  in  mourn- 
ing already,  i.e.  from  the  1st  century,  "wore 
white  garments  and  white  head-dresses"  (Plu- 
tarch, Quaest.  Rom.  26).  Hence  the  condemna- 
tion of  dark  colours  made  a  distinction  between 
the  Christian  and  the  heathen  man,  but  per- 
mitted none  between  the  women.  In  the  former 
case  the  principle  created  the  difTerence ;  in  the 
latter  it  was  thought  more  important  than  the 
maintenance  of  it. 

St.  Cyprian  is  the  earliest  writer  in  whom  the 
objection  occurs  :  "  Black  garments  are  not  to  be 
assumed  here,  when  they  (who  have  gone  before) 
have  put  on  their  robes  of  white  "  {De  Mortal. 
164,  ed.  Brem.).  St.  Basil  tells  one  who  ex- 
hibited such  outward  signs  of  grief  that  he 
resembled  actors  in  a  tragedy  :  "  Like  them  thou 
thinkest  that  the  outward  condition  of  things 
should  befit  the  mourner,  a  black  di-ess  and  disor- 
dered hair,  and  darkness  in  the  house,  and  dirt  and 
dust,  and  a  chant  unpleasing  to  the  ear,  and  that 
keeps  the  wound  of  grief  ever  fresh  in  the  soul. 
Leave  such  things  to  them  that  are  without 
hope  "  {Da  Grat.  Act.  ii.  363).  St.  Chrysostoni 
condemns  among  other  tokens  of  grief  the 
custom  of  "  covering  ourselves  with  black  gar- 
ments "  {Hom.  iii.  in  Ep.  ad  Phil.  §  4 ;  comp. 
Horn.  62  in  S.  Joan.  Ev.  §4).  An  unknown  but 
very  ancient  author,  whose  tract  is  preserved 
in  a  MS.  of  the  7th  century,  asks:  "Why  do 
we  dye  our  garments  black,  unless  it  is  to  prove 
that  we  are  truly  unbelieving,  not  only  by  our 
weeping  but  by  our  dress  ?  "  {De  Consol.  Mart. 
Serm.  ii.  c.  5  ;  in  App.  0pp.  Aug.)  Nevertheless 
this  rejection  of  a  dark  mourning-dress  could 
hardly  have  been  common  among  men  in  the 
West  in  the  age  of  St.  Augustine  and  St.  Jerome, 
for  the  latter,  writing  in  404,  claims  praise  for  a 
Roman  of  high  rank  for  having  given  up  his 
mourning  habit  (lugubrem  vestem)  and  resumed 
his  white  garments  (candida  vestimenta)  at  the 
end  of  forty  days,  after  the  loss  of  his  wife  and 
two  daughters  within  a  few  days  of  each  other 
{Epist.  m  ad  Julian.  4).  In  France,  when  the 
elder  son  of  Chilperic  died,  a.d.  580,  there  was 
"  a  great  lamentation  of  all  the  people ;  for  the 
men  mourning,  and  the  women  clad  in  mourn- 
ing habits,  as  the  custom  is  at  the  obsequies  of 
husbands,  in  such  sort  attended  this  funeral  " 
(Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc,  v.  35).  It  may  be 
doubted  whether  woman  in  the  East  acted  gene- 
rally in  the  spirit  of  St.  Chrysostom's  advice  even 
in  the  4th  century.     Had  they  done  so,  it  would 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

not  have  been  mentioned  that  the  mother  of 
Gregory  of  Nazianzus  wore  a  dress  of  shining 
white  at  the  funeral  cf  her  son  Caesarius  (Greg. 
Naz.  Orat.  vii.  15).     [MOURNING.] 

IX.  Tlie  Bier  and  Coffin.— The  body  was  placed 
on  a  bier  (feretrum,  Icctus,  grabatum,  sandapila, 
k\[v7],  aKiixTTous),  sometimes  in  a  coffin  (area, 
loculus,  capulus,  xdpva^,  cropus).  There  is  reason, 
however,  to  think  that  the  bier  and  coffin,  by 
whatever  word  described,  were  generally  one. 
The  coffin  was  without  a  lid,  and  the  face  (at 
least)  of  the  corpse  was  often  exposed  during  the 
procession.  At  the  funeral  of  St.  Basil,  a.d. 
379,  the  peo))le  could  see  his  face  (Greg.  Naz. 
Orat.  sliii.  80).  The  same  thing  is  mentioned 
of  his  sister  Macrina  (Greg.  Nyss.  de  Vita  3Iacr. 
201).  When  Honoratus  of  Aries  was  carried 
to  the  grave,  A.d.  430,  the  people  were  able  to 
kiss  various  parts  of  the  body  ("  osculum  aut  ori 
aut  quibuscunque  membris  impressit,"  Hilar. 
Are!,  in  Vita  Honor,  vii.  35).  This  was  probably 
general  among  the  Greeks,  for  it  is  their  custom 
to  this  day,  the  face  being  painted  to  simulate  life. 

It  is  probable  that  in  many  cases  the  whole 
body  was  concealed  at  first  by  a  loose  pall,  some- 
times of  rich  material,  of  which  we  often  read 
both  in  the  East  and  West.  A  dalmatic  was 
thrown  over  the  bier  at  the  funeral  of  the 
'uishops  of  Rome,  until  Gregory  I.  ordered  that 
for  the  future  "  the  bier  on  which  a  Roman  pon- 
tiff was  carried  to  burial  should  be  vested  with 
no  covering"  (Epist.  iv.  44).  He  desired  to 
suppress  the  popular  custom  of  tearing  the 
dalmatic  to  pieces  and  preserving  them  as  relics. 
Hilary  of  Aries  says  that  the  body  of  Honoratus, 
already  mentioned,  was  "  clothed  on  the  bier  by 
the  great  solicitude  of  faith,  and  almost  stripped 
afterwards  by  a  greater,  when  it  was  taken  to  the 
grave  "  (  Vita  Honor,  vii.  35).  When  the  empress 
Placilla,  A.D.  385,  was  carried  into  the  city 
before  her  burial,  the  body  was  covered  "  with 
gold  and  purple  cloth  "  (Greg.  Nyss.  Orat.  Fun. 
de  Placilla,  ii.  960).  Her  daughter  Pulcheria  is 
by  the  same  writer  only  said  to  have  been 
"borne  on  a  golden  bier"  (kAiVtjs,  In  Fun. 
Pulch.  Orat.  i'ml.  948). 

X.  Tlie  Bearers. — Tertullian,  195,  explaining 
Christian  customs  to  the  heathen,  says  that  the 
■offerings  of  the  faithful  provided  among  other 
things  "  for  the  burial  of  the  poor  "  (Apol.  39). 
The  council  of  Carthage,  398,  decreed  that  the 
"penitents  should  cany  the  dead  to  the  church 
and  bury  them"  (can.  81).  St.  Augustine, 
speaking  of  his  mother's  funeral  at  Ostia,  where 
she  died  on  their  way  to  Africa,  says,  "  De  more 
illis  quorum  officium  erat  funus  curantibus " 
(^Confess,  ix.  31).  Such  officials,  we  infer,  were 
to  be  found  among  Christians  in  every  populous 
place.  At  Constantinople  Constantine  had  already 
provided  a  large  body  of  infej-ior  clerks  to  whom 
this  duty  was  committed.  Their  number  was  after- 
wards increased  by  Justinian.  They  were  paid  for 
their  services  out  of  a  public  fund,  so  that  every 
burial  might  be  free  of  charge.  [See  Copiatae, 
Decani,  Fossarii,  Parabolani.]  These  pre- 
jiared  the  grave,  bore  the  corpse,  and  buried  it. 
It  is  probable,  however,  from  the  number  of 
instances  on  record,  that  relations  and  others 
often  became  bearers,  not  from  necessity,  but 
from  a  desire  to  shew  honour  to  the  deceased. 
Tlie  body  of  St.  Basil  was  thus  "  borne  aloft 
by  the  hands  of  holy  men,"  Jan.  1,  379   (Greg. 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD     1431 

Kaz.  Orat.  xliii.  80).  When  his  sister  Macrina 
was  buried  in  the  same  year,  the  bier  was  borne 
by  her  brother,  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  the  bishop  of 
the  diocese,  and  two  other  eminent  clergymen 
(  Vita  Macr.  201).  St.  Ambrose  in  the  same  year 
implies  that  he  helped  to  cany  his  brother  Saty- 
rus  to  the  grave  {De  Excessu  'Sat.  i.  3G).  Paula 
at  Bethlehem,  404,  was  "  removed  by  the  hands 
of  bishops,  who  even  put  their  shoulders  to  the 
bier"  (Hieron.  Ep.  108,  §  29).  Sidonius,  472, 
says  of  a  lady  of  high  rank  "  that  she  was  taken 
up  and  borne  to  her  abiding  home  like  one 
asleep,  by  the  hands  of  priests  and  relatives  " 
{Epist.  ii.  8).  Fulgentius  Ruspensis,  a.d.  553, 
was  taken  "  by  the  hands  of  priests "  to  the 
church  in  which  he  was  buried  (Fito,  Surius, 
Jan.  1). 

During  our  period  monks  and  nuns  were 
buried  without  the  bounds  of  their  monasteries 
(Martene,  de  Ant.  Mon.  FlU.  v.  x.  99),  and  the  latter 
at  least  must  often  have  employed  the  services 
of  seculars  as  bearers. 

XI.  Time  of  Burial.  —  A  Christian  funeral 
took  place  by  day  whenever  it  was  permitted. 
See  Burial  of  the  Dead  (3),  p.  253.  There 
was  in  France,  at  least,  a  feeling  against  bury- 
ing on  Sunday  ;  for  in  a  law  forbidding  servile 
works  on  that  day  in  the  Carlovingian  code,  we 
find  the  burial  of  the  dead  excepted,  only  "  si 
forte  necesse  fuerit "  {Beg.  Fr.  Capit.  i.  75,  vi. 
380).  Nevertheless  St.  Ambrose  was  buried  at 
Milan  on  Easter  Day  (Paulinus  in  Vita,  48),  and 
St.  John  of  Naples  in  that  city  on  the  same  day 
(Uranius,  De  Obitu  Paidini,  11). 

XII.  Tlie  Procession. — Allusions  to  the  trium- 
phant character  of  the  funeral  procession  as 
marked  by  the  singing  of  psalms  and  hymns, 
the  carrying  of  lights  [see  Lights,  Ceremonial 
USE  OF,  viii.],  and  palms,  kc,  are  very  frequent. 
The  Apostolical  Constitutions,  probably  compiled 
near  the  year  200,  give  this  direction:  "In  the 
going  forth  of  those  who  have  fallen  asleep, 
conduct  them  with  singing  of  psalms,  if  they  are 
faithful  in  the  Lord,  for  '  precious  in  the  sight  o^ 
the  Lord  is  the  death  of  His  saints ' "  (vi.  30) 
Constantine,  who  died  in  337,  of  the  funeral  oi 
martyrs  :  "  Nor  is  the  sweet  smell  of  frankin- 
cense desired,  nor  the  funeral  pyre,  but  pure 
light  sufficient  to  light  them  that  pray  "  (Orat. 
ad  Sanct.  Coetum,  12).  St.  Paul  the  first  hermit 
was  taken  to  his  grave,  A.D.  340,  by  St.  Anthony, 
"  singing  hymns  and  psalms,  after  the  Christian 
tradition  "  (Hieron.  Vita  Pauli,  §  16).  At  the 
funeral  of  JIacrina,  "  no  small  number  of  deacons 
and  servants  preceded  the  corpse  in  order  on 
either  side,  all  holding  tapers  of  wax,"  while 
"  from  one  end  to  the  other  of  the  procession 
psalms  were  sung  in  one  jmrt,  as  in  the  Hymn  of 
the  Three  Children"  (Greg.  Nyss.  Vita  Macr. 
201).  At  Constantinople  Justinian,  A.D.  554, 
made  legal  provision  for  the  singing  at  all 
funerals  {Nov.  lix.  4).  In  Fiance,  587,  St.  Rade- 
guud  was  carried  to  the  grave  with  psalms  and 
alleluias.  (Baud.  Vita,  §  28.)  In  Spain,  the 
council  of  Toledo,  589,  ordered  that  the  body 
should  be  conveyed  to  the  tomb  with  psalm- 
singing  only. 

incense  was  sometimes  used  after  the  first 
three  or  four  centuries  of  our  period.  In  the 
Acta  (of  late  and  uncertain  date ;  see  Tillc- 
mout,  Ale-m.  Eccl.  note  sur  St. -Pierre  Alex.)  of  St. 
Peter  of  Alexandria,  311,  we  read  that  tlie  people 


I 


1434    OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

initiated  to  the  sacred  strife,  but  the  oil  now 
poured  on  the  body  shews  that  he  who  has  fallen 
asleep  has  fought  the  sacred  fight,  and  is  per- 
fected "  (^ibid.). 

XIX.  The  Eucharist  given  to  the  Dead. — We 
meet  with  sever;il  traces  of  this  profane  super- 
stition from  the  end  of  the  4th  century  down- 
ward. It  was  forbidden  in  Africa  by  the  council 
of  Carthage  in  397:  "It  is  decreed  that  the 
eucharist  be  not  given  to  the  bodies  of  the  dead  " 
(can.  6);  by  that  of  Auxerre,  578:  "It  is  not 
lawful  for  the  eucharist  to  be  given  to  the  dead  " 
(can.  12) ;  and  by  the  council  of  Constantinople 
in  691  (can.  83).  The  canon  of  the  last  is,  how- 
ever, only  a  transcript  of  that  of  Carthage,  and 
even  repeats  its  argument :  "  It  is  written,  Take, 
eat ;  but  tlie  bodies  of  the  dead  can  neither  take 
nor  eat "  (comp.  St.  Chrysostom,  Horn.  40  in 
Ep.  i.  ad  Cor.  §  1).  It  is  not  intimated  in  these 
canons  that  the  eucharist  was  placed  between  the 
lips  of  the  corpse  ;  and  we  infer  probably,  from 
other  records,  that  it  was  placed  on  the  breast," 
especially  as  Balsamon  {Comm.  in  Can.  C.  P.  u.  s.) 
suggests  that  the  intention  of  the  practice  was  to 
keep  off  evil  spirits.  St.  Benedict  is  said  to  have 
ordered  "  the  body  of  the  Lord  "  to  be  placed  on 
the  breast  of  a  corpse  that  had  been  cast  out  of 
its  grave  by  invisible  hands  (Greg.  M.  Dial.  ii. 
24).  An  oblate  was  placed  on  the  breast  of  St. 
Cuthbert  (Amalar.  de  Off.  Eccl.  iv.  41).  In  the 
late  and  fabulous  Life  of  St.  Basil  falsely  ascribed 
to  Amphilochius,  the  saint  is  said  to  have  ordered 
a  portion  of  the  eucharist  which  he  consecrated 
on  a  certain  occasion  to  be  reserved  that  it  might 
be  buried  with  him  (Gpp.  Amphil.  ed.  Combelis. 
176,  224).  For  the  later  history  of  the  practice 
see  A'otitia  Eucharistica,  p.  920 ;  ed.  2. 

This  observance  must  have  been  more  common, 
especially  at  Home,  than  has  been  usually  sup- 
posed, if  modern  antiquarians  are  right  in 
thinking  that  the  vessels  tinged  inside  with  red 
found  in  the  loculi  in  the  catacombs  contained 
eacharistic  wine  (Catacombs,  308 ;  but  see 
Glass,  730) ;  but  the  age  and  paucity  of  the 
notices  of  the  custom  must  be  considered  one 
objection  to  that  opinion.  It  is  probable  that 
mtinction  was  practised — i.e.  that  the  bread  was 
moistened  with  the  wine.     See  SpoOiT,  Eucha- 

EISTIC. 

XX.  How  placed  in  the  Grave. — The  posi- 
tion of  the  bodies  found  in  the  Catacombs  (see 
Vol.  I.  p.  307)  shews  that  their  direction  was  con- 
sidered unimportant  for  the  first  four  centuries. 
At  a  later  period  we  find  evidence  botli  in  the 
iiast  and  West  of  the  face  being  generally  turned 
towards  the  rising  sun.  Thus  Pseudo-Chry- 
sostom :  "  We  turn  the  coffin  to  the  East,  signi- 
fying thereby  their  resurrection "  (^De  Pat.  i. 
M.  s.).  See  also  the  Vienna  MS.  before  cited 
(Lambec.  VIII.  xlv.  68).  Pseudo-Epiphanius 
(de  Sepult.  Dom.'),  apostrophising  Joseph  of 
Arimathea  :  "  Dost  thou  bury  towards  the  East 
the  Dead  One,  who  is  -^  avaroXri  raii/  afaro- 
\a)i'?"  The  belief  that  our  Lord  liad  been  so 
buried  would  be  sufficient  to  induce  a  general 
practice.  A  similar  testimony  is  given  by  Latin 
writers.  Thus  Arculfus,  who  visited  the  Holy 
Land  in  679,  says  that  the  soles  of  the  feet  of  the 


»  The  words  iv  tC  o-Tofiart  ovtoO  in  Pseudo- Amphi- 
lochius (  Vita  S.  Bas.)  are  an  interpolation.  See  Amphil. 
Opera,  p.  224 ;  Par.  1611. 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

patriarchs  were  not  turned  as  it  is  the  custom 
for  the  soles  of  the  buried  to  be  turned  in  other 
parts  of  the  world,  viz.  towards  the  east,  but  to 
the  south,  and  their  heads  to  the  north  (Adamu. 
DeLocis  Sanctis,  ii.  10  ;  Acta  S.  O.S.B.  ii.).  Bede 
says  tliat  the  body  of  our  Lord  "  luid  the  head  on 
the  west,"  and  therefore  looking  eastward  (iv.  in 
S.  Marci  Ec.  c.  IG).''  The  body  was  generally, 
but  not  always,  laid  on  the  back.  Charlemagne 
was  seated  on  a  throne  (Monach.  Engol.  in 
Vita). 

XXI.  Bay-leaves,  ^-c,  in  the  Grave. — The  floor 
of  the  grave  was  sometimes  strewed  with  ever- 
greens. Thus  when  the  body  of  Valerius  was 
found  in  the  6th  century  "  he  had  bay-leaves 
strewn  under  him"  (Greg."Tur.  de  Glor.  C'onf.  84). 
When  certain  bodies,  supposed  to  be  those  of 
St.  Simon  and  St.  Jude,  were  translated  from 
the  ancient  Vatican  basilica  in  the  17th  century, 
"there  were  found  leaves  of  bay  under  their 
heads  "  (Casalius,  de  Vet.  Sacr.  Christ.  Bit.  GG, 
p.  266).  Even  in  the  12th  century  John  Beleth 
(copied  by  Durandus  a.d.  1285,  Bation.  VII.  xxxv. 
38)  says,  "  Let  ivy  or  bay,  vv^hich  keep  the  green- 
ness of  their  leaves  for  evei',  be  placed  in  the 
sarcophagus  near  the  bodies,  to  express  that  they 
who  die  do  not  cease  to  live  in  Him  "  (Div.  Off. 
Explic.  141). 

XXII.  Instruments  of  suffering  buried  with 
Martyrs. — St.  Babylas,  a.d.  250,  according  to 
St.  Chrysostom,  requested  to  be  buried  with  the 
iron  chains  in  which  he  had  died  {De  Bahyla 
c.  Julian,  11).  St.  Ambrose,  about  393,  asserts 
that  he  found  in  the  grave  of  Agricola  at  Bologna 
the  cross  and  nails  by  which  he  had  suffered  in 
303  {Exhort.  Virgin,  ii.  9).  St.  Sabine  desired 
that  the  stone  which  was  to  be  tied  to  him 
when  thrown  in  the  river  should  be  buried 
with  his  body  (Surius,  March  13 ;  not  in  the 
copy  of  Baluze,  Miscell.  i.  12  :  ed.  Jlansi).  When 
the  body  of  St.  Daniel  was  found  in  707,  the 
nails  by  which  he  suffered  were  found  with 
him  {Petr.  Natal,  ii.  60,  apud  Franzen.  de  Fun. 
Vet.  Christ.  181).     For  other  objects  found  in 

tombs,  see  Catacombs,  Vol.  I.  p.  314. 

XXIII.  One  not  buried  on  another. — This  was 
forbidden  by  the  council  of  Auxerre,  578:  "Non 
licet  mortuum super mortuum  mittere  "  (can.  15), 
and  by  a  law  of  Childeric  about  744  {Capit.  Beg. 
Franc,  i.  153),  which  was  adopted  by  the  com- 
pilers of  the  Carlovingian  code  (vi.  197).  The 
reason  of  the  prohibition  is  not  given ;  but  we 
may  believe  that  it  could  not  have  been  that 
assigned  in  an  inscription  given  by  Gruter : 
"  Solus  cur  sim  quaeris.  Ut  in  die  censorio  sine 
impedirnento  facilius  resurgam  "  {Corp.  Inscript. 
mlii.  8). 

XXIV.  Flowers  on  the  Grave. — St.  Ambrose, 
392,  Clearly  alludes  to  a  custom  of  decking  the 
grave  with  flowers  in  his  oration  on  the  death  of 
Valentinian :  "  I  will  not  scatter  his  tomb  with 


•>  Isidore  of  Seville,  de  Situ  Corporum.  SS.  Petri  et 
Pauli,  has  been  cited  to  shew  that  Christians  buried  to 
the  east  in  the  1st  century.  There  is  no  work  of  Isi- 
dore's under  that  title,  and  the  reference  can  only  be  to 
the  tract  once  ascribed  to  him,  De  Ortu  et  Obitu  Patrum 
(App.  20;  vii.  388,  Rom.  1802),  where  we  read  in  the 
account  of  Su  Peter:  "Sepult us  in  Vaticano  ab  urbe 
Roma  ad  orlentem  {iorte,  occidenteni)  tertio  milliario" 
(}  39).  One  MS.  (Isidoriana,  ibid.  c.  107)  says  of  St. 
Peter,  "Ad  Australem  plagam  est  sepultus,"  and  of  St. 
Paul,  "  contra  Orientalem  plugam." 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

riowers,  but  will  beJew  his  spirit  with  the  odour 
of  Christ.  Let  others  scatter  lilies  from  full 
baskets  ;  our  lily  is  Christ  "  (i>e  Obit,  talent.  5G). 
St.  Jerome,  in  397,  addressing  one  who  had 
lately  become  a  widower:  "Other  husbands 
scatter  over  the  tombs  of  their  wives  violets, 
roses,  lilies,  and  purple  flowers,  and  solace  their 
heart's  pain  by  these  offices.  Our  Pammachius 
waters  the  holy  ashes  and  venerable  bones  with 
the  balsam  of  alms  "  (Epist.  66,  §  5).  Prudentius, 
A.D.  405,  alludes  to  the  same  custom  {Periste- 
phanon,  Hymn  iii,  prope  fin. ;  Cathem.  Hymn. 
vii.  in  fin.). 

In  Gregory  of  Tours  (de  Glor.  Mart.  71)  we 
read  of  sage-leaves  scattered  in  the  crypt  of  a 
basilic  "  in  honour  of  the  martyrs "  buried 
there. 

XXV.  Lights  at  the  Grave. — It  is  impossible 
to  say  when  this  practice  began.  The  council  of 
Elvira,  about  305,  ordered  that  "  wax  lights  shall 
not  be  burnt  in  a  cemetery  in  the  daytime :  for 
the  spirits  of  the  saints  are  not  to  be  disquieted  " 
(can.  34)  ;  the  more  probable  sense  of  which  is, 
that  a  needless  blaze  of  light  in  the  daytime 
would  disturb  the  devotions  of  the  faithful  who 
frequented  the  cemetery  for  private  prayer.  See 
Xotitia  Eucharistica,  133  note;  ed.  2.  It  is  pro- 
bable that  these  were  in  honour  of  martyrs  only. 
The  practice  was  apparently  the  same  when 
Vigilantius  wrote  about  404:  "We  see  under 
pretext  of  religion  a  custom  introduced  into  the 
churches,  after  the  fashion  of  the  Gentiles,  of 
burning  masses  of  wax  lights  while  the  sun  is 
still  shining.  .  .  ,  These  people  do  a  great 
honour  to  the  most  blessed  martyrs,  in  conceiv- 
ing thern  to  receive  light  from  worthless  wax 
tapers,  whom  the  Lamb,  who  is  in  the  middle  of 
the  throne,  lights  with  the  full  blaze  of  His 
majesty"  (apud  Hieron.  contra  Vigilant,  §  4). 
Jerome  ascribed  the  practice  to  women  who  had 
more  zeal  than  knowledge,  but  at  the  same  time 
defended  it,  "  Hoc  fit  martyribus,  et  idcirco  reci- 
piendum est "  (§  8).  At  a  later  period  we  find 
lights  left  at  the  graves  of  others  besides  martyrs, 
and  often  renewed  as  at  theirs.  Thus  when  the 
mother  of  Aredius  was  buried,  570,  "  they  placed 
a  wax  candle  at  her  head  "  (Greg.  Tur.  de  Glor. 
Conf.  104).  This  is  related  incidentally  ;  so  that 
we  infer  a  common  practice.  In  the  East  Pseudo- 
Athauasius  says :  "  Fail  not  to  burn  oil  and  wax 
at  his  tomb ;  for  these  things  are  acceptable  to 
God,  and  they  bring  a  great  reward  from  Him  " 
(apud  Joan.  Damasc.  Orat.  de  iis  qtii  in  Fide 
dormierunt,  §  19).  See  Lights,  the  ceremonial 
USE  OF,  §  ix. 

XXVI.  Almsgiving  at  Funerals. — The  giving 
of  alms  both  at  the  funeral  and  on  days  of  com- 
memoration was  so  strongly  inculcated  and 
strictly  practised  both  in  the  East  and  West,  that 
it  is  desirable  to  shew  the  grounds  of  it  as  well 
as  to  give  testimonies  to  the  fact ;  the  more  so 
because  the  reason  more  commonly  alleged  gave 
rise  to  momentous  consequences  in  after-ages. 
The  Apostolical  Constitutions,  about  200,  appear 
to  regard  it  as  a  simple  act  of  piety  to  the 
•deceased,  to  conciliate  respect  for  his  memory 
and  to  keep  it  alive  among  the  people  :  "Of  the 
things  belonging  to  him,  let  there  be  given  to  the 
poor  for  a  remembrance  of  him  "  (eis  avd^v-qcnv 
aiiTov,  viii.  42).  Before  the  end  of  the  4th 
century,  however,  we  find  St.  Chrysostom 
insisting  without  hesitation  on  a  very  diil'erent 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD     1435 

reason :  "  I  shew  you  another  mode  of  honouring 
the  dead  than  by  costly  graveclothes,  .  .  .  the  ves- 
ture of  almsgiving.  This  garment  will  rise  again 
with  him  "  (^Honi.  85  in  Ev.  S.  Joan.  §  5).  Else- 
where he  urges  the  practice  that  the  departed 
"  may  be  clothed  with  greater  glory.  If  he  has 
died  a  sinner,  that  his  sins  may  be  loosed:  if  a 
righteous  man,  that  there  may  be  an  addition  to 
his  recompense  and  reward"  (^Hom.  31  in  S. 
Matt.  Ev.  ix.  23).  Again,  speaking  of  a  sinner 
who  has  "  offended  God  in  many  things,"  he  says  ; 
"  It  is  right  to  weep  (for  him),  or  rather  not  to 
weep  only,  for  that  does  not  profit  him,  but  to 
do  those  things  that  may  bring  him  some  com- 
fort,— to  give  alms,  to  wit,  and  make  offerings." 
(i/offi.  62  in  S.  Joan.  Ev.  §  5).  A  later  Greek 
writer  calls  "  the  alms  left  to  the  poor  by  the 
departed  dead  sacrifices,"  but  adds,  "  Neverthe- 
less, if  he  was  merciful  in  his  lifetime,  his  good 
deeds  in  death  are  accepted  of  God"  (^Quaest.  ad 
Antioch.  90  iuter  0pp.  S.  Athan.). 

The  same  sentiment  prevailed  in  the  Latin 
church  at  least  from  the  middle  of  the  4th  cen- 
tury. St.  Jerome,  for  example,  A.D.  397,  says 
decidedly  of  Pammachius,  that  he  moistened  the 
ashes  of  his  wife  with  the  balsam  of  alms 
{Epist.  66  ad  Pamm.  §  6).  St.  Augustine  :  "  It 
is  not  to  be  doubted  that  the  dead  are  helped 
.  .  .  by  the  alms  which  are  distributed  on 
behalf  of  their  spirits ;  so  that  the  Lord  deals 
more  mercifully  with  them  than  their  sins  have 
deserved"  (^Serm.  172,  c.  2;  sini.  Enchirid.  110, 
§29;  De  Dulcitii  Quaest.  ii.  4,  and  De  Cura  jjro 
Mortuis,  18,  §  22).  He  explains,  however,  that 
alms  after  death  only  profit  those  who  have  su 
lived  as  to  be  capable  of  benefit  from  them 
{Ench.  u.  s.  cited  by  himself  in  He  Hide.  Quaest. 
u.  s. ;  comp.  Serm.  u.  s.  and  He  Cura,  u.  s. ;  also 
Isidor.  Hispal.  de  Offic.  i.  18).  Laws  were  at 
length  founded  on  the  practice.  Tlius  a  canon 
of  the  English  council  of  Cealchythe,  A.D.  816, 
orders  that  on  the  death  of  a  bishop  "  a  tenth 
of  his  substance  shall  be  given  for  his  soul's 
sake  in  alms  to  the  poor,  of  his  cattle  and  herds, 
of  his  sheep  and  swine,  and  also  of  his  provision 
within  door,  and  that  every  Englishman  [of  his] 
who  has  been  made  a  slave  in  his  days  be  set  at 
liberty,  that  by  this  means  he  may  deserve  to 
receive  the  fruit  of  retribution  for  his  labours 
and  also  forgiveness  of  sins  "  (can.  10  ;  Johnson's 
tr.). 

XXVII.  The  Feast  at  the  Funeral. — The  mo- 
tives which  led  to  the  giving  of  alms  at  a  funeral 
also  gave  rise  to  a  custom  of  entertaining  the  poor 
at  a  feast,  which  was  often  repeated  on  days  of 
commemoration.  An  early  allusion  occurs  in  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions:  "In  the  memoriae  of 
the  departed,  feast  when  invited  in  an  orderly 
manner  and  in  the  fear  of  God,  that  ye  may  be 
able  to  intercede  for  those  who  have  departed  " 
(viii.  44).  Constantine,  about  325,  speaks  of  the 
"  perfectly  sober  feasts  celebrated  by  many  "  at 
the  funerals  of  the  faithful  "  for  pity  and  relief 
of  the  needy  and  the  assistance  of  e.xiles"  (Orat. 
ad  Sanct.  Coetum,  12).  "  Why,"  asks  St.  Chry- 
sostom, "  dost  thou  invite  the  poor  and  call 
priests  to  pray?  That  the  departed  may  come 
to  rest,  you  say,  that  he  may  find  the  Judge 
merciful"  {Horn.  31  in  S.  Matt.  Ev.  ix.  23). 
"  If  thou  wert  commemorating  a  son  or  a  brother 
deceased,  thou  wouldst  be  conscience-stricken  if 
thou  didst  not  observe  the  custom  and  invite  the 


1436     OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

poor  "  (//oOT.  27  in  1  Cor.  xi.  25).  Paulinus,  A.d. 
397,  has  left  a  description  of  the  funeral  feast 
given  by  Pammachius,  on  the  death  of  his  wife, 
to  the  poor  of  Rome  in  the  church  of  St.  Peter 
(^Epist.  xiii.  11). 

It  will  be  observed  that  Pseudo-Origen  speaks 
as  if  the  festival  were  of  the  same  character, 
whether  it  celebrated  the  death  of  a  martyr  or  of 
a  private  friend.  The  fact  is  that  the  festivity  of 
a  saint's  day  was  at  first  nothing  more  than  the 
repetition  of  his  funeral  feast  on  the  anniversary 
of  his  death.     [Cella  Memoriae.] 

When  Christianity  became  the  religion  of  the 
people,  such  occasions  naturally  led  to  excess 
and  other  evils.  "  I  know  that  there  are  many," 
says  St.  Augustine,  "  who  eat  and  drink  most 
luxuriouslyover  the  dead  "  (Z'e  Jlor.  Ecd.  34,  §  75). 
On  this  account  St.  Ambrose  suppressed  the 
feasts  of  commemoration  at  Milan  (Aug.  Conf.  v. 
2)  ;  but  it  is  uncertain  whether  his  prohibition 
embraced  that  held  at  the  funeral  itself.  St. 
Augustine,  encouraged  by  the  example,  induced 
his  bishop  Aurelius  to  do  the  same  at  Hippo 
{Epist.  22  ad  Aurel.  i.  §  G).  With  this  advice 
of  St.  Augustine  to  his  bishop  we  may  connect  a 
canon  of  the  council  of  Carthage,  398,  at  which 
both  were  present :  "  Let  those  who  either  refuse 
to  the  churches  the  oblations  of  the  dead  or  give 
them  grudgingly  be  excommunicated  as  slayers  of 
the  needy  "  (can.  95).  The  kbt  phrase  occurs  also 
in  a  canon  of  Vaison  in  France,  442,  where  the 
reason  assigned  is  that  "the  ftiithful  departing 
from  the  body  are  defrauded  of  the  fulness  of 
their  desires,  and  the  poor  of  the  relief  of  alms 
and  needful  sustenance  "  (can.  4).  Modern 
writers  have  called  the  feast  of  which  we  have 
now  spoken  "  the  funeral  agape."  We  are  not 
aware  that  it  was  ever  so  called  by  the  ancients. 
Kor  does  it  answer  to  the  true  notion  of  an  agape. 
It  was  not  a  common  meal  to  which  many  con- 
tributed and  of  which  all  partook  as  an  act  of 
communion.  Whatever  its  motive,  it  was  simply 
a  provision  for  the  poor  by  the  rich  mourner, 
and  it  does  not  appear  that  even  the  giver  of  the 
feast  sat  down  to  it  with  those  whom  he  fed. 

Though  the  festivities  of  saints'  days  originated 
in  the  funeral  feast,  they  are  more  properly 
referred  to  another  head. 

XXVIII.  The  Eucharist  at  Funo-als.— The  eu- 
charist  was  celebrated  at  funerals,  but  we  cannot 
say  that  this  was  general,  even  when  the  cere- 
mony took  place  in  the  morning.  The  persons 
in  whose  case  it  is  mentioned  were  of  eminence. 
The  Apostolical  Constitutions,  referring  to  the 
obsequies  of  the  dead,  say :  "  Ofl'er  both  in  your 
churches  and  in  the  cemeteries  the  acceptable 
eucharist,  the  antitype  of  the  kingly  body  of 
Christ  "  (vi.  30)  ;  but  this  would  be  satisfied  by 
any  subsequent  celebration.  The  council  of  Car- 
thage, A.D.  397,  orders  that  "  the  sacraments  of 
the  altar  be  celebrated  only  by  men  fasting;" 
and  as  ri  consequence,  that  when  the  "  commend- 
ation of  any  deceased  persons,  whether  bishops 
or  others,  is  to  take  place  in  the  afternoon,  it 
be  celebrated  with  prayers  only,  if  they  who 
celebrate  it  are  found  to  have  already  broken 
their  f;ist"  (can.  29).  The  natural  inference  is 
that  a  celebration  at  the  time  was  not  considered 
all-important.  Nor  was  it  likely  to  have  been 
so  considered,  seeing  that  it  formed  part  of  the 
later  rites  of  commemoration.  The  following 
are  among  the  instances  on  record  of  a  celebra- 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

tion  at  the  funeral  itself.  Eusebius  says  that 
Constantino  was  at  his  funeral  "  deemed  worthy 
of  the  mystic  liturgy,  and  enjoyed  the  com- 
munion of  holy  prayers"  {Vita  Const,  iv.  71). 
St.  Augustine  says  in  reference  to  his  mother's 
burial,  "  Those  prayers  which  we  poured  out  to 
Thee,  when  the  sacrifice  of  our  ransom  was 
offered  for  her,  the  body  already  placed  near  the 
tomb  before  its  burial,  as  is  the  custom  there," 
&c.  (_Conf.  ix.  12,  §  32).  So  at  the  funeral  of 
St.  Augustine  himself:  "The  sacrifice  for  com- 
mendation of  the  burial  of  the  body  was  offered 
to  God,  and  he  was  buried "  (Possid.  in  Vita 
Aug.  31).  Similarly  in  the  6th  century,  St. 
Lupicinus  was  buried  "  celebratis  missis  "  (Greg. 
Tur.  Vitae  Patr.  13). 

St.  Ambrose  was  carried  from  the  church 
(where  he  lay  in  state)  "  after  the  celebration  of 
the  divine  sacraments  to  the  Ambrosian  basilica, 
in  which  he  was  buried"  (Paulinus,  in  Vita  S. 
Amhr.  48).  As  this  was  on  Easter  Day,  the 
celebration  was  not  "  pro  defuncto,"  but  his 
name  would  be  inserted  in  the  office  for  the  day. 
"  For  this,  handed  down  from  the  fathers,  the 
whole  church  observes,  that  prayer  be  made  for 
those  who  have  died  in  the  communion  of  the 
body  and  blood  of  Christ,  when  they  are  com- 
memorated in  their  place  at  the  sacrifice  itself, 
and  that  it  be  also  mentioned  that  it  is  offered 
for  them"  (Aug.  Serm.  172,  §  2).  To  this 
commemoration  of  the  departed  St.  Cyprian 
refers  when  he  says  of  an  offender,  "  He  does 
not  deserve  to  be  named  at  the  altar  in  the 
prayer  of  the  priest,"  which  he  otherwise  ex- 
presses by  saying  that  "  that  sacrifice  should  not 
be  offered  for  his  falling  asleep  "  (^Epist.  i.  p.  8). 
In  accordance  with  this  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  says, 
"  We  pray  for  the  holy  fathers  and  bishops,  and, 
in  a  word,  for  all  who  have  gone  to  their  rest 
among  us,  believing  that  a  great  benefit  will 
result  to  the  souls  of  those  for  whom  the  prayer 
is  offered  when  the  holy  and  awful  sacrifice  is 
set  forth  "  {Catech.  Mijst.  v.  6).  This  will  re- 
ceive illustration  from  later  sections. 

XXIX.  Commemorations. — There  were  com- 
memorations by  prayer  and  eucharist  at  various 
periods  after  the  death  or  burial.  Thus  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions :  "  Let  the  third  day  of 
those  departed  to  rest  be  celebrated  in  psalms 
and  reading  (of  Scripture)  and  prayers,  for  the 
sake  of  Him  who  rose  again  on  the  third  day ; 
and  the  Jiinth  for  a  remembrance  of  the  sur- 
viving and  the  deceased;  and  the  fortieth  (some 
WSS.  thirtieth),  because  the  people  thus  bewailed 
Moses  (Deut.  xxxiv.  8),  and  the  anniversary  in 
remembrance  of  the  person,  and  let  there  be 
given  of  his  substance  to  the  poor  for  a  memorial 
of  him  "  (viii.  42,  the  original  text ;  sim.  the  Coptic 
Const  it.  76,  Tattam's  tr.  146).  St.  Ambrose 
says  that  some  observe  the  third  and  the  thir- 
tieth, others  the  seventh  and  the  fortieth  day 
after  death  (Z>e  Obitu  Theod.  3).  His  oration 
on  the  death  of  Theodosius  was  delivered  on  the 
fortieth.  His  first  De  Excessu  Satyri  was 
preached  at  the  funeral  ("  procedamus  ad  tu- 
mulum,"  sub  fin.  §  78) ;  the  second  on  the 
seventh  day  after  the  death  (§  2).  In  a  stoiy 
told  by  Palladius,  401,  the  fortieth  day  was 
being  celebrated  in  a  monastery  on  a  certain 
occasion  for  one  person,  and  the  third  for  another 
at  the  same  time  (Hist.  Laus.  26).  An  African 
bishop,  writing  to  St.  Augustine,  says,  in  refer- 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

ence  to  the  funeral  of  a  friend,  "  For  the  space 
of  three  days  we  praised  the  Lord  with  hymns 
over  his  grave,  and  on  the  third  day  we  offered 
the  sacraments  of  redemption"  {Ep.  158,  inter 
Epp.  Aug.  §  2).  Justinian  in  his  laws  recognises 
the  days  mentioned  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions 
(Coll.  ix.  16,  xvi. ;  Kotell.  133,  c.  3).  The  rules 
laid  down  by  Theodore  of  Canterbury,  a  Greek  of 
Tarsus  by  birth,  are  especially  interesting,  from 
his  history  and  position  :  "  He  ought  to  celebrate 
the  masses  of  departed  laymen  thrice  in  the 
year,  on  the  third  day,  the  ninth  day,  and  thir- 
tieth day;  because  the  Lord  rose  on  the  third 
day,  and  gave  up  the  ghost  at  the  ninth  hour, 
and  the  sons  of  Israel  bewailed  Moses  thirty 
days  "  {Capit.  37  ;  Labbe,  Cone.  vi.  1876).  "  For 
a  deceased  monk  mass  is  performed  on  the  day 
of  his  burial,  on  the  third  day,  and  afterwards, 
if  the  abbot  will ;  for  a  good  layman  three  or 
seven  masses  are  to  be  said,  after  fasting ;  for  a 
penitent,  on  the  thirtieth  or  seventh  day ;  and 
his  relations  ought  to  fast,  and  offer  an  oblation 
on  the  altar  on  the  fifth,  as  in  Jesus,  the  son  of 
Sirach,  it  is  read,  '  The  children  of  Israel  fasted 
for  Saul  ;'  and  afterwards,  if  the  presbyter 
will"  (ibid.  19).  Of  "monks  or  religious  men," 
he  says  that  at  Rome  "  a  mass  is  performed  for 
them  on  the  first  and  third,  and  ninth  and  thir- 
tieth day ;  and  it  is  observed  again  at  the  end  of 
the  year,  if  they  will "  (ibid.  90,  1877).  Ama- 
larius,  at  the  beginning  of  the  9th  century,  says, 
"  We  have  it  written  in  a  certain  sacramentary 
(comp.  the  Gelasian,  iii.  105  ;  Murat.  i.  762)  that 
the  offices  of  the  dead  are  to  be  celebrated  on 
the  third,  the  seventh,  and  the  thirtieth  day  " 
(De  Eccl.  Off.  iv.  42).  It  is  naturally  inferred 
from  some  of  the  foregoing  authorities  that 
these  days  were  reckoned  from  the  death  ;  but 
at  Rome,  during  the  latter  part  of  one  period,  at 
least,  it  seems  to  have  been  from  the  burial ;'  for 
in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary,  a  commemorative 
missa  has  this  title,  "  Missa  in  Depositione  De- 
functi  tertii,  septimi,  xsx™»  dierum,  vel  annu- 
alem "  (Murat.  u.  s.).  So  in  the  Gregorian 
Prefaces  (Murat.  ii.  355),  "  In  die  depositionis 
Defuncti  tertio,  et  septimo,  et  trigesimo." 

Although  the  ninth  day  was  so  widely  ob- 
served, especially  in  the  East,  we  find  it  rejected 
by  St.  Augustine,  as  recalling  a  heathen  observ- 
ance. He  says  that  it  has  no  precedent  in  Scrip- 
ture :  "  Therefore  they  ought,  as  it  seems  to  me, 
to  be  kept  from  this  custom  ("  which  they  call 
among  the  Latins,  novemdial,"  ibid.),  if  any 
Christians  observe  that  number  in  the  case  of 
their  dead,  whicTi  belongs  rather  to  the  custom 
of  the  Gentiles  "  (Quaest.  in  Gen.  172). 

XXX.  Annual  Commemorations. — The  celebra- 
tion at  the  year's  end  was  recurrent  from  a  very 
early  period.  TertuUian,  a.d.  195,  says,  "  We 
make  oblations  for  the  departed  by  way  of  birth- 
day gifts  on  the  anniversary  "  (Da  Cor.  Mil.  3). 
St.  Cyprian,  250,  of  certain  martyrs  :  "  We  al- 
ways, as  ye  remember,  offer  sacrifice  for  them, 
as  often  as  we  celebrate  the  passions  and  days 
of  the  martyrs  by  an  annual  commemoration  " 
(Epist.  39,  p.  77).  Gregory  Naziauzen  thus 
apostrophises  his  deceased  brother  Caesarius : 
"  Every  year  will  we,  at  least  those  who  are 
left  alive,  offer  honours  and  rites  of  commemo- 
ration "  (Orat.  vii.  §  17).  It  is  probable  that 
Monica  had  in  mind  this  custom  of  a  yearly 
commemorative    celebration    of    the    eucharist 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD     1437 

when  she  said,  shortly  before  her  death,  "  I  ask 
no  more  than  that,  wherever  ye  are,  ye  will 
remember  me  at  the  altar  of  the  Lord  "  (Auo-. 
Cunf.  ix.  9). 

XXXI.  Daily  Masses  for  the  Dead.— In  the 
6  th  century  we  find  masses  said  daily  in  the 
West  on  behalf  of  the  departed:  e.g.  a  widow 
of  Lyons  "  celebrated  masses  every  day,  and 
offered  an  oblation  pro  memoria  viri"  (Greg. 
Turon.  de  Glor.  Gonf.  65).  Gregory  of  Rome  in 
his  Dialogues  (iv.  55)  speaks  of  a  priest  who 
"  for  a  whole  week  afflicted  himself  in  tears,  and 
daily  offered  the  salutary  host "  for  one  deceased. 
He  also  relates  of  himself  that  he  once  ordered 
a  priest  "  to  offer  sacrifice  for  thirty  days  con- 
secutively "  for  the  soul  of  a  monk  who  had 
broken  his  rule  (ibid.).  It  is,  m  all  proba- 
bility, owing  to  this  statement  of  Gregory,  that 
the  practice  of  trentals  (trigiutale,  trentale, 
trigintalium,  trigintiuarium,  trentenarium,  trice- 
narium,  &c.)  was  said  to  have  originated  with 
him  (Sala  in  Bona,  £er.  lit.  i.  xv.  4).  We  do 
not  hear  of  it,  however,  as  usual,  until  the  8th 
century.  In  757,  Lullus,  archbishop  of  Mentz, 
writes  to  his  presbyters :  "  We  have  sent  you 
the  names  of  the  lord  bishop  of  Rome  (Stephen 
II.,  lately  deceased),  for  whom  let  each  one  of 
you  sing  thirty  masses  et  illos  psalmos  et 
jejunium  (probably  corrupt),  according  to  our 
custom"  (Ep.  107,  inter  Epp.  Bonifacii,  ed. 
Wiirdw.).  In  the  9th  century,  the  faithful  in 
France  were  commanded  to  keep  fast  and  to 
make  oblations  for  their  kindred  thirty  days 
(Capit.  Eeg.  Fr.  vi.  198).  Similarly  Herard  of 
Tours  (can.  58) :  "  Triginti  diebus  amici  et 
parentes  pro  eis  agant."  This  lengthened  ob- 
servance of  thirty  days  was  obviously  suggested 
by  Numb.  xx.  29  and  Deut.  xxiv.  8.  In  Bede  we 
read  of  a  priest  who  offered  masses  frequently 
(saepius,  crebras)  for  a  brother  supposed  to  be 
dead  (Hist.  Eccl.  Angl.  iv.  22).  They  do  not 
appear  to  have  been  daily,  nor  is  any  period 
mentioned  throughout  which  he  offered  them. 

XXXII.  Wliere  the  Name  of  the  Deceased  was 
introduced. — For  several  centuries  there  were  no 
special  prayers  provided  for  use  when  the 
eucharist  was  celebrated  on  account  of  one 
departed:  only  the  name  was  introduced  at 
some  appropriate  part  of  the  service.  The 
council  of  Ch:ilons-sm--Saone,  813,  orders  that 
"  in  every  celebration  of  the  mass  the  Lord  be 
entreated  for  the  spirits  of  the  departed  at  a 
suitable  place "  (can.  39).  At  that  place  the 
names  were  mentioned.  It  varied,  as  at  length 
fixed  by  custom,  in  the  several  liturgies.  [DiP- 
TYCHS ;  Names,  Oblation  of.] 

XXXIII.  Missa  Defimcti.—We  do  not  know 
when,  at  a  celebration  for  the  dead,  a  set  of 
proper  prayers  (Missa  pro  Defuucto,  Missa  De- 
functi) was  substituted  for  the  usual  collects. 
For  a  long  period  "  a  mass  for  the  dead  differed 
[only]  from  an  ordinary  mass  in  being  celebrated 
without  Gloria,  and  Alleluia,  and  the  kiss  of 
peace  "  (Amal.  de  Eccl.    Off.  iii.  44).     There  is 

•  reason  to  think  that  the  change  began  in  France, 
for  our  earliest  examples  of  a  Missa  Defuncti 
are  thence.  One  occurs  in  the  Besan^on  Sacra- 
mentary discovered  at  Bobio,  consisting  of  a 
proper  Praefetio  (Gallican),  Collectio,  Post 
nomina.  Ad  paccm,  and  Contestatio  (Musacum 
Ital.  i.  385).  The  MS.  is  of  the  7th  century. 
There  is  also  a  fragment  of  a  Missa  pro  Dcfunctis 


1438     OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

discovered  by  Xiebuhr,  and  published  by  Bunsen, 
■which  the  latter  ascribes  to  Hilary  of  Poitiers, 
A.D.  350  {Analecta  Antcnic.  iii.  203).  Had  it 
heea  so  early,  we  should  certainly  have  found 
similar  forms  in  all  the  sacramentaries  used  in 
France,  but  there  are  none  in  the  Gallico-Gothic, 
the  Frankish,  or  old  Gallican,  the  MSS.  of  which 
date  from  about  550  to  about  800  (Murat.  Lit. 
Bom.  Vet.  ii.  513).  There  are  several  such 
missae  in  the  Mozarabic  Jlissal,  but  we  can 
gather  nothing  to  the  purpose  from  this  fact,  as 
that  liturgy  was  in  use  and  receiving  additions 
till  the  11th  century.  Turning  to  Rome  we  find 
several  such  masses  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary 
{Murat.  i.  752,  &c.),  the  MS.  of  which  is  at  least 
1100  years  old ;  but  they  could  not  have  been  in 
general  use  or  much  known  when  Amalarius 
wrote  (827),  for  beside  the  remark  quoted  above 
he  says  expressly  (Ibid.),  "  Kecordatio  mortuorum 
nuncupative  agitur  ante  I^obis  quoque  peccato- 
ribus,"  i.e.  in  the  canon.  The  MSS.  of  the  Gre- 
gorian Sacramentary,  in  which  similar  forms 
are  found  (Murat.  ii.  752),  do  not  carry  us  with 
probability  higher  than  the  8th  century.  The 
Gelasian  Missa  Defuncti  contained  a  collect  for 
the  day,  Secreta,  Infra  actionem,  Post  Commun. 
(Greg.  Ad  complendum),  to  which  the  Gregorian 
adds  a  proper  preface  (Murat.  ii.  354  et  seq.). 

The  name  of  the  person  for  whom  the  obla- 
tion was  made  was  inserted  in  each  of  the  proper 
prayers  of  the  Missa.  Thus  in  the  Besan(,'on 
ijacramentary:  "ThatThou  vouchsafe  to  take  the 
soul  of  Thy  servant  N.  (famoli  Tui  ill.)  into  the 
bosom  of  Abraham  "  (Praef.)  ;  "To  take  to  Thy- 
self the  soul  of  Thy  servant  N. "  (coll.)  ;  "  We 
pray  Thee  for  the  soul  of  Thy  servant  N."  (Post 
nom.) ;  "  For  the  spirits  of  all  the  departed,  but 
chiefly  for  the  soul  of  this  Thy  servant  N."  (Ad 
pac.)  ;  "  Do  Thou,  0  Christ,  receive  the  soul  of 
Thy  servant  N."  (Contest.)  (Mus.  Ital.  i.  385). 

These  Missae  pro  Defunctis  were  in  use  in  the 
church  of  Eome  before  prayer  for  acknowledged 
saints  was  given  up  in  it.  The  Secreta  for  the 
feasts  of  St.  Leo  and  St.  Gregory  was  left  with 
the  following  petition  in  it  down  to  the  13th 
century  (see  Innocent  III.  Deer.  Const,  iii.  130)  : 
"  Grant,  0  Lord,  that  this  oblation  may  profit 
the  soul  of  Thy  servant  Leo  (or  Gregory) " 
(Murat.  ii.  25,  101). 

The  omission  of  the  Alleluia  which  Amalarius 
(m.  s.)  seems  to  have  thought  universal  in  his 
time  was,  as  we  have  seen,  contrary  to  the  feel- 
ing of  the  earlier  church.  Nor  was  this  expres- 
sion of  joy  ever  quite  disused  even  in  the  West. 
It  is  sung  with  the  Oflicium  or  Introit  of  the 
Mozarabic  Missa  Defuncti:  "  Thou  art  my  portion, 
0  Lord.  Alleluia."  "In  the  land  of  the  living. 
Alleluia,"  bis  (Aliss.  Moz.  Leslie,  456).  Compare 
the  Officiumpro  Defunctis  mentioned  at  the  end 
of§vii.  1. 

The  Antiphonary  ascribed  to  Gregory  I.  sup- 
plies two  sets  of  Antiphons  for  these  Missae  De- 
functorum  (Pamelius,  Eituale  PP.  ii.  175),  in 
which  the  chief  point  of  interest  is  that  one  of 
them  has  the  introit,  "  Requiem  aeternam  dona 
eis,  Domine,  et  lux  perpetua  luceat  eis  "  (from 
2  Esdr.  ii.  345 ;  Vulg.  4  Esdr.),  still  in  use. 
The  former  clause  of  it  had  been  used  earlier  as 
a  capitulum  (see  before,  vii.  1). 

XX.XIV.  Abase  of  Masses  for  the  Dead.— A. 
dreadful  crime  to  which  these  missae  gave  occa- 
-sion  is  described  as  frequent  by  the  council  of 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

Toledo  in  694.  Priests  would  say  "  missam  pro 
requie  defunctorum  "  for  a  living  object  of  their 
hatred,  in  hope  that  it  would  cause  his  death, 
"  ut  .  .  .  mortis  ac  perditionis  incurrat  pericu- 
lum "  (can.  5).  It  is  difficult  to  believe  that 
this  was  very  common,  though  the  council 
affirms  that  many  priests  ("pleriquesacerdotum") 
were  guilty  of  it.  Gratian  gives  the  canon  in 
brief,  but  preserves  this  startling  expression  (II. 
xxvi.  V.  13,  §  1  ;   Quicunque  sacerdotwn). 

XXXV.  Mutual  Compacts  for  3Iasses,  4c.— 
In  the  8th  century  we  begin  to  hear  of  agree- 
ments between  priests  that  prayers  and  masses 
shall  be  said  by  the  survivors  for  those  of  the 
number  who  should  pre-decease  them.  In  752 
we  find  Boniface  making  this  proposal  to  the 
abbot  Optatus :  "  We  eai'nestly  beseech  you  that 
there  be  the  intimacy  of  brotherly  charity 
between  us,  and  that  there  be  mutual  prayers 
for  the  living,  and  that  prayers  and  masses  be 
celebrated  for  those  who  depart  out  of  this 
world,  when  the  names  of  the  deceased  shall  be 
sent  from  either  of  us  to  the  other "  {Ep.  93). 
About  the  same  time  Cuthbert  writes  to  Lullus  : 
"  The  names  of  the  brethren  which  thou  hast 
sent  to  me  are  recorded  with  the  names  of  the 
brethren  of  this  monastery  who  sleep  in  Christ, 
so  that  I  have  given  order  to  celebrate  for  them 
ninety  masses,  and  more  than  that"  (Ep.  127, 
inter  Dpp.  Bonif.).  As  the  writer  speaks  of  the 
"  amicitiae  foedera  "  long  existing  between  them, 
and  entreats  Lullus  to  continue  to  pray  for  him, 
and  declares  that  he  (Cuthbert)  remembers  him 
in  his  "  daily  prayers,"  we  shall  not  be  wrong 
in  regarding  this  celebration  of  masses  as 
another  instance  of  the  mutual  engagements 
then  becoming  common.  In  765  a  number  of 
bishops  and  abbots,  met  in  council  at  Attigni- 
sur-Aisne,  agreed  that  "every  one  of  them  .  .  . 
should,  when  any  one  of  their  number  departed 
this  life,  say  one  hundred  psalters,  and  their 
presbyters  sing  a  hundred  special  masses  for 
him  ;  and  that  the  bishop  should  himself  per- 
form thirty  masses,  unless  prevented  by  sickness 
or  any  other  hindrance,  in  which  case  he  was  to 
ask  another  bishop  to  sing  them  for  him. 
Abbots,  not  bishops,  were  to  ask  bishops  to  per- 
form thirty  masses  in  their  stead,  and  their 
presbyters  were  to  perform  one  hundred  masses, 
and  their  monks  to  remember  to  sing  one  hun- 
dred psalters"  (Labb.  Cone.  vi.  1702).  A 
similar  compact  was  entered  into  by  the  bishops 
at  Tousi  or  Savonieres  in  859  (see  can.  13,  Labb. 
viii.  678).     [See  Necrologium.] 

XXXVI.  To  who7n  Christian  Rites  were  denied. 
— Catechumens  were  not  generally  buried  with 
the  solemnities  that  we  have  described.  St.  Chry- 
sostom,  after  a  reference  to  those  rites,  says : 
"  But  this  concerns  those  who  have  departed  in 
the  faith.  Catechumens  are  not  thought  worthy 
of  this  consolation,  but  are  deprived  of  every 
help  of  the  kind,  with  one  exception.  What  is 
that  ?  We  can  give  to  the  poor  on  their  behalf, 
and  that  yields  tliem  a  certain  solace,  for  God  wills 
that  we  should  be  benefited  by  one  another " 
{Horn.  iii.  in  Ep.  ad  Philipp.  §  4  ;  sim.  Horn. 
xxiii.  in  Ev.  S.  Joan,  §  3;  Isxxv.  50;  Horn.  21 
in  Act.  App.  3,  4).  This  was  the  rule,  but  there 
must  have  been  exceptions  in  the  case  of  cate- 
chumens who  suffered  death  for  the  faith,  for 
their  martyrdom  was  considered  an  effectual 
baptism  in  blood  (see  Bingham,  x.  ii.  20,  and 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

JIartyr),  and  must  therefore,  we  presume, 
have  been  held  to  entitle  the  sufFerer  to  evei-y 
Christian  privilege  after  death.  The  inference 
is  slightly  strengthened  by  the  fact  that,  Vi'hen 
catechumens  are  related  to  have  suffered  with 
the  baptized,  no  diflerence  of  treatment  after 
death  is  noticed  (see  Euseb.  Hid.  Ecd.  vi.  4). 
We  may  believe  the  same  of  those  who  were 
prepared  for  baptism,  but  lost  it  through  no 
fault  of  their  own.  "I  conclude,"  says  Augus- 
tine, "that  not  only  suffering  for  the  name  of 
Christ  can  supply  that  which  is  wanting  of  bap- 
tism, but  that  faith  and  conversion  of  heart  can 
also,  if  it  so  happen  that  in  the  difficulties  of 
the  time  help  is  not  forthcoming  toward  the 
celebration  of  the  mystery  of  baptism  "  {De 
Bapt.  c.  Don.  iv.  21,  §  29).  Valentinian  was  an 
instance.  He  was  prepared,  and  earnestly  de- 
sired to  be  baptized,  but  was  cut  oft'  suddenly 
before  he  could  receive  the  sacrament.  We 
should  infer  from  the  language  of  St.  Ambrose 
that  he  was  buried  with  all  the  usual  rites  ;  for 
not  only  did  he  deliver  a  funeral  oration  on  the 
occasion  of  his  death,  but  in  it  he  says,  "  Give 
the  holy  mysteries  to  his  manes ;  let  us  pray  for 
his  rest  with  pious  affection.  Give  the  heavenly 
sacraments ;  let  us  wait  on  his  soul  with  our  ob- 
lations "  {Be  Obitu  Valcnt.  56). 

In  563    the    council    of   Braga   decreed  that 
*'  neither  the  commemoration  of  an  oblation  nor 
the  office  of  psalm-singing  should  be  bestowed 
on  catechumens  who   had  died  without  the  re- 
demption of  baptism  "  (can.  17)  ;  and,  with  re- 
gard to  suicides,  that  "  no  commemoration  should 
be  made  for  them  in  the  oblation,  and  that  their 
bodies  should  not  be  conducted  to  the  grave  with 
psalms  "  (can.  16).    Both  these  rules,  the  council 
declares,  had  been  violated    through   ignorance. 
It  made  the  same  order  with  reference   to  those 
who  are  "  punished  for  their  crimes  "  (can.  16). 
The  council   of  Auxerre,   578,  also  forbids  the 
oblation   of  suicides   to  be  received   (can.    17). 
Earlier  than  either,  the  council  of  Orleans,  533, 
says  :  "  We  judge  that  the  oblation  of  the  dead 
who  have  been  cutoff  in  any  crime  (j.t?.  probably, 
1  *  while  under  accusation  for  any  oflfence  '),  ought 
!  to  be  received,  provided  that  they  are  proved  not 
j  to  have  brought  death   on  themselves  by  their 
1  own  hands  "  (can.  14).     Eugenius  II.,  A.D.  824, 
i  deprives  nuns  who  persist  to  the  last  in  breach 
]  of  rule,  of  "  Christian  burial "  (^Decr.  3).     He 
j  decrees  the  same  against  those  who  exhibit  feats 
of  strength  at  fairs,  &c.,  though  granting  them 
"  penance   and   the   viaticum  "    {ibid.  7).      The 
council  of  Mentz,  848,  decrees  that  "  the  bodies 
of  those  who  are  hung  on  the  gallows  may  be 
carried    to    church,    and    masses   and    oblations 
offered  for  them,   if  they  have  confessed  their 
sins  "  (can.  27). 

XXXVI.  Unreconciled  Penitents. — The  Gre- 
gorian Sacramentary  provides  a  "  Missa  pro  De- 
functis  desiderantibus  Poenitentiam  et  minima 
consequentibus  "  (Murat.  ii.  219),  to  which  this 
is  prefixed  :  "If  any  one  who  asks  for  penance 
rubric  shall  be  deprived  of  the  power  of  speech 
while  the  priest  is  coming,  it  is  determined  that, 
if  suitable  witnesses  have  declared  this,  and  he 
1  himself  proves  it  by  any  gestures,  the  priest  do 
all  things  in  regard  to  the  penitent  according  to 
the  custom."  The  proper  collects  assume  that 
he  desired  absolution,  and  pray  that  his  death 
may  not  deprive  him  of  the  "fruit  of  penance 


OCTAVE  OF  A  FESTIVAL     1439- 

which  his  will  desired."  See  further  on  this. 
Oblations,  §  iii.  2,  from  which  it  will  be  seen 
tliat  the  earlier  discipline  of  the  church  of  Rome 
was  different. 

Among  writers  on  this  subject  are  Jac. 
Gretser,  De  Christuxnorum  Funcre,  Ingolst.  1611  ; 
J.  B.  Casalius,  Da  Funeribus  Priscorum  Chris- 
tianorum  in  his  work  De  Vet.  Sacr.  Christ.  Pit. 
c.  66,  Kom.  1647 ;  Martene,  De  Ant.  Feci  Pit. 
iii.  12-15;  J.  E.  Franzenius,  De  Funeribus  Vet. 
Christian.  Helmst.  1709  ;  Onuphr.  Panvinius,  De 
Rita  sepel.  Mort.  apud  Vet.  Christianas,  last 
printed  at  Leipzig  in  1717  ;  F.  Nicolai,  De  Luctu 
Christianorum,  sive  de  Pitibus  ad  Sepulturam 
pertinentibus,  Lugd.  Bat.  1739 ;  L.  A.  Mura- 
torius,  De  Vetcrum  Christianorum  Sepulcris  in 
Anccdota,  i.  Disq.  17  ;  and  De  Antiquis  Chris- 
tianorum Sepulcris  in  A7iecdota  Graeca,  Disq.  iii., 
both  reprinted  by  Zaccaria  in  his  edition  of 
Fleury's  Disciplina  Populi  Dei,  Venet.  1761  and 
1782  ;  where  see  also  Filesacus,  Funus  Vesperti- 
num;  Hugo  Menardus,  Nota  680  in  Sacram. 
Gregor.  Paris,  1642,  reprinted  in  0pp.  Greg.  III., 
ed.  Ben. ;  Alex.  Aurel.  Pelliccia,  de  Christianaa 
Ecclesiae  Politia,  iii.  §  ii.  4-6,  Neap.  1777,  Colon, 
ad  Ehen.  1829  ;  Mart.  Gerbert,  Vetus  I.iturgia 
Alemannica,  Disq.  Praev.  xi.  Monast.  San-Blas. 
1776.  See  also  the  Peport  on  Burial  Pites  of 
the  Committee  of  the  Lower  House  of  Convoca- 
tion, 1877.  [W.  E.  S.] 

OCEANUS.  (1),  martyr  with  Theodorus, 
Amianus,  Julianus  ;  commemorated  Sept.  4 
(Basil,  Menol.)  ;  the  same  or  another,  Sept.  18, 
at  Nicomedia  (Wright's  Ancient  Syr.  Mart,  in 
Journal  of  S.  Lit.  1866,  429).  [C.  H.] 

OCTAVA,  sister,  probably,  of  St.  Laurentius  ; 
commemorated  Aug.  17.     (Usuard,  Mart.) 

[C.  H.] 

OCTAVAE  INFANTIUM,  Low  Sunday  or 
the  octave  of  Easter,  otherwise  called  Dominica 
in  Albls,  so  called  because  the  white  bands  which 
were  wrapped  round  the  heads  of  the  newly- 
baptized  infants  were  then  taken  oft'.  "  Hod'ie 
Octavae  dicuntur  infantium,  revelanda  sunt 
capita  eorum,  quod  est  indicium  libertatis" 
(August,  de  Temp.  160,  §  1)  ;  and  again,  "  vos  qui 
baptizati  estis  et  hodie  completur  sacramentum 
Octavarum  vestrarum,  infantes  appellamini  quia 
regenerati  estis."  {Ibid.  Serm.  11,  de  Diversis.) 
[E.  v.] 

OCTAVE  OF  A  FESTIVAL.  (Octava,  Octa- 
vae.) The  eighth  day,  or  space  of  eight  days, 
after  a  festival,  kept  as  a  prolongation  or  repe- 
tition of  the  festival  itself,  honoris  causa.  It  is 
a  Western  custom,  apparently  unknown  in  the 
Oriental  church.  [See  Apodosis.]  In  more 
recent  times  the  number  of  festivals  to  which 
octaves  are  assigned  has  been  largely  multi- 
plied; and  the  octaves  are  divided  into  four 
classes,  according  to  their  degrees  of  solemnity  ; 
but  within  the  first  eight  centuries  it  would 
seem  that  only  Christmas,  Easter,  and  Pentecost 
had  this  distinction,  together  with  the  Epiphany 
in  some  localities,  and  perhaps  the  Feast  of  the 
Dedication  of  the  Church,  or  of  the  Patron  Saint. 

Various  reasons  have  been  assigned  for  the 
custom.  Dift'erent  writers  on  ritual  have  found 
a  ground  for  it  in  the  Jewish  observance 
of  the  eighth  day  for  circumcision,  to  which 
indeed  St.  Augustine  refers  in  speaking  of  the- 


1440 


OCTAVIUS 


octcare  of  Easter  as  kept  by  the  newly  baptized, 
OcTAVAE  Infantium  (cle  Div.  Temp.  cap.  i. ; 
Up.  Iv.  32,  33,  &c.),  or  in  the  celebration  of 
the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  for  eight  days,  or  in  the 
Feast  of  the  Dedication  of  the  Temple  by  Solomon, 
and  of  the  re-dedication  under  Zerubbabel ;  or, 
again  (under  the  new  covenant),  in  the  appear- 
ance of  our  Lord  on  the  eighth  day  from  the 
Resurrection ;  and  in  the  mystical  value  of  the 
number  eight,  as  a  symbol  of  perfection  and  of 
rest. 

But  the  first  actual  trace  of  the  custom  upon 
which  we  light  is  the  Octave  of  Easter,  during 
which  the  newly  baptized  continued  to  wear 
their  white  baptismal  garments.  Bede  mentions 
the  Octave  of  Pentecost.  In  a  capitulary  of 
Charlemagne  we  meet  with  the  octaves  of  Christ- 
mas, Epiphany,  and  Easter  ;  in  can.  26  of  the 
council  of  Mainz  (a.d.  813)  with  those  of  Christ- 
mas, Easter,  and  Pentecost.  Tlie  end  of  the 
8th  and  beginning  of  the  9th  century  was  the 
period  to  which  may  be  assigned  the  chief  growth 
uf  this  observance.  In  the  treatise  De  Eccles. 
Off.  of  Amalarius,  we  hear  only  of  the  octaves 
of  Christmas,  Epiphany,  Easter,  and  Pentecost ; 
but  it  says  also  (iv.  3<5) :  "  Solemus  octavas 
uatalitiorum  aliquorum  Sanctorum  celebrare, 
eorum  scilicet,  quorum  festivitas  apud  nos  clarior 
habetur,  veluti  est  in  octavis  apostolorum  Petri 
et  Pauli,  et  caeterorum  Sanctorum,  quorum  con- 
suetudo  diversarum  Ecclesiarum  octavas  cele- 
brat,"  clearly  implying  that  the  custom  was 
growing  up  in  different  parts  of  the  church,  but 
that  it  had  not  yet  become  a  matter  of  uniform 
obligation. 

As  to  the  liturgical  observance  of  these  days, 
from  the  fact  that  neither  in  the  Gelasian  nor  Gre- 
gorian Sacramentary  is  any  mass  assigned  for  the 
days  within  the  octave,  but  only  for  the  octave 
itself,  we  may  perhaps  infer  that  at  first  the  octave 
was  merely,  as  it  is  still  in  the  majority  of  cases, 
a  repetition  of  the  festival,  and  of  its  office  on  the 
day  week,  and  that  afterwards  the  intermediate 
days  were  filled  up  by  similar  repeated  com- 
memorations. This  would  only  hold  good,  how- 
ever, of  the  principal  octaves.  The  various  rules 
for  determining  the  right  precedence  of  offices, 
when  other  festivals  fall  within  an  octave,  belong 
to  a  period  later  than  our  limits. 

For  the  literature  of  the  subject  see  under 
Festival,  adding  Grancolas,  Commcntarius  Eis- 
toricus  in  Bomanum  Breviarium,  lib.  i.,  cap.  45  ; 
Venetiis,  1734.  [C.  E.  H.] 

OCTAVIUS,  martyr  at  Turin,  with  Solutor 
and  Adventor ;  commemorated  Nov.  20.  (Usuard, 
2Iart.)  OCTAVUS  {Hieron.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

ODE.  The  name  wS^  is  given  in  the  Greek 
Church— 

(1)  To  the  nine  Canticles  which  ere  said  at 
Lauds.     [Canticle,  p.  285.] 

(2)  To  certain  rhythmical  compositions,  often 
of  considerable  beauty,  relating  to  the  special 
commemoration  of  the  day,  which  are  said  in  the 
Greek  matin  office.  See  Canon  of  Odes,  p.  277  ; 
Office,  the  Divine  ;  Troparia.  The  arrange- 
ment of  these  odes,  generally  nine  in  each  office, 
separated  into  three  groups  by  a  short  litany 
after  the  third  and  sixth,  resembles  that  of 
Lections  in  the  Western  offices;  they  may  in 
fact  be  said  to  take  the  place  of  lections,  which 


OECONOMUS 

are  not  used  in  ordinary  offices  in  the  East. 
(Freeman,  Principles  of  Divine  Service,  c.  i.  §  5, 
p.  125.)  [C] 

OECONOMUS  (1),  the  house  steward,  or 
manager  of  a  household.  Possidius  ( Vita 
August,  c.  24)  says  that  St.  Augustine  never 
used  key  or  seal,  but  committed  the  whole 
management  of  his  domestic  affairs  to  the  most 
able  of  his  clergy,  who  transacted  all  the 
business  of  receipts  and  payments,  and  gave  in 
an  annual  account.  See  also  Cone.  Herd.  (c.  16) 
quoted  below. 

2.  The  treasurer  of  a  particular  church. 
Thus  Cyriac,  before  his  elevation  to  the  patri- 
archate of  Constantinople,  was  oeconomus  of 
the  great  church  in  that  city.  (Chronicon  Pas- 
chale,  p.  378.) 

3.  A  diocesan  official,  holding  a  distinct  posi- 
tion and  discharging  a  public  duty  in  managing 
all  property  belonging  to  the  see.  Originally 
the  business  connected  with  the  temporal  affairs 
of  the  see  appears  to  have  been  managed  by  the 
bishop  and  his  chapter.  The  council  of  Antioch, 
A.D.  341  (c.  24,  25),  speaks  of  the  possibility  of 
the  revenues  of  the  church  being  misapplied  by 
the  bishop  and  his  presbyters,  and  decrees  that 
all  church  property  should  be  administered  with 
the  knowledge  of  the  whole  of  the  clergy,  both 
priests  and  deacons,  and  a  regular  account  kept 
of  the  property  belonging  to  the  church,  in 
order  to  prevent  waste  on  the  one  hand,  and 
spoliation  of  the  property  of  a  deceased  bishop 
on  the  other.  Though  the  appointment  of  an 
oeconomus  is  not  specially  decreed  in  these 
canons,  yet  it  seems  to  have  been  considered  as 
implied  in  them,  or  at  least  originating  from 
them.  At  the  council  of  Chalcedon,  A.D.  451 
(act.  9),  the  case  was  brought  forward  of  Ibas, 
bishop  of  Edessa,  who  was  charged  with  malver- 
sation of  the  property  of  the  church,  and  who 
promises  that  for  the  future  the  revenues  of 
the  see  shall  be  adm.inistered  by  an  oeconomus 
chosen  from  the  clergy,  according  to  the  decrees 
of  the  great  council  of  Antioch.  From  the  date 
indeed  of  this  council  the  oeconomus  is  recog- 
nised in  the  decrees  of  councils  as  one  of  the 
officials  necessarily  existing  in  a  diocese.  The 
council  of  Gangra  (c.  7,  8)  forbids  under  pain  of 
anathema  that  any  one  shall  receive  or  dispense 
the  revenues  of  the  church  except  the  bishop 
himself^  or  the  officer  appointed  to  the  steward- 
ship of  benefactions  (eis  olKOvofxiav  evTrouas). 
The  council  of  Chalcedon,  already  quoted,  after 
declaring  (c.  26)  that  it  had  come  to  the  know- 
ledge of  the  council  that  certain  bishops  admin- 
istered the  property  of  the  church  without  an 
oeconomus,  provides  that  every  diocese  should 
have  an  oeconomus,  chosen  from  the  clergy 
belonging  to  it  (e'/c  tov  Idiov  KK-ftpov),  who  should 
manage  the  [iroperty  of  the  church  under  direc- 
tion (^Kara  yvuifj.7jv)  of  the  bishop,  in  order  that 
no  waste  should  be  made  of  the  property,  and 
publicity  given  to  the  way  in  which  it  was 
employed.  In  case  of  the  death  of  a  bishop 
(c.  25)  the  oeconomus  was  to  manage  the  pro- 
perty of  the  see  during  the  vacancy.  The  same 
council  (c.  2)  mentions  the  oeconomus  among 
the  officials  in  whose  appointment  simony  is 
forbidden.  The  council  of  Lerida,  A.D.  523 
(c.  16),  while  reprobating  the  custom  that 
appears  to  have  prevailed  among  the  Spanish 


OECONOMUS 

clergy  of  plundering  the  property  of  a  deceased 
bishop,  orders  that  the  bishop  who  has  charge 
of  the  funeral  shall  provide  that  all  things  are 
fitly  and  carefully  managed,  and  that  the  officer 
who  has  charge  of  his  domestic  affairs,  associating 
with  himself  one  or  two  clergy,  should  pay  the 
stipends  of  the  clergy  belonging  to  the  bishop's 
household,  and  talie  charge  of  the  property  of 
the  see  for  the  succeeding  bishop.  The  council 
of  Valentia,  A.D.  52-4  (c.  2),  after  again  repro- 
bating the  custom  of  plundering  the  house  of 
a  deceased  bishop,  enacts  that  at  the  death  of  a 
bishop  the  incumbent  of  the  nearest  see  should 
make  an  inventory  within  eight  days  of  the 
goods  and  property  belonging  to  the  diocese,  and 
send  it  to  the  metropolitan,  who  should  put  a 
proper  person  in  charge  of  such  revenues,  in 
order  that  the  clergy  should  receive  their  proper 
stipends  during  the  vacancy,  and  the  property 
be  handed  over  unimpaired  to  the  succeeding 
bishop.  [Vacancy.]  It  would  appear  from 
these  canons  that  the  office  of  oeconomus  was 
unknown  in  the  dioceses  of  Spain  at  the  date 
of  the  councils  by  which  they  wei"e  made.  But 
the  second  council  of  Seville,  A.D.  618  (c.  9), 
after  reciting  that  it  had  come  to  the  knowledge 
of  the  council  that  certain  bishops  had  oeconomi 
chosen  from  the  laity,  enacts  that  no  bishop 
should  administer  the  temporal  affiurs  of  his 
diocese  except  through  an  oeconomus  chosen 
from  among  his  clergy,  according  to  the  decree 
of  the  council  of  Chalcedon,  giving  as  a  reason 
that  it  is  unbecoming  that  a  layman  should  be 
the  representative  vicarius  of  a  bishop,  or  sit  in 
judgment  on  church  matters;  and  that  those 
who  are  associated  with  a  bishop  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  affairs  ought  not  to  differ  with 
him  either  in  apparel  or  profession.  From  this 
canon  it  appears  that  the  oeconomus  possessed 
some  jurisdiction  in  the  adjustment  of  financial 
matters.  Thus  we  are  told  (Theod.  Lect.  H.  E.  i.) 
that  Marcian,  a  convert  from  the  sect  of  the 
Cathari,  whom  Gennadius  of  Constantinople 
appointed  as  his  oeconomus,  at  once  ordained 
that  all  the  oflerings  of  the  faithful  in  Con- 
stantinople should  belong  to  the  churches  in 
which  they  were  made,  instead  of  being  con- 
sidered the  property  of  the  great  church.  The 
fourth  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  633  (c.  48),  re- 
ferring to  the  decree  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon, 
enacts  that  every  bishop  should  select  from  the 
clergy  of  his  diocese  those  officers  whom  the 
Greeks  call  "  oeconomi  ; "  that  is,  who,  in  stead 
(vice)  of  the  bishop,  manage  the  affairs  of  the 
church.  The  council  of  Meaux,  A.D.  845  (c.  47), 
strictly  forbids  the  clergy  of  the  diocese,  under 
any  circumstances,  to  elect  an  oeconomus  to 
manage  the  temporal  affairs  of  the  see  without 
the  assent  of  the  bishop ;  if  the  bishop,  through 
bodily  infirmity,  is  incapable  of  acting,  the  arch- 
bishop is  to  select  the  oeconomus  with  the  assent 
of  the  bishop.  Another  council,  A.D.  876  {Cone. 
Pontigo.  c.  14),  enacts  that  at  the  death  of  a 
bishop  the  oeconomus  shall  be  his  executor,  and 
guardian  of  the  projierty  of  the  see. 

The  laws  of  the  French  kings  make  frequent 
mention  of  the  oeconomus  and  his  duties.  A 
capitulary  of  Charles  the  Great  (ii.  c.  9,  ed. 
Baluz.)  provides  that  the  oeconomus  shall  be 
responsible  for  any  injury  sustained  by  the  pro- 
perty of  the  see  during  his  administration  ;  and 
also  mentions  an  archioeconomus,  probably  the 


OECONOMUS 


1441 


head  of  the  other  oeconomi.  Photius  (J^yntag. 
tit.  X.  2)  gives  an  edict  of  Justinian  com- 
manding oeconomi  to  settle  the  accounts  of  their 
sees  once  a  year.  If  bishops  do  not  appoint 
oeconomi,  the  archbishops  are  to  do  so  (^Nomocan. 
tit.  X.  c.  i.). 

Oeconomi  appointed  in  accordance  with  these 
decrees  are  frequently  mentioned  in  ecclesiastical 
writers.  Socrates  {H.  E.  vi.  7)  says  that  Theophi- 
lus  of  Alexandria  appointed  two  Egyptian  monks 
to  the  stewardship  of  his  church  (olKovofiiav  rrjs 
e/cKATjo-i'as),  adding  that  they  thus  discovered 
his  greediness  and  rapacity,  and  were  so  disgusted 
that  they  deserted  their  posts  and  retired  to  the 
desert  (see  Vales.  Annot.  in  loco).  Gregory 
the  Great  (Epist.  iii.  22,  p.  640),  in  the  case  of 
the  vacant  see  of  Salona  in  Dalmatia,  orders  that 
the  oeconomus  who  was  in  charge  of  the  diocese 
at  the  death  of  the  bishop  should  continue  to 
manage  the  revenues,  and  give  in  his  account  to 
the  next  bishop.  A  precept  of  Hincmar,  bishop 
of  Rheims,  addressed  to  Hedenulph,  bishop  of 
Laon  {Gall.  Cone.  ii.  p.  660),  strictly  forbids 
him  to  take  money  for  the  appointment  of  an 
oeconomus,  whom  he  styles  the  dispenser  of  the 
property  of  the  church  ("  fiicultatum  ecclesiae 
dispensator").  In  an  epistle  to  the  church  of 
Laon  (Opp.  ii.  p.  178),  the  same  prelate  declares 
that  the  oeconomus  was  the  proper  guardian  of 
the  property  of  the  see  at  the  death  of  the 
bishop.  Liberatus  {Brev.  c.  16)  speaks  of  a 
certain  John,  who  was  promoted  from  being  an 
oeconomus  to  be  presbyter  of  the  church  at 
Tabennesus,  and  afterwards  became  again  oeco- 
nomus, having  charge  of  the  revenues  of  all  the 
churches.  The  duties  of  the  oeconomus  are  de- 
fined at  length  by  Isidore  of  Seville  (Epist.  i.  ; 
Bibl.  Pair.  viii.  p.  210)  as  comprising  all  business 
relating  to  the  building  of  churches,  the  manage- 
ment of  all  law  matters  in  which  the  church 
was  concerned,  the  superintendence  of  all  fields, 
vineyards,  and  all  ecclesiastical  possessions,  the 
division  of  the  revenues  in  due  proportion  among 
the  clergy,  the  widows,  and  poor,  and  the  allow- 
ance of  food  and  clothing  to  the  clergy  and  others 
belonging  to  the  bishop's  household.  But  all  to 
be  done  under  the  authority  and  by  the  direction 
of  the  bishop. 

From  all  this  two  things  seem  clear — that  the 
oeconomus  was  to  be  one  of  the  clergy,  and  to 
be  appointed  by  the  bishop.  But  a  canon  of 
Theophilus  of  Alexandria  (c.  9,  in  Beveridge, 
Pandect,  ii.  173)  says  that  the  oeconomus  was 
chosen  by  the  vote  of  all  the  clergy.  (See  Bing- 
ham, Antiquities,  iii.  13,  §  1.) 

In  later  years  the  duties  of  the  oeconomus 
appear  to  have  been  transferred  to  the  treasurer, 
Thesaurarius.  [P.  0.] 

OECONOMUS  (Monastic),  Cymr.  Maei:, 
Gael.  Maoe,  Irish  Maer,  Maor,  Mocjr,  an  I 
Fertighis  {Four  Mast.  A.D.  777,  782:  Tcit 
a  man,  and  'ClS  a  house),  called  also  Equo- 
NiMDS  {Ann.  Ult.  a.d.  780  sq.),  was  "custos 
monasterii,"  spenser  or  house  steward,  having 
charge  of  the  internal  secular  aflairs  of  the 
monastery,  such  even  as  providing  the  corn  and 
wood  (Colgan,  Acta  SS.  213,  c.  44;  393,  c.  6). 
In  Fotcr  M.tsi.  A.D.  777,  he  is  called  prior,  and 
may  have  been  local  administrator  of  the  subject 
monasteries,  or  vice-abbat  in  the  parent  house 
(Reeves,  8.  Adamnan,  65, 365).  As  the  oeconomus 


1442 


OECUMENICAL 


of  the  see  had  charge  of  the  gifts  of  the  foithful, 
and,  at  a  later  period,  of  the  episcopal  and 
cathedral  estates  (Du  Cange,  Gloss,  iv.  696,  697), 
so  the  monastic  oeconomus  received  the  tributes 
due  to  the  monastery  ;  while  again  in  Ireland 
the  airchinneach,  in  Scotland  the  hcrenach,  and 
on  the  Continent  the  advocatus  ecclesiae,  farmed 
the  monastic  termon  or  lands,  as  the  abbat's 
deputy,  maor,  or  steward,  with  a  percentage  of 
one-third  for  his  labour.  The  tributes  and  fines, 
in  Irish  "  cain,"  were  of  various  kinds,  according 
to  the  form  of  transgression ;  as  the  amounts 
must  have  been  considerable,  a  person  of  probity 
was  required,  and  the  ancient  canons  required 
the  persons  so  entrusted  to  belong  to  the  clerical 
order  (Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl.  iii.  c.  12,  §  1,  2). 
But  in  Ireland  the  oeconomus  or  maor  had 
custody  also,  specially  in  later  times,  of  the 
sacred  relics  and  valuable  property  belonging  to 
the  monastery;  as  at  Armagh,  the  "Book  of 
Armagh,"  and  patron's  bell  (Reeves,  Eccl.  Ant. 
150,  370),  and  St.  Patrick's  crozier,  called  the 
"Baculus  Jesu"  (Bernardus,  Vit.  S.  ilalach.  c.  5), 
and  held  an  endowment  of  land  attached  to  the 
office,  which  being  hereditary  has  given  a  name  to 
the  family  of  Mac  Moyre,  and  to  the  townland  of 
Ballymire  beside  Armagh  (Todd,  ;S'.  Patrick,  170, 
171;  Veixie:,  Round  Toners,  333-335;  O'Conor, 
Rev.  Hib.  Script,  i.  Ep.  Nunc.  pp.  Ivii.  Iviii). 
In  illustration  of  this,  we  find  the  steward,  maor. 
and  later  the  thane,  as  a  regal  officer  collect- 
ing the  royal  dues  from  the  crown  lands,  and 
presenting  the  royal  tenantry  at  the  annual 
hosting;  while  a  still  higher  official,  called  the 
mormaor,  or  lord  high  steward,  discharged  a 
similar  duty  in  the  larger  province,  which  after- 
wards became  the  earldom  or  county.  (Robert- 
son, Scotland  under  her  Early  Kings,  i.  29  sq.,  329, 
330  ;  O'Curry,  Lect.  Man.  Cust.  Anc.  Irish,  i.  pp. 
ccsliv.  ccxlv.)  [J.  G.] 

OECUMENICAL  (oIkov/x^vikSs)  (1).  The 
word  "  oecumenical,"  when  applied  to  a  council, 
designates  one  to  which  tlie  bishops  of  the  whole 
world  have  been  summoned ;  or  the  decrees  of 
which  have  at  any  rate  been  accepted  by  the 
whole  church.  OiKov/j.eviK6s  is  of  course  derived 
from  T]  o'lKovjjLivn,  which,  though  frequently 
applied  to  that  portion  of  the  world  which  was 
organised  under  the  Roman  empire,  is  commonly 
used  both  in  the  LXX.  and  iu  the  New  Testament 
for  the  whole  inhabited  earth  (Bleek,  Erkldr,  d. 
drei  ersten  Evangg.  i.  68  ;  COUNCILS,  p.  474).  The 
councils  within  our  period  which  are  recognised 
as  oecumenical  are,  the  First  of  Nicaea  (325), 
Constantinople  (381),  Ephesus  (431),  and  Chal- 
cedon(451);  the  Second  (553)  and  Third  (680) 
of  Constantinople,  and  the  Second  of  Nicaea 
(787). 

(2)  On  the  title  "oecumenical  bishop,"  or 
"  oecumenical  patriarch,"  applied  to  the  bishop 
of  Rome,  see  Pope.  [C] 

OFFA  JUDICIALIS.    [Ordeal,  V.] 

OFFERENDA.     [Offertoriuji.] 

OFFERINGS.    [Oblations.] 

OFFERTORIUM.  (1)  Offertorium,  Anti- 
phona  ad  Offertorium,  Cantus  Offertorii,  Gffer- 
erenda,  were  names  given  to  the  anthem  sung 
while  the  oblations  were  received.  We  learn 
from  St.  Augustine  that  in  his  time  "a  custom 


OFFERTORIUM 

Iiad  sprung  up  at  Carthage  of  saying  at  the 
altar  hymns  from  the  Book  of  Psalms,  whether 
before  "the  oblation,  or  when  that  which  had 
been  offered  was  being  distributed  to  the  people  " 
{Retract.  11).  The  latter  hymn  or  anthem  was 
afterwards  called  the  CommuniO:  the  former 
the  offertorium  or  offerenda  in  Italy,  and  its 
derived  churches  ;  the  sonum,  or  perhaps,  more 
correctly,  sonus,  in  Gaul,  and  the  sacrificium  in 
Spain.  Whether  the  practice  originated  at 
Carthage,  or  had  been  observed  before  elsewhere, 
is  not  known.  Walafrid  Strabo,  a.d.  842,  did  not 
not  know  who  added  to  the  oifice  "the  offertory 
which  is  sung  during  the  offering,"  or  "  the 
antiphon  said  at  the  communion ;"  but  believed 
that  "  in  old  times  the  holy  fathers  offered  and 
communicated  in  silence  "  {dc  Reb.  Eccl.  22). 

Isidore,  a.d.  595,  appears  to  be  the  first  who 
uses  the  word  offertorium :  "  Oft'ertoria  quae 
in  sacrificiorum  honore  canuntur"  (w.  s.). 
"  Oilerenda "  was  later,  but  apparently  as 
common  for  a  long  period.  It  is  used  by 
Amalnrius,  de  Eccles.  Off',  iii.  39:  "De  offerenda 
]'ir  erat  in  terra,"  where  he  has  "  offertorium  " 
also;  by  Remigius  of  Au.xerre  {de  Celcbr.  Missae, 
ad  calc ;  Pseudo-Alcuin,  de  Div.  Off.  cap.  40)  ; 
John  of  Avranches  {Rit.  Celebr.  Miss,  in  App. 
Sacram.  Gregor.  0pp.  Greg.  iii.  255);  Pseudo- 
Alcuin,  de  Die.  Off.  19. 

This  anthem  is  not  prescribed  in  the  earliest 
Ordo  Romanus,  about  730 ;  but  in  the  second, 
perhaps  about  A.D.  800,  after  the  creed,  which 
is  also  absent  from  the  first,  "  the  bishop  salutes 
the  people,  saying.  The  Lord  be  with  you.  After 
that  he  says,  Let  us  pray.  Then  the  offertorium  is 
sung,  with  verses  "  {Mus.  Ital.  ii.  46).  When 
the  oblations  have  been  all  received  and  otiTered, 
"the  pontiff,  bowing  a  little  towards  the  altar,, 
looks  at  the  choir,  and  nods  to  them  to  be 
silent "  (47).  The  verses  and  offerenda  were 
repeated  until  the  offering  was  over.  Remigius 
(u.  s.)  says,  "Sequitur  deinde  offerenda,  quae 
inde  hoc  nomen  accepit,  quod  tunc  populus  sua 
munera  oiferat.  Sequuntur  versus,  »  vertendo 
dicti,  quod  in  offerenda  revertantur,  dum  repeti- 
tur  offerenda."  The  offertory  is  not  mentioned 
in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary  (Murat.  Liturg. 
Rom.  Vet.  i.  695)  ;  nor  in  the  V^itican  Gregorian 
printed  by  Rocca  {0pp.  Greg.  v.  63  ;  Antv.  1615)  ; 
but  it  appears  in  the  copies  edited  by  Muratori 
{u.  s.  ii.  1),  Menard  {0pp.  Greg.  ed.  Ben.  iii.  1, 
74,  244),  and  Pamelius  {Rituale  SS.  PP.  ii 
178). 

The  Antiphonarium  ascribed  to  Gregory,  but 
later,  provides  offertoria  for  every  considerable 
day  of  the  Christian  year.  Walafrid  (m.s.)  tells 
us  that  down  to  his  time  no  offertory  was  sung 
on  Easter  eve,  nor  do  we  find  any  provided  in 
the  antiphonary  of  Gregory  (Pamel.  u.  s.  ii. 
111). 

The  Milanese  Offerenda, -nov:  called  oflertorium 
(Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  i.  iv.  xii.  ord.  3), 
was  constructed  like  the  Roman  (Pamel.  m.  s.  i. 
298).  It  is  now  sung  while  the  priest  is  censing 
the  altar  and  oblations,  after  having  said  the 
secret  prayers  of  oblation  (Mart.  u.  s. ;  Le  Brun, 
Dissert,  iii.  art.  ii.). 

Germanus  of  Paris,  555,  speaks  of  the  Galli- 
can  off .rtory  under  the  name  of  sonum.  It 
began  when  the  FiiUMENTUJi  was  brought  in : 
"  Nunc  autem  procedentem  ad  altarium  corpus 
Christi  non  jam  tubis  inrepraehensibilibus,  sad 


OFFEETORIUM 

spiritalibus  vocibus  praeclara  Christ!  mag- 
nalia  dulci  modilia  psallet  Ecclesia"  (sic; 
Expos.  Brev.  c.  De  Sono).  In  France  this  took 
place,  not  as  at  Rome  before  the  service  began 
{Ord.  Bom.  i.  8,  ii.  4),  but  just  before  the  offer- 
ings were  made  ;  when,  "  lecta  passione  (it  was 
the  feast  of  St.  Polycarp)  cum  caeteris  lectioni- 
bus,  ....  tempus  ad  sacrificium  offerendum 
advenit,  acceptaque  turre  diaconus  in  qua  mys- 
terium  dominici  corporis  habebatur,  ferre  coepit 
ad  ostium  "  (Greg.  Tur.  de  Glor.  Mart.  86).  We 
do  not  know  any  extant  example  of  the  Gallican 
sonum. 

The  Goths  of  Spain  called  their  offertory 
sacrificium  ;  but  probably  not  till  after  the  6th 
century,  as  Isidore  uses  the  word  offertorium 
both  in  his  book  Dc  Officiis  (i.  16)  and  his 
Epistle  to  Leudefred  (§  13).  In  the  latter, 
however,  he  uses  the  phrase  "  sacrificii  respon- 
soria  "  (§  5),  which,  probably  meaning  the  re- 
sponses at  the  offering,  would  be  a  step  towards 
the  later  usage.  "  Sacrificium  "  is  always  used 
in  the  Mozarabic  Missal  (Leslie,  pp.  3,  8,  11, 
17,  &c.).  Once  we  have,  "  Dicat  chorus  sacri- 
ficium quod  dicitur  offertorium "  (8)  ;  but  we 
cannot  tell  the  age  of  the  rubric. 

(2)  Offertorium  was  also  the  name  of  a  large 
dish,  often  of  precious  materials,  in  which  the 
loaves  [Oblates]  were  received  from  the  offerers 
at  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist.  In  the  Life 
of  Benedict  of  Anagni,  a.d.  801,  we  are  told  that 
he  procured  "very  large  silver  chalices,  silver 
offertoria,  and  whatever  he  saw  to  be  needful  for 
the  work  of  God  "  (Ardo,  5,  §  25  ;  comp.  §  33  in 
Bolland.  Feb.  12).     [Offertory  Dish.] 

(3)  Sheets  of  fine  linen  or  richer  material 
employed  to  receive  or  cover  the  offerings  of 
bread,  were  also  called  offertoria.  According  to 
the  Ordo  Rom,anus  (about  A.D.  730),  the  loaves, 
as  they  were  received  by  the  celebrant,  were  put 
into  a  fine  linen  cloth  (sindonem),  which  was 
carried  after  him  for  the  purpose  (Ord.  i.  12 ; 
ii.  9;  in  Mus.Ital.  ii.  11,47). 

(4)  A  cloth  in  which  the  chalice  was  held  by 
the  minister,  when  he  lifted  or  set  it  on  the 
altar.      When  the  chalice  had  two  handles,  it 

through  them.     Ordo  Romanus, 


"  Levat  calicem  archidiaconus  de  manu  subdia- 
coni  regionarii,  et  ponit  eum  super  altare  juxta 
oblatam  pontificis,  a  dextris  involutis  ansis  cum 
offertorio  "  (§  15)  ;  again,  "  Levat  cum  offertorio 
calicem  peransas  "  (§16 ;  similarly 0«?.  ii-  §§9, 10). 
Such  a  cloth  under  the  same  name  was  also  used 
with  the  vessel  in  which  the  water  was  offered : 
"  Aqua  etiam  .  .  .  ab  imo  diaconorum  .  .  .  cum 
offertorio  serico  offertur  " (Instit.  Monast.Gisterc. ; 
Cassandri  Liturgica,  22).  St.  William  the  Duke, 
about  812,  gave  to  the  church  of  Gellon,  among 
other  gifts,  "chalices  of  gold  and  silver,  with 
their  offertories"  (^Vita,  §21;  Acta  S.  Ord. 
Ben.  IV.  i.  82). 

(5)  From  the  following  passage  it  would 
!  appear  that  in  France,  in  the  province  of  Rheims 
j  at  least,  offertorium  also  signified,  either  the 
amula  in  which  the  wine  was  presented,  or  the 
j  offering  of  wine  itself,  as  oblatio  and  oblata  sig- 
1  nified  the  offering  of  bread :  "  Let  him  offer  for 
an  oblation  .  .  .  one  oblate  only,  and  an  ofl'er- 
torium.  But  if  ho  shall  wish  to  offer  more  wine 
in  a  bottle  or  can,  or  more  oblates,  let  him,"  «&c. 
(Hincmari   Cap.  ad  Preshijt.  16).     Probably  for 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


OFFERTOKY  PLATES        1443 

such  large  offerings  of  wine  it  was  that  Adriaii 
of  Rome,  772,  gave  to  the  church  of  St.  Adrian 
in  that  city  "  amulam  offertoriam  unam,  pen- 
santem  libras  sexaginta  et  septem "  (Anastas. 
Biblioth.  Vitae  Pont.  n.  97).  The  use  of  this 
phrase  favours  the  supposition  that  the  offer- 
torium of  Hincmar  was  an  amula.  Similarly,  in 
the  Charta  Cornutiana,  an  ancient  forgery  pur- 
porting to  belong  to  the  year  471,  but  evidently 
much  later,  a  "  hamula  oblatoria  "  is  among  the 
gifts  ascribed  to  the  benefactor  of  a  church 
(Anastas.  B.  ed.  Rom.  1728,  iii.  Proleg.  31). 

[W.  E.  S.] 

OFFERTORY    PLATES.      We     are    not 

without  examples  of  large  dishes  of  precious 
metal,  which,  often  originally  presented  as 
votive  offerings,  have  been  used  in  the  services 
of  the  church  as  offertory  plates.  A  silver-gilt 
dish  of  Byzantine  workmanship  is  mentioned  h\- 
De  Rossi  as  in  the  possession  of  Count  Gregory 
Stroganoff,  which  was  found  in  1867  in  tlie 
island  of  Berezovoy  in  Siberia.  It  is  six  inches 
in  diameter  and  weighs  IJ  lbs.  It  bears  no 
inscription,  but  there  are  some  rude  letters 
on  the  dish  which  give  no  intelligible  sense. 
The  dish  bears  a  relief  in  repousse'  v/ork,  con- 
sisting of  a  cross  planted  on  a  small  globe 
studded  with  stars,  beneath  which  issue  the 
four  rivers  of  Paradise,  and  on  either  side  stand 
two  nimbed  angels,  holding  a  rod  in  their  left 
hand,  and  elevating  their  right  hand  towards 
the  cross  in  token  of  adoration.  De  Rossi 
regards  it  as  the  work  of  Byzantine  goldsmiths 
of  the  6th  CQiitwi- J  (^Bidletin.  di  Archeol.  Cristian. 
1871,  p.  153,  tav.  ix.  1)  [Paten].  A  votive  silver 
dish,  also  of  Byzantine  workmanship,  of  the  5th  or 
6tli  century,  probably  the  offering  of  a  victorious 
general,  discovered,  together  with  some  spoons,  at 
Isola  Rizza,  near  the  river  Adige,  in  the  Veronese 
ten-itory,  is  also  described  by  De  Rossi  (Bidletin. 
di  Arch.  Crist.  1873,  pp.  118  ff.  151  ff.  ;  tav. 
X.  i.).  The  basin  or  dish  is  1  ft.  4  in.  in 
diameter,  and  weighs  4j  lbs.  The  dish  bears  a 
military  scene  in  repousse  work.  A  mounted 
warrior,  helmeted  and  mailed,  pierces  a  fallen 
enemy,  vainly  endeavouring  to  cover  himself 
witk  his  shield  and  defend  himself  with  his 
dagger.  Another  lies  dead  at  his  feet  on  his 
shield.  The  spoons  bore  a  cross  dividing  the 
words  "  utere  felix." 

A  third  dish,  also  of  silver  and  of  Byzantine 
manufacture,  very  similar  in  design  to  that  last 
described,  was  found  in  a  tomb  at  Perugia,  early  in 
the  last  century,  together  with  earrings,  fibulas, 
rings,  and  other  pei-sonal  ornaments  (Bianchini, 
de  Aur.  et  Argent.  Cimel.  in  agro  Perusino  cff'oss. 
Romae,  1717),  which  have  since  disappeared  and 
have  probably  been  melted  down.  It  was  the  sub- 
ject of  an  elaborate  treatise  by  Fontanini  (Discus 
Argenteus  Voiivus  Veterum  Christianorum,  Romae, 
1727).  The  dish  represents  a  mounted  soldier 
bareheaded  in  a  cuirass,  transfixing  a  bar- 
barian with  cloke,  shield,  and  dagger.  Round 
it  runs  the  inscription  :  "  Be  Bonis  Bei  et  Bomni 
Petri.  Utere  felix  cum  gaud.'o."  From  this  it  has 
been  reasonably  gathered  that  this  basin  once 
formed  part  of  the  altar  furniture  of  the 
Vatican,  and  vain  attempts  have  been  made  to 
identify  the  persons  represented.  De  Rossi,  mis- 
understanding the  force  of  the  genitive,  inter- 
prets the  inscription  as  indicating  a  gift  of  the 
5  A 


1444 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 


Roman  Pontiff  in  the  name  of  St.  Peter  and  the 
Church  to  a  victorious  general,  and  expresses  his 
belief  that  this,  as  well  as  the  Veronese  basin, 
may  hare  been  presented  to  a  captain  of  the 
Byzantine  army  of  Belisarius  or  of  Narses.  But 
there  is  no  doubt  that  Dona  Dei  in  ecclesias- 
tical Latin  signifies  gifts  made  to  God,  i.e.  votive 
offerings.  Fontanini  gives  (p.  32)  an  inscrip- 
tion over  a  side  door  of  the  church  of  St.  Peter's 
at  Bagnacavallo,  c.  857  :  De  Donis  Dei  et  Sancti 
Petri  Apostoli,  Johannes  wnilis  Presbyter  fecit. 
The  inscription  on  the  golden  cover  of  the 
Evangeliarium  given  by  Queen  Theodelinda  to 
the  church  of  Monza  contains  the  same  formula, 
and  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  meaning  is  the 
same  here.  Mabillon  (/to-  Ital.  p.  77)  men- 
tions a  similar  dish  of  bronze  in  the  Museo 
Landi,  which  he  designates,  on  very  insufficient 
grounds,  the  shield  of  Belisarius,  exhibiting  Vitiges 
as  a  suppliant.  All  these  dishes  are  of  Byzan- 
tine workmanship,  and  belong  to  the  same  period, 
the  5th  or  6th  century.  The  British  Museum 
contains  an  example  of  an  oftertory  dish  of 
Northern  manufacture  once  belonging  to  the 
abbey  of  Chertsey,  and  dug  up  in  its  ruins  at 
the  beginning  of  this  century,  bearing  an 
inscription  in  characters  variously  regarded  as 
Piunic,  Russian,  or  "  a  fanciful  manipulation  of 
German  black  letter  "  (Eric  Magnusson).  This 
vessel  is  a  flat  circular  dish  of  nearly  pure 
copper  with  a  very  wide  rim,  on  which  the 
inscription,  of  which  we  give  a  cut,  is  engraved. 


Inscription  on  Offertory  ijisn. 


Its  diameter  is  about  9|  inches,  and  its  greatest 
depth  1^  inches.  Mr.  John  Mitchell  Kemble 
{Archaeolog.  1843,  vol.  sxx.  pp.  40-46)  regarded 
it  as  a  copy  made  in  the  10th  or  11th  century  of 
a  Scandinavian  alms-dish  used  in  the  monastery 
almost  from  the  time  of  its  foundation  in  the 
7th  century.  He  renders  the  inscription  in 
Saxon  words  :  G.E-TEOH  VR.ECKO,  i.e.  "  Offer, 
sinner."  Mr.  G.  Stephens  (^Runic  Monuments, 
vol.  i.  p.  482),  on  the  other  hand,  considers  it  to 
he  an  original  work  of  the  9th  century,  which 
must  have  found  its  way  by  gift  or  otherwise 
from  the  North  of  England,  to  which  the  words 
of  the  inscription  belong.  On  the  authority  of 
Russian  scholars  he  denies  the  Sclavonic  charac- 
ter of  the  inscription  (on  which  see  Archaeolog. 
vol.  xliv.  pp.  73,  74),  which  is  engraved  "  in 
mixt  Runic  and  Decorated  uncials."  Mr. 
Stephens  remarks  that  "  more  than  once  Old 
English  charters  mention  an  '  offring  disc  '  pre- 
sented to  some  church  or  monastery,"  and  adds 
that  during  his  residence  in  Scandinavia  he 
had  come  across  many  modern  examples  copied 
from  ancient  works,  with  pious  inscriptions  cut 
or  painted  on  them.  [E.  V.] 

OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE  (Officiuji  Divi- 
NUM).  This  stated  service  of  daily  prayer  has 
been  called  by  various  names  :  such  as  Opxis  Dei 
in  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict,  as  though  it  were  the 
special  work  to  be  performed  by  the  clergy  for 
and  to  God ;  or  Cursus,  from  the  course  of  the 
sun  which  determines  the  hours  of  prayer  (St. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

Columbanus,  £cg.  cap.  47),  so  called  also  by  Gre- 
gory of  Tours,  "  exsurgente  Abbate  cum  Monachis 
ad  celebrandum  Cursum  ;  "  and  by  St.  Boniface, 
bishop  of  Mentz,  who  bids  his  clergy  "  speciales 
horas  et  Cursum  ecclesiae  custodiant." 

We  also  meet  with  the  following  terms  used  in 
the  same  sense  :~Collecta  in  the  rule  of  St.  Pa- 
chomius  ;  also  the  Greek  words  canon  or  synaxis. 
Also  agenda  in  the  acts  of  various  councils,  a« 
being  one  of  the  more  important  duties  to  be 
performed.  The  term  missa,  also,  is  sometimes 
applied  to  the  office  for  the  hours  of  prayer. 
"  In  conclusione  matutinarum  vel  vcspertinarum 
missarum"  [Cone.  Agath.). 

The  name  breviary,  by  which  the  Divine  office, 
or  rather  the  book  containing  it,  was  subsequently 
known,  and  which  in  common  use  took  the  place 
of  all  others,  probably  originated  in  the  form  of 
office,  thus  designated,  being  an  abbreviation  of 
a  previously  existing  form  [Breviary",  p.  247]. 

The  object  of  this  article  is  to  give  an  outline 
of  the  offices  for  the  several  hours  of  prayer, 
which  together  constitute  the  Divine  office,  as 
distinguished  from  the  liturgy — of  the  breviary, 
in  a  word,  as  distinguished  from  the  missal. 

There  is  much  obscurity  as  to  the  sources  and 
original  form  of  these  offices.  Hence  manv  con- 
jectures, some  resting  upon  very  slight  hints.  To 
pursue  this  most  interesting  inquiry  with  any 
fulness  would  far  exceed  the  limits  of  an  article, 
and  we  must  content  ourselves  with  the  bare 
statement  of  results  arrived  at.  It  is  sufficient 
for  our  purpose  that  the  germ  of  the  offices  as 
they  now  exist  may  be  traced  to  primitive,  if  not 
to  Apostolic  times. 

But  though  in  course  of  time  the  Eastern  and 
Western  forms  of  worship  came  to  differ  so  much 
from  each  other,  that  in  the  opinion  of  a  learned 
modern  writer,  the  Oriental  rites  (i.e.  of  the  daily 
office)  are,  as  to  their  origin,  "  perfectly  distinct 
from  those  of  the  Latin  churches"  (Palmer,  Orig. 
Lit.  vol.  i.  p.  218),  it  seems  more  probable  that 
both  the  Greek  and  Latin  offices  were  derived 
from  the  same  source,  and  that  the  wide  sub- 
sequent divergence  is  due  to  the  different  manner 
in  which  they  were  developed  or  added  to,  and 
largely  to  the  different  bent  of  the  Greek  and 
the  Latin  minds,  and  the  different  genius  of  the 
Greek  and  the  Latin  languages."  It  is  also  pro- 
bable that  the  germ  of  both  Eastern  and  Western 
forms  alike  is  to  be  found  in  the  earliest  Eastern 
forms. 

This  form  appears  to  have  consisted  in  the  re- 
citation of  psalms,  together  with  prayers  and 
hymns,  but  with  no  lessons  ;  and  to  have  been 
designed  for  use  during  the  night  and  in  the  early 
morning.  SS.  Basil  and  Chrysostom  and  others 
often  speak  of  these  services.  The  origin  of  these 
prayers  has  been  traced  with  much  probability 
to  the  "  Eighteen  prayers "  used  in  the  Jewish 
synagogue.  [Archdeacon  Freeman  develops  this 
theory  with  much  ingenuity  in  his  learned  work 
The  Principles  of  Divine  Service,  cap.  i.  sec.  iii.] 
It  may  be  permitted  to  say  a  fe\T  words  on  the 
origin  and  growth  of  the  Western  rites,  and  espe- 
cially of  the  Roman.     This  has  undoubtedly  the 


»  No  one,  I  venture  to  think,  can  study  the  Greek  and 
Latin  office  books  without  being  struck  with  this  differ- 
ence ;  and  few,  I  would  add,  without  feeling  the  wonder- 
ful beauty  and  fitness  of  the  Latin  language  for  purposes 
of  devotion. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

chief  interest  for  Western  Christians,  as  being 
the  mould  in  which  the  devotions  of  the  Western 
church  have  been  cast  for  so  many  centuries. 
Though  there  were  countless  variations  of 
national  and  local  use  in  the  early  and  mediaeval 
church,  yet  these  variations  were,  after  all,  in 
matters  of  detail  which  did  not  touch  the  outline 
(ir  substance  of  the  office  ;  and  all  the  uses,  with 
llie  two  important  exceptions  of  the  Ambrosian 
;iu(i  the  Mozarabic,  were  closely  modelled  on 
the  Roman  pattern. 

The  earliest  form  of  the  Roman  office  appears 
to  have  consisted  solely  of  the  psalter,  so  dis- 
tributed as  to  be  recited  once  a  week.  At  the 
end  of  the  appointed  number  of  psalms  for  the 
daily  office  Pater  noster  was  said.  This  seems  to 
have  constituted  the  entire  office,  which  con- 
tained no  lessons,  hymns,  or  collects.  Traces  of 
this  custom  may  still  be  found  in  the  title  of 
the  first  part  of  the  breviary,  which  is  still 
called  psalterium,  though  it  now  contains  a 
great  deal  more  than  the  psalter  (indeed  all  the 
"  ordinary "  parts  of  the  office,  except  the 
lessons  and  what  is  appointed  with  them,  which 
are  relegated  to  the  proprium  do  tempore),  and 
which  is  headed  Psalterium  dispositum  per 
hehdomadam;  and  also  in  the  fact  that  Pater 
noster  is  still  recited  at  the  end  of  the  psalms  of 
each  nocturn. 

Thus  the  author  of  the  book  de  Yirginitate, 
among  the  works  of  Athanasius,  couples  Pater 
nosier  with  the  psalms  a?  forming  a  complete 
office;  and  Gregory  of  Tours  (T'ii.  Pair.  c.  5), 
when  wishing  to  say  that  he  had  not  yet  recited 
his  office,  says  he  has  not  gone  through  his 
psalms :  "  Quod  necdum  Domino  psalmorum 
decantationem  debitam  exsolvisset." 

Lessons  were  in  early  times  only  read  at  the 
mass.  So  we  find  that  of  the  early  office  books 
sent  by  Gregory  the  Great  and  others  into  Gaul, 
the  missals  alone  contained  any  lessons.  It  will 
be  seen,  too,  in  the  course  of  this  article,  that 
the  nocturnal  office  [^6(ro^u/CTior  or  ^ecroi'uKTiKi^j'] 
of  the  Eastern  church  and  the  Mozarabic  matins 
contain  no  lessons  at  the  present  time. 

The  first  to  introduce  lessons  into  the  noc- 
turnal office  appear  to  have  been  the  monks, 
with  the  double  object  of  thus  obtaining  variety 
in  the  office  and  occupation  for  themselves 
during  the  nocturnal  watches.  Thus  St.  Bene- 
dict in  his  order  prescribed  no  lessons  in  the 
nocturnal  office  during  the  summer,  when  the 
nights  are  shorter;  and  when  a  question  arose 
in  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  why  he  had  made 
this  provision,  Theodemarus,  abbat  of  Monte 
Cassino,  in  a  letter  to  the  emperor,  gives  as  the 
reason  that  before  the  time  of  St.  Gregory  the 
pope,  it  was  not  the  custom  at  Rome  to  recite 
any  lessons,  and  that  that  pontiff  was  the  first 
to  adopt  them :  "  In  Ecclesia  Romana  Sacras 
Scripturas  legi  mos  non  fuerit  ante  B.  Greg. 
I'ap."  &c.     [Lection.] 

Cassian,  also,  when  describing  the  nocturnal 
office  of  the  monks  of  Palestine,  says  only  that 
.nfter  twelve''  psalms  they  recited  a  prayer, 
and,  on  Sunday  onhj,  two  lessons. 

To  this  earliest  form  of  office,  psalms  and 
Patar  noster,  the  Apostles'  Creed  was  added ;  and 


h  It  will  be  remembered  that  twelve  Is  the  numberof 
psalms  appohited  for  the  nocturnal  of  ordinary  days  both 
in  Iho  Gregorian  and  Benedictine  psalters. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE        1445 

it  is  supposed  that  pope  Damasus  [a.d.  366-38-t] 
sanctioned  an  order  of  distribution  of  psalms, 
acting  with  the  co-operation  of  St.  Jerome,  who 
is  also  reputed  to  have  framed  an  order  of 
lessons,  known  as  Com£s  Hieronymi,  or  simply 
Liber  Comes  or  Liber  Comitis.      [Lectionary.] 

Whenever  the  lessons  were  finally  made  part 
of  the  office,  it  is  clear  that  the  course  in  which 
Scripture  should  be  read  was  fixed  definitely 
and  by  authority.  For  in  all  the  variety  of 
breviaries  of  the  Roman  type,  however  much 
the  individual  lessons  may  vary — and  there  are 
great  variations — certain  books  are  read  in  all  at 
certain  seasons ;  so  that  Isaiah  is  universally 
read  in  Advent,  St.  Paul's  Epistles  in  the 
Epiphany  season.  Genesis  and  the  rest  of  the 
Pentateuch  from  Septuagesima  onwards,  Jere- 
miah in  Passiontide,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles 
and  the  Catholic  Epistles  in  Eastertide,  and  the 
historical,  moral,  and  prophetical  books  from 
Trinity  Sunday  onwards.  The  Gospels  were 
read  at  the  Mass,  and  so  do  not  appear  in  the 
course  of  daily  reading.  Indeed,  so  firmly  has 
this  sequence  of  books  rooted  itself  into  the 
mind  of  the  church,  that  the  modern  French 
breviaries,  which  utterly  revolutionised  the  oi-der 
of  saying  the  psalter,  respected  the  course  of 
Scripture  reading,  while  often  altering  and 
lengthening  the  individual  lessons." 

Gregory  the  Great  added  antiphons  and  re- 
sponsories :  and  this,  with  the  exception  of 
minor  enrichments,  the  date  and  origin  of  which 
it  is  often  difficult  to  ascertain,  brought  the 
office  to  the  degree  of  maturity  which  is  suf- 
ficient for  our  present  purpose,  and,  to  the  form 
in  which  it  substantially  exists  and  is  used  at 
the  present  day.  Later  modifications  and  revi- 
sions are  beyond  our  scope. 

We  now  proceed  to  give  a  skeleton  of  the 
offices  themselves,  beginning  with  those  of  the 
orthodox  Eastern  church.  Details  would  be 
here  unsuitable,  and,  unless  entered  into  more 
fully  than  the  space  at  command  permits,  would 
confuse  what  they  were  meant  to  elucidate. 

The  daily  offices  of  the  Greek  church  are  con- 
tained in  the  HoROLOGiUM  [p.  784].  They 
are ,  arranged,  beginning  with  the  nocturnal 
office. 

The  following  is  the  order  of  the  offices  : — 

After  a  short  introductory  form  of  prayer  to 
be  said  on  rising  from  bed  [e'laraiTTos  t^s  Khivris] 
follows : — 

The  Office  of  the  daily  Midnight  Service. 
[aKoAou9ia  ToO  Ka9'  r^ixipav  fietron^KTiKov.] 
Introduction. 
If  there  'be  a  Priest,  he  says : — 

"Blessed  be  our  God,  now  and  for  ever  and  ever. 
Amen." 

[£vA.oyT)Tbs  6   0ebs  rjiiiav,   vvv   koX   aei,   Koi   et;    Toi/s 
alao/as  tmv  aiu>vu>v.     'A/a-^j/.]  * 
Jf  there  be  no  Priest,  say  :— 

"By  the  prayers  of  our  holy  Fathers,  0  Lord  Jcsu 
Christ  our  God,  have  mercy  upon  us.    Amen." 

[Si  evxiov  tCiv  ayCujv  Jlarepwu  ^(xajf,  Kvpie  'Itjctou 
Xpi(TTe  6  ©ebj  rjiJ-Civ,  eAe'ijcroi/  i^fias.     'A/j.rjv.'] 

'  The  reformed  Church  of  England  also  respects  this 
order  in  Its  Sunday  lessons,  which  begin  in  Advent  with 
Isaiah,  at  Septuagesima  with  Genesis,  and  which  durint; 
the  summer  and  autumn  are  taken  from  the  historical 
and  prophetical  books. 

■i  This  formula  is  known  in  the  books  as  b  eirAoyrjTds, 
and  the  priest  is  said  Troicir  evAoyrjTdi'.     ^     ,     ^^ 


1446       OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

*'  Glory  be  to  Thee,  0  our  God,  glory  be  to  Thee." 
£5ofa  (Tot,  6  0eb?  Tjfiu)v,  So^a  aot.] 

A  short  prayer  to  God  the  Holy  Ghost  for 
protection  and  purification,  beginning  : 

BacrcAcu  ovpdvu,  IlapaKATjre,  to  Jli-eO/ia  T^5  dA7]9eta5, 

K.T.K. 

and  linown  as  BaaiXeO  ovpavu. 

"0  Holy  God.  Holy  and  Mighty,  ,Holy  and  Eternal, 
have  mercy  upon  us." 

["Ayt05  6  ©eb5,'Ayior  'Icrxypix;,  'A710S  'AflavaTOS, eAe'ij- 
crov  rjjids,  known  as  the  TpKrayioi/.] 

Three  bowings  of  the  head  [juerovoias  ^  rpiis] 
Gloria  Patri  [in  its  Eastern  form,  i.e.  Ao'|a  Uarpl, 
Koi  tl(f  KOL  ayiai  TlvfVfiaTi,  Kal  vvv,  Kal  ael,  Kal 
els  Tovs  alwvas  twv  alcLucoy.  'A/xiiv.  Often 
printed  in  the  office  booljs  5d|a  koI  vvv'].  A  short 
■prayer  to  the  Hoi;;  Trinity  for  pardon,  and  known 
from  its  opening  words  as  Xlavayia  rpias.  The 
Lord's  Prayer,  with  the  Doxology.  Kyrie  eleison 
twelve  times.     Glory.     Both  now. 

The  invitatory  in  three  clauses  as  follows  : — 

"  0  come  let  us  worship  and  fall  down  before  God  our 
King. 

O  come  let  us  worship  and  fall  down  before  Christ  our 
King  and  God. 

0  come  let  us  worship  and  fall  down  before  Christ 
Himself  our  King  and  God." 

[AevTe  npoaKvvriaiiiji.iv  kclI  7rpocnricru[i.ev  T(u  BaCTtAti 
TifxCiu  Qeu. 

AeCre  Trpocr XpicrToi  to!  Bac.  rjfjL.  0e(u. 

Aevre  7Tpo<x auTui  Xpiorui,  k.t.A.] 

Three  howings  of  the  head. 

After  this  introduction  the  office  proceeds  as 
follows  : — 

Ps.  50  f  [51];  Ps.  118  [119]  (called  the 
&lxco!xos),  said  in  three  divisions  [_aTd(Teis],  each 
ending  with  Glory  ;  And  now  ;  three  Alleluias,  and 
three  howings  of  the  head:  Then  the  [Nicene] 
{i.e.  what  is  commonly  called  so,  and  so  through- 
out the  article)  Creed,  the  trisayion,  the  Most  Holy 
Trinity,  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  two  troparia  or 
hymns  in  rhythmical  prose,  suitable  to  midnight. 
Then  a  theotokion  (or  short  hymn  addressed  to  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  commemorative  of  the  Incarna- 
tion) ;  Kyrie  eleison  forty  times ;  a  prayer  to 
Christ  for  grace  and  protection,  and  a  few  short 
ejaculatory  prayers,  the  details  of  which  vary 
with  the  day.  From  Sept.  22  to  Palm  Sunday 
a  long  prayer  of  St.  Basil  is  said  in  this  place. 

At  this  point  the  second  watch,  or  nocturn, 
may  be  considered  to  begin,  and  the  office  pro- 
ceeds thus : — 

Invitatory  (as  before).  Pss.  120  [121],  Levavi ; 
133  [134],  Lcce  nunc;  Glory.  Both  now.  Alle- 
luia. Trisagion,  three  howings  of  the  head ;  Most 
Holy  Trinity ;  troparia ;  a  theotokion ;  Kyrie 
eleison  twelve  times;  a  prater  in  commemoration 
of  the  departed  ;  a  short  ejaculatory  prayer  to 
the  Trinity,  and  one  to  the  Theotokos. 

Dismissal  benediction. 


*  fierai/otai  are  divided  into  ficT.  /niKpat,  i.e.  inclina- 
tions of  the  head  alone,  what  the  Koman  ceremonial 
calls  "  niodica  inclinatio,"  and  /ner.  /neyoAai,  which  are 
made  by  bending  the  knee  and  prostration  to  the  ground. 
■\Vheii  the  word  occurs,  as  in  the  text,  without  an  epithet, 
^er.  ixiKpaL  are  signified. 

f  Throughout  this  article  the  psalms  are  numbered 
according  to  the  Greek  and  Latin  versions,  as  they  stand 
immbered  in  the  office  boolis.  The  number  according  to 
the  English  version,  when  it  differs,  is  placed  afterwards 
in  bracl:cis. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

The  priest  asks  forgiveness  from  the  people. s 

A  short  ectcne  or  litany,  the  response  to 
each  clause  of  which  is  Kyrie  eleison. 

The  foregoing  is  the  form  of  the  midnight 
office  \jj.eaovvKTi.K6v'\  for  week  days,  Saturday 
excepted.  On  Saturday  the  office  is  the  same 
up  to  the  end  of  Ps.  50  [51].     Then  follows  :— 

Pss.  64  [65],  65  [66],  66  [67],  said  in  one 
stasis,  followed  by  Glory ;  Both  now ;  and  fhrvo 
Alleluias. 

Ps.  67  [68],  said  similarly  as  a  second  stasis, 
and  Pss.  68  [69],  69  [70],  said  as  a  third. 

Troparia  and  a  longer  prayer  of  the  same 
nature  as,  though  different  from,  those  in  the- 
office  for  other  days  in  the  week. 

The  second  portion  of  the  office  for  Saturday, 
from  the  second  occurrence  of  the  Invitatory 
onwards,  is  the  same  as  for  other  week  days. 

On  Sundays  the  office  is  the  same  as  on  other 
days  as  far  as  the  end  of  Ps.  50  [51].  Then  follows 
the  triadlo  cation  (i.e.  a  canon  having  reference 
to  the  Trinity),  and  some  troparia  of  similar 
import  called  triadica  [rpioStKa].  Then  the 
trisagion  and  other  short  formularies,  including 
Kyrie  eleison  forty  times ;  the  dismissal :  the 
whole  concluding  with  the  same  ectene  or  litany 
as  before. 

Lauds  [rh  opOpov']  : — 

Blessed  he,  &c.  Invitatory  (as  at  the  nocturnal 
office).'' 

Pss.  19  [20],  20  [21];'  Glory;  Both  now; 
trisagion;  Most  Holy  Trinity  ;  the  Lord's  Prayer ; 
certain  troparia,  and  a  few  responsory  petitions 
for  priest  and  people. 

Then  the  six  psalms  following,  known  as  the 
Hexapsahnus,  prefaced  by — 

"  Glory  to  God  in  the  Highest,  and  on  earth  peacf ; 
good  will  towards  men"  [saicJ  thrice]. 

"  Thou  shalt  open  my  lips,  0  Lord,  and  my  moutli 
shall  shew  forth  thy  praise  "  [said  txvice]  :— 

Pss.  3,  37  [38],  62  [63],  87  [88],  102  [103], 
142  [143],  each  with  its  antiphon. 

Twelve  Morning  prayers  [kwQivaX  euxai]  are 
said  by  the  priest  while  the  last  three  of  these 
psalms  are  being  recited.  A  few  stichoi  (nearly 
corresponding  to  our  versicles),  the  troparia  of 
the  day,  and  the  appointed  portion  or  portions  of 
psalms  for  the  day  (each  portion  being  called  a 
Cathisma  [Kaflicrjua]). 

Ps.  50  [51].  The  cawwi,  with  the  nine  odes,i  or 
only  certain  verses  [cti'xoj]  from  them,  accord- 
ing to  the  day  and  the  length  of  the  troparia 
(or  stanzas)  of  the  canon.  Then  follow  other 
troparia,  or  short  hymns,  under  various  names, 
but  all  of  the  same  character. 

The  lauds  [oi  alvoC],  i.e.  Pss.  148,  149,  150. 

The  great  doxology  [i.e.  Gloria  in  excelsis]. 


B  This  rite  corresponds  to  the  alternate  Confiteor  of 
the  priest  and  people  in  the  Roman  offices.  Tlie  priest  is 
said  in  technical  phrase  Xa^eif  crv^^wpic"'- 

h  This  introduction  is  slightly  varied  during  Lent. 

J  The  distribution  of  Psalras  will  be  given  under 
Psalmody  ;  but  for  clearness,  the  fixed  Psalms  used  in 
the  daily  offices  are  specified  in  this  article. 

J  I.e.  the  Ode  for  the  day.  They  are  as  follows :  Ode 
1,  Song  of  Moses,  Exod.  xv. ;  Ode  2,  Song  of  Moses, 
Deuter.  xxxii.;  Ode  3,  Song  of  Hannah,  1  Sam.  ii.;  Ode 
4,  Song  of  Habakkuk,  Hab.  iii. ;  Ode  5,  Song  of  Isaiali, 
Is.  xxvi.  9 ;  Ode  6,  Song  of  Jonah,  Jon.  iii. ;  ode  7,  Song 
of  the  Three  Children,  Dan.  iii.  Ist  part ;  Ode  8,  Bene- 
dicite,  Dan.  iii. ;  Ode  9,  Magnificat  and  Benedictus. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

Vcrsicks  [o-Ti'x"')  chiefly  from  the  Psalms,  and 
corresponding  to  the  Western  jireces]. 

Litany,  &c. ;  dismissal. 

This  office,  of  which  the  foregoing  is  an  out- 
line, varies  in  detail  on  Sundays  and  certain 
other  days.  These  variations  are,  for  the  sake  of 
simplicity,  omitted. 

The  hours  [at  wpai].     First  hour^  : — 

Iiuitatory  (as  before).  Pss.  5,  89  [90],  100 
[101],  without  antiphons. 

A  few  stichoi,  a  theotokion,  trisagion  {Most  Holy 
Trinity),  the  LorcVs  Prayer;  a  theotokion  varying 
with  the  day  of  the  week.  A  short  prayer  to 
Christ  the  true  light,  that  He  would  shew  the 
light  of  His  countenance.  The  dismissal.  [There 
nr"  slight  variations  on  Sundays  and  in  Lent.] 

The  mesorion  of  the  first  hour : — 

The  invitatory.  Pss.  45  [46],  91  [92],  92  [93]. 
Trisagion,  Most  Holy  Trinity,  the  Lord's  Prayer, 
two  troparia,  a  theotokion,Kyrieeleison  forty  times; 
Glory  ;  Both  now ;  a  short  hymn  to  the  Theotokos ; 
three  great  reverences,  i.e.  prostrations  [/zeTaroias 
lj.eyd\as  7']  ;  and  two  prayers  of  St.  Basil  for 
]irotection  and  blessing  during  the  day.  Glory. 
Both  now.     Dismissal. 

The  third,  sixth,  and  niyith  hours,  each  with 
its  mesorion,  are  of  precisely  the  same  form  as 
the  first,  consisting,  after  the  introduction,  each 
of  three  psalms,  troparia,  &c.,  and  ending  with  a 
prayer,  so  that  it  seems  unnecessary  to  set  them 
out.  These  parts  are  different  for  each  hour. 
The  psalms  are  : — 

At  the  third  hour,  Pss.  16  [17],  24  [25],  50 
[ol].  At  the  mesorion  of  the  third  hour,  Pss.  29 
[30],  31  [32],  60  [61].  At  the  sixth  hour, 
Fss.  53  [54],  54  [55],  90  [91].  At  the  viesorion 
of  the  sixth  hour,  Pss.  55  [56],  56  [57],  69  [70]. 
At  the  ninth  hour,  Pss.  83  [84],  84  [85],  85  [86]. 
At  the  mesorion  of  the  ninth  hour,  Pss.  112  [113], 
137  [138],  139  [140]. 

In  addition  to  these  hours,  there  is  an  office 
called  the  typics  [to.  rrnnKo],  which  is  said 
after  the  sixth  or  the  ninth  hour,  according  to 
the  season  of  the  year.  Its  origin  is  obscure. 
The  office  is  as  follows  : — 

Pss.  102  [103].     Glory,  145  [146].     Both  now. 

[In  Lent '  the  psalms  of  the  ninth  hour  are 
said  instead  of  these.] 

A  short  prayer  to  Christ  for  salvation. 

The  blessings  [01  naKaptaixoi].  These  are 
the  blessings  from  the  sermon  on  the  mount 
[St.  Matt.  V.  3-12  (to  great  is  your  reward  in 
heavenf],  and  are  said  with  the  clause,  '^ Pcmember 
us,  0  Lord,  when  Thou  earnest  in  Thy  kingdom," 
taid  as  an  antiphon  at  the  beginning,  and  repeated 
after  each  blessing. 

The  tersanctus  ™  thrice  repeated,  with  a  verse 
and  Glory  interposed  between  the  first  two  re- 
petitions ;  and  Both  now  after  the  third. 

The  Nicene  Creed,  followed  by  a  short  prayer 
for  pardon.     The  Lord's  Prayer. 

Then,  if  it  be  a  Sunday  or  a  saint's  day,  which 
is  festivated,  the  contakion  °  of  the  day.  If  not, 
then  first  the  contakion  of  the  transfiguration, 

k  This  hour  is  said  continuously  with  lauds,  and  so 
begins  at  once  with  the  invitatory.  If  said  separately, 
it  would  be  prefaced  by  the  usual  introduction. 

1  T17  neyaAj/  Te(TcrapaKoaTJj,  the  usual  term  for  the  fast 
before  Easter,  i.e.  the  Western  Lent. 

"  By  this  is  meant  the  "  Holy,  Holy,  Holy  "  from  the 
liturgy,  as  distinguished  from  the  trisagion. 

"  I.e.  a  short  hymn. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE       1447 

and  afterwards  that  for  the  day  of  the  week. 
These  have  reference  on  Monday  to  the  heavenly 
host  [to.  aa-cofiaTo]  ;  on  Tuesdaj',  to  the  forerunner 
[i.e.  the  Baptist,  o  Trp68po/xos^  ;  on  Wednesdav 
and  Friday,  to  the  cross  ;  on  Thursday,  to  the 
holy  apostles ;  on  Saturday,  to  the  departed  [to 
veKpciatfiov].  Then  one  or  two  more  short 
trojparia  of  the  usual  type  ;  the  trisagion,  &c.  ;  a 
short  prayer  to  the  Holy  Trinity  :  and  the  office 
ends  with  Ps.  33  [34].  The  office  before  meat 
[aKoKovQta  ttjs  Tpaiti^ris]  is  used  in  monasteries, 
printed  in  this  place  in  the  Horologium ;  but  it 
does  not  come  within  the  scope  of  this  article. 

Vespers   [to   kcnvepiv6v~\  : — 

The  priest  begins,  "  Blessed  be  our  God,"  &c. 
[Troie?  €vKoy7]r6v.^  The  invitatory ;  Ps.  103 
[104],  called  the  pjrooemiac psalm  [rhy  irpooi/xiaKhy 
xl/aXfiou]. 

The  appointed  section  or  cathism  [KaOifffxa]  of 
the  psalter.  Pss.  140  [141],  141  [142],  said  as 
one  psalm  and  called  the  Kvpie  eKiKpa^a.  from  the 
opening  words. 

Stichi  \_(tt'lxol],  i.e.  versicles  from  the  Psalms, 
and  Ps.  116  [117].  The  hymn  "Joyful  light" 
[(J)£os  lAapSv]."  The  prokeimenon  [TrpoKeiixivov] 
for  the  day.  These  vary  with  the  day  of  the 
week,  but  are  all  of  the  same  form.  That  for 
Sunday  is: — 

"  Behold  now  praise  the  Lord,  all  ye  servants  of  the 
Lord." 

Sticlios.  "  Ye  that  stand  in  the  house  of  the  Lord  in 
the  courts  of  the  house  of  our  God." 

K  prayer  for  protection,  &c.,  during  the  night. 

More  versicles  from  the  Psalms,  called  here 
aposticha  [airSaTLx^-  Those  for  ordinary  days 
are  Ps.  122  [123],  said  in  two  stichi. 

JSiunc  dimittis,  trisagion,  &c.,  and  dismissal. 

[In  Lent  and  at  certain  other  seasons  there 
are  variations  in  the  concluding  part  of  the 
office,  which   it  is  unnecessary  to  specify.] 

The  foregoing  is  the  order  of  daily  vespers  as 
given  in  the  Horology  (9th  ed.  Venice).  When 
there  is  a  vigil,  an  abbreviated  form,  omitting  the 
section  from  the  psalms,  &c.  is  said  ;  and  after 
compline,  great  vespers  are  said.  These  are  an 
amplification  of  the  ordinary  form,  and  include 
sections  from  Scripture,  and  the  rite  known  as 
a  lite  [A.it^],  and  on  great  days  finishes  with  the 
benediction  of  the  loaves.  [See  those  articles.] 
To  specify  the  variations  would  go  beyond  our 
limits. 

Compline  [anoSenrvoi'']  : — 

There  are  two  forms  of  compline  :  air,  /neya. 
and  a-jT.  fiiKpSv.  Great  compline  is  said  in  Lent ; 
little  compline  at  other  seasons. 

The  order  of  great  compline  : — 

This  is  an  oilice  of  great  length  and  interest, 
and  may  be  considered  as  divided  into  three 
parts,  each  beginning  with  the  invitatory. 
"  Blessed  be  our  God,"  &c.,  with  the  usual  intro- 
duction and  invitatory.  In  the  first  week  in 
Lent  the  (so  called)  great  canon  is  said.  At  other 
times  the  office  begins  thus : — 

Pss.  4,  6,  12  [13].  Three  inclinations  and 
Eyrie  eleison  thrice.     Pss.  24  [25],  30  [31],  90 


o  This  hymn  is  well  known  in  its  English  translation. 
It  is  called  in  the  Greek  t;  iirtKvxvio^  evxapia-Tta,  or 
u^i/os  TpiaSiKos.  It  is  attributed  by  St.  Basil  (de  Spir. 
Sand.  c.  29]  to  Athenogenes  the  Martyr,  circ.  a.d.  175. 
It  appears  to  have  been  reduced  to  its  present  form  by 
Sophronius,  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  circ.  a.d.  629. 


1448        OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

[91].      Kyrie    eleison    thrice.      The     following 
^tic/d  said  alternately  by  the  choir : — 
"  God  is  with  us,  know  ye  nations,  and  be  confounded, 

For  God  is  witli  us. 
Give  ear  to  tlie  ends  of  tlie  eartli. 

For  God  is  witli  us." 

[And  so  on  for  twenty  clauses,  with  the  same 
response  after  each,  taken  from  Isaiah  viii.  and 
ix.  and  ending  thus]  :— 
"  Wonderful,  Counsellor, 

For  God  is  with  us. 
The  migbty  God,  the  everlasting  Father,  the  Prince  of 
Toace, 

For  God  is  with  us. 
The  Father  of  the  age  to  come, 

For  God  is  with  us.    Glory,"  &c.  p 

Then  certain  troparia,  the  Nicene  Creed,  invo- 
cations to  the  Theotokos  and  the  saints. 

Several  other  troimria,  and  a  prayer  of  St. 
Basil  for  protection  and  purity. 

The  invitatory  (thrice). 

Pss.  50  [51],  101  [102];  tlic  prayer  of 
Ilanasseh  ;  troparia,  &c. ;  and  a  short  prayer  to 
the  Holy  Trinity. 

The  invitatory  (thrice). 

Pss.  69  [70],  142  [143]. 

Gloria  in  excelsis  [called  the  Doxology]  followed 
Ly  versicles  of  precisely  the  same  form  as  the 
Latin  preces. 

Ps.  150,  with  the  clause,  "  0  Lord  of  Hosts, 
have  mercy  upon  vs,"  said  as  an  antiphon  after 
each  verse.  Wore  troparia,  &c.,  among  wliich 
occurs  a  prayer  to  the  Saviour  for  protection 
(luring  the  night,  beginning  6  eV  iravrl  Katpcf, 
Ka\  irdcrr)  Sipr;,  k.t.A. 

A  prayer  to  the  Tlieotokos. 

Two  prayers  to  the  Saviour,  one  beginning  Kot 
5u5  r]fuu  Secnrora  irphs  vttvov  ainovaiv,  K.r.X.  ; 
the  other,  Seo-TroTa  iroXveXee,  ic.t.X.  :  an  ectene 
or  litany  of  the  usual  form,  and  the  office  finishes 
with  another  prayer  to  the  Saviour. 

Little  compline  \_a.Tr6Stnrvov  fx.iKp6v]  : — 

"  Glory  be  to  Thee,  0  our  God,  glory  be  to  Thee.' 

A  short  prayer  to  the  Paraclete. 

The  usual  introduction  and  the  invitatory. 

Pss.  50  [51],  69  [70],  142  [143]. 

Gloria  in  excelsis,  with  the  versicles  following 
as  at  great  compline. 

The  Nicene  Creed,  the  trisagion,  &c.,  the 
troparia  of  the  day,  Kyr.  cl.  (forty  times). 

The  prayer  to  the  Saviour,  b  eV  iravTl  Kaipa,  as 
at  great  compline  ;  a  few  short  versicles. 

Prayer  to  the  Theotokos. 

Prayer  to  the  Saviour,  koI  Shs  rifxlv  SeVirora, 
both  as  at  great  compline  ;  a  few  ejaculatory 
ascriptions  of  praise. 

The  dismissal. 

The  Western  offices  will  not  detain  us  long. 
Even  those  parts  which  are  not  intimately 
known  to  all  are  of  a  familiar  type.  They  are 
also  shorter  than  the  Eastern,  and  arranged  with 
much  greater  terseness  and  method.  The  Roman 
office  is  by  far  the  most  important  and  most 
widely  used.    The  older  English,  French,  German, 


p  It  is  impossible  within  reasonable  limits  to  give  more 
than  the  skeleton  of  this  long  and  intricate  office,  even 
could  more  be  attempted  without  sacrifice  of  clearness. 
The  troparia,  &c.,  are  all  of  the  ordinary  form. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

and  Scandinavian  uses  are  of  precisely  the  same 
form,  and  only  difier  in  details,  such  as  the 
calendars,  commemorations  of  saints,  order  of 
lessons,  responsories,  &c. — variations  which  it 
would  be  at  once  hopeless  and  useless  to  attemjjt 
to  point  out,  and  the  magnitude  and  import- 
ance of  which  have  been  much  exaggerated. 
There  are  indeed  few  more  striking  evidences  of 
the  uniformity  and  organization  of  the  Roman 
Church  than  the  wide  dissemination  and  reception 
of  its  offices  into  distant  regions  and  different 
races,  and  the  unanimity  with  which  what  was 
in  essentials  the  same  rite  was  observed.  The 
only  two  notable  exceptions  are  the  Ambrosian 
and  the  Mozarabic  offices,  both  of  which  are 
very  different  from  the  Roman,  and  of  great 
beauty ;  but  which  were  used  within  narrow 
limits,  and  so  are  of  much  smaller  practical 
importance.     They  will  be  described. 

The  Roman  hours  are  seven  or  eight  in  num- 
ber, according  as  matins  and  lauds  are  counted  as 
one  or  two,  i.e..  Matins,  lauds,  prime  (or  the 
hour),  the  third,  sixth,  and  ninth  hours,  ves- 
pers, compline.  Taking  them  in  order  we  have : 
1.  1/aims  (matutinum)  : — 
These  consist  on  Sundays  and  double  feasts  of 
three  nocturns.  On  simple  feasts  and  week  days 
of  one.  Easter  day  and  Pentecost  with  their 
octaves  have  only  one  nocturn  with  three  psalms. 
The  office  for  Sunday  and  feasts  of  nine  lessons 
is  as  follows : 

N.B.  Before  matins  and  all  hours  except  com- 
pline is  said  secretly.  Pater  noster,  Ave  Maria  ; 
and  at  the  beginning  of  matins  and  prime,  and 
at  the  end  of  compline,  the  Apostles'  Creed. . 
Then  with  a  loud  voice — 

"  Domine  labia  mea  aperies, 
Et  OS  meum  annunciabitur  laudem  tuam. 
Deus  in  adjutorium,  &c. 
Domine  ad  adjuvandum,  kc. 
Gloria;  sicut;  alleluia;" 
except  when  alleluia  is  not  said,  i.e.  from  Scptu- 
agesima  to  Easter,  when  "  Laus  tibi  Domine  rev 
aeternae  gloriae  "  is  said  instead. 

Invitatory,  and  the  invitatory  psalm,  94  [95]. 
Hymn  (varying  with  the  day  and  season). 

In  nocturn  i.  Psalms  as  appointed  [12  on 
Sundays,  3  on  feasts].  A  verse  and  response. 
Pater  noster,  short  form  of  absolution  (absolutio), 
three  lessons  from  Scripture  in  course,  each  pre- 
ceded by  its  benediction,  and  followed  by  its 
responsory. 

In  nocturn  ii.  Three  psalms,  each  with  its 
antiphon.  Verse  and  response.  Pater  noster, 
absolution.  Three  lessons  from  the  patristic  writ- 
ings, each  with  its  benediction  and  responsory. 

In  nocturn  iii.  The  same  as  in  nocturn  ii.,  the 
lessons  being  a  commentary  on  the  gospel  of 
the  day  from  some  homily.  Instead  of  the  last 
responsory,  Te  Deum  is  said,  except  in  Advent, 
and  fi"om  Septuagesima  to  Easter,  when  it  is 
only  said  on  festivals.  When  Te  Deum  is  not 
said,  there  is  a  responsory  instead. 

[On  week  days,  and  when  the  office  is  of  three 
lessons,  there  is  one   nocturn  only,  containing 
twelve  psalms  under  six  antiphons.] 
2.  Lauds : — 

Deus  in  adjutorium,  kc.  Gloria,  &c.  Alleluia 
or  Laus  tibi  Domine,  kc,  according  to  the  season, 
as  at  matins. 

Five  psalms  [i.e.  what  is  reckoned  as  such,  said 
j  under  five   antiphons    and    five    Glorias'].      On 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

Sunday  [except  from  Septuagesima  to  Easter] 
these  are — 

Pss.  92  [93],  99  [100],  62  [63],  and  66  [67] 
(said  as  one),  Benedicite,  148,  149,  150  (said  as 
one). 

On  week  days  the  psalms  are  i  (1)  50  [51],  (2) 
varies  with  the  day  of  the  week,  (3)  62  [63] 
and  66  [67],  (4)  a  canticle  varying  with  the 
day  of  the  week,  (5)  148,  149,  150. 

Capitulum,  i.e.  a  verse  from  the  Scriptures.'' 
Hymn  (varying  with  the  day).  A  verse  and 
response.  Benedictus.  Collect  for  the  day.  Coin- 
niemorations  (if  any  are  said). 

3.  Prime:— 

Pater  noster.  Ave  Maria.  Credo.  Deus  in 
cdjutorium,  &c.     Hymn,  "  Jam  lucis  orto  sidei'e." 

Four  psalms  (on  Sunday),  53  [54],  117  [118], 
118  [119]  (first  four  sections  of  eight  verses 
said  as  two).  On  week  days,  54  [54],  a  varying 
psalm,  118  [119]  (the  same  as  on  Sunday). 
The  Athanasian  Creed  (when  the  service  is  on 
the  Sunday,^  and  on  Trinity  Sunday).  Capi- 
tulum. 

Besp.  "Christe  flli  Dei  vivi.  Miserere  nobis  (bis). 
V.  Qui  sedes  ad  dexteram  Patris.  R.  Miserere  nobis. 
V.  Gloria,  &c.  K.  Christe  fiU,  &c.  V.  Exsurge  Christe, 
.idjuva  nos.    K.  Et  libera  nos  propter  nomen  tuum." 

Then  follow  these  prcces,  which  are  not  said 
when  the  ofBce  is  doiihlc,  or  within  octaves. 
Kyrio  elcison  (ter),  Pater  noster,  Credo. 

Preces  of  the  ordinary  form  of  verse  and  re- 
ponse.  Alternate  confiteor  and  misereatur  by 
priest  and  choir.  A  few  more  alternate  versicles. 
Then,  whether  the  office  be  double  or  not,  the 
Oratio,  "  Domine  Deus  Omnipotens," '  &c. 
V.  Benedicamus  Domino.    R.  Deo  gratias. 

On  iceeh  days  the  Athanasian  Creed  is  not 
said :  in  other  respects  the  office  is  said  as  above. 
In  Advent,  Lent,  and  on  certain  other  days, 
additional  preces  are  said  before  the  confiteor, 
from  which  point  the  office  proceeds  as  usual. 

4.  Tercet- 
Pater,  Ave,  Deus  in  adjutorium.  Hymn,  "  Nunc 

sancte  nobis  Spiritus." 

Six  sections  of  eight  verses  of  Ps.  118  [119], 
said  in  three,  under  one  antiphon.  Capitulum. 
Jiesponsio  hrevis.     Collect  for  the  day. 

5.  6.  Sext  and  none  are  of  precisely  the  same 
form,  and  require  no  separate  remark.  At  sext 
the  hymn  is  "  Rector  potens,  verax  Deus,"  and  at 
none  "  Rerum  tenax  Deus  vigor." 

When  preces  are  said  at  lauds,  a  short  form  of 
preces  is  said  at  terce,  sext,  and  none  immediately 
before  the  collect  for  the  day. 

7.    Vespers : — 

Pater,  Ave,  Deus  in  adjutorium.  Five  psalms  as 
appointed,  each  with  its  antiphon.  Capitulum. 
Hymn  (varying  with  the  day  and  season).  Verse 
and  response.  That  for  Ordinary  Sunday  and 
week  days  is 

V.  Dirigatur  Domine  oratio  mea.  K.  Slcut  incensum 
in  conspectu  tuo. 

Magnificat  (with  its  proper  antiphon).  Collect 
for  the  day.     Commemorations,  when  said. 


<j  See  Psalmody  for  details. 

r  That  for  ordinary  Sundays  is  Rov.  vii.  12,  "  Blessing," 
&c.  That  for  ordinary  weeli  diiys,  Rom.  xiii.  12,  "The 
night  is  far  spent,"  &c. 

3  I.e.  when  a  double  feast,  which  takes  precedence  of 
an  ordinary  Sunday,  does  not  fall  on  the  day. 

'  The  original  of  our  third  Collect  at  Morning  Prayer. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE       1449 

When  preces  are  said  at  lauds,  they  are  also 
said  at  vespers  after  magnificat. 
8.   Compline: — 

Lector.  Jube  Domne  benedicerc. 

Jiened.  Noctem  quietam,  &c. 

Lectio  brevis.  1  Pet.  v.  8. 

V.  Adjutorium  nostrum  in  nomine  Domini. 

R.  Qui  fecit  coelum  et  terram. 

Pater,  Confiteor,  &c.,  alternately,  as  at  prime. 


V.  Convcrte  nos  Deus  salutaris  noster. 
R.  Et  averte  iram  tuam  a  nobis. 

Deus  in  adjutorium,  &c. 

Pss.  4,  30  [31],  (1-6),  90  [91],  133  [134], 
said  under  one  antiphon. 

Hymn,  "  Te  lucis  ante  terminum."  Capitulinn 
(Jerem.  xiv.  9).  Pesponsio  brevis.  Nunc  dimittis 
(with  its  antiphon).  Kyrie  eleison  (ter),  Pater, 
Credo,  and  short  preces.  The  collect  "  Visita 
quaesumus,"  &c.     Benediction. 

No  notice  has  here  been  made  of  the  short 
capitular  office  at  the  end  of  prime,  or  of  the 
antiphons  to  the  B.V.M.,  of  which  one  is  said 
daily  after  lauds  and  compline. 

The  Roman  office  here  given  in  outline  is  tlie 
model  on  which  the  secular  breviaries  throughout 
the  Roman  obedience  were  formed.  These  were 
universally  of  the  same  foi-m,  though  differing 
in  many  details,  and  local  commemorations  and 
usages.  The  Gregorian  distribution  of  the 
psalter  is  always  adopted." 

In  the  old  English  uses  the  hymns  and  anti- 
phons at  compline  varied  with  the  season ;  and 
every  day  after  compline  and  lauds,  except  in 
double  feasts  and  during  certain  octaves  and  in 
Christmas  and  Eastertides,  a  short  form  consist- 
ing ,ofPs.  122  [123],  a  few  versicles,  and  a  collect 
was  said  "  pro  pace  ecclesiae."  When  this  was 
said  at  lauds,  a  similar  form  for  protection 
during  the  day  was  said  after  prime. 

The  monastic  office,  of  which  the  Benedictine 
is  the  type,  differs  from  the  secular  in  many 
respects,  the  chief  of  which  are  the  following  : 

(1)  The  Benedictine  distribution  of  the  psalter 
is  used  and  not  the  Gregorian. 

(2)  On  Sundays,  and  days  with  three  nocturns. 
There  are  four  lessons  in  each  nocturn,  there  are 
six  Psalms  in  both  the  first  and  second  nocturns, 
and  three  canticles  in  the  third,  each  witli 
responsory.  Those  of  the  first  nocturn  are  from 
Scripture  ;  those  of  the  second  from  the  writings 
of  the  fathers,  or  from  the  lives  of  the  saints ; 
those  of  the  third  from  patristic  exposition  of 
the  gospel.  Te  Deum  is  said  after  (not  instead  of) 
the  ninth  responsory,  and  then  follow  the  gospel 
and  collect  of  the  day. 

(3)  On  week  days,  and  days  of  three  lessons, 
twelve  psalms  are  said  in  two  nocturns  ;  six  in 
each.  In  the  first  nocturn  three  lessons,  mostJy 
from  Scripture,  are  read.  In  the  second  nocturn 
there  are  no  lessons.  In  the  weekday  office  of 
the  Benedictine  rites,  from  Easter  to  Nov.  1,  no 
lessons  are  read,  but  only  a  Lectio  brevis,  varying 
with  the  day  of  the  week. 

(4)  There  are  no  preces  in  Lent,  &c.,  at  lauds 
and  vespers. 

(5)  Ps.  30  [31],  ver.  1-6,  and  Nunc  dimittis  are 


1  No  account  is  taken  of  modern  French  and  other 
breviaries,  which  do  not  come  within  the  prescribed 
limits  of  time.    These  do  not  differ  in  form. 


1450       OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

not  said  at  compline,  except  on  the  three  last 
days  of  the  Holy  week. 

The  Amhrosian  office,  which  is  still  used  in 
the  diocese  of  Milan,  except  in  the  Swiss  portion, 
which  adheres  to  the  Roman  rite,^  requires 
more  detailed  notice.  Its  origin  and,  still  more, 
the  steps  by  which  it  arrived  at  its  final  shape, 
are  involved  in  much  obscurity.  It  is  un- 
doubtedly of  high  antiquity,  and  originally 
framed  by  St.  Ambrose.  St.  Simplician,  who 
succeeded  him  as  archbishop  of  Milan  (a.d.  397), 
is  said  to  have  made  many  additions.  It  is 
probable  that  during  the  following  century  the 
office  assumed  its  complete  form  as  to  its  main 
features,  and  was  afterwards  gradually  perfected 
in  details.  When  St.  Charles  Borromeo  became 
archbishop,  he  set  to  work  to  restore  the  ancient 
rites  of  the  Milanese  church,  into  which  he 
complains  that  much  had  been  introduced  without 
authority  from  time  to  time  by  individual 
priests ;  and  by  comparison  of  the  office,  as  he 
found  it,  with  ancient  documents  and  the 
"  Ambrosian  Institutes,"  and  with  the  help  of 
learned  men,  to  bring  it  back  as  far  as  possible 
to  the  original  form  described  by  the  most 
distinguished  writers  on  the  divine  offices,  and 
especially  by  his  predecessor  Theodorus.'"' 

The  Amhrosian  office  then,  in  its  present  form, 
which  we  are  obliged  to  quote,  owing  to  the 
uncertainty  of  earlier  forms,  is  in  outline  as 
follows  :— 

Matins  (Ad  Matutinum) : — 

Pater  noster.  Ave  Maria  [secreto].  Deus  in 
adjutorium,  &c.  Domine  ad  adjuvandum,  &c. 
Gloria.  Sicut.  Hymn,  "Aeterne  rerum  conditor  " 
[said  daily].  Responsory  [varying  with  the  day]. 

The  Song  of  the  Three  Children  ["  Benedictus 
es,"  &c.  vv.  29-34]  with  its  antiphon.  Benedictus 
cs  Deus.     R.  Amen. 

[The  foregoing  is  common  to  all  matins.] 

Then :  On  Sundays  three  canticles  said  in 
three  nocturns,  one  in  each,  each  with  antiphon. 

In  Noct.  i.  Song  of  Isaiah  [from  chap,  xxvi.] 
De  nocte  vigilat. 

In  Noct.  ii.  Song  of  Hannah  [from  1  Sam.  ii.]. 

In  Noct.  iii.  in  Winter  (i.e.  from  the  first 
Sunday  in  October  till  Palm  Sunday)  the  Song  of 
Ilabakkuk  [Hab.  iii.]. 

In  Noct.  iii.  in  Summer  (i.e.  from  Easter  till 
the  last  Sunday  in  September)  the  Song  of 
Jonah  [Jon.  ii.]. 

[On  Sundays  no  psalms  are  said  at  nocturns.] 

On  iceek  days,  the  appointed  section  of  the 
psalms,  called  a  decuria,  said  in  three  nocturns 
[v.  art.  Psalmody]. 

Then  follow  three  lessons. 

On  Sundays  from  a  homily  on  the  Gospel. 

On  week  days  from  the  Holy  Scriptures  read 
in  course. 

Each  lesson  is  prefaced  by  a  benediction  ;  and 
the  first  two  are  followed  by  a  response,  and 
the  third  by  Te  Deum  when  said.  When  not 
said,  there  is  no  third  response. 


'•■'  When  Cardinal  Gaisruch  in  the  present  century 
attempted  to  impose  the  Ambrosian  Liturgy  on  this 
portion  of  the  diocese,  the  public  voice  answered, 
"Kither  Romans  or  Lutherans." 

"  Archbishop  of  Milan,  circ.  a.d.  480.  He  wrote  a 
commentary  on  the  nocturnal  and  matutinal  office  of  the 
Milanese  church.  See  preface  to  the  Ambrosian  Breviary 
as  edited  by  Cardinal  Gaisruch,  a.d.  1841. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

The  benedictions  are  more  varied  than  in  the 
Roman  rite.  The  responses,  on  the  contrary,  are 
for  the  most  part  not  so  full  or  rich. 

Lauds : — 

The  following  is  the  order  for  Sundays  and 
the  more  important  festivals  of  saints  : — 

Deus  in  adjutorium,  &c.  Benedictus,  with  its 
proper  antiphon. 

[On  Sundays  in  Advent,  Christmas  Day  and 
its  octave,  and  on  the  Epiphany,  Attende  coelum 
[Deut.  xxxii.]  is  said  instead  of  Benedictus.'] 

Kyrie  deison  (ter). 

An  antiphon  called  antiphona  ad  crucem, 
proper  to  the  day,  and  said  five,  or  on  some  days 
seven  times. 

The  Song  of  Moses  ["  Cantemus  Domino,"  from 
Exod.  XV.]  with  its  proper  antiphon,  and  prefaced 
by  an  unvarying  oratio  secreta. 

Benedicite  with  antiphon  and  oratio  secreta. 

A  collect  (oratio  l"')  [varying  with  the 
season]. 

Pss.  148,  149,  150,  116  [117]  said  under  one 
antiphon.  A  capitulum  and  antiphon  [both 
varying  with  the  office].  A  direct^  psalm  [vary- 
ing with  the  day  of  the  week].  Hymn  [varying 
with  the  office].  Hyrie  eleison  (duodecies). 
Fsallenday  i.  and  completorium  i.  Oratio  ii. 
responsorium  in  haptisterio,  a  Psalm  of  four 
verses  [varying  with  the  day].  Oratio  iii. 
Psullenda  ii.  and  completorium  ii.  Oratio  iv. 
[Commemorations,  if  any],  and  the  office  ends 
thus : — 

V.  Benedicat,  et  exaudiat  nos  Deus.  R.  Amen. 
V.  Procedamus  in  pace.  R.  In  nomine  Christi. 
v.  Benedicamus  Domino.     R.  Deo   gratias.     Pater 

noster. 
V.  Sancta  Trinitas  nos    semper  salvet  et  benedicat. 

R.  Amen. 
V.  Fidelium  animae  per  Dei  misericordiam  requies- 

cant  in  pace.    R.  Amen.^ 

On  week  days  the  office  varies  thus : — 

Instead  of  Cantemus  Domino  and  Benedicite.^ 
Ps.  50  [51]  is  said  on  all  days  but  Saturday. 
Ps.  117  [118]  is  said  on  Saturday. 

There  are  no  psallenda.  The  resp.  in  hapt. 
and  the  four  verses  of  a  psalm  are  always  said, 
and  there  are  three  collects  instead  of  four. 

There  are  variations  in  the  arrangement  of 
the  details  of  the  office  at  special  seasons  and  on 
festivals. 

Prime : — 

Pater  noster,  &c.,  as  at  the  beginning  of  all 
the  hours.  Hymn,  "  Jam  lucis  orto  sidere."  Pss. 
53  [54],  118  [119]  (four  first  sections  of  eight 
verses).  Epistolella,''  a  few  versicles  and  responses. 
Athanasian  creed  (called  simply  symbolum). 

Then  on  Sundays  and  the  higher  class  of 
festivals  three  collects,  of  which  the  first  is  the 
same  as  the  corresponding  Roman  collect,  and 
the  office  ends, — 

V.  Benedicamus  Domino.    E.  Deo  gratias. 
Then  the  martyrology  is  read  in  choir. 
On  other  days,  after  the  symbolum,  preccs  are 

1  So  called  because  said  straight  through,  and  not 
antiphonally. 

y  These,  and  other  similar  names,  are  all  antiphons 
of  much  the  same  character. 

2  This  ending  is  common  to  all  the  hours. 

»  This  corresponds  exactly  with  the  Roman  capi- 
tulum. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

said.  These  are  of  the  same  character  as  the 
Roman  preces  at  prime,  but  longer,  and  the 
petitions  are  different,  and  they  end  with  Ps.  50 

[51]. 

Tcrce,  sext,  and  none  are  in  form  exactly 
similar  to  the  Roman  offices  for  those  hours. 
On  ordinary  week  days  short  preces  are  said  at 
each  hour,  the  form  containing  a  psalm.  These 
are,  at  prime  Ps.  50  [51],  at  sext  56  [57],  at 
none  85  [86]. 

Vespers  are  said  thus : — Pater  noster,  &c.  An 
antiphon  called  lucernarium  [proper  for  the 
office].  Antiphona  in  choro  [proper].  Hymn 
[proper].  Five  psalms  with  their  antiphons. 
Oratio.  Magnificat  [with  proper  antiphon]. 
0 ratio.  Psallenda  i.  and  resp.  in  bapt.  (if  said). 
Oratio  iii.  Four-verse  psalm,  with  antiphon  (if 
said).  Tioo  completoria.  Oratio  iv.  Psallenda  ii. 
and  two  more  completoria.  Oratio  v.  Conclusion 
of  office. 

The  first  two  orationes  are  proper  to  tlie  office  ; 
the  other  three  are  fixed. 

On  week  days,  after  Magnificat  the  office  con- 
tinues as  follows : — 

Oratio  ii,  Besp.  in  bapt.  Oratio  iii.  Four- 
verse  psalm  loith  antiphon.  A  cowpletorlam. 
Oratio  iv.  and  conclusion. 

The  four  collects  on  week  days  vary  with 
the  day  of  the  week. 

On  festivals  two  psalms  (or  rather  what  are 
counted  as  two)  are  said  at  different  points  of 
tiie  office,  the  arrangement  of  the  component 
I'arts  of  which  differs  in  some  respects  from  the 
I'orial  arrangement.  There  are  also  certain 
variations  at  special  seasons,  as  in  Lent  and 
Kastertide,  into  which  it  is  not  necessary  to 
enter. 

Compline  closely  resembles  the  Roman,  though 
the  materials  are  somewhat  differently  arranged. 
The  office  runs  thus  : — 

Pater,  Ave.  Converte  nos,  &c.  Deus  in  adju- 
torium,  &c.  Hymn  ("  Te  lucis  ante  terminum  "). 
Pss.  4,  30  [31]  (1-6),  90  [91],  132  [133],  133 
[134],  116  [117],  said  without  an  antiphon,  and 
the  last  three  under  one  Gloria.  Epistolella. 
Nunc  dimittis.    Antiphon  and  response. 

On  ordinary  week  days  preces  of  the  usual 
form  containing  Psalm  12  [13].  Two  collects,'^ 
"  Illumina  quaesumus  Domino  "  and  "  Visita  quae- 
sumus  Domine."     Conclusion. 

When  2)reces  are  not  said,  the  collects  or 
orationes  follow  immediately  the  response  after 
Nunc  dimittis. 

In  Lent  an  additional  hymn  is  said  after  the 
psalms. 

The  Mozarabio  or  Spanish  office  differs  widely 
from  all  others.  It  is  of  high  antiquity.  The 
Spanish  tradition  would  trace  its  origin  to  St. 
Petei",  to  disciples  of  whom  and  of  St.  Paul  it 
assigns  the  introduction  of  Christianity  into 
Spain,"  and  maintains  that  it  should  be  called 
originally  Roman  and  Gothic,  after  the  con- 
version of  Reccaredus,  king  of  the  Goths,  to  the 
Catholic  faith,  and  the  public  abjuration  of  the 
Arian  heresy  in  the  third  council  of  Toledo,  A.D. 
589.  Subsequently  St.  Isidore,  archbishop  of 
Seville,  and   his   brother   Leander,    who  was   a 


b  Our  third  collect  at  Evening  Prayer,  said  at  compline 
in  the  Sarum  and  other  English  offices.  The  Roman 
collect  at  compline  is  "  Visita  quaesumiis  Domine." 

0  Vide  Preface  to  Mozarabic  Breviary  by  Lorenzana. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE       1451 

friend  of  Gregory  the  Great,  revised  and  ex- 
purgated the  office,  which  had  contracted  many 
Haws,  and  it  is  hence  often  known  as  the  Isidorian 
rite.  At  a  later  period  Cardinal  Ximenes,  "  quasi 
apis  argumentosa,"  again  revised  the  office  and 
reduced  it  to  its  final  form. 

The  'opinion  now  generally  accepted  is  that 
the  Mozarabic  rite  is  a  variety  of  the  so-called 
Galilean  or  Ephesine  family,  which  professedly 
traces  back  to  St.  John.  The  groundv/ork  of 
the  office  was  probably  introduced  with  Chris- 
tianity into  Spain.  To  enforce  uniformity  of 
use  the  Council  of  Gerona  [a.d.  517]  directed 
that  the  order  of  celebrating  mass  and  the 
Divine  office,  which  was  used  in  the  Metropolitan 
church  of  Tarragona,  should  be  alone  adopted 
throughout  the  province.  Gregory  Vll.  [a.d. 
1073-1085]  directed  the  use  of  the  Spanish  office 
to  be  abolished,  and  the  Roman  introduced  in  its 
place.  After  some  resistance  this  was  effected. 
Afterwards  so  strong  a  feeling  was  manifested 
at  Toledo  in  favour  of  the  national  rite,  that  its 
use  was  sanctioned  in  seven  of  the  old  churches 
of  Toledo,  the  Roman  being  adopted  into  the 
others.  Cardinal  Ximenes  afterwards  built  and 
endowed  the  so-called  Mozarabic  chapel  in 
Toledo  cathedral  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
rite.d 

The  hours  are  the  same  as  the  Roman,  with 
the  addition  of  Aurora,  which  is  said  when  the 
office  is  of  the  week  day  [in  feriis].'' 

All  the  hours  begin  as  follows  : — 

Xy)-ie  eleison,  Christe  eleison,  Kyric  cleison. 
Pater  noster.     Ave  (secreto). 

In  nomine  Domini  nostri  Jcsii  Christi  lumen  cum 
pace.    R.  Deo  gratias. 
Dominus  vohiscum.     V.  Et  cum,  &c. 

Matins  f  [matutinum]  proceed  thus  : — 

On  Sundays,  hymn,  "  Aeterne  rerumconditor," 
followed  by  a  prayer  (oratio),  having  reference 
to  the  contents  of  the  hymn. 

Pss.  3,  50  [51],  56  [56],  each  with  its  anti- 
phon.     Oratio. 

Three  antiphons,s  each  followed  by  an  oratio 
[tres  antiphonae  cum  suis  orationibus].  Eespon- 
sory  with  its  oratio. 


d  The  legend  is  familiar  how  the  two  books,  the  Pioman 
and  Mozarabic,  contended  by  the  ordeal  of  battle,  a 
Frenchman  being  champion  for  the  Roman  Book  (the 
Roman  office  had  at  that  time  been  established  in  France), 
a  native  of  Toledo  for  the  IMozarabic.  The  Frenchman 
is  said  to  have  conquered.  The  result  however  was  not 
taken  as  conclusive,  and  the  books  were  submitted  to  the 
further  ordeal  of  fire ;  whereupon  the  Roman  leaped  out  of 
the  Ere,  while  the  Mozarabic  remained  uninjured  by  the 
flames :  "  Romanus  ex  igne  procedit ;  Gothicus  sub 
flammis  illaesus."  The  inference  drawn  was  that  the 
Roman  book  should  be  generally  used  throughout  the 
kingdom,  while  the  Mozarabic  should  be  continued  in  use 
at  head-quarters,  i.e.  in  Toledo. 

«  The  Mozarabic  hours  are  said  to  have  been  originally 
twelve  in  number,  the  four  rejected  ones  being  at  the 
beginning  of  night,  "in  priucipio  noctis;"  before  bed- 
time, "aute  lectum;"  at  midnight,  "  media  noctis ; " 
and  071  rising  from  bed,  "  in  surrectione  lecti." 

f  The  office  for  the  day  begins,  as  in  other  rites,  with 
vespers  of  the  preceding  evening ;  but  in  a  short  con- 
spectus, such  as  alone  is  possible,  it  seems  more  conve- 
nient to  begin  with  matins. 

e  The  Mozarabic  antiphons  are  broken  into  verso 
and  response,  after  the  manner  of  a  Roman  responsury. 
[See  art.  ANiiriiON.4 


1452        OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

On  iceck  days  there  is  no  hymn  and  only  one 
psalm,  which  is  one  of  the  three  Sunday  psalms, 
with  its  oratio.  The  remainder  of  the  office  is 
of  the  same  form  as  that  for  Sunday. 

Lauds  begin  at  once  with  a  varying  canticle 
[on  Sunday  "  Attende  coelum,"  Deut.  sxxii.]. 
Benedictus  [so  called,  i.e.  a  compressed  form 
of  the  Song  of  the  Three  Children]  with  its  anti- 
phon. 

Sono.  Lauda.^  Pss.  148,  149,  150  [called  the 
Laudes2- 

A  lection  called  projihetia,  though  not  neces- 
sarily from  the  Prophets.  Hymn  (varying). 
Capitula  (here  signifying  a  prayer).  Pater- 
noster, followed  by  the  embolismus.  Lauda.^ 
Benediction.} 

A  short  form  of  commemoration,  consisting  of 
.a  verse  and  response,  here  called  lauda,  and  a 
short  prayer  for  protection  and  guidance  through 
the  day. 
Aurora : — 

This  service  is  said  when  the  office  is 
of  the  week  day  (in  feriis  per  totum  annum). 
Pss.  69  [70],  and  the  following  sections  of 
Ps.  118  [119]:  Beati  immaculati,  In  quo  cor- 
riget,  Eetrihue  servo  tuo,  said  under  one  autiphon. 
A  lauda,  Pater  nosier  (with  the  embolismus),  a 
short  form  of  intercessory  prayers  (preces). 
P)-ime : — 

Pss.  66  [67],  144  [145]  (said  in  two  divi- 
sions), 112  [113],  118  lll'd']  (^Adhaesit  2xivimento, 
Begem  pone,  Et  veniat),  said  under  one  antiphon. 
Responsory  (varying)  ;  a  short  lesson  (Zaehar. 
viii.)  called  prophetia ;  second  (Rom.  xiii.);  a 
lauda. 

Hymn  ("Jam  lucis  orto  sidere "),  esce]it  in 
Eastertide,  when  the  hymn  is  "  Aurora  lucis 
rutilat." 

V.  Bonum  est  conjiteri  Domino.  K.  Et  psallcre 
nomini  tuo  altissime. 

Then  follows,  on  Sundays  and  festivals,  Te 
Deum,  Gloria  in  excelsis,  and  the  Nicene  Creed  ^ 
[called  in  the  rubrics  symholum  apostolorum']. 

On  week  days  (in  diebus  ferialibus),  Bene- 
dictus es  (as  at  lauds),  and  Ps.  50  [51]. 

Supplicatio  [in  form  a  short  bidding  praj'er] 
beginning   "  Oremus   mundi,"  &c.     Capitula  [a 
prayer].     Pater  noster,  &c.     Benedictio.     These 
all  vary  with  the  office. 
Terce  : — 

Four  psalms,  i.e.  Pss.  94  [95],  118  [119] 
(Memor  esto,  Portio  mea,  Bonitatem),  under 
one  antiphon.  Eesponsory.  Two  short  lections 
(similar  to  those  at  prime).  Lauda,  hymn,  sup- 
plicatio, capitula.  Pater  noster,  &c.  Benedictio. 
All  the  parts  of  the  office  except  the  psalms 
vary  with  the  season. 

Sext  and  None  are  of  exactly  the  same  form 
and  require  no  remarks. 


b  There  are  varieties  of  antiphons,  as  has  been  ex- 
plained in  the  article  Axtiphon.  It  is  impossible  to 
translate  these  technical  terms. 

'  Of  this  there  are  two  forms — a  longer  one  used  on 
Sundays,  and  a  shorter  on  other  days.  Pater  noster  is 
said  with  the  response  "Amen"  to  each  clause,  except 
to  Panem  nostrum,  to  which  the  response  is  "  Quia 
Deus  es." 

3  Mozarabic  benedictions  are  in  three  clauses,  each 
answered  by  "  Amen."  They  vary  with  the  day,  and 
home  are  very  beautiful. 

t  This  is  said  in  the  Mozarabic  rite  in  the  plural ; 
"  Credimus  in  unum  Deum,"  &c. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

The  psalms  are:  at  Sext,  Pss.  53  [54],  118 
[119]  (Feci judicium,  Mirabilia,  Justuses Domine^. 
At  None,  Pss.  145  [146],  121  [122],  122  [123], 
123  [124].  In  Lent,  and  on  certain  other  peni- 
tential days,  the  form  of  the  office  for  these  three 
hours  is  different,  but  offers  no  special  peculiarity 
to  call  for  explanation  in  this  short  survey. 
Vespers : — 

After  the  introduction,  a  lauda ' ;  antiphon  ; 
another  lauda.  Hymn,  supplicatio,  capitula. 
Pater  noster,  &c.  Benedictio,  with  its  oratio. 
Sonus  (or  sono")  [omitted  "  in  feriis  "],  followed 
by  another  lauda  with  its  oratio,  and  a  short 
form  of  commemoration  of  the  same  form  as  that 
at  lauds. 

Compline  :—?si.  4,  vv.  7,  8,  9  ;  133  [134].  A 
few  versicles  for  protection  and  forgiveness. 
^?/m»,  "  Sol  angelorum  respice."  Ps.  90  [91], 
with  its  antiphon.  More  versicles  from  the 
psalms.  Hymn,  "  Cultor  Dei  memento.''  Suppli- 
catio, capitula.  Pater  noster,  &c. ;  benedictio.  At 
the  end  of  the  service  a  short  form  of  commen- 
dation corresponding  to  the  commemoratio  at 
lauds  and  vespers. 

On  Saturdays  and  high  festivals,  "in  diebus 
sabbatorum  vel  praecipuarum  festivitatum," after 
the  psalms'"  a  responsory  is  said,  followed  by 
two  short  lessons,  then  a  hymn,  Ps.  50  [51]  with 
a  versus,  said  as  an  antiphon.  Kyrie  eleison. 
Pater  noster,  &c.  Then  on  week  days  (in  feriis) 
miserationes,  which  are  short  intercessory  pe- 
titions in  the  form  of  litanies,  with  a  constant 
response,  so  called  because  the  opening  words 
are  "  Miserere,"  or  "  Deus  miserere,"  or  "  Domine 
miserere,"  and  varying  with  the  day  of  the  week. 
Then  a  capitulum.  Pater  noster,  and  benedictio, 
and  form  of  commendation  as  usual. 

In  the  foregoing  summary  no  notice  has  been 
taken  of  national  or  local  variations  of  the  main 
types  of  office,  such  as  the  old  English  uses 
(except  in  one  point),  or  the  ancient  peculiarities 
of  ritual  in  the  churches  of  Lyons  or  Besan^on, 
or  any  of  the  monastic  variations  from  the 
normal  Benedictine  type.  These,  however  inter- 
esting to  liturgical  students,  are  confined  to  points 
of  detail.  Neither  does  it  come  within  the  scope  of 
this  article  to  discuss  or  compare  the  contents  of 
the  several  offices  sketched  in  it.  We  may, 
however,  draw  attention  to  a  few  points  which 
are  obvious  even  from  the  skeletons  given. 

The  Eastern  offices,  we  thus  see,  are  much 
longer  and  less  methodically  arranged  than  the 
Western.  They  contain  also  much  less  of  Scrip- 
ture ;  while  the  odes  and  canons  which  form  so 
large  a  portion  of  the  office,  though  often  verv 
beautiful  and  devotional,  are  much  too  prolix, 
and  at  times  too  rhapsodical  to  suit  Western 
taste.     The  same  may  be  said  of  the  prayers. 

The  Western  offices,  on  the  other  hand,  are 
more  clearly  and  compactly  arranged.  The 
hymns  and  collects  are  models  of  compressed 
thought  and  language.  The  antiphons  and  re- 
sponses are  for  the  most  part  taken  from  Scrip- 
ture. Among  the  Western  rites,  the  Eoman  is 
undoubtedly  the  most  terse  and  pointed.  The 
Ambrosian  has  many  beauties,  and  is  more  varied- 


I  This  is  taken  from  the  Psalms,  and  is  sometimes 
called  psalmus  or  vespertinum:  "Psalmus  sive  vesper- 

tinum,  quod  idem  est."— Pegula  S.  Isidori. 

■"  This  raeans  after  the  second  set  of  versicles  from  the 
Psalms,  and  immediately  before  the  second  hymn. 


OFFICIALIS  LIBER 

iu  its  collects  and  its  psalmody,  but  less  so  iu  its 
ordinary  hymns.  Both  hymns  and  collects  are 
of  the  same  type  as  the  Roman. 

The  Mozarabic  Office  has  the  greatest  variety 
nf  canticles,  hymns,  and  preces.  Some  of  these, 
iu  the  form  of  short  litanies,  are  very  beautiful. 
The  responsories  ana  other  yariable  parts  of  the 
office,  though  very  rich  and  suggestive,  change 
so  constantly  as  almost  to  produce  a  sense  of 
want  of  repose.  The  prayers  are  of  the  Eastern 
type,  usually  longer  and  more  diffuse  than  those 
of  other  Western  Offices.  [H.  J.  H.] 


OFFICIALIS  LIBER  (officiales  libri),  a 
book  or  volumes  containing  the  officia  divirui. 
The  term  is  used  with  considerable  latitude  of 
application.  Menard,  in  his  notes  on  the  Gre- 
gorian Sacramentary  (p.  147,  ed.  Paris,  1642), 
quoting  Agobard,  explains  it  as  equivalent  to 
"  Antiphonarius  ; "  but  a  reference  to  Agobard 
himsQ\i (Liber  de  Correctione  Antiphonarii,  cap.  19) 
will  shew  that  he  implies  a  threefold  enumeration 
of  the  lihn  officiales,  viz.  the  "Missal,"  the 
"  Lectionary,"  and  the  "  Antiphonary."  Agobard 
was  archbishop  of  Lyons,  a.d.  814-840.  This 
agrees  with  the  use  of  the  term  by  Amalarius  (tfe 
Eccles.  Off.  lib.  iv.  cap.  29).  In  can.  22,  C.  Rotomag. 
it  may  refer  to  the  antiphonary  or  the  sacra- 
mentary. In  can.  26,  C.  Tolet.  iv.,  libellus  officialis 
must  be,  as  Ducange  s.  v.  interprets  it,  Manuale 
Sacramentorum,  a  book  which  would  include  the 
minor  offices,  since  the  canon  orders  that  parish 
priests  were  to  be  provided  with  one  on  their 
appointment,  neper  ignorantiam  etiam  ipsis  divinis 
sacramentis  offcndant ;  so,  too,  Biuterim  (vol.  iv. 
p.  265).  On  the  other  hand,  the  treatise  of 
Amalarius  (de  Fades.  Officiis)  is  said  to  be 
entitled  in  some  MSS.  Liber  Officialis. 

[C.  E.  H.] 

OFFICIUM  AD  MISSAM.  The  name  of 
the  introit  in  the  Mozarabic  liturgy.  It  was 
probably  once  current  throughout  the  whole 
Galilean  family  of  liturgies,  if  not  more  widely 
still ;  for,  though  Mabillon  (de  Lit.  Gallicana, 
p.  36)  gives  "  Antiphona  "  as  the  corresponding 
term  iu  the  Galilean  liturgy,  yet  this  is  only  a 
general  name,  like  our  "  Anthem,"  and  the 
similar  term,  officium  missae,  or  simply  officiwn, 
is  found  for  the  introit  in  the  ancient  office-books 
of  the  monastery  of  S.  Germanus  a  Pratis  at  Paris 
(Bouillart,  Histoire  de  I'Abbaye  Royaie  de  Saint- 
Germain  des  Frez,  Eecueil  des  Pieces  Jicstificatives, 
v"«  partie,  pp.  158-160,  &c.),  in  the  English 
uses  of  Sarum  and  York,  and  also,  according  to 
Sala  (notes  to  Bona,  Ber.  Liturg.  torn.  i.  p.  212), 
in  the  missals  of  the  Carthusian,  Carmelite,  and 
Dominican  orders.  [C.  E.  H.] 

OIL,  HOLY.  The  later  Greeks  give  this 
name  especially  to  oil  that  is  considered  holy, 
because  it  has  proceeded  from  or  been  in  contact 
or  juxtaposition  with  some  sacred  object  (Ordo 
Sacri  Minist.  Philothei,  in  Euch.  Goar,  10  ;  see 
note  71,  p.  34);  though  they  still  apply  it  to 
the  oil  of  catechumens  (Goar  361,  362)  and  the 
oil  of  the  sick,  rh  ayiov  tXaiov  els  voaovvras  (ib. 
428).  Under  this  head  we  have  to  notice  the 
Oil  of  the  Cross,  that  of  the  Holy  Places,  the 
Oil  of  the  Saints,  and  that  taken  as  a  remedy  or 
safeguard  from  the  church  lamps. 

The  Oil  of  the  Cross. — In  tlie  Ltinerarium, 
doubtfully  ascribed  to  Antoninus    of  Placcntin. 


OIL,  HOLY 


i^bo 


who  lived  in  the  6th  century,  the  writer,  after 
describing  the  cross  exhibited  as  that  on  whicii 
Christ  died,  in  a  cubiculum  attached  to  the  basilica 
of  Constantine,  on  Golgotha,  adds:  "Oil  to  be 
blessed  is  brought  there  iu  ampullae  of  onyx 
stone;  but  when  the  wood  of  the  cross  has 
touched  the  ampullae,  it  soon  boils  over" 
(§  20  ;  Bolland.  Maii,  torn.  ii.  Prolegom.).  Vv\ 
should  infer  from  this  that  the  "oil  of  the 
ci-oss,"  of  which  we  read  much  from  the  6tk 
century  downward,  was  at  first  merely  oil 
which  had  been  in  such  contact  with  the  cross. 
Perhaps  we  are  not  to  understand  more  than 
this  in  the  following  instances :  Cyril  of  Scytho- 
polis;  555,  records  two  cures  effected  by  St. 
Sabas  by  means  of  the  "  oil  of  the  holy  cross  " 
(Sabae  Vita,  45,  63).  He  also  sprinkled  with  it 
a  hill  haunted  by  evil  spirits  (27).  St.  Cyriac  is 
said  to  have  cured  an  insane  person  "with  the 
oil  of  the  cross  of  Christ "  ( Vita,  Simeon 
Metaphr. ;  Migne,  Ser.  Gr.  ii.  931).  Spiridiou 
is  said  to  have  gone  to  the  emperor  Constantius, 
when  sick,  with  an  earthenware  vessel  hung 
from  his  neck,  "  as  is  the  custom  with  those  who 
dwell  in  the  holy  city,  when  they  purpose  to 
carry  oil  of  the  divine  cross"  (Vita,  18;  sim. 
Met.  u.  8.  iii.  440).  Eutychius,  to  prevent  mis- 
carriage, "  anointed  both  man  and  wife  with 
holy  oil,  both  that  of  the  precious  cross"  and 
that  from  an  image  (Life  by  Eustratius,  vi.  45). 
He  healed  a  demoniac  by  the  same  means  (§  55). 
In  the  West  St.  Gregory,  at  the  end  of  the  Gtk 
century,  acknowledges  in  one  of  his  epistles. 
among  other  gifts  from  the  East,  some  "  oil  of 
the  holy  cross  . . .  which  (quod)  blesses  by  its 
touch  "  (Epist.  vii.  Ind.  i.  34). 

There  is  no  indication  of  a  belief  in  the  fore- 
going writers  that  the  oil  itself  was  a  miraculous 
production;  but  Adamnanus,  A.D.  679,  speaking 
of  that  which  his  informant  Arculfus  had  seen 
at  Constantinople,  whither  a  portion  of  the  cross 
was  said  to  have  been  sent  by  Helena,  says  t 
"  De  nodis  eorundem  trinalium  liguorum  liquor 
quidam  odorifer  quasi  in  similitudinem  olei 
expressus  .  .  .  cujus  videlicet  liquoris  si  etiam 
parvula  stillula  super  aegrotantes  imponatur, 
qualicumque  languore  vel  morbo  molestati, 
plenum  recuperant  sanitatem "  (Acta  S.  U. 
Ben.  3,  iii.  520  ;  or  Bede,  de  Sanctis  Locis,  20). 

The  ampulla  of  Monza,  figured  in  Vol.  I.  p.  78,. 
appears  from  the  inscription  to  have  been  made 
for  the  reception  of  oil  of  the  cross.  Gretser, 
de  Sancta  Gruce,  lib.  i.,  has  a  chapter  (91)  De 
Oleo  S.  Crucis,  0pp.  tom.  i.  p.  152  ;  Ratisb. 
1734.  See  also  Baronius,  Annul,  ad  ann.  598, 
§23. 

Oil  of  the  Holy  Places. — (1)  We  learn 
from  Paulinus  Petricorius,  A.D.  461,  that  it 
was  the  custom  to  set  vessels  of  oil  in  the  places 
hallowed  by  the  birth,  death,  burial,  and  ascen- 
sion of  our  Lord,  under  the  belief  that  it  would 
acquire  from  them  a  miraculous  healing  powcv 
(Be  Vita  S.  Martini,  v.  1.  110). 

(2)  The  oil  of  the  lamps  that  burned  in  the 
holy  places  was  supposed  to  possess  the  same 
virtue.  Thus  the  ltinerarium  of  Antoninus, 
speaking  of  the  holy  sepulchre:  "The  urn  of 
the  lamp  which  had  been  placed  at  His  head  at 
that  time  [of  His  burial]  burns  there  day  and 
night ;  out  of  which  we  took  a  blessing,  and  set 
it  in  order  again  "  (c.  18  ;  Bolland.  Maii,  torn. 
ii.  in  Prolegom.). 


1454 


OIL,  HOLY 


Oil  of  the  Saints. — Theodoret  of  Cyrus, 
A.D.  423,  thought  that  he  heard  an  evil  spirit 
addressing  him  one  night,  who  among  other 
things  said,  "  Be  assured  that  I  should  long  ago 
have  shot  thee  down,  had  I  not  seen  a  band  of 
martyrs  with  James  (the  ascetic  of  Nimuza, 
who  was  still  living)  guarding  thee."  The 
narrator  explains,  "  I  understood  that  he  called 
a  band  of  martyrs  the  ampulla  of  the  oil  of 
the  martyrs  which,  containing  the  blessing 
(evXoylav)  gathered  from  many  martyrs,  hung 
beside  my  bed  "  (Historia  Beligiosa,  21).  The  oil 
of  the  martyrs  or  saints  was  of  five  kinds  :  (I) 
That  which  was  supposed  to  exude  from  their 
relics  ;  (2)  that  which  flowed  miraculously  from 
their  tombs  ;  (3)  that  which  had  acquired  virtue 
from  contact  with,  or  nearness  to,  their  relics  or 
tombs ;  (4)  oil  that  distilled  from  their  icons  ; 
(5)  oil  from  the  lamps  which  burnt  before  their 
images  or  shrines. 

(1)  In  the  Life  of  John  the  Almoner,  by 
Leontius  of  Cyprus,  a.d.  590,  we  are  told  that 
"  a  sweet,  health-giving  unguent  flowed  from 
his  precious  relics"  (c.  54),  and  the  author  adds 
that  in  Cyprus  the  same  grace  was  given  to 
many  saints,  "  the  sweetness  of  unguents  flowing 
from  their  precious  relics  as  from  fountains  " 
(c.  55).  Justinian  is  said  by  Procopius  to  have 
been  healed  by  oil  that  flowed  from  the  relics 
of  several  saints  (De  Aedif.  i.  7).  Unguent  (fj-vpa), 
which  flowed  from  the  bones  of  Glyceria,  a 
martyr  at  Heraclea,  had  long  run  freely  into 
a  brazen  basin.  When  a  silver  one,  which  with- 
out the  knowledge  of  the  donor  had  been  used 
for  magical  purposes,  was  substituted,  the  oil 
ceased  to  flow  (a.d.  583),  nor  did  it  run  again 
until  the  unpolluted  vessel  was  restored  to  its 
place  (Theophylact.  Simoc.  Jftstoria,  i.  11).  St. 
Slyrops  of  Chios  "  collected  the  unguent  (lavpa) 
that  flowed  from  the  relics  of  the  holy  martyrs 
and  apostles  "  buried  at  Ephesus,  "  and  healed 
the  sick  therewith."  From  this  circumstance 
she  even  received  her  name  (Bolland.  July  13, 
ex  Sijnaxariis  Graecis). 

(2)  In  the  Life  of  St.  Sampson  (§  23  ;  Surius, 
June  27)  we  read  that  a  healing  oil  used  to  flow 
from  his  tomb  on  the  anniversary  of  a  miracle 
performed  by  him.  St.  Bonitus  "ordered  the 
sick  to  be  anointed  with  oil,  which  he  had  ordered 
to  be  raised  for  a  blessing  out  of  the  tomb  of  St. 
Peter  at  Clusina  in  Tuscany  "  (  Vita  S.  Bon.  vi.  26 ; 
Bolland.  Jan.  15,  p.  1074).  A  dying  woman  was 
healed  by  the  oil  flowing  from  the  tomb  of  St. 
Eloy  (^Vita,  ii.  51 ;  Surius,  Dec.  1).  The  church 
•of  St.  Mary  trans  Tiberium  is  said  in  the  Acta 
S.  Quirini,  8  (Boll.  Jun.  4),  "  fundere  oleum 
fundatoris." 

In  the  East,  SS.  Andrew,  Nicholas,  Theodorus 
Stratelates  (Goar,  u.s.  452),  and  above  all  Deme- 
trius, were  noted  for  this  miracle.  See  especially 
the  Analecta  de  Unguento  seu  Oleo  e  S.  hemetrii 
'Tumido,  in  the  supplement  to  the  works  of 
Simeon  Metaphrastes  (iii.  Migne,  Ser.  Gr.  116). 

This  substance  was  also  called  manna.  Thus 
among  the  relics  collected  by  Angilbertus  at 
Centule  was  some  of  "  the  manna  of  St.  John  the 
Evangelist "  {Scriptum  S.  Angil.  15,  in  Bol- 
land. Feb.  torn.  iii.  103).  See  also  Menolog.  Basil. 
May  8,  St.  John  Ev.  as  cited  by  Ducange,  Gloss. 
Graec.  v.  fiavva.  Gregory  of  Tours  speaks  of  it 
iis  a  dust,  probably  dust  saturated  with  the  sup- 
posed oil :    "  Cujus   (S.  Joan.)  nunc  sepulcrum 


OIL,  HOLY 

manna  in  modum  farinae  hodieque  eructat " 
{De  Mirac.  i.  30).  But  others  speak  of  it  as 
fluid  (Due.  Gloss.  Lat.  in  Manna). 

(3)  In  the  case  of  Demetrius,  and  many  others, 
there  is  no  ambiguity  ;  the  oil  itself  is  supposed 
to  be  a  miraculous  product.  But  it  is  some- 
times doubtful  whether  this  is  really  meant. 
For  there  was  a  custom  of  placing  oil  in  or  near 
the  tombs  of  the  saints  in  the  hope  that  it  would 
derive  virtue  from  their  remains,  or  from  the 
earth  into  which  they  were  resolved.  Thus 
Paulinus  of  Nola,  a.d.  303,  says  of  the  tomb  of 
St.  Felix  {Natal.  6,  1.  38),  that  it  was  anointed. 
And  again  (i\'a^.  13,  1.  590)  :— 

"  Ista  superficies  tabulae  gemiuo  patet  ore 
Traebens  infusae  subjecta  foramina  nardo, 
Quae  cineris  sancti  venieua  a  sede  reposta 
Sanctificat  medicans  arcana  spiritus  aura." 

From  Paulinus  Petricorius,  quoted  above, 
we  learn  that  the  practice  was  common  in 
the  5th  century.  The  tomb  of  St.  Martin 
was  especially  famous  for  the  oil  that  received 
virtue  from  it  (Greg.  Turon.  de  Mirac.  S. 
Mart.  i.  2 ;  comp.  ii.  32,  51  ;  iii.  24 ;  iv. 
36 ;  &c.).  It  is,  we  suppose,  of  oil  thus 
sanctified  at  the  Memoria  of  St.  Stephen  that 
St.  Augustine  speaks,  when  he  relates  the  re- 
covery of  a  boy  from  apparent  death  ou  being 
anointed  "  ejusdem  martyris  oleo"  {De  Civit. 
Dei,  xxii.  viii.  18).  St.  Chrysostom  :  "Kot  the 
bones  of  the  martyrs  only,  but  their  tombs  and 
coffins,  pour  forth  abundant  blessing.  Take  holy 
oil,  and  thou  wilt  never  suffer  the  shipwreck  of 
drunkenness  "  {Horn,  in  Mart.  ii.  669).  A  mag- 
nate of  Antioch,  anointed  with  oil  from  the 
tomb  of  Euthymius,  was  at  once  healed  {Euthym. 
Vita,  127  ;  Monum.  Gr.  Cotel.  ii.  309). 

(4)  There  was  an  icon  of  the  Blessed  Virgin 
at  Constantinople  in  the  7th  century,  fi'om  which 
oil  was  believed  to  flow  continually.  Of  this 
Arculfus,  the  French  bishop  who  went  to  the 
Holy  Land  in  690,  declared  himself  to  be  an  eye- 
witness (Adamnanus,  de  Jjocis  Sanctis,  iii.  5). 

(5)  Far  more  common  are  stories  of  healing 
by  oil  from  a  lamp  burnt  in  honour  of  Christ  or 
the  saints.  The  following  examples  are  from  the 
East.  The  wounded  hand  of  a  Saracen  was 
healed  by  oil  from  a  lamp  before  the  icon  of  St. 
George  {iMirac.  S.  Georg.  vi.  55  ;  Boll.  Apr.  23). 
St.  Cyrus  and  St.  John  "appeared  to  a  per- 
son suffering  from  gout,  and  bade  him  take  a 
little  oil  in  a  small  ampulla  from  the  lamp  that 
burnt  before  the  image  of  the  Saviour  "  in  the 
greater  tetrapyle  at  Alexandria,  and  anoint  his 
feet  with  it  (  Vitae  SS.  Cyr.  et  Joan.  §  2  ;  Boll. 
Jan.  31 :  see  also  Vita  Euthymii,  147,  in  Cote- 
lerii  Monum.  Gr.  ii.  325 ;  Vita  Lucae  Jun. 
Combef.  Auctarium,  ii.  1012;  Vita  Eudocimi  i. 
9,  Boll.  July  30). 

Similar  stories  are  found  in  the  Western 
vrriters.  Thus  Nicetius  of  Lyons,  by  means  of 
"  the  oil  of  the  lamp  which  burnt  daily  at  his 
sepulchre,  restored  sight  to  the  blind,  drove 
demons  from  bodies  possessed,  restored  soundness 
to  shrunken  limbs,"  &c.  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc. 
iv.  37).  An  epileptic  was  cured  by  oil  from  the 
lamp  that  burnt  night  and  day  at  the  tomb  of 
St.  Severin  {Transl.  S.  Sev.  Auct.  Joan.  Diac. 
Boll.  8).  It  was  revealed  to  a  blind  woman,  that 
oil  from  the  lamp  of  St.  Genevieve  would 
restore  her  sight,  if  the  warden  of  the  church 


OIL,  USES  OF 

were  to  anoint  her  with  it  {Mirac.  S.  Gcnof. 
§  14).  A  week  after  she  brought  a  blind  man, 
who  was  healed  in  the  same  manner  {ibid.').  On 
the  lamps  at  tombs  see  Lights,  sect.  ix.  p.  997. 

Mabillon,  in  1685,  found  in  a  private  collec- 
tion at  Milan  {Iter  Ital.  Ap.  28 ;  Mus.  Ital.  i. 
14)  an  "  Index  oleorum  sacrorum  quae  Gregorius 
Magnus  misit  ad  Theodelindam  Reginam."  The 
MS.  bears  the  heading,  "  Notitia  de  olea  {si<S) 
Sanctorum  Martyrum,  qui  Romae  in  corpore  re- 
quiescunt."  This  he  printed  in  1705  in  App.  3 
to  his  tract,  De  Cultu  Ignotorum  Sanctonmi.  It 
may  be  seen  also  in  the  Acta  Martyrum  Sincera 
of  Ruinart,  p.  619,  and  in  the  Anecdota  Ainbro- 
siana  of  Muratori,  ii.  191.  It  gives  the  name  of 
above  sixty  saints,  and  claims  many  thousand 
more  as  contributing  to  the  production  of  the 
sacred  oil  ("  Sancti  Cornili  et  multa  milia  {sic) 
Sanctorum  ").  One  entry  deserves  to  be  cited 
from  its  singularity,  "  Oleo  {sic)  de  sede  ubi  prius 
sedit  Sanctus  Petrus."  Muratori  (?«.  s.)  has  a 
disquisition  bearing  on  the  present  subject. 

Oil  from  the  Church  Lamps  used  in 
HEALING. — St.  Chrysostom,  speaking  of  the 
ornaments  of  a  church,  says,  "  This  table  is  far 
more  honourable  than  that  table  (in  your  house), 
and  this  lamp  than  (your  household)  lamp  :  and 
they  all  know  it,  who,  having  in  fiiith  and  at  a 
happy  time  anointed  themselves  with  (its)  oil, 
have  dispelled  diseases  "  {Horn.  32  in  S.  Mat.  Ev. 
§  6;  vii.  373).  From  this  we  infer  that  oil 
from  any  church  lamp  was  thus  used,  before  the 
custom  arose  of  setting  lights  before  icons,  and 
of  taking  the  oil  that  fed  them  with  a  view  to 
engage  the  intercession  of  the  saint  represented. 
"VVe  have  an  example  in  the  life  of  Nilus  the 
Younger,  who  invited  a  priest  to  his  oratory, 
to  pray  over  a  sick  person  and  "  to  anoint 
him  with  oil  from  the  lamp."  We  are  told 
that  "in  this  manner  he  healed  monks  and 
laymen  who  were  harassed  by  evil  spirits, 
anointing  them  with  oil  by  the  hands  of 
priests  "  {Vita,  viii.  58,  59  ;  Boll.  Sept.  26).  The 
practice  is  not  extinct.  In  one  "Office  of  Suppli- 
cation "  for  the  sick,  printed  by  Goar,  we  have 
this  rubric  :  "  And  he  anoints  him  with  holy  oil 
irom  the  lamp,  saying  this  prayer."  The  head- 
ing of  the  prayer  is,  "A  prayer  on  the  unction 
of  the  sick  with  holy  oil "  {Euchol.  842).  An 
instance  in  the  West  is  related  by  Gregory  of 
Tours  {de  Mirac.  S.  Mart.  i.  18).  In  a  cattle 
plague  a  person  "  went  to  the  holy  basilica,  and 
took  the  oil  of  the  lamps  which  hung  from  the 
arched  roof,"  and  anointed  the  animals  affected 
with  a  good  result.  [W.  E.  S.] 

OIL,  Ritual  uses  of.  (1)  The  Oil  of  the 
Catechumens,  Oleum  Catechumenorum,  Bapti- 
zandorum. — There  was  a  general  custom  from 
an  early  period  of  anointing  catechumens  once 
or  oftener  during  their  catechumenate  with 
"  exorcised  "  or  "  hallowed  "  oil.  [Unction.] 
Forais  for  the  benediction  or  exorcism  of  this  oil 
are  found  in  most  of  the  ancient  offices  :  e.g.  "  A 
thanksgiving  (eucharist)  touching  the  unction 
of  the  mystic  oil  "  is  ordered  and  sketched  in 
the  A/joS:0''ica(  Constitutions,  vii.  42.  As  it  was 
usual  to  anoint  the  possessed  with  a  view  to 
their  deliverance  from  the  power  of  Satan,  and 
catechumens,  as  unbaptized,  were  considered  his 
subjects,  a  similar  rite  would  readily  suggest 
itself  as  appropriate  in  their  case. 


OIL,  USES  OF 


u: 


(2)  The  Oil  of  Chrism  (see  Chrism). — ^I'his 
had  a  twofold  use  in  connexion  with  baptism  : 
(1)  in  the  West,  and  at  an  early  period  in  Egypt, 
it  was  employed  by  the  priest  immediately  after 
baptism  [Baptism]  ;  and  (2)  it  was  used  at  con- 
firmation both  in  the  East  and  West.  [Unction. 1 

(3)  The  Oil  of  the  Sick,  Oleum  Infirmorum, 
Oleum  pro  Infi'rmis,  Oleum  pro  popxdo,  evxf^aiov. 
— The  use  of  oil  with  prayer  for  the  sick  was  a 
tradition  from  the  apostles.  In  our  Lord's  life- 
time they  "  anointed  with  oil  many  that  were 
diseased,  and  healed  them  "(Mark  vi.  13).  St. 
James  prescribes  its  use  to  presbyters  in  general, 
"  Is  any  sick  among  you  ?  Let  him  call  for  the 
elders  of  the  church,  and  let  them  pray  over 
him,  anointing  him  with  oil  in  the  name  of  the 
Lord  "  (James  v.  14).  There  is  abundant  proof 
that  the  example  and  precept  were  followed. 
[Sick,  Visitation  of.] 

Oil  was  blessed  for  the  sick,  not  by  the  clergy 
only,  but  by  laymen  of  great  repute  for  sanctity. 
It  was  even  done  by  women.  Thus  St.  Monegund, 
about  570,  on  her  death-bed  "  blessed  oil  and  salt,'' 
which  were  afterwards  given  to  the  sick  with 
good  effect  (  Vita,  §  9,  in  Acta  S.  0.  Ben.  i.  204  ; 
Greg.  Tui.  Yitae  Pair.  six.  4).  From  the  story 
of  a  nun  who,  having  dreamt  that  St.  Radegunii 
her  abbess,  anointed  her  with  oil,  awoke  healed, 
we  may  perhaps  infer  that  it  was  her  practice 
also  {Eadeg.  Vita,  i.  35,  auct.  Fortunato).  In  the 
West  this  office  was  restrained  to  the  bishops  at 
a  somewhat  early  pei-iod.  Pseudo-Innocent  says 
that  it  was  lawful  for  presbyters  and  others  to 
apply  "  the  oil  of  chrism  "  to  the  sick,  but  that 
it  mtst  be  "  made  by  the  bishop"  {Epist.  i.  8). 
This  was  at  Rome.  The  rule  seems  to  have 
been  enforced  elsewhere  much  later.  About  730, 
however,  Boniface  orders  "  all  presbyters  to 
obtain  the  oil  of  the  sick  from  the  bishop  and 
have  it  by  them  "  {Statuta,  29  ;  ed.  Wurdw.  142  ; 
comp.  Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  vi.  179).  The  early  Gal- 
ilean church  knew  no  such  restriction ;  but 
Pepin,  744,  seems  to  have  borrowed  it  from 
Rome  (cap.  4;  in  Capit.  Eeg.  Franc,  i.  158).  The 
council  of  Chalons,  813,  decides  that  "the  sick 
ought  to  be  anointed  by  the  presbyters  with  oil, 
which  is  blessed  by  the  bishop  "  (can.  48). 

This  rule  never  obtained  in  the  East.  Thus 
Theodore  of  Canterbury,  by  birth  of  Tarsus, 
A.D.  668  :  "  According  to  the  Greeks  it  is  lawful 
for  presbyters  ...  to  make  exorcised  oil  and 
chrism  for  the  sick,  if  it  be  necessary " 
{Capitulare  apud  Martene,  de  Ant.  Feci.  Fit.  i. 
vii.  3,  §  7).  Among  them  it  is  now  generally 
consecrated  as  required  by  a  sick  pei'son,  either 
in  their  house  or  in  the  church,  by  seven  priests, 
if  they  can  be  brought  together,  though  one  is 
sufficient  (Metrophanes  Critop.  Confessio,  13  ;  in 
Kimmel,  Monum.  Fidei  Orient,  ii.  153 ;  Goar, 
Euchol.  408,  432).  The  Armenian  rule  in  the 
8th  century  was  that  the  priest  should  bless  the 
oil  of  the  sick,  "  using  proper  firayers,  as  much 
as  was  needed  for  the  occasion "  (Joan.  Cathol. 
can.  11,  Mai,  u.  s.). 

(4)  Oil  in  the  Agnus  Dei. — The  Ord'j 
Romanus,  about  730,  tells  us  that  at  Rome,  on 
Easter-eve,  the  archdeacon,  coming  early  to  the 
church  of  St.  John  Lateran,  "  pours  wax  into  a 
clean  vessel  of  large  size,  and  mixes  oil  with  it 
in  the  same,  and  blesses  the  wax,  and  pours  ouc 
thereof  into  the  figure  of  lambs "  {Mus.  Ital. 
ii.  31).     [Agnus  Dei,  Vol.  I.  p.  44.]    The  same 


14oG 


OIL,  USES  OF 


Ordo  says  (32),  "  Similiter  in  suburbanis  civita- 
tibus  de  cera  faciunt,"  where  for  "  cera  "  Pseudo- 
Alcuin  reads  "oleo"  {De  Dk.  Off.  19). 

(5)  Oil,  the  Element  in  Baptism. — Tur- 
I'ibius,  bishop  of  Astorga  in  Spain,  A.D.  447,  in  a 
letter  to  two  other  Spanish  bishops,  Idacius  and 
( "eponius,  speaking  of  the  apocryphal  books  re- 
ceived by  the  Priscillianists,  says :  "  That  is 
especially  to  be  noted  and  execrated  in  the  so- 
called  Acts  of  St.  Thomas,  that  it  says  that  he 
))aptized  not  with  water,  as  the  preaching  of 
the  Lord  directs,  but  with  oil  only,  which  prac- 
tice those  books  of  ours  (in  the  context,  libri 
canonici)  do  not  admit,  but  which  the 
:Manicheans  follow  "  (Epist.  §  5  ;  ad  calc.  Epist. 
XV.  Leon.  M.  130,  ed.  Ven.  1748). 

The  fact  of  Manichean  baptism  in  oil  will 
hardly  be  doubted  by  those  who  are  aware  that 
the  practice  was  at  least  not  unknown  among 
the  orthodo.t  Christians  of  Persia.  Our  autho- 
rity for  this  is  the  Menology  of  the  Greek  church 
in  its  account  of  the  martyrs  Dadas,  Gobdelaas, 
.md  Kasdoa.  (Lesson  for  Sept.  29 ;  Lib.  Mens. 
Venet.  1628.) 

(6)  Oil  in  the  Eucharistic  Bread. — For 
many  ages  the  oblates  of  the  Nestorians  and 
Syrian  Jacobites  have  been  made  with  oil.  Among 
the  former  the  jn-eparatiou  of  the  dough,  which  is 
accompanied  by  prayer,  is  the  subject  of  rubrical 
direction.  It  is  to  be  made  with  "  fine  flour  and 
salt  and  olive  oil,  and  three  drops  of  water " 
{Officium  Eenovatlonis  Fermenti ;  Martene,  de  Ant. 
Eccl.  i.  iii.  7  ;  sim.  Badger,  Nestorians,  ii.  162 ; 
see  also  Le  Brun,  Explication,  Diss.  si.  9). 

(7)  Oil  in  the  Font. — From  the  second 
century  downwards,  the  bishop  consecrated  the 
water  of  baptism  by  prayer,  though  the  sacra- 
ment was  considered  valid  without  it.  See 
Baptism,  §  42,  Vol.  I.  p.  159.  That  no  oil  or 
fji.vpov  was  at  first  used  in  this  consecration,  or 
poured  into  the  water  after  it,  we  may  infer  from 
the  silence  of  the  earlier  writers.  Our  first 
witness  is  Pseudo-Dionysius,  who  is  generally 
.supposed  to  have  written  about  520 :  "  The  chief 
priest  pours  the  fivpov  in  lines  forming  a  cross, 
into  the  purifying  font  of  baptism  "  (De  Hier- 
nrch.  Eccl.  iv.  10 ;  comp.  ii.  7).  [Font,  Bene- 
diction OF,  p.  680.] 

The  orders  both  of  the  East  and  West  supply 
internal  evidence  of  the  fact,  that  the  consecra- 
tion of  the  water  was  originally  considered  com- 
plete without  the  infusion  of  the  oil  or  chrism. 
This  was  a  later  ceremony  added  to  the  several 
offices  at  various  and  uncertain  periods. 

(8)  Oil  in  Church  Lamps. — The  lights  of  a 
church  were  so  costly  that  at  an  early  period 
some  stated  provision  for  them,  beyond  the  volun- 
tary offerings  of  the  faithful,  became  necessary. 
We  might  infer  this  from  a  tradition  of  Eudocia, 
the  wife  of  Theodosius  the  Younger.  It  is 
said  that  "  once  on  Easter  Day  going  into  the 
church  (at  Jerusalem)  to  celebrate  the  holy 
resurrection  of  Christ,  she  gave  10,000  sextarii 
of  oil  to  be  used  for  the  lights  "  (Nicephorus 
Call.  Hist.  Eccl.  xiv.  50).  In  a  will  ascribed 
to  Perpetuus  of  Tours,  about  470,  we  read : 
"  From  the  revenues  of  those  (estates  afore- 
named) let  oil  be  furnished  to  light  perpetually 
the  tomb  of  the  lord  (domni)  Martin  "  (App.  ad 
0pp.  Greg.Tur.  1318).  Caesarius  of  Aries,  502  : 
'•  Let  those  who  are  able  present  wax  tapers,  or 
oil   to   be  put  into  the  lamp  "  (^Serin.  76,  §  2). 


OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  council  of  Bracara,  572,  directed  that  a  third 
part  of  all  the  ordinary  oblations  of  the  people 
should  be  spent  "  pro  luminariis  ecclesiae  "  (can. 
2).  Gregory  of  Rome,  in  603,  gave  lands  and 
buildings  to  the  church  of  St.  Paul  at  Rome, 
with  the  proviso  that  all  revenues  therefrom 
should  be  spent  on  its  lights  {Epist.  xii.  9). 

[W.  E.  S.] 
OLBIANUS,  bishop  of  Anea,  in  Asia,  mar- 
tyr under  Maximian  ;  commemorated  May  4. 
(Basil,  MenoL;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Maii,  i.  458); 
May  25  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Maii,  vi.  101) ;  Mav  29 
(Basil.  Jfenol.)  [C.  H.] 

OLD  TESTAMENT  (in  Art).  The  man- 
ner in  which  the  Old  Testament  was  generally 
employed  in  early  Christian  art  indicates  a  convic- 
tion of  the  identity  of  the  revelation  contained 
in  it  with  the  fuller  one  made  in  the  New  Tes- 
tament. The  cycle  of  subjects  selected  from  it 
for  pictorial  representation,  and  the  mode  in  which 
they  were  intermingled  with  subjects  from  the 
Gospels,  may  be  regarded  as  a  visible  exemplifi- 
cation of  Aiigustine's  words,  "  Novum  Testa- 
mentum  in  vetere  latet.  Vetus  Testamentum 
in  novo  patet."  From  the  almost  boundless 
wealth  of  persons  and  histories  oflfering  them- 
selves to  the  pencil  of  the  artist  in  the  older 
books  of  the  Bible,  only  those,  as  a  rule,  are 
chosen  which  the  Christian  consciousness  regarded 
as  typical  of  the  great  redemptive  acts  of  Christ, 
or  of  the  Sacraments  of  the  Church.  In  the 
Western  church,  where  alone  any  large  remains 
of  ecclesiastical  art  have  been  preserved  to  us, 
a  rule  was  very  speedily  established  in  practice 
rigidly  defining  not  only  what  subjects  were  suit- 
able for  employment  in  religious  art,  but  the  very 
form  and  arrangement  in  which  they  were  to  be 
represented.  Hieratic  types  were  prescribed  for 
each  of  these  chief  symbolic  events,  from  which, 
when  once  defined  and  accepted  by  the  church, 
it  was  not  permissible  for  an  artist  to  diverge. 
So  permanent  was  this  formulated  type,  so 
unchanging  the  accessories,  that  a  very  small 
fragment  of  a  fresco  or  a  mosaic  is  frequently 
suflScient  to  enable  us  to  determine  its  subject 
with  perfect  certainty.  Instead  of  having  the 
licence  "  quidlibet  audendi,"  the  ecclesiastical 
artist  was  ,  confined  within  trammels  so  close 
that  he  became  little  more  than  the  mechanical 
reproducer  of  authorised  designs.  It  is  needless 
here  to  repeat  what  has  been  already  said 
[Fresco,  Vol.  I.  pp.  690-701]  of  the  typical 
character  of  early  Christian  art.  It  will  be 
sufficient  to  indicate  the  subjects  from  the  Old 
Testament  which  we  find  portrayed,  and  the 
type  commonly  followed.  We  would  premise 
that  we  give  art  its  widest  meaning,  including 
paintings,  mosaics,  the  bas-reliefs  of  sarcophagi, 
gilt  glasses,  ivories,  lamps,  &c. 

(1)  The  Creation  of  Woman. — -The  formation 
of  Eve  out  of  the  side  of  Adam  was  an  early- 
recognised  and  favourite  symbol  of  the  church, 
the  spouse  of  Christ,  proceeding  from  the  pierced 
side  of  the  Second  Adam  (Tertull.  de  Anim.  c. 
43).  This  is,  however,  only  found  represented 
on  a  few  sarcophagi,  and  that  not  with  suflScient 
clearness  to  render  the  identification  unquestion- 
able, though  there  can,  we  think,  be  little  doubt 
of  its  correctness.  The  most  remarkable  ex- 
ample is  on  the  upper  left-hand  corner  (the 
spectator's    left)    of  a  sarcophagus  of  the  4th 


OLD  TESTAMENT 

century,  discovered  under  the  floor  of  St.  Paul's 
without  the  walls  of  Rome,  now  in  the  Lateran 
Ivluseum  (Appell.  Monuments  of  Early  Christian 
Art,  No.  5  ;  Brownlow  and  Northcote,  Roma 
Sotteran.  pi.  six.  p.  301 ;  Westwood,  ScuJp.  of 
the  Sarcoph.  p.  50).  Dean  Burgon  enumerates 
eleven  instances  among  the  fiftj--five  sarcophagi 
in  the  Lateran  Museum.  Sometimes  our  Lord 
wields  the  wonder-working  rod.  An  ivory  of  the 
4th  century,  given  by  Gori  {Tlies.  Vet.  Diptych. 
vol.  ii.  p.  161  ;  Agincourt,  Sculpt,  pi.  xii.  No.  1), 
represents  unmistakably  the  extraction  of  Eve 
from  Adam's  side,  with  other  subjects  from  the 
opening  chapters  of  Genesis — the  murder  of 
Abel,  &c. 

(2)  The  Fall. — Few  subjects  are  more  frequent 
i.i  every  class  of  Christian  art.  Our  first 
parents  usually  stand  on  either  side  of  the  tree 
of  knowledge,  round  which  the  serpent  twines, 
hiding  their  shame,  sometimes  with  their  hands 
alone,  sometimes  with  fig-leaves.  A  lamp, 
figured  by  Agincourt  {Terres  Cuites,  pi.  xxiv. 
No.  2),  represents  Eve  seeking  for  a  veil  at  the 
moment  that  she  takes  the  fatal  fruit.  On  the 
Lateran  sarcophagus  already  referred  to  the 
serpent  offers  the  apple  in  his  mouth.  Our 
Lord,  as  a  beardless  young  man,  presents  Adam 
with  a  bundle  of  ears  of  corn,  and  Eve  with  a 
lamb,  the  emblems  of  their  future  labours  in 
tilling  the  ground  and  spinning  wool.  On  the 
celebrated  sarcophagus  of  Junius  Bassus  (Bosio, 
p.  45 ;  Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p.  277  ;  Bottari,  vol.  i. 
pi.  15;  Agincourt,  Sculpture,  pi.  6,  nos.  5-11; 
Appell.  p.  9  ;  Parker,  Photogr.  2997,  Sculpture, 
pi.  siii.)  the  serpent  is  absent ;  Adam  and  Eve 
turn  their  backs  to  one  another  and  to  the  tree, 
and  the  emblems  of  labour  stand  by  their  side. 
By  a  singular  eccentricity,  on  a  gilded  glass 
given  by  Buonarruoti  {Vetri,  tom.  i.  fig.  2,  and 
p.  8),  Eve  wears  a  necklace  and  bracelet  of  gold. 
Martigny  (p.  16,  b)  refers  in  explanation  of  this 
to  some  Rabbinical  writings,  which  assert  that 
immediately  after  her  fatal  offence  Eve  was  decked 
with  every  variety  of  female  dress  and  orna- 
ments. The  subject  is  frequent  in  the  catacomb 
frescoes  both  of  Rome  and  Naples.  (Bellermann, 
Eatakomhen  zu  Ncapel.  pi.  5;  Appell.  no.  23.) 
The  expulsion  from  Eden  occurs  on  a  sar- 
cophagiis  on  the  Lateran  Museum  (Parker, 
Sculpture,  pi.  xv. ;  see  also  Bottari,  Sculpture  e 
Pitture,  tav.  ii.). 

(3)  Abel  and  Cain. — ^The  sacrifice  of  the  lamb 
by  Abel  naturally  offered  itself  to  Christian 
typology  as  prefiguring  the  death  of  the  Lamb  of 
God,  as  well  as  the  sacrifice  of  the  Eucharist.  In 
the  latter  reference  Abel's  offerings,  "  munera 
pueri  tui  justi  Abel,"  occur  in  the  canon  of  the 
Mass  in  connexion  with  the  sacrifice  of  Abraham, 
and  the  bread  and  wine  of  Melchizedek.  The 
subject  is  more  frequent  on  sarcophagi  than 
in  wall  decoratious.  We  have,  however,  an 
example  of  the  latter  in  the  mosaics  of  the 
sanctuary  of  St.  Vital's  at  Ravenna,  where  Abel 
stands  alone,  clad,  shepherdliUe,  in  a  goat-skin, 
holding  a  lamb  in  his  arms  extended  in  prayer 
over  a  sacrificial  table,  on  the  other  side'  of 
which  Melchizedek  is  offering  bread  and  wine, 
thus  indicating  the  spiritual  identity  of  the 
gifts  with  the  Real  Presence  in  the  Eucharist. 
[Mosaics,  p.  1322.]  On  some  sarcophagi  Cain  and 
Abel  often  appear  together,  making  their  respec- 
tive  offerings  of  a  sheaf  of  corn  or  grapes  and 


OLD  TESTAMENT 


14,3 


a  lamb  to  the  Deity,  represented  as  an  old  man, 
seated  (Bottari,  tav.  Ii. ;  cxxxvii.,  Bosio,  p.  159). 

(4)  Koah. — The  ark  as  a  symbol  of  the  churcli 
carried  safely  through  the  deluge  of  God's  wrath, 
and  Noah  as  a  type  of  redeemed  humanity  ad- 
mitted to  the  church  by  the  waters  of  baptism, 
receiving  from  the  dove,  figuring  the  Holy 
Spirit,  the  olive  branch  of  heavenly  peace,  is 
repeated  constantly  in  all  examples  of  early 
Christian  art  (cf.  Tertull.  de  Baptismo,  c.  viii.). 
The  countless  representations  of  this  one  scene,  de- 
picted purely  symbolically,  without  the  slightest 
attempt  at  historical  accuracy,  evidence  the 
strong  hold  it  had  on  the  early  Christian  mind. 
This  was  one  of  the  subjects  selected  by  St. 
Ambrose  for  the  adornment  of  his  Basilica  at 
Milan.  [Fresco,  Vol.  I.  p.  699,  no.  10 ;  Dove. 
p.  575.] 

(5)  Abraham's  Sacrifice. — The  purely  symbolical 
character  of  early  Christian  art  is  evidenced  by 
the  perpetual  recurrence  of  this  specially  typical 
act,  alone  out  of  the  whole  of  the  incidents  in  the 
life  of  Abraham.  It  is  one  of  the  scenes  which 
meet  us  everywhere.  The  primitive  character  of 
this  type  appears  from  a  passage  from  St.  Gregory 
Nyssen,  quoted  in  the  second  Nicene  council  (act. 
iv. ;  Labbe,  Concil.  vii.  736),  describing  a  picture 
which  he  says  he  never  looked  on  without  tears, 
in  which  the  sacrifice  of  Isaac  was  represented 
just  as  we  see  it  on  tne  walls  and  ceilings  and  on 
the  sarcophagi  of  the  catacombs.  St.  Augustine 
speaks  too  of  it  as  "tot  locis  pictum  "  (^Contr. 
Faustin.  lib.  xxii.  c.  72).  It  is  needless  to  par- 
ticularise the  variety  of  costume  found  in  different 
examples.  In  one  instance  Abraham  is  vested  in 
the  high  priestly  robes  of  the  Jewish  ritual 
(Bottari,  tav.  clxi.).  The  substituted  ram  appears 
hard  by,  sometimes  struggling  in  the  brambles 
(which  were  regarded  as  a  type  of  our  Lord's 
crown  of  thorns),  sometimes  standing  free.  Abra- 
ham's sacrifice  appears  in  the  mosaics  of  the 
sanctuary  of  St.  Vital's  at  Ravenna,  in  con- 
junction with  the  reception  of  the  three  angels 
The  lunette  containing  these  subjects  corresponds 
to  that  containing  the  conjoined  sacrifices  of 
Abel  and  Melchizedek.  The  eucharistic  and 
sacrificial  reference  of  the  whole  series  is  evident. 

(6)  Melchizedek. — As  already  stated,  the  offering 
of  bread  and  wine  made  by  the  royal  priest  to 
the  father  of  the  faithful,  is  one  of  the  eucharistic 
subjects  at  St.  Vital's.  [Eucharist,  p.  626.] 
This  subject  is  also  the  first  of  the  series  of  Old 
Testament  representations  in  the  name  of  St. 
Mary  Major's  at  Rome. 

(T)  Moses. — There  is  no  Old  Testament  history 
from  which  so  many  illustrations  have  been 
taken  as  that  of  the  great  deliverer  and  law- 
giver of  God's  ancient  people.  The  sacramental 
character  of  the  passage  of  the  Red  Sea,  the 
giving  of  the  manna,  and  the  water  flowing  from 
the  smitten  rock,  having  been  so  recognised  by 
our  Lord  and  His  apostles,  these  events  naturally 
took  their  place  among  the  leading  eucharistic 
types,  and  are  found  perpetually  recurring  in 
every  variety  of  Christian  art. 

(a)  The  first  of  these  symbolical  incidents  in  the 
life  of  Moses  is  his  loosing  his  sandals  from  his  feet 
before  the  burning  bush.  The  act  was  regarded 
by  the  fathers  as  typical  of  the  duty  of  putting 
""  worldlv  thoughts  and  cares  in  approach- 
the  Divine  Presence  (cf.  Anibros.  de  Isaac, 

4 ;  Greg.  Naz.  Or.  xlii.  tom.  i.  p.  689).    This  is 


away  al 


1458 


OLD  TESTAMENT 


one  of  the  most  frequent  subjects  in  the  catacomb 
frescoes,  and  appears  in  early  mosaics,  as  at  St. 
Vital,  Ravenna,  and  St.  Catherine,  Mount  Sinai. 
(6)  The  Passage  of  the  Red  Sea. — We  do  not  find 
this  subject  so  frequently  represented  as  we 
might  have  expected  from  its  universal  recogni- 
tion as  a  type  of  baptism.  It  is  not  found  in 
paintings,  only  on  sarcophagi.  We  may  instance 
line  from  the  Vatican  cemetery  (Bottari,  tav.  xl. ; 
Agincourt,  Sculpture,  pi.  viii.  no.  1).  The  sub- 
ject is  represented  with  far  greater  detail  and  a 
larger  number  of  figures  on  other  sarcophagi 
(Bosio,  p.  591 ;  Bottari,  tav.  cxciv. ;  Millin, 
Midi  de  la  France,  pi.  Ixvii.).  In  the  Museum 
of  Aix  is  one  discovered  at  Aries,  which  in 
addition  to  the  Gathering  of  the  Quails,  and 
the  striking  of  the  Kock,  represents  the  Exodus 
from  Egypt  and  the  overthrow  of  Pharaoh 
(Millin,  li  s.  pi.  9).  Three  sarcophagi  at  Aries, 
two  in  the  museum,  and  one  at  St.  Trophimus, 
also  present  the  scene  in  detail,  with  the  remark- 
able addition  of  the  pillar  of  fire  going  before  the 
Israelites, 

(c)  Jlfoses  striking  the  Sock. — This  subject,  so 
distinctly  typifying  the  waters  of  baptism  and 
the  supplies  of  spiritual  grace  and  strength 
flowing  from  the  smitten  rock,  "which  was 
Christ  "  (1  Cor.  x.  4),  meets  us  perpetually. 
It  is  seen  constantly  in  the  catacomb  frescoes, 
and  is  seldom  absent  from  the  sarcophagi,  where 
the  thirsty  crowd,  generally  wanting  in  the 
pictures,  are  eagerly  drinking  of  the  copious 
streams  which  are  gushing  from  the  rock  struck 
by  the  miraculous  rod.  In  close  connexion  with 
this  subject  there  is  almost  always  found  on  the 
sarcophagi  a  group  of  persons  in  flat  caps,  who 
seize  an  old  and  bearded  man  carrying  a  rod  by 
either  arm,  and  lead  him  off  as  a  prisoner  (Bosio, 
103,  285,  287,  295,  425).  This  has  been  usually 
identified  with  the  apprehension  of  St.  Peter. 
Martiguy  considers  that  it  is  intended  for  the 
rebellion  of  the  Israelites,  which  pi'eceded  the 
miraculous  gift  of  water  (Exod.  xvii.  4).  Pro- 
bably there  is  an  intentional  combination  of  the 
two  scenes,  thus  evidencing  the  complete  identi- 
fication of  the  two  revelations  in  the  mind  of 
the  early  Christians,  by  whom  Peter  was  re- 
garded as  the  antitype  of  Moses,  "  the  leader  of 
the  new  Israel,"  as  Prudentius  calls  him.  This 
is  also  indicated  by  the  marked  resemblance  the 
figure  of  Jloses  in  this  subject  usually  bears,  in 
the  general  look  of  his  hair  and  beard  and  the 
outline  of  his  features,  to  the  traditional  type  of 
St.  Peter,  and  is  still  more  strikingly  brought 
out  in  some  of  the  gilded  glasses  representing 
the  striking  of  the  Rock,  where  not  only  is  the 
resemblance  unmistakable,  but  all  doubt  is  re- 
moved by  the  name  Petrus  being  superscribed. 
(See  Brownlow  and  Northcote,  Horn.  Sott.  fig.  33, 
p.  287  ;  pi.  xvii.  no.  2  ;  pp.  248,  265,  287,  303.) 

(d)  The  Manna  and  the  Quails. — The  manna, 
as  a  symbol  of  the  Living  Bread  that  came 
clown,  might  have  been  expected  to  appear 
more  frequently  than  it  does.  Only  one  indu- 
bitable example  is  found  among  the  catacomb 
pictures.  This  was  discovered  in  1863  in  the 
cemetery  of  St.  Cyriaca,  and  was  described  by 
De  Rossi  {Bidletino,  Oct.  1863,  p.  76;  see 
Manxa,  p.  1084).  Dr.  Appell  cites  another 
example  from  the  sarcophagus  of  the  abbess 
Eusebius  in  the  museum  at  Marseilles,  figured 
by  Millin  (pi.  Iviii.  no.   2).     He   also  mentions 


OLD  TESTAMENT 

one  example  of  the  quails  from  the  Aries 
sarcophagus  in  the  museum  at  Aix,  already 
spoken  of.  It  is  not  at  all  improbable  that 
the  same  combination  of  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ment symbolism  spoken  of  in  connexion  with 
the  striking  of  the  rock  has  place  also  in  this 
allied  miracle,  and  that  a  large  number  of  the 
pictures  usually  identified  with  the  multiplica- 
tion of  the  loaves  and  fishes  in  its  closing  scene, 
the  gathering  of  the  fragments,  have  also,  as 
Martigny  suggests  (following  Bosio's  lead)  a 
reference  to  the  gathering  of  the  manna  in 
baskets.  The  venerable  bearded  personage  re- 
presented has  more  resemblance  to  the  type  of 
Moses  than  that  of  Christ  (Bosio,  p.  251). 

(e)  The  giving  of  the  Tables  of  the  iaw.— This 
subject  is  found  in  juxtaposition  with  that  of 
striking  the  rock  on  a  very  large  number  of  the 
sarcophagi.  Moses  usually  stands  with  his 
right  foot  on  a  rock,  symbolizing  Mount  Sinai, 
and  receives  the  tables  from  a  hand  emerging 
from  a  cloud  (Bosio,  pp.  363,  367,  589  ;  Bottari, 
tav.  xxvii.). 

(8)  The  Grapes  of  Eshcol. — Dr.  Appell  men- 
tions that  a  sarcophagus  in  the  museum  at 
ilarseilles,  traditionally  said  to  have  contained 
the  bodies  of  two  of  St.  Ursula's  virgins,  bears 
on  its  cover  the  parallel  subjects  of  the  two 
Israelite  spies  bearing  a  large  bunch  of  grapes 
on  a  staff',  and  the  miracle  of  turning  the  water 
into  wine  at  Cana  (Millin,  u.  s.  p.  lix.  no.  3  ;  Dr. 
Piper,  De  Caumont,  Bullet.  Monument,  vol. 
xxxi.  pp.  553-559). 

(9)  David. — Singularly  enough,  this  remarlc- 
able  type  of  Christ  is  only  known  to  appear  once 
in  the  whole  range  of  Christian  art.  This  is  in 
a  fresco  filling  one  of  the  coiupartments  of  the 
ceiling  of  a  cubiculum  in  the  catacomb  of  Cal- 
listus  (Bosio,  p.  239  ;  Bottari,  tav.  Ixiii. ;  Aringhi, 
i.  54).  In  his  right  hand  the  youth  wields  the 
loaded  sling,  and  with  his  left  raises  the  fold  of 
his  short  girdled  tunic,  bearing  a  supply  of 
stones. 

(10)  The  Ascension  of  Elijah. — This  subject,  at 
once  a  type  of  our  Lord's  ascension  (Greg.  Magn. 
in  Evang.  Horn.  xxix.  c.  6),  and  a  proof  of  the 
rapture  into  heaven  of  the  glorified  bodies  of  the 
living  saints  (Iren.  lib.  v.  c.  5),  was  a  special 
favourite  with  the  early  Christians,  who  de- 
lighted to  have  it  sculptured  on  their  sarcophagi 
and  painted  in  their  burial  vaults.  Elijah  is 
usually  pourtrayed  standing  in  a  four-horse 
chariot,  an  almost  exact  reproduction  of  the 
triumphal  cars  of  the  Roman  emperors  carved 
on  their  arches  and  stamped  on  their  coins.  With 
his  right  hand  he  delivers  his  mantle  to  Elijah. 
Attendant  figures  of  a  diminutive  size  stand  for 
the  sons  of  the  prophets,  watching  the  prophet's 
ascent.  In  some  instances  the  Jordan  [p.  8901 
is  personified  by  a  river-god,  with  a  crown  of 
rushes,  leaning  on  his  arm  (Appell,  p.  341).  The 
finest  example  is  on  a  sarcophagus  in  the  Lateran 
Museum,  figured  by  Brownlow  and  Northcote 
(fig.  30,  p.  250),  and  Dr.  Appell  (^Monuments  of 
Early  Christian  Art,  p.  22) ;  see  also  Bosio,  pp. 
73,  77,  161,  257  ;  Aringhi,  tom.  i.  pp.  305,  309, 
429  ;  Bottari,  tav.  Hi. ;  Allegranza,  Spiegazioni, 
tom.  V. ;  Perret,  tom.  iv.  pi.  xvi.  no.  21. 

(11)  Ezekiel's  Vision  of  the  Valley  of  Dry 
Bones. — Striking  as  the  symbolical  force  of  this 
subject  is  as  a  foreshadowing  of  the  Resurrection, 
it  is  of  rare  occurrence  in  early  Christian  art. 


OLD  TESTAMENT 

It  appears  on  a  few  sarcophagi,  and  is  always 
represented  in  the  same  manner.  The  prophet 
stands  erect,  holding  his  roll,  extending  his  right 
hand  towards  a  group  of  two  naked  men  stand- 
ing up,  into  whom  the  spirit  of  life  has  just 
been  breathed,  and  a  third,  still  inanimate, 
extended  on  the  ground,  by  whose  side  are  two 
human  heads,  one  a  mere  skull,  the  other  par- 
tially covered  with  flesh.  (Bottari,  tav.  xxxviii. 
cxxxiv.,  cxcv.  ;  Agincourt,  Sculpt,  pi.  viii.  no.  3  ; 
Bosio,  pp.  05,  425  ;  Parker,  Fhotogr.  2921.) 

(12)  Daniel. — Daniel  in  the  Lions'  Deu  dis- 
putes for  frequency  of  representation  with  Moses 
Striking  the  Eock,  and  the  History  of  Jonah. 
It  meets  the  eye  everywhere,  and  always  con- 
forms to  the  same  general  type,  with  many 
minor  modifications.  The  prophet  is  almost 
always  entirely  naked,  standing,  with  his  hands 
extended  in  prayer,  between  two  lions.  Hab- 
akkuk,  according  to  the  apocryphal  addition, 
.stands  by,  with  the  hand  which  has  conveyed 
him  through  the  air  sometimes  still  grasping  his 
hair,  and  offers  the  prophet  a  basketful  of  round 
bread  cakes,  decussated,  exactly  resembling  our 
"  hot  cross  buns  "  (Bosio,  155,  285).  A  fish  is 
sometimes  added,  in  evident  allusion  to  Christ 
as  the  food  of  the  soul,  as  in  the  very  curious 
design,  from  a  sarcophagus  at  Brescia,  given 
by  Dr.  Appell  (p.  31).  In  the  earliest  known 
example,  in  the  cemetery  of  Domitilla  (Brown- 
low  and  Northcote,  p.  73,  fig.  11),  Daniel  is 
clothed  in  a  short  tunic ;  but  this  is  so  excep- 
tional that  Le  Blant  {Inscriptions  Chretiennes  de 
Gaule,  torn.  i.p.  493)  is  only  able  to  produce  five 
similar  examples,  and  all  of  these  of  compara- 
tively late  date.  Sometimes  he  wears  a  cincture 
(Bottari,  tav.  cxcv.).  The  apocryphal  story  of 
his  destruction  of  the  dragon  with  balls  of  pitch 
and  hair  is  also  sometimes  depicted  on  sarcophagi. 
There  is  au  example  from  the  Vatican  ceme- 
tery (Bosio,  p.  57  ;  Bottari,  tav.  xix.  ;  Parker, 
Fhotogr.  2920).  The  woodcut  given  [Dragos, 
p.  579]  from  this  sarcophagus  renders  descrip- 
tion needless.  The  position  of  the  serpent 
twining  round  a  tree  sets  historical  truth  at 
defiance.  It  is  found  on  a  sarcophagus  at 
Verona  (Maffei,  Ver.  Illust.  pars  iii.  p.  54),  and 
on  one  in  the  museum  at  Aries,  and  on  a  gilt 
glass  published  by  Garrucci  {Vetri,  iii.  13),  where 
Christ  stands  behind  the  prophet,  who  turns  to 
him  for  succour  before  offering  the  food  to  the 
dragon  who  is  issuing  from  a  cavern. 

(13)  The  Three  Children  in  the  Furnace. — 
This  is  another  constantly  recurring  representa- 
tion. Not  so  frequent  is  the  preliminary  scene, 
when  they  are  required  to  worship  the  Golden 
Image.  It  is  found  in  a  fresco  from  the  cata- 
comb of  St.  Callistus  (Bottari,  tav.  Ixxviii.) ; 
and  a  sarcophagus  from  the  Vatican  cemetery 
(Bosio,  03)  in  connexion  with  the  furnace  scene. 
Nebuchadnezzar  is  seated  in  front  of  his  statue, 
attended  by  his  courtiers.  Two  of  the  youths 
are  already  in  the  furnace  ;  one  of  them  is  help- 
ing in  the  third,  who  is  being  pushed  forward  by 
an  officer.  A  fourth  figure,  "one  like  unto  the 
Son  of  God,"  stands  in  the  centre.  It  also  occurs 
in  a  fresco  from  the  cemetery  of  Callistus 
(Bosio,  p.  279)  and  on  a  sarcophagus  at  St.  Am- 
brogio  at  Milan  (Allegranza,  Sjjiegaz.  tav.  iv. ; 
Ai)pell,  p.  33).  The  image  is  a  bust,  set  on 
a  pedestal ;  the  Hebrew  youths  wear  Phrygian 
bonnets  and  a  short  tunic.     In  the  more  usual 

CIirjST.  AXT. — VOL.  H 


OLD  TESTABIENT 


1459 


subject  of  the  furnace  they  also  wear  the  bonnet 
and  sometimes  trousers,  and  stand  erect  with 
their  arms  extended  in  prayer  [Fkesco,  No.  12, 
p.  700  ;  Furnace,  704]  ;  (Bottari,  tav.  Ixi.,  xli., 
Ixii.,  cxliii.,  cxcv.,  clxxxvi.  6  ;  Bosio,  pp.  63,  129). 
The  furnace  is  sometimes  wanting,  and  the 
youths  stand  among  flames  on  the  ground  (Bosio, 
pp.  463,  495).  There  is  one  example  in  which 
there  are  only  two  youths.  In  one  from  St. 
Priscilla  (Bottari,  tav.  clxxxi. ;  Bosio,  p.  551)  by 
a  beautiful  symbolism,  a  dove  is  depicted  in  tlie 
air  above  the  heads  of  the  youths  carrying  the 
olive  branch  of  peace  in  her  mouth. 

(14)  Jonah. — As  a  type  of  our  Lord's  Resur- 
rection this  prophet  occurs  constantly  in  the  cata- 
comb frescoes  and  on  the  sarcophagi,  on  lamps, 
diptychs,  gilt  glasses,  and  sepulchral  slabs. 
Three  scenes  in  his  history  are  of  constant  recur- 
rence, sometimes  forming  distinct  pictures,  as  in 
the  cemeteries  of  Callistus  (Bosio,  p.  225)  and 
Marcellinus  (pp.  377,  383),  sometimes  through 
exigencies  of  space  ingeniously  combined  into 
one  compendious  scene  (Bosio,  pp.  289,  463). 
(a)  Jonah  being  cast  into  the  sea  and  swallowed 
uj)  by  the  sea  monster  ;  (b)  being  vomited  forth  ; 
(c)  reclining  under  his  gourd,  to  which  a  fourth 
is  sometimes  added,  (il)  deprived  of  the  shade  of 
his  gourd  and  lamenting  over  the  sparing  of 
Nineveh  (Bosio,  ?<.  s.).  He  is  always  absolutely 
naked.  The  "  great  fish  "  is  an  impossible  mon- 
ster of  the  dragon  type,  with  a  very  long  and 
narrow  neck,  and  large  head  and  ears  and  some- 
times even  horns,  and  an  elongated  sinuous  tail. 
The  gourd  also  is  a  plant  totally  unknown  to 
nature,  covered  with  dependent  swelling  pear- 
shaped  fruit.  Its  trailing  branches  cover-  a 
trellis,  beneath  which  the  prophet  lies  support- 
ing himself  on  one  arm,  with  an  aspect  of 
chagrin.  One  of  the  most  spirited  repre- 
sentations of  the  history  is  on  a  sarcophagus 
in  the  Lateran  Museum,  from  the  crypt  of  St. 
Peter's  (Bosio,  p.  103;  Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p.  335; 
Bottari,  vol.  i.  tav.  xlii.  ;  Appell,  p.  19;  Parker, 
Fhotogr.  2905).  In  a  sarcophagus  from  St. 
Lorenzo  (Bosio,  p.  411)  the  histories  of  Jonah 
and  Noah  are  combined,  and  the  dove  is  con- 
veniently perched  on  the  prow  of  the  ship. 

(15)  Job. — Job,  seated  on  a  heap  of  ashes, 
or  on  a  dunghill,  visited  by  his  friends  and  re- 
proached by  his  wife,  is  found  on  Christian  art 
monuments  with  some  degree  of  frequency.  It 
appears  in  the  catacomb  frescoes  (Bosio,  p.  307  ; 
Bottari,  tav.  cv.  ;  Perret,  tom.  i.,  pi.  xxv.  ;  Bot- 
tari, tav.  xci.)  and  on  sarcophagi,  though  more 
frequently  in  southern  France  than  in  Italy. 
There  are  examples  in  the  Museum  of  Aries  and 
Lyons  (Millin,  u.  s.  pi.  xlvii.  1).  The  best  repre- 
sentation of  the  scene  is  on  the  tomb  of  Junius 
Bassus,  A.D.  359  (left-hand  corner  of  the  lower 
tier).  In  a  fresco  given  by  Bottari  (tav.  xci.), 
and  Bosio  (p.  307),  Job  holds  a  potsherd  with 
which  he  is  scraping  his  leg. 

(16)  Susanna. — As  a  type  of  the  church  perse- 
cuted by  the  two  older  forms  of  religion — the 
Pagan  and  the  Jewish— the  history  of  Susanna 
is  found  on  sarcophagi,  but  only  rarely.  It  is 
more  frequent  on  those  of  France  than  in  Italy. 
The  mode  of  representation  is  always  the  same. 
Susanna,  veiled,  is  standing  as  an  orante  between 
the  two  elders.  An  additional  symbolism  is 
exhibited  in  some  of  the  French  monuments, 
where  a  serpent  coiled  round  a  tree  is  dashing  hli 

b  B 


1460 


OLD  TESTAMENT 


tongue  at  some  aoves  among  its  branches  (Bosio, 
p.  83,  no.  4;  Bottari,  tav.  xxxii.,  Ixxxi.;  Buonar- 
ruoti,  Vetri,  p.  1  ;  Millin,  u.  s.  pi.  Ixv.  5,  Ixvi.  8, 
Ixvii.  4).  An  allegorical  picture  given  by 
Ferret  (vol.  i.  pt.  Ixxviii.)  represents  the  stoiy 
under  the  image  of  a  lamb  between  two  wild 
beasts,  intended  for  wolves.  The  application  is 
made  certain  by  the  words  "Susanna"  and 
"  Seniores  "  above  them.     [Church,  p.  389.] 

(17)  Tobias.— The  fish  caught  by  Tobias, 
whose  gall  drove  away  the  evil  spirit  and  cured 
blindness,  was  regarded  by  the  early  Christians 
as  a  distinct  type  of  Christ  (cf.  August.  Serin,  iv. 
de  Petr.  et  Paul. ;  Optat.  lib.  iii.).  In  a  catacomb 
fresco  we  see  him  starting  on  his  journey  with 
the  angel  for  his  guide  (Agincourt,  Peinturc, 
cl.  vii.  n.  3).  The  most  frequent  subject  is  his 
catching  the  fish.  Once  in  the  vault  of  a  cubi- 
culura  of  St.  Callistus  he  is  depicted  quite  naked, 
carrying  the  fish  by  a  hook  in  his  right  hand, 
and  his  traveller's  staff  in  his  left  (Bottari,  tav. 
Ixv. ;  Bosio,  p.  243 ;  Macarii  Hagioghjpta,  p. 
75).  He  is  also  naked,  save  a  cincture,  in 
another  fresco  (Ferret,  vol.  iii.  pi.  xxvi.),  in 
which  he  presents  the  fish  to  the  angel. 
More  generally,  as  on  the  gilt  glasses,  he 
is  clothed  in  a  short  tunic,  and  has  his  right 
hand  down  the  fish's  throat  (Buonarruoti, 
tav.  li.  no.  2 ;  Ferret,  vol.  iv.  pi.  xxv.  no. 
33 ;  Garrucci,  Vetri,  iii. ;  Hagioglypt.  p.  76). 
A  fresco  from  the  cemetery  of  Friscilla,  badly 
drawn  and  misunderstood  by  Bosio  (p.  474),  is 
decided  by  Garrucci  {Hagioglijpt.  p.  76,  note  2)  to 
represent  Tobias  carrying  the  heart,  liver,  and 
gall  of  the  fish,  with  his  dog  running  before  him. 
On  a  sarcophagus  at  Verona  (Mafi'ei,  pars  iii. 
p.  54)  the  dog  is  depicted  fawning  on  old  Tobit 
on  his  son's  return. 

This  list  includes  all  the  subjects  from  the 
Old  Testament  embraced  in  the  ordinary  cycle 
of  early  Christian  art.  A  few  isolated  subjects 
may  be  found  here  and  there,  not  enumerated 
above,  chiefly  on  ivories  and  other  minor  works 
of  art,  but  they  are  quite  exceptional,  and  it 
does  not  fall  within  the  purpose  of  this  article 
to  dwell  upon  them.  It  will  be  seen  that  the 
leading  principle  of  early  Christian  art  is  the 
unity  of  the  two  covenants,  and  the  intei-preta- 
tion  of  the  Old  Testament  by  the  Xew,  and  the 
exhibition  of  the  New  as  the  fulfilment  of  the 
Old.  This  principle  had  its  most  complete 
development  in  the  system  of  parallelism,  by 
which  type  and  antitype  were  placed  in  such 
immediate  juxtaposition  that  the  eye  could 
embrace  both  at  once  and  observe  their  corre- 
spondence. It  was  not  an  unfrequent  practice  to 
devote  one  wall  of  the  nave  of  a  church  to  the 
Old  Testament,  and  the  opposite  wall  to  the 
New.  This  U  specially  recommended  in  the 
letter  of  Kilus  to  Olympiodorus  cited  in  the  acts 
of  the  fourth  session  of  the  second  Nicene 
council  (Labbe,  Concil.  vii.  749).  "Novi  et 
Veteris  Testamenti  historiis  hinc  inde  parietes 
templi  repleri  doctissimi  pictoris  opera  velim," 
the  object  being,  as  there  stated,  that  the  un- 
learned who  were  unable  to  read  the  Holy 
Scriptures  might  be  instructed  by  the  sight,  and 
be  excited  to  emulate  the  devotion  and  noble 
deeds  thus  depicted.  The  legates  of  pope 
Hadrian  I.  at  the  same  council  acknowledged 
that  this  was  the  received  custom,  and  mentioned 


OLIVE 

a  basilica  erected  by  a  former  pope  John  ia 
which  it  was  adopted,  referring  particularly  to 
the  pictures  on  opposite  walls  of  the  expul- 
sion of  Adam  from  Paradise,  and  the  admission 
of  the  penitent  thief  (Labbe,  ibid.  750).  The 
basilicas  erected  by  Faulinus  at  Nola  con- 
tained the  one  subjects  from  the  Old,  the  other 
from  the  New  Testament.  [Fresco,  p.  701.] 
In  the  same  article  is  a  list  of  the  tv.-enty-one 
scriptural  paintings,  all  but  four  taken  from  the 
Old  TestamentjWith  which  St.  Ambrose  decorated 
his  basilica  at  Milan  {ibid.  p.  700).  We  have  a 
remarkable  example  of  the  same  principle  of 
arrangement  in  England  in  the  churches  erected 
by  Benedict  Biscop  at  the  end  of  the  7th  century 
at  Wearmouth  and  Jarrow.  At  St.  Feter's,  Wear- 
mouth,  the  south  wall  was  occupied  with  scenes 
from  gospel  history,  the  north  with  corresponding 
subjects  from  the  apocalypse.  At  St.  Faul's, 
Jarrow,  the  parallelism  between  the  Old  and 
New  Testament  was  developed  on  the  opposite 
walls,  Isaac  carrying  the  wood  for  his  sacrifice, 
answering  to  our  Lord  bearing  His  cross,  and 
the  Brazen  Serpent  to  the  Crucifixion  (Beda,  Vit. 
Abbatt.  c.  5,  cc.  5,  88). 

The  very  remarkable  scenes  of  mosaic  pictures 
from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  basilica  of  St. 
Mary  Major's  at  Rome,  stand  completely  isolated, 
and  form  a  class  by  themselves.  They  are 
simply  a  series  of  scenes  from  the  sacred  narra- 
tive treated  purely  historically,  without  the 
slightest  hint  of  sj-mbolism.  These  pictures, 
which  begin  with  the  interview  between  Abra- 
ham and  Melchizedek,  and  carry  on  the  history 
through  the  lives  of  the  succeeding  patriarchs  to 
the  times  of  Moses  and  Joshua  to  the  battle  of 
Bethhoron,  have  been  described  in  an  earlier 
article,  to  which  the  reader  may  be  referred 
(Mosaics,  p.  1327). 

We  shall  not  here  enter  on  the  very  interest- 
ing series  of  Old  Testament  pictures  contained 
in  early  Greek  MSS.,  such  as  that  in  the 
Imperial  Library  at  Vienna  (Agincourt,  Peinturc, 
pi.  xix.)  and  the  Book  of  Joshua  in  the  Vatican 
(ibid.  pi.  xxviii.),  which  have  been  treated  of  iu 
the  article  Miniature. 

Authorities.  —  Appell  (Dr.),  Monuments  of 
Early  Christian  Art ;  Aringhi,  Boina  Sotterranea  ; 
Bosio,  Roma  Sotterranea ;  13ottari,  Scidture  e 
Pitture ;  Buonarruoti,  Osservazioni ;  Burgon, 
Letters  from  Pome ;  Garrucci,  Arti  Cristiane ; 
Vetri  ornati;  Macarius,  Hagioghjpta,  ed.  Gar- 
rucci ;  Martigny,  Dictionnaire  des  Antiquit^s 
Chre'tiennes  ;  Millin,  Voyages  ;  Munter,  Sinnbilder 
der  Alien  Christen;  Barker  (J.  H.),  Archaeology 
of  Pome,  Catacombs,  Tombs,  Mosaics;  Ferret, 
Les  Catacombes  de  Pome ;  De  Rossi,  Roma  Sotter- 
ranea ;  Seroux  d'Agincourt,  L'Histoire  de  I' Art ; 
St.  John  Tyrwhitt,  Art  Teaching  of  the  Primitive 
Church.  [E.  v.] 

OLIVE.  This  tree  appears  to  be  intended 
among  those  which  surround  the  mystic  Orpheus, 
or  Orpheus-Shepherd.  Bottari,  tav.  Ixxviii. 
Also  in  tav.  cxviii.  and  tav.  cxxv.  it  accompanies 
the  Good  Shepherd ;  at  least  the  trees  repre- 
sented are  very  like  young  olives  or  willows,  and 
in  cxxv.  the  olive  is  clearly  drawn.  Less  atten- 
tion seems  to  have  been  paid  to  St.  Faul's 
allegory  of  the  olive-tree  of  the  church  than 
might  have  been  expected.  The  olive-branch  is 
borne  by  Noah's  dove  [Dove],  and    the  sepul- 


OLYMPAS 

«hral  dove  of  peace  constantly  bears  it.  See  a 
well-marked  branch  in  inscription  91  at  p.  60, 
vol.  i.  of  De  Rossi's  Inscript.  Christiaaaa  Urbis 
liomae.  See  Cross,  Vol.  I.  p.  497,  for  the  olive- 
wreath  with  the  palm.  That  no  certain  repre- 
sentation, and  only  one  problematical  sketch, 
of  a  palm  exists  in  the  Utrecht  Psalter,  seems  to 
disconnect  that  wonderful  document  altogether 
from  Alexandria  and  Egypt.  Trees  and  olive- 
crowns  occiir  on  some  of  the  mixed  or  Gentile 
ornaments  of  the  sarcophagi.  See,  however, 
Aringhi,  i.  311,  where  a  well-carved  olive-crown 
is  combined  with  the  monogram ;  also  Parker 
Phot.  2930,  from  Lateran  Museum.  The  writer 
can  find  no  reference  in  Art  to  Zechariah's  vision 
of  the  two  olive-trees  and  candlestick.  The 
vine  and  palm  are  generally  associated  with  the 
Mount  of  Olives.  The  great  difficulty  of  repre- 
senting an  olive-tree  so  as  to  be  easily  recognized 
for  what  it  is  may  be  one  reason  why  it  is  so 
seldom  attempted.  For  12th-century  Byzantine 
olive,  see  Piuskin's  Stones  of  Venice,  vol.  iii.  p. 
177,  and  plate  iv.  vol.  iii. 

An  example  is  given  in  the  annexed  wood- 
cut of  olive  branches  on  a  sepulchral  slab, 
i'rom   Aringhi,    R.   8.   t.    ii.  p.  644.     He  gives 


OMOPHOmON 


1-161 


Olive  Brancnes.    From  a  Sepulchral  Stone.    ArinKlii,  u.  p.  644. 

various  reasons  for  the  symbolic  use  of  the  tree, 
but  they  are  rather  natural  or  secular  than 
Scriptural ;  as  for  example,  its  fruitfulness,  per- 
manent leafage,  &c.  He  does  not  mention  any 
representations  of  the  whole  tree,  only  of  its 
branches,  as  borne  by  Noah's  dove,  or  the  sepul- 
chral dove  signifying  flight  into  Rest.  There  is 
an  olive-tree  on  the  celebrated  casket  of  Brescia. 
(Westwood,  Early  Christian  Sculptures  and  Ivori/ 
Carvings,  p.  37.)  It  seems  to  the  writer  that 
the  two  trees  placed  on  either  side  of  the 
Shepherd  (Bottari,  cxiii.  cxvi.  cxviii.  cxxii.,  all 
from  the  catacombs  of  SS.  Marcellinus  and 
Peter)  are  intended  for  olives,  and  that  they 
mav  involve  allusion  to  the  Hebrew  and  Gentile 
church.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

OLYMPAS,  mentioned  by  St.  Paul  (Rom. 
xvi.  1.5) ;  commemorated  Nov.  10.  (Basil. 
JFenol. ;  Cal.  B'jzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
^74.)  [C.  H.] 

OLYMPIAS  (1),  martyr,  with  Maximius, 
nobleman,  at  Cordula,  in  Persia,  A.D.  251  ;  com- 
memorated April  15.  (Bed.  Mart.  ;  Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii. 
375.)  [C.  H.] 

(2)  Martyr  in  the  reigns  of  ArcaJius  and 
Honorius;  commemorated  July  25.  (Biisil. 
Jknol. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  264.)     [C.  H.] 


OLYMPIUS,  martyr,  commemorated  on  the 
Via  Latina,  at  Rome,  July  26.  (Usuard.  Mart ) 
[C.  H.] 

OMENS.  It  was  to  be  expected  that  some 
at  least  of  the  superstitions  of  heathenism  would 
survive  in  the  church.  In  fact  they  did  survive, 
and  none  more  vigorously  than  the  observation 
of  omens  and  portents,  which  Christianity  has 
never  been  able  to  extinguish.  Chrysostom 
laments  (Horn,  in  Galat.  i.  c.  7,  p.  669,  Montfou- 
con)  the  influence  exercised  upon  the  minds  of 
Christians  by  ethnic  superstitious,  such  as  fore- 
casts from  chance  sounds  or  expressions  (kA.jj- 
dofKr/jLol),  from  the  flight  of  birds  {olocviafioT),  or 
from  other  signs  (av/x0o\a).  And  again  (^Cato- 
chcsis  ii.  ad  Illumin.  p.  141)  he  inveighs  stronglv 
against  certain  superstitious  practices  of  his 
time,  and  among  them  against  omens.  If,  he 
says,  when  a  man  first  leaves  his  door,  he 
meets  one  who  has  but  one  eye,  or  is  lame,  he 
reckons  this  ominous  of  evil.  This  is  part  ot 
the  pomps  of  Satan ;  for  it  is  not  the  meeting 
a  man  that  makes  the  day  evil,  but  the  spend- 
ing it  in  sin.  ...  If  a  man  meets  a  virgin 
he  says,  "  this  will  be  an  unprofitable  day  with 
me ;"  but  if  he  meets  a  harlot  it  will  be  a'  fortu- 
nate day.  Augustine  (de  Doctr.  Chr.  ii.  20) 
stigmatises  similar  superstitions.  An  omen  is 
drawn,  he  says,  from  the  throbbing  of  some  part 
of  the  body.  If,  when  two  friends  are  walking 
arm  in  arm,  a  stone,  or  a  dog,  or  a  child  chance 
to  come  between  them,  they  stamp  the  stone  to 
pieces  as  a  divider  of  their  friendship ;  nay, 
they  even  beat  the  dog  or  the  innocent  child  from 
the  same  superstition.  A  man  returns  to  bed 
if  he  has  sneezed  while  putting  on  his  shoes  ;  he 
returns  to  his  house  if  he  has  stumbled  on  going 
out ;  he  is  terrified  with  the  apprehension  of 
future  evil  if  the  rats  have  gnawed  his  clothes  ; 
less  wise  than  Cato,  who,  when  the  rats  gnawed 
his  boots,  said  that  it  was  no  marvel,  but  if  the 
boots  had  gnawed  the  rats  it  might  have  been 
thought  a  portent.  A  kindred  superstition  is  the 
observation  of  lucky  and  unlucky  days  or  seasons 
agamst  which  the  same  father  {Enchiridion,  c. 
79)  also  inveighs,  as  utterly  unworthy  of  a 
Christian. 

See  further  on  this  subject  imder  Pagaxism, 
Survival  of,  III.  ii. 

(Bingham's  Antiquities,  xvi.  v.  8.)  [C] 

OMOPHOEION  (oiixo<p6piov,  w!x6(popov).  The 
omophorion,  as  its  name  implies,  is  an  article  of 
dress  worn  over  the  shoulders ;  and  thus  we  find 
it  as  a  part  of  the  ordinary  female  dress.  Thus 
Palladius  tells  of  one  Taor,  a  virgin,  who  never 
wished  for  a  new  dress,  or  omophorion,  or  sandals 
{Hist.  Lausiaca,  c.  138 ;  Patr.  Gr.  xxxiv.  1237). 
The  church  at  Balchernae  was  said  to  possess  the 
omophorion  of  the  Virgin  Mary  (Leo  Gramma- 
ticus,  Clironographia,  p.  241,  ed.  Bekker). 

In  its  ecclesiastical  sense,  the  word  is  used  to 
describe  an  ornament  worn  by  patriarchs,  and 
also  by  bishops  generally  in  the  Greek  church. 
This  consists  of  a  long  band  of  woollen  material, 
passing  once  round  the  neck,  with  the  ends 
falling  before  and  behind  to  the  knees  or  lower, 
and  on  it  are  embroidered  crosses.  There  seems 
little  doubt  that  it  has  been  a  recognised  vest- 
ment since  the  6th  century  at  latest.  Thus 
Isidore  of  Pclusium,  writing  early  in  that  cen- 
tury,   after    speaking    of    the    heA<.-r)    worn    by 


1462 


OJIOPHORION 


deacons,  goes  on  to  dwell  on  the  woollen  omo- 
phorion  worn  by  bishops,  the  material  being 
meant  to  suggest  the  notion  of  the  lost  sheep 
borne  on  the  shoulders  of  the  Good  Shepherd. 
Therefore  it  is,  he  adds,  that  when  in  the  service 
the  book  of  the  gospels  is  opened,  the  bishop 
lays  aside  his  omophorion  as  in  the  presence  of 
the  chief  Shepherd  Himself  (^Epist.  lib.  i.  136  ; 
Patr.  Gr.  Ixxviii.  272).  These  words  of  Isidore 
are  copied  almost  verbatim  by  Germanus,*  pa- 
triarch of  Constantinople  in  the  8th  century 
{Hist.  Eccles.  et  Mystica  Thcoria;  Patr.  Gr. 
xcviii.  396;  cf.  also  Symeon  Thessal.  de  Sacra 
Liturgla,  c.  82,  ih.  civ.  260).  Another  early 
example  may  be  drawn  from  the  life  of  Chryso- 
stom  by  Palladius  (c.  6 ;  Patrol.  Gr.  xlvii.  23), 
where  Theophilus  of  Alexandria  is  accused  of  ill- 
treating  a  monk  named  Ammonius,  in  that  he 
epeiXei  .  .  .  .  rh  cofjiO(p6piOV  iv  tw  Tpaxv^V 
oiKeiai^  X^pc'h  £11^(1  then  boat  him  about  the 
head. 

Again,  at  the  third  general  council  of  Constan- 
tinople (A.D.  680),  in  Its  eighth  Actio,  in  which 
the  heretic  Macarius,  bishop  of  Antioch,  was  on 
his  trial,  his  views  were  at  length  received  with 
cries  of  "  Anathema  !  rightly  let  him  be  deposed 
from  his  bishopric,  let  him  be  stripped  of  the 
omophorion  that  encircles  him"  (Labbe,  vi.  759). 
At  the  fourth  general  council  of  Constantinople 
(A.D.  870)  the  rule  is  laid  down  as  to  the  wearing 
of  the  omophorion  at  the  proper  time  and  place 
by  those  qualified  to  wear  it  (rohv  opiadevra'S 
a>fxo(pope7v  iTTiffKSwovs  :  can.  14,  Labbe,  viii.  1376). 

In  the  Byzantine  historians,  the  omophorion 
is  frequently  referred  to.  One  example  will 
suffice  : — Cedrenus  (imder  twenty-first  year  o£ 
Constantine)  tells  us  how  Paul,  patriarch  of 
Constantinople,  was  strangled  by  the  Arians  with 
his  own  omophorion  (vol.  i.  529,  ed.  Bekker). 

A  confirmation  of  our  statement  as  to  the 
early  use  of  the  omophorion,  may  be  derived 
from  the  ftict  that  in  the  still  existing  ancient 
mosaics  in  the  church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Con- 
stantinople, said  to  be  of  the  6th  century,  are 
figures  of  4th  century  bishops  wearing  white 
vestments  with  omophoria,  on  which  are  coloured 
crosses  (Marriott,  Vestiariiim  Christianum, 
p.  Ixxv.). 

This  being  the  case,  we  may  at  once  dismiss 
the  story  told  by  Luitprand  (Jiclatio  de  Legationc 
Constant,  c.  62 ;  Patrol,  cxxxvi.  934),  to  the 
effect  that  even  the  patriarch  of  Constantinople 
only  wore  the  omophorion  (here  called  2MUium) 
by  permission  of  tlie  pope  ("  scimus,  immo  vide- 
mus,  Constantinopolitanum  episcopum  pallio  non 


a  Ducange  (s.  i).)  states  that  Germanus  distinguishes 
between  the  omophorion  worn  by  a  patriarch  or  metro- 
politan and  that  worn  by  an  ordinary  bishop.  The 
Greek  of  the  passage  is  certainly  somewhat  peculiar,  and 
may  perhaps  be  corrupt,  but  it  seems  hardly  possible 
to  deduce  the  above  inference  from  it:— to  ijiJ.oii)6pi.ov 
ccTt'Toii  apxtfpe'tJS  Kara  ryiv  <T7o\r\v  toO  Aapoji'  TJi'jrep 
etf}6povv  ot  €1'  vofXio  ap\upels  (TOvSapiois  fiaKpots  Toi' 
ebiawiJ-ov  ujiov  rrcpiTiflevTes  Kara  tov  fvyoi'  tCiv  ivToXHv 
ToO  XpiCTTOv.  To  6e  iup.O(|)opioc  o  TrepijSe'^Arjrat  6  €ttC- 
(TKOTTO^  SrjXot  Trjv  TOu  irpo|8aTOu  Sopau  ....  Surelj'  the 
dpxifpevs  merely  means  a  prelate  (of  whatever  kind),  as 
opposed  to  the  priest  (icpcu;),  whose  special  vestments 
— sticharion,  peritrachelion,  girdle,  and  phenolion — 
Oei-manushad  Just  mentioned  ;  and  then  adds  to  these  an 
ornament  belonging  to  the  higher  rank  of  the  ministry, 
with  which  he  connects  a  double  symbolism. 


ORANGE,  COUNCILS  OF 

uti,  nisi  sancti  patris  nostri  permissu,"),  but  that 
by  means  of  bribes  leave  was  obtained  from  the 
Pioman  usurper  Albericus,  in  whose  hands  the 
then  pope,  John  XL  (06.  A.D.  936),  completely 
was,  for  the  patriarch  and  his  successors  to  wear 
this  ornament,  without  any  further  jiermission 
being  necessary.  Hence,  adds  Luitprand,  the 
custom  of  wearing  the  pallium  spread  from  the 
patriarch  of  Constantinople  to  the  bishops  of  the 
eastern  church  generally. 

Into  the  qiiestion  whether  the  omophorion 
properly  belonged  to  a  prelate  of  the  rank  of  a 
patriarch  or  metropolitan,  or  merely  marked  the 
episcopal  order,  it  is  not  our  purpose  to  enter. 
The  evidence  we  have  brought  forward  seems 
to  us  to  lead  strongly  to  the  latter  conclusion. 
The  point  is  discussed  at  length  by  Goar  (^Eucho- 
logion,  p.  312);  reference  may  also  be  made  to 
Ducange's  Glossarium  Graecum,  s.  v.  oifj.o(p6ptov. 
[K.  S.] 

ONESIMUS  (1),  disciple  of  St.  Paul 
(Philem.) ;  commemorated  Feb.  15  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Cal.  Acthiop. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iy, 
253) ;  Feb.  16  (Bed.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  855). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Puteoli;  commemorated  May  10 
(Basil.  Menol.)  ;  July  31  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  ii. 
175). 

(3)  Thauraaturgus,  martyr  at  Caesarea  in 
Palestine,  under  Diocletian ;  commemorated 
July  14.  (Basil.  Menol.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul. 
iii.  648.)  [C.  H.] 

ONESIPHORUS  (2  Tim  i.  16),  martyr  with 
Porphvrius  ;  commemorated  July  16  (Basil. 
3fenol'.) ;  Sept.  6  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  ii.  662) 
Nov.  9  (Ca/.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Ziturg.  ir. 
274) ;  Dec.  9  (Basil.  Menol.')  [C.  H.] 

ONESTREFELD,    council    of.      [Nestre- 

FELD,  p.  1379.] 

ONOKOITES.    [Calumnies,  p.  261.] 

ONUPHRIUS,     Egyptian    anchoret,    "our 
holy  father,"    commemorated  June   12    (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii.  527)  ;  Onyphrius 
(Cal.  Byzant.;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  261). 
^  [C.  H.] 

ONYPHRIUS,  anchoret  with  Tryphou, 
commemorated  Jan.  24.     (Cal.  Armen.) 

[C.  H.] 

OPTATUS  (1),  one  of  the  eighteen  martyrs 
of  Saragossa,  commemorated  April  16.  (Usuard. 
Mart.) 

(2)  Bishop,  with  presbyters  Sanctinus  and 
Memorius;  commemorated  at  Auxerre,  Aug.  31. 
(Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS, 
Aug.  vi.  680.)  [C.  H.] 

OR,  martyr  with  Orepses,  priests ;  com- 
memorated Aug.  23.     (Basil.  Menol.)     [C.  H.] 

ORACLES.     [Paganism.] 

ORANGE,  COUNCILS  OP  (Arausicaxa 
Concilia).  Two  councils  are  recorded :  the 
first  as  celebrated  for  its  thirty  canons  on 
ecclesiastical  discipline,  as  the  second  is  for  its 
twenty-five  decrees  on  dogma.  The  first  had 
St.  Hilarv  of  Aries  for  its  president,  was^ 
attended  by  St.   Eucherius  of  Lyons  on  behalf 


ORANTI 

of  his  suffragans,  by  fourteen  other  bishops  and 
the  i-epresentative  of  a  fifteenth  who  was  absent, 
but  no  sees  are  given.  It  met  Nov.  8,  441.  Its 
first  canon  is  remarkable,  as  permitting  pres- 
byters, if  a  bishop  cannot  be  had,  to  sign  with 
clirism  and  benediction  heretics  in  a  dying 
state  desiring  to  be  Catholics.  The  second,  which 
in  the  Pseudo-Isidorian  collection  stands  iirst, 
ordains  that  nobody  that  has  received  power  to 
baptize  should  ever  set  out  without  chrism. 
Doubtful  readings  make  the  remaining  clauses 
obscure,  but  the  highest  minister  named  in  this 
connexion  is  not  the  bishop  but  the  priest.  The 
fifth  forbids  those  who  have  taken  sanctuary  to 
be  given  up.  The  seventh  threatens  with  eccle- 
siastical censures  any  person  infringing  on  the 
liberties  of  those  who  had  been  formally  manu- 
mitted in  church.  The  words  of  the  thirteenth 
are ;  "  amentibus  quaecunque  pietatis  sunt  con- 
ferenda  "  ;  and  the  next  three  relate  to  the  pos- 
sessed by  devils.  The  wording  of  the  seventeenth, 
"  cum  capsa  et  calix  oft'erendus  est ;  et  admix- 
tione  eucharistiae  consecrandus,"  is  rightly  called 
by  Mabillon  *•  obscurissimus  "  (De  Liturg.  Gall. 
i.  5,  19),  though  its  first  part  is  in  keeping  with 
our  Sarum  Missal  (Bona,  Ecr.  Lit.  ii.  9,  2). 
Canons  eighteen,  nineteen,  and  twenty  relate  to 
the  treatment  of  catechumens.  Canon  twenty- 
one  is  directed  against  two  bishops  ordaining  a 
third.  Canon  twenty-two  forbids  the  ordaining 
married  men  deacons  unless  they  will  undertake 
to  live  no  longer  as  such.  Canon  twenty-six 
forbids  the  ordaining  deaconesses  under  any  cii'- 
cumstances.  Canon  twenty-seven  indicates  how 
the  profession  of  widowhood  is  to  be  made. 
Canon  twenty-eight  directs  that  all  of  either  sex 
relinquishing  their  vow  of  chastity  shall  be 
treated  as  otfenders,  and  subjected  to  due  pen- 
ance. Canon  twenty-nine  decrees  the  observance 
by  all,  absent  or  present,  of  the  canons  which 
have  been  made ;  and  also  that  no  synod  shall 
separate  without  fixing  where  the  next  is  to  meet. 
The  last  canon  enacts  that  bishops  incapacitated 
from  discharging  their  episcopal  duties  through 
any  physical  ailment,  shall  not  delegate  them  to 
presbyters,  but  get  another  bishop  to  undertake 
them  (Mansi,  vi.  4,  33-52).  The  second,  a.d. 
529,  July  3,  had  St.  Caesarius  of  Aries  for  its 
president,  and  was  attended  by  thirteen  other 
bishops,  but  no  sees  are  given.  And  though  its 
decrees  are  purely  dogmatic,  eight  lay  notables 
say  of  them  in  turn  :  "  consensi  et  subscripsi," 
like  the  bishops.  St.  Caesarius  calls  them  "  con- 
stitutionem  nostram,"  in  subscribing  first.  But 
it  would  be  difficult  to  point  out  one  that  is  not 
borrowed  word  for  word  from  St.  Augustine,  or 
from  those  who  followed  him  in  controversy 
with  the  Pelagians  or  semi-Pelagians,  against 
whose  various  errors  they  are  directed.  The 
first  eight,  for  instance,  form  eight  consecutive 
dogmas  in  the  work  of  Geunadius  (De  Eccl. 
Dogm.  38-45)  ;  the  thirteenth,  nineteenth, 
twenty-first,  and  nine-tenths  of  the  twenty-fifth, 
which  is  the  longest  of  all,  are  from  the  same 
work  (c.  46-51).  The  Sentences  of  Prosper,  or 
excerpts  by  him  from  the  writings  of  St.  Augus- 
tine, supply  most,  if  not  all,  of  the  remaining. 
(Mansi,  viii.  711-24.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

OKANTI.  The  figures  which  bear  this  name, 
and  are  so  frequently  found  in  the  catacomb 
frescoes,  are  generally  to  be  described  as  male  or 
female  forms  in  the  Eastern  attitude  of  prayer. 


ORANTI 


1463 


The  former,  of  course,  more  frequently  represent 
or  symbolize  some  special  personage  or  character. 
They  are,  for  the  most  part,  in  a  standing  posi- 
tion, with  the  arms  extended.  In  some  instances, 
they  may  be  taken  as  symbolizing  the  church  of 
believers,  but  most  frequently  they  appear  to  be 
portraits,  or  rather  memorial  pictures  of  the 
dead.  The  celebrated  one  in  SS.  Saturninus  and 
Thrason — somewhat  grand  in  form  and  concep- 
tion, though  grotesquely  ill-drawn — is  seen  in 
its  present  state  m  Parker's  photographs,  469 
and  1470;  also  in  Bottari,  tav.  180.  Others 
are  on  tav.  172,  183,  and  Aringhi,  ii.  pp.  76,  79, 
from  SS.  Marcellinus  and  Peter  ;  from  St.  Agnes, 
p.  183,  and  Rohault  de  Fleury,  pi.  Ixi. ;  but  see 
infra.  Female  Orantes  are  often  represented  in 
rich  garments,  and  profusely  adorned  with  neck- 
laces and  other  jewellery.  See  photographs  467, 
475-6,  1751-2,  1775,  1777,  and  the  mosaics  of 
SS.  Oranede  and  Pudentiana,  1481-2  in  Parker. 
This  Martigny  (p.  356)  rightly  explains:  "En 
decorant  ainsi  leur  image,  on  avait  bien  moins 
pour  but  de  retracer  aux  yeux  ce  qu'elles  avaient 
ete  dans  la  vie,  que  d'expliquer  allegoriquement 
la  gloire  dont  elles  jouissaieut  dans  le  ciel." 
[Paradise.]  Compare  Ruskin,  Modern  Painters. 
vol.  iii.  p.  49,  for  similar  treatment  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  by  Francia  and  Perugino,  with  com- 
ments. For  the  Virgin  Mary  as  an  Orante 
in  the  later  pictures  of  the  catacombs,  see 
Mr.  Hemans's  Essay  in  the  Contemporary  He- 
view,  vol.  iii.  The  late  Mr.  Wharton  Marriott 
(Evidence  of  the  Catacombs,  p.  15)  says  that 
he  can  find,  after  careful  examination,  but  one 
Orante,  properly  so  called,  in  all  the  cata- 
combs, which  can,  with  any  probability,  be 
interpreted  as  referring  to  the  Virgin  Mary. 
[Compare  Mary  the  Virgin  in  Art,  p.  1150.] 


For  male  Oranti,  see  Aringhi,  H.  S.  t.  i.  p.  606, 
ii.  p.  259.  Birds,  sometimes  bearing  the  olive- 
branch,  and  typical  of  the  flight  away  to  rest, 
are  in  these  and  other  instances  added  to  the 
youthful  figures.  For  the  Orante,  as  a  sup- 
posed "  corananion  "  to  the  Good  Shepherd,  see 
Evidence  of  'the  Catacombs,  pp.  12,  13,  17,  with 
references  to  Dr.  Northcote  and  Bosio. 

Martigny  quotes  (Tertullian,    de  Orat.  xiii.) 


1464 


ORARIUM 


tliat  the  Pagan  custom  in  prayer  was  to  raise 
both  hands  to  heaven,  "  duplices  ad  sidera 
palmas ; "  but  Christians  only  extended  the 
hands — "  Ne  ipsis  quidem  manibus  sublimius 
elatis,  sed  temperate  ac  probe  elatis "  (see 
woodcut,  p.  1463).     [Peayee.] 

ORAEIUM.  (1)  Besides  its  technical  meaning 
of  a  stole,  this  word  is  used  in  the  literal  sense  of 
a  handkerchief,  primarily,  as  the  derivation 
shews,  to  wipe  the  face.  Jerome,  writing  to 
Xepotianus,  and  dwelling  on  the  proper  mean 
to  be  shewn  in  dress,  observes,  "  ridiculum  et 
plenum  dedecoris  est,  referto  marsupio,  quod 
sudarium  orariumque  non  habeas  gloriari " 
{Epist.  52,  §  9,  vol.  i.  264).  Ambrose  uses  the 
word  for  the  napkin  bound  about  the  face  of 
Lazarus  (de  Excessu  Fratris  sui  Satyri,  ii.  78  ; 
FatroL  xvi.  1396).  For  further  references,  see 
Greg.  Turon.  (Hist.  Franc,  vi.  17;  de  Gloria 
Martyrum,  i.  93  ;  Patrol.  Is.xi.  389,  787) ;  Pru- 
dentiiis  (FeristepL  i.  86).  See  also  Ducange, 
Glossarium,  s.  v.  [R-  S.] 

(2)  See  Stole. 

OEATION  (Fuxf.ral).  [Funeeal  Oeation  ; 
Obsequies.] 

ORATIO  MISSAE.  A  part  of  the  Moz- 
arabic  liturgy,  following  next  after  the  ofl'ertory, 
which,  though  called  Oratio,  is  not,  strictly 
.speaking,  a  prayer,  for  it  is  generally  cast  in  the 
form  of  a  short  address  or  exhortation  to  the 
people,  reminding  them  of  the  particular  person 
or  fact  commemorated  on  the  day.  It  is  there- 
fore one  of  the  variable  parts.  Sometimes  it  is 
called  simply  "  oratio."  In  the  Gallican  sacra- 
mentai'ies  it  is  sometimes  called  "Praefatio 
Missae  "  (which  must  not  be  confounded  with  the 
Preface,  commonly  so  designated),  sometimes 
"  Missa."  It  is  a  feature  peculiar  to  this  family 
of  liturgies.  [C.  E.  H.] 

ORATOKIUM  (1).  A  stool,  or  possibly  a 
cushion,  on  which  to  kneel  at  prayer,  is  so 
called  in  the  earliest  Ordo  Fomaims,  supposed 
to  have  been  compiled  about  730.  Thus,  "  The 
fourth  in  the  choir  precedes  the  pontiff,  that  he 
may  set  the  oratorium  before  the  altar  "  (§  8  ; 
M^is.  Ital.  ii.  8  ;  compare  §  34 ;  p.  22  ;  §  35  ; 
p.  23  ;  App.  §  8 ;  p.  35). 

(2).  We  are  told  by  Anastasius  Biblio- 
thecarius,  a.d.  870,  who  may  be  taken  as  a 
good  witness  to  things  existing  in  his  day, 
though  we  cannot  depend  on  his  account  of 
their  origin,  that  Hilary  of  Rome,  A.D.  461, 
made  three  "  oratories  "  in  the  baptistery  of  the 
basilica  of  Constantine,  dedicated  to  St.  John  the 
Baptist,  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  and  the  Holy 
Cross  severally,  "  all  of  silver  and  precious 
stones,"  and  that  "  in  the  oratory  of  the  Holy 
Cross  he  made  a  Confession,  where  he  placed 
the  wood  of  the  Lord,  with  a  golden  cross 
gemmed,  weighing  20  pounds."  All  three 
oratories  had  gates,  the  two  former  of  brass  with 
silver  locks  or  bolts  (argento  clusas),  the  last 
of  "purest  silver"  (Vitae  Pont.  n.  47).  The 
oratories  of  the  Baptist  and  evangelist  also  had 
confessions,  but  we  are  not  told  what  was  in 
them.  We  may  assume,  however,  from  the 
ordinary  use  of  the  confession,  that  they  con- 
tained supposed  relics  of  those  saints ;  and  this 


ORATORIUM 

is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  a  supposed  frag- 
ment of  the  true  cross  was  put  in  the  confession 
of  the  third.  Several  "  oratoria  "  of  the  same 
materials,  dedicated  to  SS.  Thomas,  Apollinaris, 
Sosius,  John  the  Baptist,  John  the  Evangelist, 
and  to  the  Holy  Cross,  are  said  to  have  been 
given  by  Symmachus,  a.d.  498,  to  the  basilicas 
of  St.  Andrew  and  St.  Peter.  They  all  had  con- 
fessions, and  in  the  confession  of  the  last  was 
also  "  lignum  Domini  "  (ibid.  n.  52).  Now  here, 
we  appear  to  have  the  description  of  a  miniature 
chapel,  i.e.  of  a  shrine  or  tabernacle  at  which 
the  people  were  invited  to  pray,  on  the  same 
grounds  as  in  a  larger  oratory,  viz.  its  dedica- 
tion, and  possession  of  relics.  Such  larger 
oratories,  with  the  entire  bodies  of  martyrs  or 
others  under  their  confessio,  were  frequent  in 
the  large  churches  of  Rome  [see  (3)  below] ; 
and  the  small  fabrics  of  precious  metal  of  which 
we  have  now  treated,  appear  to  have  been  made 
in  imitation  of  them. 

(3).  Oratoriolum,  Oratoriolus,  Oraculum, 
oIkos  evKTTipLos,  evKTTipiov,  TrpoaevKT-fipiov. 

I.  The  Greek  historians,  though  commonly 
using  iKKXrjcrla,  often  gave  these  descriptive 
names  to  churches.  Thus  Eusebius  (Hist.  x.  3 ; 
comp.  dc  Laud.  Constant.  17)  says  that,  when 
peace  was  given  to  the  church,  "  there  were 
feasts  of  dedication  in  every  city,  and  consecra- 
tions of  newly-built  oratories  "  (■npoffevKrt^piwv), 
and  that  the  emperor  adorned  the  city  named  after 
him  "  with  many  oratories  "  (evKTTjpiois)  (de  Vita 
Const,  iii.  48).  Socrates  (Hist.  i.  18),  that  Con- 
stantine ordered  "  an  oratory  "  (oJkov  eiiKr-hpiov} 
to  be  built  under  Abraham's  oak,  and  "  another 
church"  (erepaf  iKKXriaiap)  at  Heliopolis 
(ibid.).  We  are  not  aware  that  the  Latin  "  ora- 
torium "  was  ever  used,  as  eCKTTipiov,  &c.,  were, 
to  denote  a  church  with  full  privileges. 

II.  A  "  memoria "  or  sepulchral  chapel  built 
over  the  remains  or  some  relic  of  an  eminent 
Christian,  or  it  might  be  only  to  perpetuate  his 
name  and  do  him  honour,  but  at  the  same  time 
used  for  prayer,  was  called  an  oratory.  The 
following  are  examples  both  from  the  East  and 
West.  Sozonien  (Hist.  ix.  2)  tells  us  that  an 
oratory  (oIkos  evKTripws')  was  constructed  under 
ground,  so  as  to  enclose  the  remains  of  certain 
presbyters,  and  a  house  built  over  it  in  which 
was  a  secret  descent  to  it.  Theodoret  says  that 
"  they  built  many  enclosures  for  prayer  ((ttikovs 
evKTTipiovs)  to  Marcian  "(Hist.  Piclig.  in  Marc.  iii.). 
They  placed  the  abbat  Thomas  in  a  tomb,  and 
"  biiilt  a  small  oratory  over  him  "  (John  Moschus, 
Prat.  Spirit.  88).  The  foregoing,  it  will  be 
observed,  are  instances  in  which  the  oratory  has 
no  immediate  connexion  with  a  church. 

III.  Many,  however,  belonging  to  the  last  cen- 
tury of  our  period,  were  so  connected,  being  built 
either  (1)  within,  or  (2)  on  to  the  church  itself, 
or  (3)  in  close  proximity  to  it. 

(1)  John  VII.  A.D.  705,  "made  an  oratory  of 
the  holy  mother  of  God  inside  the  church  of  the 
blessed  apostle  Peter"  (Anast.  Biblioth.  Vitae 
Pont.  n.  87),  before  the  altar,  in  which  oratory 
he  was  himself  buried.  Gregory  III.,  A.D.  731, 
"made  an  oratory  within  the  same  basilica,  by 
the  principal  arch  on  the  men's  side,"  in  whicli 
he  deposited  relics  {ibid.  n.  91).  The  same  pope 
enlarged  a  basilica  "  in  which  there  were  pre- 
viously diaconia  and  a  small  oratory "  (ibid.). 
In  the  life  of  Hadrian,  772,  we  read  that  he 


ORATORIUM 

"made  in  the  church  of  the  blessed  Peter, 
through  the  several  oratories,  silver  canistra, 
twelve  in  number"  (ibid.  n.  97).  In  that  of 
Leo  III.  795,  mention  is  made  of  "  the  orator}- 
of  St.  Stephen  in  St.  Peter,  which  is  called  the 
Greater  "  (ibid.  98). 

For   small    shrines   or   tabernacles   within    a 
church,  also  called  oratories,  see  (2). 

(2)  Many  oratories  were  built  against  churches 
with  an  entrance  into  them,  or  placed  within 
buildings  (as  porches,  vestries,  baptisteries)  con- 
nected with  churches.  These  were  the  early 
form  of  the  side-chapel  and  chantry,  afterwards 
so  common  (see  Muratori,  Dissert,  xvii.  in  S. 
Paulini  Poemata).  Anastasius  Bibliothecarius 
tells  us  that  Sergius  I.,  A.D.  687,  restored  all  the 
cubicula  round  (in  circuitu)  the  basilica  of  the 
blessed  apostle  St.  Paul"  {Vitae  Font.  n.  85), 
and  those  attached  "  circumquaque "  to  St. 
Peter's  (ibidJ).  That  by  "  cubicula  "  we  are  to 
understand  oratories  is  evident  from  the  same 
author's  account  of  Symmachus,  A.D.  498  ;  in 
which,  after  enumerating  several  "  oratories " 
built  by  him,  he  immediately  adds,  "All  which 
cubicula  he  built  up  complete  from  the  founda- 
tion "  (ibid.  n.  52).  St.  Paulinus,  too,  A.D,  393, 
added  "  cubicula  "  to  his  church  at  Nola,  "  in- 
serted in  the  longer  walls  of  the  basilica  "  (£/)isf. 
32  §  12),  which  were  intended,  as  he  expressly 
says  (ibid.),  for  the  private  use  of  persons  "  pray- 
ing or  meditating  on  the  law  of  the  Lord  "  (Ps. 
i.  2),  as  well  as  for  memorials  of  the  departed. 
Elsewhere  (Poema,  27,  1.  395  ;  comp.  19, 1.  478), 
he  speaks  of  them  ;  and  of  those  whom  the  desire 
to  pray  had  attracted  to  them.  That  these  ora- 
tories opened  into  the  church,  appears  from  the 
fact  that  a  thief,  who  had  concealed  himself  in 
one  of  them,  escaped  when  the  door  of  the  church 
was  unlocked  in  the  morning  (Poema  19, 1.  480). 
(3)  There  is  also  frequent  mention  of  oratories 
.near  a  church,  and  belonging  to  it,  but  not  part 
of  the  same  structure.  Such  appears  to  have 
been  one  at  Tours  in  the  6th  century,  \-iz.  "  Ora- 
torium  atrii  beati  Martini."  (Greg.  Tur.  de  Glor. 
Martyrum  15.)  At  Rome  in  the  8th  there  was 
an  oratory  of  St.  Leo,  "  secus  fores  introitus 
Sanctae  Petronillae."  (Anast.  Biblioth.  Vitae 
Pont.  n.  95.)  Theodore,  A.D.  642,  built  one 
"  foris  portam  beati  Pauli  Apostoli "  (ibid.  n. 
74).  This  position  appears  to  have  been  common 
at  Rome ;  for  the  earliest  Ordo  Romanus,  in  giv- 
ing directions  for  striking  the  light  on  Maundy 
Thursday  [See  Lights,  Ceremonial  use  of,  §  v.] 
orders  it  to  be  done  "in  a  place  outside  the 
basilica  ;  but  if  they  have  no  oratory  there,  then 
they  strike  it  in  the  doorway  thei-e."  (§  32 ; 
Mus.  Hal.  ii.  21.) 

IV.  The  name  of  "  Oratory "  was  given  to 
different  parts  of  the  interior  of  a  church.  Thus, 
in  a  law  of  Theodosius,  the  nave  is  called  "  the 
people's  oratory "  (evKTT]ptov  rov  Xaov  Epist. 
Theod.  et  Valentin.  Codex  T/ieodos.  ix.  45  ;  tan. 
3,  p.  366).  Compare  the  expression  t5i/  evKrriptov 
ixxov,  denoting  a  part,  expressly  distinguished 
from  the  bema  and  the  narthex  (ibid.  1.  4 ;  p. 
364).  In  the  West,  the  word  has  been  used  to 
denote  the  choir  of  a  church.  A  bishop  of  IMans 
is  said  to  have  taken  great  pains  in  the  construc- 
tion of  the  "  upper  parts "  of  a  new  church, 
"  oratorium  scilicet  quod  chorum  vocitant, 
sedemque  pontificalem,"  &c.  (Act.  Pontif. 
Cenom.  34;  Mabill.  Anal.  Vet.  312,  ed.  1723). 


OEATORIUM 


1465 


V.  (1)  Every  monastery,  whether  of  men  or 
women,  had  its  oi-atory.  Thus  St.  Augustine, 
writing  in  423  to  women :  "  Let  no  one  do  in 
the  oratory  anything  but  that  for  which  it  was 
made,  and  from  which  it  has  received  its  name." 
(Epist.  211,  ad  Sanctimon.  §  7).  Sim.  in  the 
Pegula  ad  Servos  Dei,  adapted  from  this,  §  3. 
Cassian  about  the  same  time,  of  the  monks  in 
the  East :  "  He  who  at  terce,  sext,  or  none,  has 
not  come  to  prayer  before  the  psalm  which  has 
begun  is  over,  does  not  venture  to  enter  further 
into  the  oratory  "  (Dc  Coi7iob.  Inst.  iii.  7).  In 
the  rule  of  St.  Benedict,  a.d.  530,  the  word 
occurs  frequently,  e.g.,  "  Oratorium  hoc  sit,  quod 
dicitur  "  (c.  52). 

(2)  The  oratories  in  monasteries  of  women 
had  no  priests  attached  to  them  until  the  begin- 
ning of  the  5th  century,  and  the  practice  seems 
to  have  spread  somewhat  slowly.  They  were 
publicly  professed  in  church,  and  attended  it 
regularly  in  a  body,  a  part,  spoken  of  as  enclosed, 
being  assigned  to  them.  These  facts  are  proved 
by  the  following  testimonies.  St.  Basil,  Epitimia 
in  Canonicas,  17  ;  ii.  531 ;  St.  Ambrose,  de  Lapsu 
Virg.  V.  §  19 ;  Palladius,  Hist.  Laus.  138.  St. 
Jerome,  when  describing  (in  404)  the  life  of  those 
in  the  house  founded  by  Paula,  says  that  "  only 
on  the  Lord's  day  did  they  go  out  to  the  church, 
by  the  side  of  which  they  dwelt"  (Epist.  108,  ad 
Eustoch.  §  19).  Elsewhere,  in  414,  he  implies 
that  members  of  a  female  community  went  "  ad 
loca  religionis,"  and  says  that  he  "  knew  some 
who  kept  at  home  on  festivals  because  of  the 
concourse  of  the  people  "  and  its  attendant  evils 
(Ep.  130,  ad  Demetr.  §  19).  On  the  other  hand, 
the  community  to  which  St.  Augustine  writes 
in  423  (if  the  epistle  be  wholly  from  his  hand), 
though  not  confined  to  their  house  (Epist.  211, 
ad  Sanctim.  §  10),  had  a  priest  who  celebrated, 
we  may  presume,  in  the  oratory  which  Augustine 
mentions  (§  7). 

(3)  The  houses  of  charity  so  numerous  in 
the  early  church  [Hospitals]  were  all  under 
the  management  of  the  clergy  or  attached  to 
monasteries ;  and  there  is  evidence  that  some, 
and  a  probability  that  many,  of  them  had  their 
own  oratories.  For  example,  it  is  recorded  of 
Leo  III.,  A.D.  795,  that  he  gave  certain  orna- 
ments to  the  "  oratory  of  the  holy  mother  of 
God  in  the  xenodochium  at  Firmi  "  (Anast.  B. 
Vitae  Pont.  n.  98  ;  pp.  130,  6),  to  the  oratories 
in  three  other  xenodochia  at  Rome,  dedicated 
severally  to  St.  Lucy,  St.  Cyrus,  and  SS.  Cosmas 
and  Damian  (ibid.  139),  and  to  "the  oratory  of 
St.  Peregrine,  which  is  placed  in  the  hospital  of 
the  Lord  at  Naumachia  "  (ibid.). 

VI.  (1)  Chapels  under  the  name  of  oratories 
were  often  attached  to  episcopal  palaces.  E.g., 
in  the  Life  of  John  the  Almoner  by  Leontius 
(c.  38),  we  read,  "  Facit  missas  in  oratorio  suo  " 
(Rosweyd,  199).  Gregory  the  Great  says  of 
Cassius  of  Narni,  that  a  little  before  his  death 
"in  episcopii  oratorio  missas  fecit"  (Horn.  37, 
de  Evang.).  Gregory  of  Tours,  573,  consecrated 
"  cellulam  valde  eleganteni,"  which  had  been  the 
buttery  of  his  palace,  for  an  oratory,  and 
removed  to  it  relics  of  SS.  Martin,  Saturnius, 
and  Julian  (de  Glor.  Conf  20).  It  was  "  infra 
domum  ecclesiasticam  urbis  Turonicae  "  (Vitae 
PP.  ii.  3).  Pope  Theodore,  642,  "  fecit  oratorium 
beato  Silvestro  intra  episcopium  Laterancnso " 
(Anast.  Biblioth.  Vitae  Pont.  n.  74),  i.e.,  in  the 


1466 


OEATOEIUM 


palace  which  Constantine  was  said  to  have  given 
to  the  see  in  the  time  of  Melchiades(Labbe,  Cone. 
i.  1530).  See  also  Liber  Diurnus  £om.  Pontif. 
V.  10. 

(2)  Oratories  (=  domestic  chapels)  were 
common  in  or  near  the  houses  of  the  wealthy. 
By  a  law  of  Justinian  they  were  to  be  devoted 
to  prayer  alone,  "  We  forbid  to  all  the  inhabitants 
of  this  great  city,  and  much  more  to  all  others 
under  our  rule,  to  have  oratories  (^euKTTjpiovs 
o'lKovs)  in  their  houses,  and  to  celebrate  the 
sacred  mysteries  therein.  .  .  .  But  if  any 
simply  think  it  right  to  have  sacred  chambers  in 
their  houses  for  the  sake  of  prayer  only,  and 
nothing  whatever  pertaining  to  the  sacred 
liturgy  be  performed  there,  we  permit  this  to 
them  "  (Novell.  57).  Compare  the  Carlovingian 
law  :  "  He  who  has  an  oratory  in  his  house  may 
pray  there.  But  let  him  not  presume  to  cele- 
brate the  sacred  masses  therein  without  the 
license  of  the  bishop  of  the  place."  The  punish- 
ment was  to  be  the  confiscation  of  the  house  and 
excommunication  {Capit.  Eeg.  Franc,  v.  383 ; 
comp.  V.  102,  and  Capit.  Ingilheim.  826,  c.  6,  &c.). 
The  council  in  Trullo,  691,  orders  the  clergy  who 
serve  in  oratories  in  a  house,  to  do  it  under  the 
rule  of  the  bishop  (can.  31).  Another  canon 
(59)  says,  "  Let  not  baptism  be  on  any  account 
celebrated  in  an  oratory  within  a  house."  In  the 
West,  the  council  of  Agde,  505  (can.  21),  orders 
that  "  if  any  of  the  clergy  chose  to  celebrate  or 
attend  masses  on  festivals  (Easter,  Christmas, 
&c.,  had  been  named)  in  the  oratories  (unless  the 
bishop  order  or  permit  it),  they  be  driven  from 
communion."  A  canon  of  Theodulf  of  Orleans, 
797,  shews  that  this  rule  had  been  relaxed  by 
time :  "  Let  not  the  priests  on  any  account 
celebrate  masses  in  the  oratories,  except  with 
such  precaution  before  the  second  hour  that  the 
people  be  not  withdrawn  from  the  public  cele- 
brations "  (can.  46  ;  Labbe,  Cone.  vii.  1147).  In 
another  injunction  of  the  same  bishop  the  rule  is 
extended  to  suburban  monasteries  and  churches, 
and  the  early  celebration  permitted  is  to  be 
"  foribus  reseratis  "  (^Additio  altera,  Labbe,  m.  s. 
1857),  which  here  can  only  mean  with  doors 
closed  (comp.  resscrr^. 

(3)  Such  oratories  (often  on  the  homesteads, 
or  attached  to  the  houses  of  the  wealthy)  were 
often  unconsecrated,  and  still  more  frequently 
served  by  priests  not  submissive  to  authority. 
So  early  as  541  the  fourth  council  of  Orleans  had 
to  forbid  the  domini  praediorum  to  "  introduce 
strange  clerks  against  the  wish  of  the  bishop  " 
of  the  diocese  to  serve  "  in  the  oratories " 
(can.  7).  The  council  of  Chalons,  about  650, 
states  that  the  clergy  who  served  the  "  oratories 
in  the  vills  of  the  powerful  "  were  not  allowed 
by  their  patrons  to  submit  to  the  archdeacons 
(can.  14).  The  council  of  Paris,  829  (i.  47), 
complains  that  masses  were  wont  to  be  celebrated 
in  gardens  and  houses,  or  at  least  in  "  aediculae," 
which  they  built  near  their  houses."  These  are 
contrasted  with  "  the  basilicas  dedicated  to  God," 
Avhieh  their  builders  had  forsaken.  Presbyters 
were  "  compelled  "  to  celebrate  in  them,  and  all 
this  "  in  defiance  of  episcopal  authority."  Such 
an  abuse  naturally  tended  to  degrade  both  the 
character  and  the  position  of  the  clergy.  Agobard 
tells  us  that  the  "  domestici  sacerdotes "  were 
employed  as  huntsmen  and  butlers,  and  in 
various  other  servile  capacities  (^De  Privilegio  ct 


ORDEAL 

Jure  Sacerdotii,  11).  To  avert  such  evils,  masses 
were  absolutely  forbidden  by  many  authorities 
in  all  but  dedicated  churches,  as  in  the  Excerp- 
tions of  Ecgbriht,  740  (can.  52)  ;  by  Charlemagne 
in  769  {Capit.  i.  14),  and  in  789  {Cajtit.  iii.  9)  ; 
by  Theodulf  of  Orleans,  797  {Caiyit.  11);  by  a 
council  of  bishops  held  at  some  unknown  place 
in  France,  802  (can.  9;  Labbe,  Cone.  vii.  1179); 
by  the  council  of  Chalons  -  sur  -  Saone,  813 
(can.  49)  ;  and  by  the  council  of  Aix,  in  816.  See 
also  Jonas  of  Orleans,  821  {Instit.  Laic.  11,  in 
Spicil.  Dach.  i.  33),  who  speaks  of  the  unconse- 
crated "  aediculae  "  of  the  rich  in  terms  which 
the  council  of  Paris  seems  to  have  borrowed.  We 
must  suppose,  however,  that  during  the  pre- 
valence of  heresy  a  breach  of  this  rule  would 
have  been  justified  in  the  West,  as  we  know  that 
it  was  in  the  East.  Thus,  Theodore  Studita  says 
{Ep)ist.  i.  40,  ad  Naucr.),  that  in  that  case  it 
was  lawful  "  even  to  perform  the  liturgy  in  an 
oratory." 

Another  check  was  the  law  that  all  who  built 
oratoria  for  more  than  private  prayer  should 
endow  them.  Gregory  I.  directed  that  an 
oratory  built  by  a  nobleman  at  Firmi  should  be 
consecrated,  provided  that  "  no  human  body  had 
been  buried  there,"  and  that  there  was  a  suitable 
endowment  for  the  cardinal  presbyter  who  was 
to  serve  it  {Epist.  x.  VI).  He  jpermitted  the 
consecration  of  another  oratory  outside  the 
walls  of  the  same  city,  "  percepta  primitus 
donatione  legitima  ;"  but  ordered  that  in  this 
case  the  mass  should  not  be  publicly  celebrated 
at  the  consecration,  and  that  a  presbyter  car- 
dinalis  should  not  be  appointed  to  serve  it,  nor 
a  baptistery  built  in  connection  with  it  (^Ep. 
vii.  72).  Similarly,  Zachary  of  Rome,  writing 
to  Pipin  about  743  (Epist.  viii.  15).  And  these 
restrictions  are  made  conditions  in  the  form  of 
mandate  for  consecration  in  the  Li'jer  Diurnus 
(v.  4).  Charlemagne  enacted  generally,  that 
'•  those  who  had  or  wished  to  have  a  consecrated 
oratory,  should  by  the  advice  of  the  bishop  make 
a  grant  out  of  their  property  in  that  same 
place "  (A.D.  803,  c.  21;  Cajnt.  Eeg.  Franc,  i. 
401).     See  also  Justinian,  Novella,  123,  §  18. 

Much  information  on  this  subject  may  be  found 
in  J.  B.  Gatticus,  de  Oratoriis  Doincsticis,  ed.  2, 
Piom,  1770 ;  Josephus  de  Bonis,  dc  Oratoriis 
Publicis,  and  Fortunatus  a  Brixia,  de  Oratoriis 
Dormsticis,  both  printed  by  J.  A.  Assemani 
(Rome,  1766)  as  a  supplement  to  the  work  of 
Gatticus  ;  Z.  B.  Van  Espen,  Jus  Eccl.  Univ.  ii.  i. 
V.  8 ;  J.  M.  Cavalieri,  Comment,  in  Bit.  Congr. 
Decreta,  v.  4,  Venet.  1758 ;  and  many  others.  But 
it  should  be  mentioned  that  these  writers  are 
chiefly  concerned  with  the  later  history  and 
rights  of  oratories.  [W.  E.  S.] 

OEATOEY.    [Pkeaciung.] 

ORDEAL.  This  article  is  limited  to  an 
account  of  some  of  the  more  notable  forms  of  a 
superstition  very  prevalent  among  christian 
nations,  not  only  in  the  first  eight  centuries,  but 
long  afterwards,  viz.,  a  belief  that  on  the  sub- 
jection of  an  accused  person  to  some  extraordi- 
nary physical  test,  supernatural  intervention 
might  be  expected  for  the  purpose  of  making 
known  his  guilt  or  his  innocence.  The  pagan 
origin  of  one  kind  of  ordeal  is  referred  to  under 
Paganism,  Survival  of.  The  following  are  the 
more  remarkable  forms  under  which  it  continued 


OKDEAL 

to  exist,  and  even  became  more  widely  difl'used 
after  paganism  had  been  overthrown. 

Under  the  general  denomination  of  Judicium 
Dei  we  have 

I.  The  Duel,  a  form  especially  prevalent 
among  Teutonic  nations.  In  the  year  A.D.  500, 
the  code  of  laws  promulgated  at  Lyons  by 
Gondebald,  the  Arian  king  of  Burgundy,  and 
known  as  the  Loi  Gombette,  gave  legal  sanction 
to  this  mode  of  ordeal.  Barbarous  as  were  the 
times,  the  preamble  of  the  enactment  relating  to 
the  subject  implies  a  sense  that  such  a  law 
requires  some  justification,  and  this  is  found  in 
the  alleged  tact  that  the  morality  of  the  com- 
munitv  is  at  so  low  an  ebb  that  it  is  a  common 
practice  for  individuals  to  offer  evidence  on  oath 
with  respect  to  matters  of  which  they  have  no 
certain  knowledge,  or  even  knowingly  to  perjure 
themselves.  It  is  accordingly  enacted  (with 
reference  apparently  to  an  already  existing  insti- 
tution analogous  in  some  respects  to  the  English 
frithhorh  of  a  later  period)  that  whenever  a  cause 
of  dispute  shall  have  risen,  and  the  party  against 
whom  judgment  is  given  shall  still  deny  _his 
obligation  to  what  is  demanded  of  him  or  his 
commission  of  the  alleged  off"ence,  by  a  sacra- 
niental  oath*  (sacramentoram  obligatiune  nega- 
verit),  the  dispute  shall  be  thus  decided :  if  the 
party  on  the  side  of  him  to  whom  the  sacramen- 
tal form  of  oath  has  been  proffered,  shall  refuse 
to  make  sacramental  attestation  (iioluerit  sacra- 
■•ncnta  suscipere),  but,  confident  in  the  right- 
fulness of  his  cause,  shall  declare  themselves  able 
to  convince  his  antagonist  by  arms,  and  those  of 
the  opposite  party  refuse  to  yield,  it  shall  be 
lawful  to  decide  the  dispute  by  combat  ("  pug- 
nandi  licentia  non  negetur."  It  is,  however, 
required  that  one  of  the  witnesses,  of  those  who 
had  come  prepared  to  make  sacramental  attesta- 
tion, shall  be  a  combatant  ("  Deo  judicante  con- 
fligat ")  ;  it  being  right,  the  law  goes  on  to  say, 
that  if  any  man  unhesitatingly  affirms  his  know- 
ledge of  a  matter  in  dispute,  and  proffers  his 
sacramental  oath  in  attestation,  he  should  not 
hesitate  also  to  fight.  Then,  if  the  witness  on 
the  side  which  has  offered  to  take  the  oath 
(••  testis  partis  ejus  quae  obtulerit  sacramen- 
tum  ")  be  vanquished,  all  the  witnesses  who  had 
offered  to  do  the  same  are  required  forthwith  to 
pay  a  fine  of  oOO  shillings ;  but  if  he  who 
declined  to  take  the  oath  should  be  slain,  the 
party  of  the  victor  are  to  be  indemnified,  as  to 
the  mulct,  out  of  the  dead  man's  possessions 
("de  facultatibus  ejus  novigildi  solutione  pars 
victoris  reddatur  indemnis."  Canciani,  Barharo- 
rum  Leges  Antiquae,  iv.  25,  26). 

This  formal  sanction  of  duelling  confirmed  the 
custom  ;  and  both  among  the  Franks  and  the 
Lombards  a  similar  recognition  was  extended  to 
it  by  legislation.  The  code  of  Rotharis  (a.d. 
04-3),  king  of  the  latter  nation,  opposed  it  as  one 
form  of  superstition  to  repress  another,  in 
directing  that  any  man  bringing  the  accusation 
of  witchcraft  against  a  freedwoman  (calling  her 
"  striga,  quod  est  maxa  "),  should  be  compelled 
to  make  good  his  charge  in  single  fight, — "  si 
f  erseveraverit,  et  dixerit  se  probare  posse,  tunc 


OEDEAL 


1467 


per  Campionem  caussa,  id  est  per  pugnam,  ad 
Dei  judicium  decernatur  "  (Canciani,  i.  79).  The 
character  of  Luitprand,  who  reigned  over  the 
Lombards  A.D.  713-735,  is  illustrated  by  his 
superiority  to  this  superstition.  He  says  that 
he  hears  that  many  are  defeated  in  the  duel, 
although  theirs  is  notoriously  the  juster  cause, 
but  confesses  his  inability  to  repeal  an  "  impious 
law,"  sanctioned  by  the  custom  of  the  race.  The 
utmost  he  could  do  was  to  direct  that  the  party 
defeated  in  conflict  should  not  therewith  lose  his 
whole  substance,  but  be  allowed  to  make  a  com- 
position,— "  sicut  antea  fuerit  lex  componendi. 
Quia  incerti  sumus  de  judicio  Dei;  et  multos 
audivimus  per  pugnam  sine  justa  caussa  suam 
caussam  perdere.  Sed  propter  cousuetudinem 
gentis  nostrae  Longobardorum  legem  impiam 
vetare  non  possumus."  Luitprandi  Leges,  iv. 
65  ;  ib.  i.  127. 

The  advance  of  education  and  general  en- 
lightenment under  Charles  and  his  son  Lewis, 
seems  to  have  in  no  way  checked  this  super- 
stitious practice.  In  the  year  809,  at  the 
council  of  Aachen,  the  same  mode  of  proving  his 
innocence  is  conceded  to  a  criminal  found  guilty 
of  a  capital  offence  (Pertz.  Lcgg.  i.  155),  and  a 
distinct  article  (art.  25)  of  the  same  capitulary, 
forbids  that  any  shall  venture  to  call  in  question 
the  validity  of  such  a  test,  "  ut  omnes  judicio 
Dei  credant  absque  dubitatione  "  (ibid.  i.  157). 
A  capitulary  of  the  year  819  permits  those 
accused  of  theft  to  vindicate  their  honour  in  a 
contest  with  their  accuser,  to  be  fought  "  scuto 
et  fuste  "  (Baluze,  i.  782).  The  single  combat 
between  counts  Bera  and  Sanila,  in  the  reign  of 
Lewis  the  Pious,  of  which  a  minute  desci-iption 
is  given  by  Ermoldus  Nigellus  (book  iii.  v.  550- 
638),  is  perhaps  the  most  notable  instance  to  be 
met  with  at  our  period. 

The  voice  of  the  most  enlightened  churchmen 
was  not  unfrequently,  though  vainlj',  raised 
against  this  kind  of  ordeal.  "  Purgation,"  or  the 
formal  proof  of  innocence,  is  described  by  eccle- 
siastical writers  as  of  two  kinds,  "  canonica " 
and  "vulgaris" — the  former  being  by"sacra- 
mentum  et  juramentum,"  that  is  by  sacramental 
and  simple  oath,  the  latter  by  the  duel,  hot  or 
cold  water,  &c. — methods  to  which  Agobard 
refers  as  devices  of  men,  "  hominum  adinventio," 
and  which  Ivo  of  Chartres  denounces  as  a  law 
for  which  no  sanction  can  be  claimed,  "  nulla 
sanctione  fulta  lex  "  (Migne,  Patrol,  clxii.  37). 
We  learn  from  the  former  writer  that  Avitus, 
bishop  of  Vienne  in  the  6th  century,  in  a  con- 
versation with  king  Gondebald,  strongly  con- 
demned the  duel  as  a  method  of  deciding  personal 
disputes.     (Migne,  civ.  125.) 

But  while  the  voice  of  the  church  appears  to 
have  been  generally  raised  against  the  duel  as  a 
barbarous  and  inequitable  test,  inasmuch  as 
superior  physical  powers,  or  skill  in  the  use  of 
weapons,  thus  became  the  real  criterion  of  right 
and  wrong,  the  religious  superstition  of  the  age 
favoured  the  resort  to  other  methods,  which 
appealed  to  the  belief  in  the  miraculous.  One 
of  the  earliest  instances  of  this  kind"  is  that 


^  I.e.  an  oath  to  which  it  was  supposed  additional 
solemnity  was  imparted  by  the  person  to  whom  the  oath 
■was  administered  touciilng  at  the  same  time  the  relics  of 
a  saint  or  a  cross  (in  later  times  a  crucifix),  or  a  copy  of 
the  Gospels. 


b  The  different  forms  of  ordeal  referred  to  in  connexion 
with  the  miracles  of  St.  Alban  in  the  3rd  century,  e.g. 
ordeal  by  hot  water,  the  trial  of  relics  by  fire,  Hiblio- 
mancy,  &c.,  probably  point  to  the  essentially  unhistoric 
character  of  the  whole  tradition  (see  Hardy,  Jntrod.  to 
J)e.<ir.rij)f.  Catalogue,  I.  ii.  p.  \.>;xiv). 


1468 


OEDEAL 


recorded  by  Gregory  of  Tours,  of  Simplioius,  a 
bishop  in  the  first  half  of  the  4th  century. 
Simplicius  was  accused  of  adultery,  and  both  he 
and  the  woman  implicated  in  the  charge  vindi- 
cated themselves  by  taking  live  coals  in  the 
folds  of  their  garments,  and  holding  them  there 
for  nearly  an  hour,  their  garments  remaining 
uninjured  {de  Gloria  Conf.  c.  76  ;  Migne,  Ixxi. 
967).  Among  other  and  more  common  forms  of 
ordeal  was — 

II.  The  Ordeal  of  Hot  or  Cold  Wafer.— Both  of 
these  methods  were  sanctioned  by  ecclesiastical 
authority.  Among  the  Formulae  Veteres  Exor- 
cismorum  (see  Baluze,  Capit.  Beg.  Franc,  ii. 
639  ;  Bouquet,  Scriptures,  iv.  597),  there  is 
given  a  form  of  exorcism  used  on  the  employ- 
ment of  either  test.  In  that  of  ordeal  by  hot 
water,  the  two  parties  in  the  dispute  repaired  to 
the  neighbouring  church  ;  there  they  knelt  down, 
while  the  priest  recited  a  prescribed  form  of 
prayer.  Mass  was  then  celebrated,  and  the  two 
presented  their  alms  and  received  the  holy  com- 
munion, having  previously  been  solemnly  adjured 
if  in  any  way  participant  in  or  cognizant  of  the 
alleged  crime  not  to  commimicate.  Then  mass 
was  performed,  after  which  the  priest  pro- 
ceeded to  the  appointed  place  of  ordeal,  bearing 
with  him  the  gospels  and  the  cross  ;  he  then 
chanted  a  short  litany,  and  finally  pronounced 
the  following  exorcism  over  the  water  before  it 
Avas  heated :  "  I  exorcise  thee,  thou  creature 
water  in  the  name  of  God  the  Father  Omni- 
potent, and  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ  His 
Son,  our  Lord,  that  thou  mayest  become  exorcised 
water,  to  put  to  flight  all  powers  of  the  enemy 
and  every  phantasm  of  the  devil ;  so  that  if  this 
man,  now  about  to  put  his  hand  in  thee,  be  inno- 
cent of  this  fault  of  which  he  is  accused,  the 
compassion  ["  pietas  "]  of  Almighty  God  shall 
deliver  him.  But  if,  which  may  God  forbid,  he 
be  guilty,  and  shall  have  dared  presumptuously 
to  put  his  hand  in  thee,  may  the  power  of  the 
same  Almighty  One  condescend  to  declare  this 
concerning  him,  so  that  all  may  fear  and  tremble 
before  the  holy  and  glorious  name  of  our  Lord, 
who  lives  and  reigns  ever  One  God  throughout 
all  ages."  When  the  water  had  been  raised  to  boil- 
ing heat,  the  accused  recited  the  Lord's  Prayer, 
made  the  sign  of  the  cross,  and  then  drew  from 
the  vessel  containing  the  water  a  heavy  stone, 
previously  placed  therein  by  the  presiding  judge. 
The  severity  of  this  form  of  ordeal  seems  to  have 
given  it  the  preference  in  cases  where  the  accused 
was  of  the  servile  class.  In  the  year  816,  a  capitu- 
lary of  Lewis  the  Pious  directs  that  slaves  accused 
of  homicide  shall  submit  to  this  test,  in  order  that 
it  may  be  made  apparent  whether  they  had 
designedly  slain  their  victims,  or  done  so  only 
in  self-defence.  If  the  slave's  hand  exhibited 
marks  of  injury  from  the  ordeal,  he  was  to  be 
put  to  death  (Baluze,   i.  177  ;  see  also  1251). 

The  method  of  procedure  at  the  ordeal  of  cold 
water  was  similar ;  but  here  the  difficulty  was 
reversed  ;  for  while,  in  the  former  method,  it 
consisted  in  escaping  injury,  in  this  it  was 
almost  impossible  to  obtain  a  conviction.  The 
accused  was  only  held  guilty  if  he  or  she  floated 
on  the  surface,  the  element  having  been  pre- 
viously adjured  by  the  priest  to  refuse  to  receive 
him  or  her  if  really  criminal  (non  suscipiat  te 
aqua  incredulum  aut  seductum).  A  deviation 
from  this  method   is   recorded   by   Gregory   of 


OEDEAL 

Tours,  on  an  occasion  when  a  woman  accused  of 
adultery  was  flung  into  the  Rhone,  with  heavy 
stones  fastened  7'Oimd  her  neck;  she,  however,, 
invoked  the  aid  of  St.  Genesis,  and  was  miracu- 
lously borne  along  on  the  surfece  of  the  current, 
and  her  innocence  established  {de  Gloria  Mart. 
c.  70;  Migne,  Ixxi.  799).  But  the  former 
method  was  undoubtedly  the  more  common, 
though  in  the  opinion  of  Le  Brun  {Hist,  critique, 
p.  467),  it  was  not  recognised  by  law  before  the 
9th  century,  when  pope  Eugenius  II.  gave  his 
sanction  to  its  employment  (Migne,  c.xxix.  985-7). 
Lewis  the  Pious,  on  the  other  hand,  in  a  capitu- 
lary of  Aachen  of  the  year  829,  ordered  it  to  be 
discontinued  (Baluze,  i.  668),  though  not,  pro- 
bably, with  the  view  of  abolishing  a  superstitious 
practice  (for  other  forms  of  ordeal  were  still 
resorted  to),  but,  as  Muratori  has  pointed  out, 
because  it  practically  amounted  to  an  evasion  of 
justice. 

III.  Judicium  Crucis,  otherwise  known  as  Stare 
ad  Cnicem. — In  this  mode  of  ordeal,  the  accused 
and  his  accuser  lifted  their  arms  to  a  horizontal 
position,  so  that  the  entire  body  of  each  repre- 
sented the  figure  of  a  cross.  Then  some  chapters 
from  the  Gospels,  or  a  portion  of  the  church 
services,  were  read  aloud,  and  he  who,  from 
fatigue,  was  first  compelled  to  let  fall  his  arms 
was  held  to  be  defeated.  Herchenrad,  bishop  of 
Paris  in  A.D.  771,  having  become  involved  in  a 
dispute  with  a  monastic  body,  offered  to  submit 
the  question  at  issue  to  this  test,  and  was 
victorious  (Muratori,  Dissert,  in  Antiq.  Hal. 
Mcdii  Aevi,  vol.  iii.). 

A  capitulary  of  Charles  the  Great  of  the  year 
799,  directs  that  persons  accused  of  perjury 
shall  "stand  cross-fashion"  ("stent  ad  crucem," 
Pertz,  Legg.  i.  37).  Another  of  the  year  803, 
directs  that  if  the  prosecutor  of  a  freeman  who 
is  unable  to  pay  a  fine,  refuses  to  receive  the 
"  sacramenta "  of  twelve  men  in  evidence  of 
such  inability,  then  the  dispute  shall  be  settled 
either  "  by  the  cross  "  or  by  a  duel  fought  with 
clubs  and  shields  (Baluze,  i.  397).  Similarly, 
in  the  year  806  a  decree  of  the  same  emperor 
enjoins  that  in  disputes  respecting  boundaries. 
"  the  will  of  God  and  the  truth  of  the  matter  "" 
shall  be  ascertained  "  judicio  crucis  "  (ibid.  i. 
444).     [MoRTiFiCATiox,  p.  1320.] 

IV.  The  Ordeal  of  Hot  Hon. — This  consisted 
either  in  drawing  a  bar  of  iron  from  a  furnace 
with  the  naked  hand,  or  in  walking  over  heated 
ploughshares  with  naked  feet — modes  denoted  by 
the  expressions,  "judicium  calefacere,"  "judi- 
cium portare,"  where  judicium  is  equal  to  ferrum. 
It  is  prescribed  as  a  method  of  self-vindication 
from  the  charge  of  manslaughter  in  the  code  of 
Luitprand,  king  of  the  Lombards,  '•  et  si  nega- 
verit  ipsum  occidisse  ad  novem  vomeres  ignitos 
ad  Hidicium  Dei  examinatos  accedat  "  (Canciani, 
i.  162).  A  capitulary  of  Charles  the  Great,  of  the 
year  803,  enacts  in  the  case  of  a  man  who  is  accused 
of  having  slain  a  neighbour  in  defence  of  his 
own  freedom,  but  denies  the  deed,  that  he  shall 
pass  over  (accedat)  nine  fiery  ploughshares, 
to  be  tested  "judicio  Dei"  (Baluze,  i.  389). 
According  to  Milman,  this  mode  of  ordeal  was 
especially  reserved  for  accused  persons  of  august 
rank  ;  and  he  mentions  as  individuals  by  whom 
it  was  undergone  "  one  of  Charlemagne's  wives, 
our  own  queen  Emma,  the  empress  Cunegunda  " 
{Lat.  Christianity,  bk.  iii.  c.  5). 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

V.  The  Ordeal  of  SwaUowing  Food. — It  was 
believed  that  bread  and  cheese,  administered 
■with  due  prescribed  solemnities  to  an  accused 
person,  would  infallibly  choke  him  if  he  know- 
ingly perjured  himself  (Muratori,  u.  s.). 

The  most  remarkable  and  elaborate  protest 
against  this  superstition,  in  all  its  forms,  was 
undoubtedly  that  contained  in  a  treatise  by 
Agobard,  bishop  of  Lyons  in  the  9th  century, 
who,  about  the  year  830,  composed  a  treatise 
contra  damnabilem  opinionein  putantium  divini 
judicii  veritateni  igne,  vol  aquis,  vel  conflictii 
armorum  patefieri  (Migne,  civ.  250).  This  re- 
monstrance produ('ed  no  small  effect  in  its  own 
day ;  and  Palgrave  {Hist.  Normandy  and  England, 
1,  241)  ascribes  the  prohibition  of  the  water- 
ordeal  at  the  synod  of  Worms,  A.D.  1076,  to  its 
influence.  Agobard  relied  mainly  on  Scripture 
for  his  arguments.  He  was,  however,  opposed 
by  Hincmar,  who  in  his  manifesto  {da  Divortio 
Lotharii  et  Tethergac)  upheld  the  system,  espe- 
cially the  water-ordeal.  He  maintained,  that 
where  faith  was  really  present  in  the  hearts  of 
those  who  conducted  or  submitted  to  these  tests, 
the  result  was  an  infallible  declaration  of  the 
divine  will;  only  doubt  and  vacillation  would 
deprive  it  of  its  efficacy  (Migne,  cxxvi.  171). 

The  belief  had,  indeed,  taken  too  strong  a 
hold  of  the  church  to  be  readily  dispelled  by 
mere  argument ;  and  in  England,  nearly  a  cen- 
tury later,  we  find  the  forms  II.  and  IV.  referred 
to  and  sanctioned  with  considerable  circumstan- 
tiality. The  language,  however,  is  calculated  to 
suggest  that,  either  through  fraud  or  connivance, 
these  tests  had  been  often  successfully  evaded, 
and  that  the  physical  injury  likely  to  be  sus- 
tained was  but  trifling  (Brompton,  Chronicon ; 
in  Twysden,  Soriptores,  p.  856).  Even  so  late  as 
the  11th  century,  these  practices  still  prevailed 
in  the  church.  Ivo,  of  Chartres,  when  writing 
to  Hildebert,  bishop  of  Mans,  respecting  an  ac- 
cusation brought  against  one  Gislandus,  a  priest, 
deems  it  necessary  to  give  special  instructions 
that  none  of  the  above  tests  shall  be  resorted  to 
(Migne,  clxii.  37).  Compare  Missa  (10),  p.  1200. 
Authorities.  —  Lebrun,  Histoire  critique  dcs 
Pratiques  superstitieuses,  par  un  Pretre  de  I'Ora- 
toire,  Paris,  1702;  Muratori,  Dissertatio  da 
Judicio  Dei  in  Antiq.  Italiae  Medii  Aevi,  vol.  iii. ; 
Du  Cange,  s.  v. ;  Baluze,  &c.  [J.  B.  M.] 

ORDERS,  HOLY. 

I.  Names  for   Ordars  and  Collective  Xames  for  the 

Clergy : 
1.  Ordo:     2.  KArjpog:     3.  Taji;  :    4.  ^afl^ids,  gradus  : 
5.  Other  names. 

II.  Internal  Organization  of  the  Clergy,  p.  1471. 

(1)  Grades  of  orders,  p.  1472. 

(2)  Groups  of  grades  of  orders,  p.  1474  :  1.  Bishop 
and  Clergy,  2.  Holy  orders  and  orders,  3.  Major 
and  minor  orders. 

(3)  Succession  of  and  intervals  between  grades  of 

orders:  p.  1475. 
i.  The  first  grade,  ii.  The  subsequent  grades, 
interstitia. 

III.  External  Organization  of  the  Clergy:  p.  1477. 
Correspondence  of  ecclesiastical  with  civil  organiza- 
tion, as  shewn  in  (1)  councils,  (2)  metropolitans, 
(3)  dioceses,  p.  1477. 

Examples  of  this  correspondence :  organization  of 
Gaul,  p.  1478. 

Results  of  organization,  as  shewn  in  (1)  subordi- 
nation of  clergy  to  bishop,  (2)  subordination  of 
bishops  to  councils,  (3)  limitation  of  the  number 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


1460 


of  bishops  and  formation  of  territorial  dioceses, 
p.  1479. 
iV.  Admission  to  Orders:  p.  14B1. 

1.  Qualifications  for : 

I.  Personal,  p.  1482. 
II.  Civil,  p.  1483. 

III.  Ecclesiastical,  p.  1484. 

IV.  Literary,  p.  14s7. 

2.  Mode    of   testing    qualifications:     examination, 
p.  1488. 

V.  Civil  Status,  Manner  of  Life,  and  Viscijyline,  of 
the  Clergy :  p.  1489. 
(i.)  Civil  status: 

1.  Before  the  time  of  Coustautinc :  p.  1489. 

2.  After  the  time  of  Constantine :  iiifluonce  of 
{a)  immunities,  (6)  exemption  from  ordinary 
courts,  (c)  endowments,  p.  1489. 

(^ii.)  Manner  of  life: 

In  general  during  first  four  centuries,  p.  1490. 
Subsequent  changes,   as    shown    in  (a)  dress,. 

(6)  tonsure,  p.  14  91. 
Influence  of  monasticism ;  tendency  to  live  in 
community,  p.  1491. 
(iii.)  Discipline: 

A.  Punishable  offences. 

(1)  ilcluting  to  marriage  and  sexual  morality, 

(a)  Marriage  after  ordination,  (b)  marricil 
continence,  (c)  digamy,  (d)  sins  of  the  fiesli, 
(e)  incontinence  of  clerks'  wives,  p.  1492. 

(2)  Relating  to  ecclesiastical  organization  ami 
divine  service,    (a)  The  diocesan  system, 

(b)  the  parochial  system,  (c)  ecclesiastical 
courts,  (ti)  ordination,  (e)  divine  service  and 
the  religious  life,  p.  1494. 

(3)  Social  life. 

B.  Punishments. 

(1)  E.xcommunication :    (a)  Temporary,   (b) 
permanent,  p.  1496. 

(2)  Suspension  and  degradation,  p.  149G. 

(3)  Deposition,  p.  1496. 

(4)  Other  punishments,  p.  1497. 

I.  Names  for  Orders  and  Collective 
Names  for  the  Clergy. — 1.  Ordo.— This  is 
the  earliest  and  most  general  Latin  word ; 
first  found  in  Tertull.  de  Exhort.  Cast.  c.  7,. 
"  differentiam  inter  ordinem  et  plebem  con- 
stituit  ecclesiae  auctoritas,"  usually  with  a 
defining  epithet ;  o.  ecclesiasticus,  Tertitll.  dc 
Monog.  c.  11 ;  c?e  Idol.  c.  7  ;  1  Couc.  Carth.  c.  1 ; 
o.  clericalis,  e.g.  S.  Leon.  M.  Epist.  6  (4),  c.  3, 
vol.  i.  p.  620;  Hraban.  Maur.  de  Instit.  Cler.  i. 
2  ;  o.  sacer,  e.g.  S.  Leon.  M.  Epist.  4  (3),  vol.  i. 
p.  612;  S.  Greg.  M.  Epist.  iv.  26.  The  word 
ordo  in  this  sense  was  probably  transferred  from 
Iloman  civil  life,  in  which  it  was  the  ordinary 
designation  of  the  governing  body  of  both  a 
municipality  and  a  collegium,  (a)  Of  the  senate 
of  a  provincial  town,  o.  mutinensis,  Tac.  Hist.  ii. 
52 ;  0.  Berytiorum,  Le  Bas  et  Waddington,^ 
Inscriptions  d'Asie  3fineure,  No.  1847  a ; 
o.  splendidissimus  Thagastensium,  Renier,  Inscr, 
Rom.  d'Alge'rie,  No.  2902,  and  frequently  in  the 
Corpus  Juris,  e.g.  Big.  50,  9,  3.  Even  so  late 
as  the  end  of  the  6th  century  Gregory  the 
Great,  writing  to  the  civil  as  well  as  to  the 
ecclesiastical  authorities  of  Ariminum,  uses 
"ordo"  for  the  former,  "clerus"  for  the  latter 
{Epist.  i.  58) ;  so  also  at  Naples  (id.  Epist.  ii.  6). 
(6)  Of  the  officers  of  a  collegium,  e.g.  Orelli- 
Henzen,  No.  4054  (  =  Grut.  1077),  No.  4115 
(  =  Grut.  391,  1).  (It  is  uncertain  whether  the 
addition  of  "  sacer  "  to  "  ordo  "  is  meant  to  dis- 
tinguish the  ecclesiastical  from  the  civil  use  of 
the  word,  or  whether  it  was  not  simply  a  con- 
tinuation of  a  civil  use,  e.g.  tj  lepoL  (rvyKKr]Tos  oi 


1470 


ORDEES,  HOLY 


the  Koman  seuate,  C.  I.  No.  2715  ;  Upa  ffvi/oSos 
•  if  a  meiitiug  of  theatrical  artists,  Le  Bas  et 
AVaddington,  Inscriptions  d'Asic  Mineuro,  No. 
1619.)  But  it  became  more  common,  especially 
in  later  times,  to  use  ordines  in  the  plural : 
ordines  ecclesiastici,  Tertull.  de  Exhort.  Cast. 
c.  13  ;  0.  sacri,  probably  first  in  Cone.  Eom. 
A.D.  465,  c.  3  ;  S.  Greg.  M.  3Toral.  lib.  ssiii. 
c.  25,  p.  756,  Horn,  in  Evang.  lib.  ii.  horn.  39, 
c.  6,  p.  1648,  and  frequently  afterwards.  (For 
the  later  restriction  of  the  phrase  to  bishops, 
presbyters,  and  deacons  [and  sub-deacons],  see 
below.)  In  this  sense  "  ordo  "  and  "  ordines  " 
■were  used  not  of  church  officers  only,  but  (cf. 
KKripos  below)  of  any  "  estate  "  of  men  or  women 
in  the  church.  S.  Hieron.  in  Esai.  lib.  v.  c.  19, 
18,  speaks  of  "fideles"  and  "  catechumeni  "  as 
forming  two  of  the  five  "  ecclesiae  ordines." 
S.  Greg.  M.  Moral,  lib.  xxxii.  c.  20,  p.  1065,  says 
that  the  church  consists  of  three  orders,  "  con- 
jugatorum,  videlicet,  continentium,  atque  rec- 
torum  ";  id.  Horn,  in  Ezech.  lib.  ii.  horn.  4,  c.  5, 
p.  1344,  speaks  of  the  same  three  orders  as 
''  praedicantium,  continentium,  atque  bonorum 
conjugum,"  cf.  ibid.  lib.  ii.  hom.  7,  c.  3,  p.  1378 ; 
so,  much  later,  Hrabanus  Maurus,  de  Instit. 
Cleric,  lib.  i.  c.  2 :  "  tres  sunt  ordines  in  ecclesia 
laicorum,  clericorum,  et  monachorum."  In 
■earlier  times,  Optatus,  de  Schism.  Donat.  lib.  ii. 
c.  46,  had  avoided  the  ambiguous  use  of  ordo  by 
the  use  of  a  less  technical  phrase :  "  quatuor 
genera  capitum  in  ecclesia,  episcoporum,  presby- 
terorum,  diaconorum,  et  fidelium  ;  "  so  in  later 
times,  intermediate  between  the  earlier  phrase, 
"ordo  martyrum,  virginum,"  &c.,  and  the 
subsequent  "  omnes  martyres,  virgines,"  &c.,  is 
"  chorus  martyrum,  virginum,"  &c. 

2.  KATjpos-,  K\y}piKoi,  clems,  clerlci. — (a) 
KKripos  is  first  found- in  the  plural  =  ordines  in 
the  sense  spoken  of  in  the  preceding  paragraph, 
in  1  Peter  v.  3,  where  tS)u  kKtjpuu  is  evidently 
identical  with  tov  ■jroifj.viov.  Hence,  even  so 
comparatively  late  as  the  beginning  of  the  5th 
century,  laymen,  as  well  as  church  officers,  are 
spoken  of  as  constituting  a  KXifpos  {XaiKhs 
K\rjpos,  Pallad.  Hist.  Laus.  c.  20,  Migne,  P.  G. 
vol.  xxxiv.  105Q  =  AaiKhv  rdyfia,  Cone.  Nicaen. 
c.  5).  Probably  its  first  use  in  the  singular  of 
the  collective  bodv  of  church  officers  is  in  Clem. 
Ales.  Quis  div.  sah:  c.  42,  p.  948,  ed.  Pott. 
(  =  Euseb.  //.  E.  iii.  23),  of  St.  John  at  Ephesus  ; 
Tertull.  de  Monog.  c.  12.  Afterwards  frequent 
in  both  Greek  and  Latin,  c.q.  in  the  fathers, 
S.  Cypr.  Epist.  2,  vol.  ii.  p.  224 ;  S.  Petr.  Alex. 
Epist.  Canon,  c.  10,  S.  Basil.  Epist.  240  (192)  ; 
in  canon  law,  e.g.  Cone.  Illib.  A.D.  306,  c.  80 ; 
1  Cone.  Carth.  c.  6  ;  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  1,  14 ;  in 
the  Const.  Apost.  e.g.  ii.  43  ;  in  civil  law,  e.(]. 
Cod.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  3,  c.  40  (39),  9.  Of  the 
clerical  office  in  the  abstract,  probably  first  in 
Origen,  Horn,  in  Hicrcin.  11,  c.  3,  vol.  iii.  p.  189. 
In  the  plural  of  the  clergy  of  different  churches, 
Hippol.  Ref.  Haeres.  ix.  12,  ed.  Duncker,  p.  460 ; 
S.  August.  Enarr.  in  Ps.  Ixvii.  c.  19,  vol.  iv. 
p.  824.  Occasionally  distinguished  from  ordo, 
S.  Greg.  M.  Epist.  i.  58,  68  ;  and  also  combined 
with  it,  1  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  13,  "omnis  aeccle- 
siastici  ordinis  clerus,"  Karlomanni,  Capit. 
Liftin.  A.D.  743,  §  1,  ap.  Pertz,  M.  H.  G.  Legum, 
vol.  i.  p.  18.  The  original  meaning  of  KKripos 
in  this  sense,  though  mistaken  by  mediaeval 
■writers,   hardly  admits  of  dispute.     The   word 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

was  the  ordinary  Hellenistic  designation  of  a 
rank  or  class  ;  it  is  so  used  (1)  in  non-eccle- 
siastical late  Greek,  e.g.  Epict.  Diss.  i.  18,  21  ; 
Lucian,  Hermot.  c.  40 ;  Le  Bas  et  Waddington, 
Inscriptions,  No.  1257  ;  (2)  in  Judaeo-Christian 
Greek,  e.g.  Test.  xii.  Patr.  Levi,  8 ;  Orac.  Sihyll. 
vii.  138 ;  (3)  in  early  patristic  Greek,  e.g.  S. 
Iren.  adv.  Ilacr.  i.  27,  1 ;  iii.  3,  3 ;  Clem.  Alex. 
Strom.  V.  1,  p.  650,  ed.  Pott. ;  Euseb.  H.  E.  v.  1 
(letter  of  the  churches  of  Vienne  and  Lyons). 
There  is  a  trace,  but  not  more  than  a  trace,  of 
the  use  of  the  word  in  reference  to  the  governing 
body  of  a  diaaos,  or  Greek  religious  association  ; 
but  there  is  no  room  in  modern  philology  for  the 
quaint  fancy  of  Jerome  that  the  clergy  derive 
their  collective  name  from  Deut.  x.  9,  xviii.  2  ; 
Ps.  xvi.  5,  Ixxiii.  26  :  "  propterea  vocantur  clerici 
vel  quia  de  sorte  Domini  vel  quia  ipse  Dominus 
sors,  id  est,  pars  clericorum  est"  (S.  Hieron. 
Epist.  52  (2)  ad  Sepot.  c.  5  ;  cf.  S.  Ambros.  dc 
Fuga  Saec.  ii.  17,  vol.  i.  p.  420),  or  for  that  of 
Augustine  :  "  et  cleros  et  clericos  hinc  appellatos 
puto  .  .  .  quia  Matthias  sorte  electus  est "  (S. 
August.  Enarr.  in  Ps.  Ixvii.  c.  19,  vol.  iv. 
p.  824).  The  prevalence  of  these  explanations 
in  later  times  is  probably  due  to  their  having 
been  copied  by  Isidore  of  Seville,  de  Eccles.  Off. 
ii.  1,  1,  and  thence  into  most  mediaeval  text- 
books. (6)  KKrjpiKoi,  clerici,  probably  first  in 
S.  Cypr.  Epist.  40,  c.  3,  vol.  ii.  p.  334  ;  Epist. 
66,  c.  2,  vol.  ii.  p.  399  ;  S.  Alex.  Alexandr. 
Deposit.  Arii  (Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  xviii.  581,  and 
in  the  Benedictine  edition  of  S.  Athanas.  vol.  i. 
p.  313);  Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2,  2  (a  law 
of  Constantine  in  A.D.  319),  which  gives  the 
earliest  definition  of  the  word,  "qui  divino 
cultui  ministeria  religionis  impendunt,  id  est, 
qvii  clerici  appellantur ";  S.  August.  Enarr.  in 
Ps.  Ixvii.  c.  19,  vol.  iv.  p.  824,  whence  probably 
Isid.  Hispal.  de  Eccles.  Off.  ii.  1,  1 :  "omnes  qui 
in  ecclesiastici  ministerii  gradibus  ordinati  sunt 
generaliter  clerici  nominantur."  But  sometimes, 
especially  before  KKr;piK6s  had  become  established, 
periphrases  were  used  to  designate  the  members 
of  the  KKrjpos,  e.g.  ol  eV  tw  KKvpw,  Epist.  Caii,  ap. 
Euseb.  II.  E.  V.  28 ;  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  3  ;  ol  iv 
T(f  KKripCf)  KaTapiSfj-oifxevoi,  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  2 ; 
oi  iv  Tcfi  KKripcv  KaraKiyoixevoi,  Cone.  Trull,  c.  3, 
27  ;  01  ev  KKripw  KaTuKijixivoi,  Cone.  Chalc. 
c.  3  ;  ol  e/c  tov  KKr\pov,  Cone.  Ancyr.  e.  3  ;  ol 
aizh  KK-iipov,  S.  Petr.  Alex.  Serm.  de  Pocnit.  c.  10, 
Pitra,  Jur.  Eccl.  Gr.  vol.  i.  p.  556. 

3.  Ta^is,  Toyua  (=  Latin  ordo ;  cf.  Vitruv.  i.  2), 
Cone.  Ancyr.  a.D.  314,  c.  14;  Cone.  Neocaes. 
c.  1  ;  Justin.  Novell.  6,  c.  5,  usually  with  a  de- 
fining epithet,  t}  hpariKri  t.  (rh  Up.  Tayfio), 
Cone.  Laod.  c.  3 ;  Justin.  Cod.  tit.  i.  lib.  3,  47 
(46)  ;  Socrat.  B.  E.  vi.  18,  vii.  7  ;  Sozom.  E.  E.  i. 
23 ;  T]  4KKKr]ffia(TTiK7)  t.  Cone.  Laod.  c.  24 ;  Cone. 
Chalc.  c.  6.  Also  used,  like  oi-do  and  KKripos,  of 
any  class  or  rank  of  persons  in  the  church,  e.g. 
of  laymen.  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  5  ;  Cone.  Constantin. 
c.  6  ;  of  monks  {acrKriToiv),  Cone.  Laod.  c.  24 ;  of 
catechumens,  Cone.  Neocaes.  c.  5  ;  cf.  the  Pfaffian 
fragment  of  Hippolytus  in  Gallandi,  vol.  ii.  p. 
488,  where  the  seven  Oila  rdyixara  are  prophets, 
apostles,  martyrs,  priests,  ascetics,  holy  men, 
just  men. 

4.  ^adfi6s,  gradus,  possibly  used  from  the  first 
in  a  metaphorical  sense,  but  more  probably  with 
reference  to  the  platforms  on  which  the  several 
ranks  stood  or  sat  in  church  ;  first  in  1  Tim.  iii. 


OEDERS,  HOLY 

13;  0.  Tov  KAripov,  Epist.  Synod.  Sardic.  ap.  S. 
Athanas.  Apol.  c.  Avian,  c.  37,  vol.  i.  p.  123  ; 
/3.  TTpea^vTipov,  S.  Greg.  Nazianz.  Epist.  8  (11), 
vol.  ii.  p.  8  ;  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  29  ;  /3.  SiaKuvias, 
S.  Greg.  Nyss.  de  Vita  8.  ilacrin.  ap.  Migne, 
P.  G.  vol.  xlvi.  p.  988  ;  ;8.  Upanias,  Cod. 
Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  3,  53  (52) ;  J3.  eTTKr/coTriyy,  Cone. 
Ephes.  c.  1 ;  Cone.  Sardic.  c.  5  ;  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  2  ; 
apparently  of  all  orders  from  readers  upwards. 
Cone.  Sardic.  c.  10,  but  of  the  higher  orders 
only  in  S.  Basil.  Epist.  3  ad  Amphilocli.  c.  51, 
p.  325 ;  etVe  iv  Pad/xui  Tuyxayoiev  e^re  Kal 
axeipoOeTCfi  vTryipeaia,  TpoffKaprepoiev ;  cf.  Jus- 
tin. Novell.  123,  e.  4,  oiovS-fiirore  rdy/xaros  ^ 
fiaBjxov,  where  there  may  be  a  similar  distinc- 
tioii.  Gradus  is  also  sometimes  used  in  distinc- 
tion from  ordo,  S.  Leon.  M.  Epist.  1  (6),  vol.  i. 
p.  593 :  "  nee  in  presbyteratus  gradu,  nee  in 
diaconatus  ordinc,  nee  in  subsequent!  officio 
clericorum  " ;  4  Cone.  Brae.  A.D.  675,  c.  7  :  "  qui 
gradus  jam  eeclesiastieos  meruerunt,  id  est, 
presbyteri  abbates  sive  levitae  "  (are  as  a  rule  to 
be  exempted  from  corporal  punishment) ;  but  else- 
where "gradus  ordinum,"  Cone.  Taurin.  a.d. 
401,  c.  8,  or  "  sacrati  gradus,"  Cone.  Rom.  a.d. 
465,  c.  2,  or  "  clericatus  gradus,"  Can.  Eccl. 
Afric.  c.  27,  or  "  sacratissimi  ordines  cleri- 
corum," S.  Sirie.  Epist.  ad  Hirner.  c.  7,  are  used 
of  any  of  the  ranks  of  the  clergy. 

5.  Among  other  equivalent  words  which  were 
in  use  may  be  mentioned  o'X'^A'"?  Justin.  Novell. 
'■'<,  1;  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  8  (a/.  Tayna);  a^lwua, 
<  "onst.  Apost.  ii.  28,  viii.  1 ;  Cone.  Nieaen.  c.  8  ; 
( 'line.  Trull,  c.  7  ;  o|i'a.  Cone.  Chale.  c.  2  ;  Cod. 
■  histin.  lib.  i.  tit.  3,  42  (41),  c.  9;  sacri  honores, 
N  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  653,  c.  7. 

G.  Several  collective  names  for  the  clergy  are 
based  upon  the  fact  that  a  list  or  roll  of  the 
clergy  was  kept  in  each  church ;  hence  ol  ei>  ra 
K\i]pco  KaTapiB/xovfMevoi,  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  2 ;  oi  iv 
K\'r)pcf  KaTaXeyo/xepoi,  id.  c.  3 ;  Cone.  Trull,  e.  3, 
27  ;  ul  iv  Tw  KavovL  i^era^ofxevoi,  Cone.  Nieaen.  e. 
16  ;  ol  iv  lipixTUiw  KaTa\fy6fj.evoi  Tayfiari,  Cone. 
Trull,  e.  11,  24;  ol  iv  lepartKo/  KaTa\6y(f},  id.  c. 
5  ;  rarely,  KavoviKol,  S.  Cyrill.  Hieros.  Procatech. 
c.  4,  p.  4 ;  S.  Basil.  Epist.  1  ad  Ampliiloch. 
c.  6,  where,  however,  it  is  probably  feminine, 
though  interpreted  by  Balsamon  and  Zonaras 
as  masculine  (so  Pitra,  Jur.  Eccl.  Gr.  vol.  i. 
p.  614). 

II.  Internal  Organization  of  thk  Clergy 
(i.e.  grades  and  divisions  of  orders). — It  is  clear 
from  the  use  of  the  designations  ol  TrpoXaTd^uevoi 
(1  Thcss.  V.  12),  01  ■i^youfi.evoi.  (Heb.  .\iii.  7,  17, 
24),  01  TrpoTiyov/j-evoi  (Clem.  R.  i.  2,  1 ;  Herm. 
Vis.  3,  9),  and  also  from  the  use  of  KXrjpos  and 
ordo  in  the  singular,  which  has  been  pointed  out 
above,  that  a  distinction  was  drawn  in  the  earliest 
period  between  the  governing  body  of  a  church 
and  its  ordinary  members.  What  were  the  ele- 
ments of  that  governing  body,  and  how  far  the 
distinction  which  was  thus  created  corresponded 
to  the  later  distinction  between  clergy  and  laity, 
are  questions  of  too  great  intricacy  and  uncer- 
tainty to  be  properly  discussed  here.  But  side 
by  side  with  the  use  of  kAtj^os  and  ordo  in  the 
singular,  which  almost  passed  away  with  the 
civil  organization  from  which  it  was  derived,  is 
found,  also  in  early  times,  their  use  in  the  plural 
to  designate,  not  the  governing  body,  but  all 
"  estates  "  of  men  or  women  in  the  church.  In 
the    KUTtiXoyos,    or   list    of    members    of    each 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


1471 


church,  as  in  the  corresponding  lists  of  the- 
Greek  and  Roman  associations,  with  which  the 
early  churches  had  much  in  common,  the  mem- 
bers were  arranged  in  groups ;  each  of  these 
groups  was  a  kAtj/jos  or  "  ordo  "  ;  the  number  of 
such  groups  was  not  rigidly  defined,  and  the 
variety  which  exists  in  the  lists  which  have 
come  down  to  us  makes  it  extremely  difficult  to 
lay  down  any  general  propositions  concerning 
them.  The  enumeration  of  orders  in  the  Aposto- 
lical Constitutions  is  probably  a  relic  of  such  a 
list.  It  specifies  bishoiJ,  presbyters,  deacons, 
readers,  singers,  doorkeepers,  deaconesses,  widows, 
virgins,  orphans  [laymen]  {C.  A.  ii.  25;  viii.  10, 
12),  but  elsewhere  there  is  a  shorter  enumeration 
of  clerks,  virgins,  widows  [laymen]  (iii.  15  ;  cf. 
viii.  29).  The  difficulty  of  determining  which 
of  the  classes  thus  enumerated  corresponded  to 
the  clergy  of  a  later  age  is  increased  by  the  fact 
that  sometimes  the  members  of  the  clems  seem 
to  have  been  regarded  as  identical  with  the  per- 
sons whose  names  were  inscribed  on  the  canon,  a 
word  which  was  in  ordinary  use  under  the  em- 
pire, in  reference  to  fixed  payments  and  allow- 
ances of  provisions  (Cone.  Nieaen.  c.  3,  ol  iv  rS 
KArjpa  apparently  =  ibid.  c.  16,  ol  iv  rSi  Kavovi 
i^eTa(6,aevoL;  so  in  S.  Epiphan.  c.  Haeres.  iii.  1, 
1,  p.  812,  st  TLva  yap  elSe  ruv  (piAoxpVf^^-TovvTciii' 
rod  KXijpov  -})  itriaKonov  r)  Trpefffivrepov  v) 
erepov  Tiva  tov  Kav6vos).'^  Of  the  classes  who 
were  thus  included  in  a  common  list  with  the 
church  officers,  those  which  survived  longest 
were  those  of  widows  and  virgins.  When  the 
distinction  between  clergy  and  laity  began  to  be 
more  sharply  drawn,  these  classes  remained  fur 
some  time  on  the  border-line  ;  and  it  is  an  indi- 
cation of  the  conservative  character  of  forms  of 
public  prayer  that  the  ancient  enumeration  of 
orders  survived  in  the  missals  long  after  it  had 
ceased  to  be  recognized  in  conciliar  decrees,  or  by 
ecclesiastical  writers.  For  example,  in  bishop 
Leofric's  Exeter  missal,  in  the  Bodleian  library 
(a.d.  969),  the  "ordines"  include  bishops,  pres- 
byters, deacons,  subdeacons,  acolytes,  exorcists,, 
readers,  doorkeepers,  confessors,  virgins,  widows, 


»  As  the  word  has  been  very  frequently  misunderstooJ, 
it  may  be  advisable  to  trace  its  several  meanings  with 
undoubted  instances  of  their  occurrence :  it  denoted  (a) 
the  fixed  sum  paid  by  the  perpetual  occupier  of  a/»7)di(i' 
emphyteuticns.  Cod.  Theod.  5,  13,  30;  11,  16,  13;  (6)  the 
fixed  contribution  of  corn  or  other  produce  paid  by  a 
province  to  Kome,  hence,  e.g.,  "  Canon  Aegypti," 
Vopisc.  Tit.  Firm.  c.  5 ;  (c)  the  total  amount  thus 
contributed  and  available  for  distribution  in  fixed  rations 
among  the  Eoman  populace,  hence  "  canon  urbis  Romae," 
"  canon  urbicarius,"  Cod.  Theod.  14,  15,  2,  C;  cf.  Novell. 
Majorian.  tit.  7,  e.  16,  ed.  Haenel,  Novell.  Constit.  p.  320 ; 
Lamprid,  Yit.  Elagab.  c.  27 ;  Spart.  Tit.  Sever,  c.  S ; 
Bulcnger,  de  Vectig.Kom.  ap.  Graev.  Thes.  vol.  viii.  894; 
Falconer,  ad  C.  Batum  Epist.  ap.  eund.  vol.  iv.  1490; 
Kuhn,  Sladt.  u.  liirgerl.  Vetfassung  des  Rim.  Eeichs, 
i.  p.  274  sqq.  Hence  the  double  enactment  of  Cone. 
Nieaen.  c.  16,  Ka9<x.ipr\<7€Tai  toO  kA^pov  /cat  aXkoTpio^;  rov 
Karoi'os  ecrrai,  i.e.  he  will  lose  not  only  his  rank  Imt  his 
.allowance:  hence  also  the  importance  attaclied  to 
eVio-ToAal  KavoviKai,  i.e.  letters  which  entitled  the  bearer 
to  a  fixed  allowance  in  the  church  to  which  he  travelled. 
That  a  similar  connotation  came  to  attach  itself  to  the 
word  KardKoyoi  is  clear  from  Justin.  Novell,  tit.  3,  2, 
where  the  emperor  deprecates  the  formation  of  SevTepov; 
KaraKoyov;  by  ordaining  more  than  the  fixed  number  for 
a  church,  and  providing  for  those  so  ordained  In  some 
extraordinary  way. 


1472 


ORDEES,  HOLY 


and  all  the  people  of  God  (fol.  108).  But  in  the 
meantime,  though  uot  uniformly  throughout 
Christendom,  the  distinction  between  those  who 
held  office  and  those  who  did  not  had  become 
sharply  accentuated.  Between  them  came  those 
who  had  taken  monastic  vows  (^aAAof  ri^  KaS 
TTapa  Tous  Upa,TiKovs  irXrocna^ovTiS,  S.  Dionys. 
Areop.  Epist.  viii.  ad  Deinophil.  p.  599),  the 
rdyixa  Tcuv  a(TKr}TS)y,  Cone.  Laod.  c.  2-t,  or  rdyfjia 
tSiv  fj.ova.{6vTwv,  S.  Basil.  Epist.  Canon,  ii.  ad 
Amphiloch.  c.  19.  Into  this  class  were  merged, 
not  only  the  ancient  orders  of  widows  and 
virgins,  but  also  that  of  deaconesses  ;  the  former 
became  simple  nuns,  the  latter  were  more 
usually  abbesses.  Hence  there  came  to  be  only 
three  orders  or  estates — the  "  ordo  clericalis," 
the  "  or  Jo  monachorum,"  and  the  "  ordo  lai- 
corum  "  (Hrabanus  Maurus,  de  lastit.  Cleric,  lib. 
i.  c.  2  ;  cf.  Hugo  de  S.  Vict,  de  Sacrum,  lib.  ii. 
pars  3,  c.  14).  It  may  be  added  that  the  dis- 
tinction between  monks  and  clerks  was  ap- 
parently always  recognized  in  the  West,  e.g.  S. 
Hieron.  Epist.  125  (4)  ad  Rusticum,  vol.  i.  p. 
944,  "  ita  vive  in  monasterio  ut  clericus  esse 
merearis,"  and  usually  in  the  East,  e.g.  S. 
Oyrill.  Alexand.  Epist.  ad  Episc.  Lib.  c.  4 ;  S. 
Athanas.  Epist.  ad  Eracont.  c.  9,  vol.  i.  p.  211 ; 
but  not  always  in  the  East,  e.g.  Sc/iol.  m  A^omo- 
can.  tit.  1,  c.  31,  ed.  Ralle  and  Potle,  Athens, 
1852,  vol.  i.  p.  71 ;  Balsamou,  in  Cone.  Garth. 
c.  35,  vol.  i.  p.  357,  though  elsewhere  Balsamon 
includes  among  clerks  only  those  monks  who  had 
received  episcopal  ordination,  in  Cone.  Carth. 
c.  6,  vol.  i.  p.  119 ;  in  Cone.  Trull,  c.  77,  vol.  i. 
p.  247. 

But  even  if  the  term  "  orders  "  be  limited,  as 
it  will  be  limited  in  what  follows,  to  the  "  ordo 
clericalis  "  in  its  later  sense,  there  is  great  diver- 
sity of  use  in  regard  to  the  persons  whom  it 
denotes.  No  two  periods  and  no  two  churches 
altogether  agree  as  to  the  grades  into  which  the 
clergy  were  to  be  divided,  or  as  to  the  offices 
which  created  a  difference  of  grade  in  distinction 
from  those  which  were  merely  differences  of 
function  between  persons  of  the  same  grade.  A 
complete  account  of  this  diversity  of  use  would 
be  considerably  beyond  our  present  limits  ;  but 
the  following  incomplete  account  will  give  the 
leading  facts  in  regard  to  (1)  the  grades  which 
were  at  various  times  recognised,  (2)  the  groups 
into  which  those  grades  were  divided. 

(1)  Grades  of  Orders  (gradus  ordinum.  Cone. 
Taurin.  A.D.  401,  c.  8). — 1.  Bishops,  presbyters, 
deacons. — Without  here  entering  into  the  ques- 
tion of  the  primitive  distinction  between  bishops 
and  presbyters  [see  Priest],  there  is  no 
doubt  that  from  the  end  of  the  2nd  century 
these  three  grades  were  generally  if  not  univer- 
sally found,  and  even  so  late  as  the  4th  century 
they  are  sometimes  treated  as  comprising  all 
the  clergy;  e.g.  in  the  synodical  letter  of  the 
council  of  Antioch  in  reference  to  Paul  of  Samo- 
sata,  Euseb.  H.  E.  vii.  30, "  bishops,  and  presbyters, 
and  deacons,  and  the  churches  of  God ;  "  so  S. 
Cyrill.  Hieros.  Catech.  16,  22,  p.  256,  bishops, 
presbyters,  deacons  [monks,  virgins,  laymen], 
and  even  much  later  Suidas,  p.  2120  c,  defines 
K\ripos  as  TO  cruo-rrj^a  ru)!/  ^iaK6vo)V  Kal  irpea^v- 
ripwu.  (The  later  tendency  to  treat  bishops  as 
not  being  a  separate  order,  but  as  constituting 
with  presb3fters  the  "ordo  sacerdotum,"  Cone. 
Trident.  s:ss.  xxiii.  c.  2  ;  Catech.  Rom.  ii.  7,  26, 


ORDEES,  HOLY 

may  be  either  a  survival  from  the  earlier  time 
in  which,  whatever  may  have  been  the  distinc- 
tion between  them,  bishops  and  presbyters 
together  formed  the  "ordo  ecclesiasticus,"  or 
an  exaltation  of  the  conception  of  the  priesthood  ; 
the  latter  seems  to  be  the  view  of  a  15th  cen- 
tury pontifical  in  the  library  of  St.  Genevieve 
at  Paris  (B.  B.  1.  50,  fol.  xiv.),  "  episcopatus  non 
est  ordo  sed  sacerdotii  culmen  et  apex  atque 
tronus  dignitatis.")  2.  The  earliest  addition  to 
these  three  grades  (there  is  no  certain  evidence 
of  its  primitive  coexistence  with  them)  appears 
to  have  been  that  of  readers.  The  four  grades 
of  bishop,  presbyter,  deacon,  and  reader  form  the 
nucleus  of  every  organization  in  both  East  and 
West,  and  they  are  sometimes  the  only  grades 
which  are  recognized,  e.g.  Tertull.  de  Praescript. 
Haeret.  c.  41 ;  Ajar.  KKri/xevTos,  ap.  Lagarde, 
Jur.  Eccl.  Reliq.  p.  74,  Pitra,  Jur.  Eccl.  Gr. 
vol.  i.  p.  84 ;  Cone.  Sardic.  c.  10  ;  S.  Greg.  Nazianz. 
Orat.  xlii.  c.  11,  p.  756  ;  Cone.  Ephes.  Act  i. 
cap.  23.  The  only  churches  which  have  pre- 
served the  order  of  bishops  without  retaining 
that  of  readers  are  probably  those  of  England 
and  Abyssinia  (Ludolf,  llistoria  Aethiopica, 
Append,  pp.  306,  320).  3.  The  complex  cha- 
racter of  the  duties  of  deacons  caused  them  to 
be  divided,  and  a  new  order  of  assistant-deacons 
{xjirooiixKOvoi,  subdiaconi ;  vn-nptrai,  ministri)  was 
recognised ;  among  the  earliest  instances  of 
such  a  recognition  are  S.  Cypr.  Epist.  24,  vol.  ii. 
p.  287  ;  Const.  Apost.  viii.  11,  12,  20  ;  Cone. 
lUib.  c.  30 ;  Neocaes.  c.  10 ;  Laod.  c.  22,  43 ; 
Sozom.  H.  E.  i.  23 ;  Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2, 
7.  The  five  grades  of  bishop,  presbyter,  deacon, 
subdeacon,  and  reader  are  apparently  the  only 
grades  recognized  in  S.  Joann.  Damasc.  Eial.  c. 
Manich.  c.  3,  vol.  i.  p.  431  ;  S.  Sym.  Thessal. 
de  Sacr.  Ordin.  c.  156,  p.  138  (but  id.  de  Divino 
Templo,  c.  26,  27,  30,  p.  275,  omits  subdeacons)  ; 
they  became  the  ordinary  grades  of  the  Greek, 
Coptic,  and  Nestorian  churches  (see  Martene,  de 
Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  lib.  i.  c.  8,  1 ;  Denzinger,  Rit. 
Orient,  vol.  i.  pp.  118,  122  ;  but  the  Scholiast  in 
Ralle'  and  Potle's  edition  of  the  Councils,  vol.  i. 
p.  71,  states  that  the  current  practice  agreed 
with  the  Nomocanon  in  also  recognizing  the 
order  of  singers ;  the  Copts  and  Nestorians  also 
subdivided  the  higher  orders  as  mentioned  below). 
4.  Sometimes  the  order  of  readers  was  subdivided 
so  as  to  make  a  separate  order  of  singers,  Justin. 
Novell.  123,  c.  19 ;  Nomocanon,  tit.  i.  c.  31 ;  the 
subdivision  has  remained  in  the  Syrian  churches, 
both  Jacobite  and  Maronite,  who,  however,  also 
subdivide  the  higher  orders  as  mentioned  below. 
Sometimes  when  singers  are  recognized  the  order 
of  subdeacons  is  omitted,  Const.  Apost.  viii.  10, 
and  some  MSS.  of  Can.  Apost.  69.  5.  Sometimes 
doorkeepers  were  added  as  a  separate  order,  Justin. 
Novell.  3  praef. ;  but  ibid.  c.  1,  §  1,  doorkeepers 
are  distinguished  from  clerks  ;  similarly  in  Const. 
Apost.  ii.  25  doorkeepers  are  mentioned,  whereas 
ibid.  viii.  10,  they  are  omitted  ;  so  in  the  Nesto- 
rian canons  of  the' patriarch  John,  circ.  A.D.  900, 
ap.  Ebedjesu,  Tract,  vi.  cap.  6,  can.  11,  ap.  Mai, 
Scriptt.  Vett.  vol.  x.  p.  117  :  "  de  omnibus  ordi- 
nibus,  sacerdotum  et  clericorum  atque  ostiari- 
orum."  They  are  also  mentioned  in  the  canons 
of  the  Alexandrian  church,  wrongly  attributed  to 
St.  Athanasius,  but  are  not  recognized  in  the 
later  Alexandrian  (Coptic)  ordinals,  nor  in  other 
eastern  churches.  6.  Sometimes  ea;orcjsis  are 


OKDERS,  HOLY 

the  eigKt  orders  of  bishop,  presbyter,  deacon,  sub- 
deacon,  exorcist,  reader,  singer,  doorkeeper,  being 
enumerated.  Cone.  Laod.  c.  24.  They  are  men- 
tioned as  members  of  the  clerus  by  St.  Cyprian, 
Epist.  16 ;  but  they  are  apparently  excluded  in 
Const.  Apost.  viii.  25,  and  though  sometimes 
mentioned,  e.g.  by  Greg.  Barhebraeus,  Komocan. 
c.  7,  §  8,  they  never  had  any  general  recognition 
as  a  separate  order  in  the  East,  (a)  From  this 
list  sometimes  singers  are  omitted.  Cod.  Theodos. 
lib.  16,  tit.  2,  24-  (a  la^-  of  Valens,  Gratian,  and 
Valentiniau  in  a.d.  377  =  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  1, 
tit.  3,  G,  where  some  editions  insert  "  acoluthos," 
against  MSS.  authority,  apparently  to  make  the 
list  tally  with  the  later  Roman  lists);  so  Nomo- 
caaon,  tit.  1,  c.  31.  (6)  Sometimes  doorkeepers 
as  Avell  as  singers  are  omitted,  so  apparently 
Cone.  Antioch.  A.D.  341,  c.  10  (which  is  one  of  the 
few  recognitions  of  exorcists  in  Eastern  canons) ; 
this  is  the  case  even  in  some  of  those  Western 
ordinals  which  give  a  ritual  for  the  ordination  of 
<loorkeepers,  viz.  those  which  quote  the  decretal  of 
Zosimus  (Hinschius,  Decret.  Fseudo-Isid.  p.  553), 
in  which  only  six  orders  are  specified.  7.  Some- 
times acoli/thsare  added  to  the  orders  enumerated 
above,  S.  Cyprian.  Epist.  28,  3;  possibly  Cod. 
Theodos.  lib.  16,  tit.  2,  c.  10  ;  Isid.  Hispal.  Etym. 
7,  2,  2,  but  when  this  is  the  case  singers  are 
commonly  omitted.  This  is  the  earliest  Roman 
list,  being  found  in  the  3rd  century  in  the  account 
which  Cornelius  gives,  ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  43  ; 
it  is  not  found  in  the  East,  nor  until  the  8th 
century  is  it  common  in  the  West,  one  of  the  rare 
instances  of  its  occurrence  being  in  a  Galilean 
inscription  of  A.D.  517,  given  by  Le  Blant,  In- 
scriptions Chretiennes  de  la  Gaule,  No.  30 ;  pro- 
bably also  ibid.  No.  617,  a.d.  445,  assuming  that 
"  sequentibus "  is  a  translation  of  aKoXovdots. 
But  it  came  at  last  to  be  the  usual  list  of  the 
western  canonists,  e.g.  Capit.  Hadrian,  c.  72 ; 
Yves  of  Chartres,  Serin.  2,  vol.  ii.  p.  263  ;  Alcuin, 
de  Div.  Ojfic.  c.  34 ;  Hraban  of  Mainz,  de  Cleric. 
Instit.  c.  4  (where,  however,  readers  and  singers 
appear  to  be  identified),  and  Hugh  of  St.  Victor, 
de  Sacram.  lib.  ii.  p.  3,  c.  5,  ap.  Migne,  P.  L.  vol. 
clxxvi.  p.  425.  It  was  adopted  in  later  times 
by  the  council  of  Trent,  sess.  xxiii.  c.  2,  with  the 
exception  that  bishops  and  presbyters  are  classed 
together  as  "  sacerdotes."  But  Innocent  III., 
though  recognizing  acolyths,  excludes  exorcists 
and  readers,  thus  giving  the  six  orders  of  bishop, 
presbyter,  deacon,  subdeacon,  acolyth,  and  singer, 
which  he  regards  as  the  Christian  counterpart  of 
the  Levitical  orders  "  pontifices,  sacerdotes, 
levitas,  nathinaeos,  janitores,  et  psaltas  "  (Innoc. 
III.  de  Sacro  Altaris  Ministerio,  i.  1,  Migne,  P.  L. 
vol.  ccxvii.  p.  775).  8.  In  some  Oriental  churches 
there  are  grades  which  in  the  west  either  do  not 
exist  or  are  not  ranked  as  grades  but  as  functions  : 
(a)  chorepiscopi  are  distinctly  ranked  as  co-ordi- 
nate with  the  other  grades  of  clerks  in  Cone. 
Chalc.  c.  2 ;  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  1,  tit.  3,  40  (39), 
§  9 ;  Gennadius,  Epist.  Encycl.  in  Act.  Cone. 
Constan.  A.D.  459,  Mansi,  vii.  911,  Pitra,  vol.  ii. 
184  ;  and  among  the  Jacobite  Syrians,  the  Ma- 
ronites  (both  of  whom  have  a  separate  form  of 
ordination  for  chorepiscopi),  and,  according  to 
George  of  Arbcla,  the  JSestorians.  (6)  Perio- 
deutae  are  also  ranked  as  a  separate  order  in 
Cod.  Justin.  /.  c,  probably  in  Cone.  Laod.  c.  57 
(ef.  Hefele,  Councils,  E.  T.  vol.  ii.  p.  321),  among 
the  Syrians  both   Jacobite   and  Maronite,  and, 


OEDERS,  HOLY 


1473 


according  to  Ebedjesu,  Tract,  vi.  c.  1,  ap.  Mai, 
Scriptt.  Vett.  vol.  x.  p.  106,  among  the  Nestorians 
(but  in  regard  to  the  eastern  status  of  both 
chorejiiscopi  and  periodeutae,  see  Denzinger,  Ritus 
Orieiitalium,vo\.i.Tpp.  121  sqq.).  (c)  Archdeacons 
are  reckoned  as  a  separate  order  among  the  Copts, 
Jacobites,  Maronites,  and  Nestorians.  (d)  The 
Copts  also  recognise  an  order  corresponding  to 
the  archpresbyters  or  protopresbyters  of  the 
Latin  and  Greek  churches,  whom  they  call  Igu- 
meni  [Tiyovfievoi,  properly  used  of  abbats  or 
archimandrites,  Denzinger,  i.  117].  (e)  The 
Nestorians  recognise  an  order  of  officers  to  whom 
they  give  the  name  Sciahara,  who  are  a  special 
grade  of  singers,  Denzinger,  i.  124.  9.  The 
oriental  churches  also  recognise  grades  of  the 
episcopate  ;  the  Copts  have  bishops,  archbishops 
(=:  metropolitans),  and  a  patriarch,  for  each  of 
whom  there  is  a  distinct  form  of  ordination, 
Denzinger,  i.  116,  ii.  33;  the  Jacobites  and 
Maronites  have  bishops,  metropolitans,  and  pa- 
triarchs ;  the  Nestorians,  according  to  Ebedjesu, 
have  bishops,  metropolitans,  and  patriarchs,  but 
according  to  George  of  Arbela  there  is  properly 
a  distinction  between  patriarchs  and  catliolicl 
[Catholicus,  Vol.  I.  p.  321].  The  western  church 
has  also  sometimes  recognised  differences  of  grade 
in  the  episcopate.  Isid.  Hispal.  Etym.  vii.  12,  2, 
recognises  bishops,  archbishops,  metropolitans, 
and  patriarchs.  Hrabanus  Maurus  identifies 
archbishops  and  metropolitans,  de  Cleric.  Instit. 
c.  5.  But  the  council  of  Trent  made  these 
grades  to  be  with  "  priests  simply  so  called,"  i.e. 
presb3^ters,  grades  not  of  the  episcopate  but  of 
the  priesthood,  Catech.  Pom.  2,  7,  26.  10.  From 
the  6th  century  it  appears  to  have  become  the 
custom,  especially  in  the  Galilean  churches,  to 
confer  upon  persons  the  privileges  and  immuni- 
ties of  the  clergy  by  giving  them  the  tonsure 
without  admitting  them  to  any  special  office  in 
the  church ;  such  persons  were  called  clerici,  but 
it  is  admitted  by  canonists  and  by  the  council  of 
Trent  that  they  were  not  an  "  ordo  "  (Catalani, 
ad  Pontif.  Pom.  pars  i.  tit.  iii.).  11.  Several 
other  classes  of  church  officers  appear  at  various 
times  to  have  been  recognised  as  members  of  the 
clerus,  e.  (7.  (a)  copiatae,  Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  xiii. 
tit.  1,  1  (but  distinguished  from  clerici,  ibid.  lib. 
xvi.  tit.  2,  15),  S.  Epiphan.  Expos.  Fid.  c.  21, 
p.  1104  [Copiatae,  Decani,  Fossarii]:  (6) 
custodes  martyruin  mentioned  apparently  as  co- 
ordinate with  deacons  in  the  Liber  Pontif.  Vit. 
S.  Silcestr.  —  Synod.  Gest.  S.  Silvestr.  c.  vii. 
Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  viii.  802,  in  thePseudo-Isidorian 
decretals,  Hinschius,  p.  450:  (c)  custodes  sacro- 
rum,  Isid.  Hispal.  de  Ditin.  Off.  2,  9 :  (d)  kottl- 
Hvres,  Ps.-Ignat.  Epist.  ad  Antioch.  c.  12;  (c) 
Beapoi,  Balsam,  in  Cone.  Trull,  c.  77,  vol.  i.  p. 
247  :  (/)  ep/j.riv€VTal  yKtliaaris  ei's  yXixxTffav,  S. 
Epiphan.  Expos.  Fid.  c.  21,  p.  1104. 

It  is  possible  that  mystical  reasons  had  some- 
thing to  do  with  the  elimination  of  some  of  these 
classes  from  the  list  of  grades  which  came  ulti- 
mately to  be  received  by  theologians  in  the  West ; 
the  seven  orders  were  the  seven  manifestations 
of  the  work  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  e.g.  Yves  of  Char- 
tres says  that  "  sancta  ecclesia  se])tiformis  gratiae 
est  munere  deeorata"  (D.  Ivon.  Carnot.  Serm.  2,ii. 
p.  263) ;  so  Hugh  of  S.  Victor  :  "  scptem  spiri- 
tualium  officiorum  gradus  proinde  in  sancta 
ecclesia  secundum  septiformem  gratiam  distri- 
buti  sunt  '   (Hugon.  de  S.  Vict,  de  Sacram.  lib. 


1474 


OKDERS,  HOLY 


ii.  pars  3,  e.  5).  But  Innocent  III.  de  Sacro 
Altaris  Minister,  lib.  i.  c.  1,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol. 
ccxvii.  p.  775,  finds  an  equally  valid  mystical 
reason  for  six  orders,  "  senarius  enim  Humerus 
est  perfectus  ;"  and  still  later  canonists  agree 
with  Isidore  in  reckoning  nine,  adding  clerks  and 
bishops  to  the  seven  grades  which  were  ordinarily 
received  by  theologians  (Catalani,  note  to  the 
Pontificale  Romanum,  pars  1,  tit.  2);  so  in  the 
Maronite  pontifical,  Morin,  de  Sao:  Ordin.  pars 
ii.  p.  40f;).  Alcuin  (Albinus  Flaccus)  reckons 
eight  orders,  by  making  bishops  distinct  from 
presbyters,  assigning  the  mystical  reason  that 
the  gates  of  the  temple  in  Ezekiel's  vision  had 
each  eight  steps  (Albin.  Flacc.  de  Divin.  Off. 
o3  ;  Ezek.  .\].  31,  34,  37).  The  same  number, 
without  the  reason,  is  given  by  Hrabanus 
Maurus,  de  Instit.  Cleric.  1,  4,  and  in  St.  Dun- 
stan's  and  the  Jumieges  pontificals. 

(2)  Groups  of  Grades  of ^  0;-&?-s.— The  several 
ordincs  tended  to  combine  into  groups  ;  but  the 
groups  varied  widely  under  different  circum- 
stances. 

1.  Sometimes  the  bishop  was  regarded  as  stand- 
ing apart  from  the  other  officers  of  the  church. 
This  distinction,  which  is  important  in  relation 
to  the  history  of  the  episcopate,  shews  itself  from 
the  fourth  century  onwards  in  the  restriction  of 
the  use  of  H\ripos  and  KXi^piKoi  to  those  who 
were  not  bishops.  This  may  net  have  been  uni- 
versally or  invariably  the  case,  as  many  passages, 
e.g.  in  the  Apostolical  Canons,  may  be  interpreted 
in  either  way  ;  but  the  following  instances  are 
clear:  in  the  Canon  Law,  Cone.  Ephes.  c.  6, 
€4  juer  iiricTKOTTOi  dev  ?)  KKTiptKoi;  Cone.  Chalc. 
c.  3,  fi^  iiriffKOTTOU,  |U7j  KXripiKov;  1  Cone,  Carth. 
c.  9,  11  ;  Cone.  TriiU.  c.  17;  in  the  Civil  Law, 
Cod.  Theodos.  16,  2,  11  (a.d.  354),  antistites 
(^t  clerici  ;  id.  16,  2,  32  (a.d.  398) ;  episcopi  et 
clerici ;  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  1,  tit.  3,  39  (38),  tovs 
iirLffKoirovs  v)  roiii  fcAripiKovs ;  id.  Novell.  6,  c.  8 
(a.d.  535),  123,  c.  6  ;  in  the  Fathers,  e.g.  S. 
Cyrill.  Alex.  Epist.  1,  x.  i>.  4  ;  id.  Ep.  2,  x.  p. 
20 ;  S.  Leon.  M,  Ep,ist.  167,  1,  i.  p.  1420  ;  Theo- 
doret,  H.  E.  2,  7,  p.  851  ;  in  inscriptions,  e.g.  at 
Corycus  in  Cilicia,  6eo<pt\e(rTdTou  iTriiTK6irov 
Kol  [tov  ev']ayov[^s  KjKijpov  ;  Le  Bas  et  Wadding- 
ton,  Liscriptions  d'Asie  Mineure,  Ko.  1421  = 
C.  I.  G.  8019  ;  so  in  Suid.  p.  2120,  c.  KXrjpos  rh 
avcnriixa  -rwu  ^iclkovwv  koi  irpeffjSuTfpwv. 

2.  Sometimes  the  higher  orders,  both  collec- 
tively and  in  the  abstract,  are  designated  by  words 
connoting  sacredness  or  priesthood ;  UpareTov, 
Cone.  Antioch.  a.d.  341,  c.  3  ;  et  ris  irp.  v)  Sluk.  -/) 
oAcos  tSiv  tov  lepareiov  tis.  S.  Athanas.  Epist. 
Encycl.  1,  i.  p.  88 ;  id.  Epist.  ad  Eufin.  i.  p.  769,  r$ 
tepareiq^  Kal  tS>  Aay  tij5  inrh  a4.  S.  Basil.  Epist. 
198  (263),  iii.  p.  289.  'Uparela,  Cod.  Just.  lib. 
1,  tit.  3,  53  (52),  A.d.  532  ;  id.  Novell.  6,  c.  7. 
'lepoKTvvn,  S.  Epiphan.  adv.  Haer.  2,  1,  48,  9,  i.  p. 
410 ;  Sozomen,  H.E.  ii.  34  ;  S.  Basil.  Epist.  188 
(Canonic.  1),  §  14,  iii.  p.  275 — all  in  the  abstract 
of  the  office;  in  the  concrete,  S.  Maxim.  Conf. 
Epist.  21,  ap.  Migne,  F.  G.  xci.  p.  604.  'lepoTiKoi, 
Cone.  Laod.  c.  24,  27  ;  S.  Basil.  Einst.  237  (264) 
iii.  p.  365  =  rh  UpariKhv  Tr\7ipai/j.a,  id.  Epist. 
240  (192),  §  3,  iii.  p.  370.  So  Cod.  Theodos.  lib. 
xvi.  tit.  ii.  44  :  "  quicunque  cnjuscunque  gradus 
sacerdotio  fulciuntur  vel  clericatus  honore  cen- 
sentur." The  distinction  between  various  grades 
of  orders  which  was  thus  created  was  by  no 
means  uniform,     (i.)  In  the  East — a.  Sometimes 


OEDEES,  HOLY 

bishops  and  presbyters  were  classed  together  in 
distinction  to  deacons  and  other  clerks,  e.g. 
Auct.  Vit.  Spiridionis  ap.  Haenel,  Corp.  Leg.  ante 
Justin,  lat.  p.  209,  "omnibus  qui  sunt  partium 
ecelesiasticarum,  sacerdotibus  inquam  et  dia- 
conis."  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  3,  10  (law  of 
Arcadius  and  Honorius,  a.d.  398),  "  sacerdotes 
et  ministri "  ;  S.  Sym.  Thessal.  do  Divino  Teinp>lo, 
c.  26,  27,  p.  275.  b.  Sometimes  deacons  were  in- 
cluded among  those  who  had  sacred  or  priestiv 
rank,  e.g.  Cone.  Laod.  c.  24  ;  iepariKovs  a-rra 
Trp€(T0vTepcov  'iics  SiaKovwv  ;  S.  Basil.  Epist.  •I'M 
(264),  vol.  ii.  p.  365.  c.  Sometimes  subdoacons 
appear  to  have  been  also  included,  e.g.  Couc.  An- 
tioch. A.d.  341,  c.  3  ;  by  implication,  S.  Epiphan. 
Expos.  Fid.  c.  21,  vol.  i.  p.  1104;  so  according  to 
Balsamon,  who  may,  however,  be  simply  stating 
the  practice  of  his  own  day,  Cone.  Trull,  c.  77,. 
which  makes  the  tripartite  division  lepartKovs  i} 
K\7]piKovs  t)  a<TKr\Ta.s.  But  in  the  East  as  in  the 
West  subdeacons  were  for  several  centuries  on 
the  border-line ;  they  had  sometimes  the  privi- 
leges of  the  higher,  sometimes  those  of  the  lower, 
division  of  the  clergy,  (ii.)  In  the  West  a  dis- 
tinction was  ultimately  drawn  between  "ordines" 
and  "sacri  ordines  ";  the  latter  were  for  some 
time  regarded  as  consisting  of  bishops,  presby- 
ters, and  deacons,  but  the  earliest  canonical  re- 
striction of  the  phrase  to  these  three  orders  is 
probably  Cone.  Benevent.  a.d.  1091  (Mansi,  vol. 
XX.  p.  738),  which  is  the  authority  quoted  by 
Gratian,  pars  i.  dist.  60,  4.  But  the  earlier  use 
of  "  sacri  ordines "  for  all  classes  of  church 
olRcers  is  occasionally  found  even  after  the  limi- 
tation had  become  ordinarily  fixed,  (e.g.  in  a 
Reims  pontifical,  no.  179  (162),  foL  109,  "sacri 
ordines "  are  distinguished  not  from  minor 
orders  but  from  the  orders  of  virgins 
or  widows).  The  modern  inclusion  of  the  sub- 
diaconate  among  "  holy  orders "  dates  from 
the  12th  century.  It  is  expressly  excluded 
by  Hugh  of  St.  Victor,  de  Sacram.  lib.  ii.  pars  3, 
c.  13.  Peter  the  Singer,  A.D.  1197,  speaks  of 
the  inclusion  as  a  recent  institution  ferb.  Abbrev. 
c.  60 ;  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  ccv.  184,  and  about  the 
same  time  Innocent  III.  says  that  "  hodie "  .a 
subdeacon  is  in  holy  orders  and  may  be  elected 
hisho])  (Epist.  X.  164r;  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  ccxv. 
1257);  Duraud  {Rationale,  ii.  c.  8),  ascribes  the 
inclusion  to  Innocent  III.  himself.  (Cf.  Morin, 
de  Sacr.  Ordin.  pars  iii.  exercit.  12,  c.  5  :  Mar- 
tene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  lib.  i.  c.  8,  art.  2.) 
Earlier  traces  of  this  elevation  of  the  subdia- 
conate  are  S.  August.  Serm.  356,  de  Diversis,  c.  2, 
vol.  V.  p.  1575  ;  Can.  Eccles.  Afric.  c.  25  ;  Cone. 
Gerund,  a.d.  583,  c.  1 ;  2  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  531, 
c.  3 ;  on  the  other  hand  in  most  Oriental 
churches  subdeacons  still  retain  their  primitive 
place,  and  do  not  enter  into  the  sanctuary. 

3.  Sometimes  bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons 
were  classed  together,  without  express  reference 
to  their  sacred  or  priestly  character,  as  forming 
a  higher  class  of  clergy  ;  the  existence  of  this 
distinction  in  early  times  is  made  apparent,  with- 
out being  expressly  stated,  by  differences  in  dis- 
cipline, e.g.  in  Can.  Apost.  42,  43,  54,  55  ;  after- 
wards it  came  to  be  commonly  expressed,  e.g. 
1  Cone.  Matiscon.  a.d.  581,  c.  11 ;  I^piscopi,  pres- 
byteri,  vel  imiversi  honoratiores  clerici ;  Joann. 
Diac.  Vit.  S.  Greg.  31.  i.  31 ;  hence  "inferiores 
clerici,"  Cod.  Eccles.  Afric.  c.  28;  "inferioris 
ordinis  clerici,"  S.  Augustin.  Epist.  43  (162),  c. 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

<S  ;  Alcuin  (Albiniis  Flaccus),  dc  Divln.  Off.  c. 
33,  "tres  superiores  gradus ;"  Amalarius  of 
Metz,  de  Ecd.  Off.  2,  6,  where  "  inferiores 
ordines  "  are  "  ordines  subjecti  diaeono  et  pres- 
bytero."  Sometimes  the  reference  to  relative 
superiority  or  inferiority  is  omitted,  but  bishops, 
presbyters,  and  deacons  specially  enumerated, 
and  the  other  orders  are  summed  up  as  "clerici," 
e.g.  Can.  Apost.  4,  8,  16 ;  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  o, 
Antioch,  c.  2,  3  Chalc.  c.  6,  3  Carth.  9,  15  ;  will 
of  Perpetuus  of  Tours,  A.D.  474,  in  D'Achery, 
Spicilegium,  vol.  iii.  p.  303  ;  Karlomanni  Capit. 
Liftin.  A.D.  740,  ap.  Pertz,  M.  G  H.  Lcgum.  vol. 
i.  p.  18.  The  line  was  afterwards  drawn  at  sub- 
deacons  (one  of  the  earliest  instances  of  which  is 
in  the  Leges  Wisigothorum,  lib.  ii.  tit.  1,  c.  18), 
but  it  was  not  until  the  13th  century  that  the 
subdiaconate  was  ordinarily  ranked  among 
•'  majores  ordines ;"  from  that  time  "  sacri 
ordines "  are  identical  with  "majores  ordines," 
and  included  bishops,  presbyters,  deacons,  and 
subdeacons,  "  minores  ordines "  including 
acolyths,  exorcists,  readers,  and  doorkeepers. 
The  distinction  docs  not  exist  in  Oriental 
churches. 

(3)  Succession  of,  and  intervals  between,  grades 
of  orders. — There  is  no  evidence  of  the  existence 
in  the  earliest  period  of  any  rule  against  the 
appointment  of  a  layman  to  any  office  whatever 
in  the  church,  still  less  is  there  any  evidence  to 
shew  that  a  clerk  who  had  begun  in  a  lowei 
grade  had  to  pass  by  any  regular  steps  of 
succession  to  a  higher.  There  are  instances  (1) 
of  bishops  who  had  never  been  presbyters 
[Bishop,  Vol.  I.  p.  219],  to  the  examples  given 
in  which  place  may  be  added  the  case  of  Pauli- 
nianus  in  S.  Hieron.  Episf.  82  (62),  vol.  i.  p. 
518  :  the  cases  mentioned  in  S.  Leon.  JI.  Epjist. 
14,  ad  Anastas.  c.  6,  vol.  i.  p.  688  ;  S.  Greg. 
Magn.  Epist.  ix.  109,  vol.  ii.  p.  1014 :  the  case 
of  St.  Caesarius  of  Aries,  Vit.  c.  1,  Migne,  P.  L. 
vol.  Ixvii.  1005  :  the  very  late  instance  of  a 
bishop  of  Lyons,  in  A.D.  841,  in  Pertz,  M.  G.  II. 
Script,  i.  p.  110,  Mabillon,  3Ius.  Ital.  vol.  i.  68 ; 
and  of  John,  bishop  of  Constance,  mentioned  in 
Walafrid  Strabo,  Vit.  S.  Gall.  lib.  i.  c.  23, 
Migne,  P.  L.  cxiv.  998,  Greith,  Altirische  Kirche, 
p.  382 :  the  complaint  of  pope  Celestin,  Epist. 
ad  Episc.  Gall.  c.  3 :  and  the  Brehon  law  that 
when  a  bishop  "  stumbled,"  i.e.  committed 
adultery,  the  reader  shall  be  installed  in  the 
bishopric,  Senchus  Mor,  ed.  Hancock,  p.  59  :  see 
also  Mabillon,  Miis.  Ital.  vol.  ii.  p.  cviii.  ;  Den- 
zinger.  Bit.  Orient,  vol.  i.  p.  146 :  and  for 
evidence  that  some  popes  never  passed  through 
the  presbyterate,  Mabillon,  1.  c.  p.  cxix.  The 
case  of  Photius,  who  was  accused  and  ultimately 
deposed  because,  among  other  reasons,  he  had  not 
passed  through  the  lower  grades,  can  only  be 
mentioned  here  ;  the  weakness  of  the  Latin  attack 
upon  him  is  shewn  in  the  writings  which  contain 
it,  especially  Nicolas  I.  Epist.  12,  13,  Migne, 
P.  L.  vol.  cxix.,  Mansi,  vol.  xv.  :  Ratramn.  of 
Corbey,.  Lib.  contr.  Graec.  iv.  c.  8,  Migne,  P.  L. 
cxxi.  334,  D'Achery,  Spicil.  vol.  i.  ;  Aeneas  of 
Paris,  adv.  Grace,  c.  210,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  cxxi., 
D'Achery,  Spicil.  vol.  i. ;  Photius's  letter  in 
defence  will  be  found  in  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  cii., 
Epist.  i.  2.  (2)  Of  presbyters  who  had  never 
been  deacons  (e.g.  St.  Cyprian,  according  to 
Pontius,  Vit.  S.  Cgpr.  c.  3 ;  St.  Augugtine, 
according   to    Possidius,    Vit.  S.  August,   c.   4 ; 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


ORDERf^,  HOLY 


1475 


probably  St.  Basil  as  St.  Grog.  Nazianz.  Orat. 
43,  c.  27,  vol.  i.  p.  792,  mentions  only  his  being 
reader,  presbyter,  bishop :  Cosmas  mentioned  in 
S.  Greg.  Magn.  Epist.  xiii.  28,  vol.  ii.  p.  1237  : 
the  case  is  also  contemplated  in  the  Canon  Law, 
Gratian,  Decret.  i.  dist.  74,  c.  9,  =  Ivo,  Lecret. 
vi.  c.  106).  (3)  Of  deacons  who  had  never  been 
subdeacons  (e.g.  St.  Chrysostom  in  Socrates, 
H.  E.  7.  3,  p.  313;  the  subdiaconate  is  not 
mentioned  in  the  enumeration  of  necessary 
grades  in  Cone.  Sardic.  c.  10,  and  it  is  not  even 
now  necessary  among  the  Jacobite  Syrians, 
Denzinger,  Bit.  Orient,  vol.  ii.  p.  82). 

But  although  these  instances  are  important  as 
shewing  not  only  that  the  rules  which  were  laid 
down  from  time  to  time  were  limitations  of  au 
earlier  freedom,  but  also  that  ordinations  per 
saltum,  as  they  were  afterwards  called,  were 
regarded  as  canonically  valid,  yet  they  must 
probably  be  considered  as  exceptions  to  a  pre- 
vailing tendency.  As  early  as  the  Pastoral 
Epistles  promotion  to  a  higher  grade  is  held  out 
as  an  inducement  to  "  use  the  office  well " 
(1  Tim.  iii.  13),  and  a  person  who  had  ouly 
recently  been  converted  is  made  ineligible  for 
the  office  of  a  "bishop"  (jxij  veScpvrov,  1  Tim. 
iii.  6).  This  latter  regulation  had  evidently 
come  to  be  disregarded  at  the  beginning  of  the 
4th  century,  and  the  council  of  Nicaea,  c.  2,  in 
re-enacting  it  extended  it  to  all  clerks  (the  mean- 
ing of  the  difficult  Greek  text  of  the  canon  is 
probably  best  expressed  by  Rufinus,  //.  E.  2,  6, 
"  ne  quis  nuper  assumptus  de  vita  vel  conver- 
satione  Gentili,  accepto  baptismo,  antequam 
cautius  examinetur,  clericus  tiat ;"  so  in  effect 
Dionysius  Exiguus,  but  Ilefele  ad  loe.  takes  a 
slightly  different  view).  But  in  the  course  of 
the  same  century  there  are  traces  of  the  growth 
of  a  tendency  to  appoint  no  one  to  a  higher  oflin- 
until  he  had  passed  through  the  lower.  The 
tendency  was  probably  fostered  by  the  civil  law 
in  regard  to  appointments,  "  ut  gradatim  honores 
deferantur,"  Modestin.  in  the  Big.  50,  4,  11, 
quoting  a  letter  of  Antoninus  Pius  ;  "  gerendoruni 
honorum  non  promiscua  facultas  est,  sed  ordo 
certus  huic  rei  adhibitus  est,"  Callistratus  in  the 
Big.  50,  4,  14,  §  5.  This  tendency  finds  its  first 
authorized  expression  in  Cone.  Sardic.  c.  10,which 
however  deals  with  the  special  case  of  a  wealthy 
man  or  lawyer  (ttAovo-io's  tis  fj  crx"^'^'^'''"^^^^ 
being  elected  to  a  bishopric,  and  requires  such  a 
man  to  pass  gradatim  through  the  offices  of 
reader,  deacon,  and  presbyter.  Gregory  Nazi- 
anzen  is  less  definite.  He  lays  down  as  a  general 
rule  that  a  man  should  fill  a  lower  office  in  the 
church  before  filling  the  highest  office  (Orat.  2, 
Apolog.  §  111,  vol.  i.  p.  62,  sometimes  inter- 
preted that  he  should  be  a  reader  before  being  a 
presbyter).  The  first  writer  who  speaks  of 
passing  "  per  solitos  gradus  "  is  Jerome  (Epist. 
60  (3),  ad  Heliodorum,  vol.  i.  p.  337).  Leo  the 
Great  discourages  the  omission  of  the  lower 
grades,  but  does  not  disallow  it  (Epist.  12,  vol.  i. 
p.  674),  whereas  Gregory  the  Great  speaks  of 
the  omission  as  "  grave  nimis  "  (Epist.  ix.  109, 
vol.  ii.  p.  1014,  writing  to  Brunhild;  cf.  ibid.  ix. 
106,  vol.  ii.  p.  1009,  "ordinate  ad  ordines  acce- 
dendum  est "). 

When  the  rule   had  been  fairly  established, 

there    still   arose    cases   in   which  it  created  a 

difficulty.     In  such  cases  the  rule  was  at  once 

observed  and  evaded  by   accumulating  ordina- 

5  C 


1476 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


tions,  i.e.  a  person  was  admitted  to  successive 
grades  on  the  same  day  or  at  short  intervals, 
i'iarly  instances  of  this  practice  are  that  of 
Wulfad,  in  whose  favour  Charles  the  Bald  wrote, 
Epist.  Caroli  R.  in  Cone.  Suession.  a.d.  866  ; 
Mansi,  vol.  xv.  p.  708,  and  that  of  a  bishop  of 
Salerno  mentioned  by  Leo  Marsicanus,  Chron. 
C'asin.  ii.  98 ;  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  clsxiii.  One 
edition  of  the  Roman  pontifical  (that  which  was 
published  by  Albertus  Castellanus  at  Venice  in 
1520  and  dedicated  to  Leo  X.)  makes  provision 
for  the  case  of  a  pope  who  was  elected  either  as 
a  layman  or  in  minor  orders,  "  accipiet  primam 
tonsuram  et  minores  ordines,  ut  alii  inferiores," 
with  this  difference,  that  he  is  to  be  vested  from 
the  first  in  mitre  and  rochet,  and  to  receive  the 
instruments  of  the  several  orders  at  his  faldstool. 
But  even  when  grades  were  not  accumulated,  it 
was  not  until  the  8th  century  that  ordinations 
per  saltum  began  to  be  considered  invalid  or  to  be 
])unished  by  deposition. 

One  of  the  earliest  instances  is  in  the  Frank- 
fort capitulary  of  A.D.  789,  which  deposes  a 
bishop  Gaerbod,  who  admits  that  he  had  not 
been  ordained  presbyter  or  deacon  (Capit.  Fran- 
cofurt.  §  10,  ap.  Pertz,  M.  H.  G.  Legum,  vol.  i. 
p.  73).  Of  later  instances  the  mediaeval 
canonists  furnish  an  abundant  crop,  e.g.  Inno- 
cent III  Epist.  vii.  192.  A  presbyter  who  has 
not  been  ordained  deacon  is  allowed  to  retain  his 
orders,  but  has  to  go  through  the  ceremony  of 
being  ordaLned  deacon,  id.  Epist.  viii.  118;  a 
deacon  who  does  not  know  whether  he  received 
minor  orders  or  not,  is  required  to  receive  them 
"  ad  cautelam,"  id.  Epist.  x.  146  ;  a  deacon  who 
has  knowingly  passed  over  the  subdiaconate  is 
sent  to  a  monastery  for  a  time. 

The  question  what  grades  were  necessary  re- 
solves itself  into  two  questions — (i.)  what  was  the 
lirst  grade,  (ii.)  what  were  the  necessary  subse- 
((uent  grades,  (i.)  The  inference  to  be  drawn 
Irom  recorded  historical  examples  is  that,  as  a 
rule,  those  who  dedicated  themselves  to  the 
service  of  the  church  began  as  readers.  An  in- 
dication of  this  is  found  as  early  as  the  time  of 
Cyprian  (^Epist.  33,  vol.  ii.  p.  319,  of  the  ordina- 
tion of  Aurelius ;  but  the  use  of  "  placuit " 
shews  at  the  same  time  that  there  was  no  exist- 
ing rule  on  the  subject).  In  the  following 
century  Basil  (according  to  S.  Greg.  Nazianz. 
Orat.  43,  c.  27,  vol.  i.  p.  792)  and  Chrysostom 
(according  to  Socrat.  //.  E.  vii.  3 ;  Pallad.  17!!. 
S.  Chrys.  c.  5)  both  began  as  readers.  In  the 
5th  century  there  are  the  instances  of  Felix  of 
Nola  (Paulin.  Poem.  XV.  de  S.  Felice,  v.  108  ; 
Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixi.  470),  and  of  John  of 
Chalons  (Sidon.  Apollin.  Epist.  iv.  25).  The 
same  inference  as  to  the  custom  of  beginning  as 
readers  follows  (1)  from  the  constant  practice  of 
the  Greek  church ;  (2)  from  the  earliest  papal 
decretals  on  the  subject,  those  of  Siricius, 
Zosimus,  and  Gelasius,  which  are  quoted  below  ; 
(3)  from  Cone.  Milev.  A.D.  416  (cf.  S.  August. 
Epist.  63  (240),  vol.  ii.  p.  231),  2  Cone.  Nicaen. 
c.  14.  The  earliest  indication  of  the  practice 
of  beginning  as  a  doorkeeper  is  probably  that 
which  is  indicated  by  Paulinus  of  Nola  Epist.  1 
(6)  ad  Sever,  c.  11 ;  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixi.  158 
(although  this  may  shew  rather  his  own  humility, 
than  the  prevalence  of  a  custom) ;  but  in  the 
9th  century  the  rule  was  laid  down  which  has 
been  the  rule  of.  Western  canon  law  ever  since 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

that  every  clerk  must  pass  through  that  grade 
(Silvest.  Epist.  c.  7 ;  Caii  Epist.  c.  6  ;  both 
adopted  by  the  Pseudo-Isidore  from  the  Liber 
Pontificalis,  see  below).  Martin  of  Tours  began 
as  an  exorcist  (Sulp.  Sever.  Vit.  S.  Martin. 
c.  5),  and  Gregory  the  Great  speaks  of  a  monk 
who  began  as  a  subdeacon  (Epist.  13,  28,  vol.  ii. 
p.  1237). 

It  must  also  be  noted  that  there  was  a  counter 
tendency  to  that  which  ultimately  prevailed  ;  it 
was  probably  not  until  the  clerical  office  became 
a  regular  profession  that  promotion  from  one 
grade  to  another  became  an  ordinary  rule  ;  persons 
who  were  well  fitted  for  particular  offices  some- 
times remained  in  them  to  the  end  of  their  lives. 
Ambrose  {de  Offic.  Ministr.  i.  44)  writes  as 
though  division  of  labour  were  recognized  in 
the  church,  and  as  though  it  were  a  function  of 
the  bishop  to  find  out  the  office  for  which  each 
person  was  best  qualified.  As  instances  of  the 
prevalence  of  this  view  we  find  an  acolyte  of 
eighty-five  years  of  age  (Le  Blant,  Inscriptions 
Chr^tiennes  de  la  Gaule,  no.  36)  a  deacon  of 
fifty-eight  (ibid.  no.  430),  a  subdeacon  of  thirty- 
two  (De  Rossi,  Inscr.  Christianae  Urbis  Romanae, 
no.  743,  A.D.  448). 

(ii.)  The  definition  of  tne  particular  grades 
through  which  a  clerk  must  pass,  and  of  the 
time  which  he  must  spend  in  each  grade,  belongs 
to  the  period  of  the  Isidorian  and  Pseudo-Isi- 
dorian  decretals.  The  uncertainty  which  pre- 
vailed, even  after  those  decretals  had  been  for- 
mally incorporated  into  canon  law,  is  shewn  by 
the  great  variety  of  readings  which  exist  in  the 
various  MSS.  of  the  decretals.  1.  The  earliest 
of  them  is  probably  that  of  Siricius,  Epist.  ad 
Eumer.  c.  10  (=  Gratian,  Decret.  i.  dist.  77,  c.  3  ; 
Ivo  Carnot,  Decret.  6,  c.  91),  which,  according  to 
the  text  given  by  'EAwschiViS,  Decret.  Pseudo-  Lsid. 
p.  520,  allows  a  person  to  be  ordained  reader  in 
early  youth ;  then  from  puberty  until  thirty  years 
of  age  he  is  to  be  acolyte  or  subdeacon ;  five 
years  afterwards  he  is  to  be  deacon,  but  no 
definite  period  is  prescribed  before  he  can  be- 
come presbyter  or  bishop ;  if,  however,  a  person 
is  not  ordained  in  early  youth,  he  must  be  reader 
or  exorcist  for  two  years  after  his  baptism, 
acolyte,  and  subdeacon  for  five  years  in  all ; 
there  is  no  other  prescription  of  time  ;  but  other 
texts  give  an  interval  of  five  years  between 
a  deacon  and  a  presbyter,  and  of  ten  years 
between  a  presbyter  and  a  bishop.  2.  The 
decretal  of  Zosimus,  which  is  probably  next  in 
order  of  antiquity  {Epist.  ad  Hesych.  c.  3  = 
Gratian,  Decret.  i.  dist.  77,  c.  2  ;  Migne,  P.  L. 
vol.  XX.  p.  672 ;  Hinschius,  p.  553)  provides  that 
if  any  one  has  been  ordained  in  infancy  he  must 
remain  as  a  reader  until  he  is  twenty  years  of 
age  ;  if  he  is  ordained  later  in  life,  he  must  be 
either  reader  or  exorcist  for  five  years  after 
baptism ;  in  any  case  he  must  be  either  acolyte 
(Egbert's  Pontifical  has  "  catholicus  ")  or  sub- 
deacon for  four  years,  and  deacon  for  five  years. 
No  other  limits  are  prescribed.  This  rule  seems 
to  have  been  widely  recognized  after  the  8th 
century,  since  it  is  found  in  the  Gelasian  sacra- 
mentary,  and  in  the  pontificals  of  Egbert,  St. 
Dunstan,  Jumie'ges,  Noyon,  Cahors,  Vatican  ap. 
Muratori.  3.  The  Liber  Pontificalis  supplied 
the  canon  law  with  two  other  decretals :  (1)  in 
the  Vita  Caii  (=  Caii  Epist.  c.  6 ;  Gratian,  j 
Decret.  i.   dist.  77,   c.   1 ;  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  v.     I 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

190  ;  Hinschius,  p.  218)  Caius  is  said  to  have 
laid  down  a  rule  that  a  bishop  must  have  passed 
through  the  seven  orders  of  doorkeeper,  reader, 
.■xorcist,  acolyte,  subdeacon,  deacon  and  pres- 
l)vter;  (2)  in  the  Vita  Silvest.  p.  35  (Migne, 
V.  L.  vol.  viii.  802,  and  vol.  cxxvii.  1514, 
Hinschius,  p.  450,  whose  test  is  followed  here), 
that  pope  is  said  to  have  established  the  rule 
that  a  bishop  must  have  been  first  doorkeeper, 
then  reader,  and  then  exorcist  for  whatever  time 
his  bishop  may  have  determined  ;  then  acolyte 
for  five  years,  subdeacon  five  years,  custos  marty- 
rnm  five  years  [deacon  five  years,  in  some  MSS.], 
])resbyter  three  years. 

But  it  would  be  difficult  to  shew  that  the 
intervals  thus  prescribed  were  even  generally 
observed.  No  doubt  the  rule  came  to  prevail 
that  the  conferring  of  each  of  the  lower  grades 
must  precede  the  conferring  any  of  the  higher  ; 
but  the  ideal  of  the  decretals,  according  to 
which  a  clerk  must  remain  long  enough  in  each 
grade  to  prove  his  efficiency  in  it,  was  probably 
.seldom  realised,  except  in  the  case  of  those  who 
were  devoted  to  the  service  of  the  church 
from  infancy.  In  the  case  of  those  who 
sought  admission  to  holy  orders  in  later  life,  the 
only  interval  of  time  which  maintained  itself 
throughout,  and  from  which  a  dispensation  was 
very  rarely  given,  was  that  of  a  year  between 
the  first  admission  to  orders  and  the  presbyterate. 
The  Sarum  Pontifical  bewails  the  degeneracy  of 
the  times  which  left  so  short  an  intei-val  between 
the  "  status  laicalis  "  and  the  "  status  presby- 
terii  supremus  "  (ap.  Maskell,  Mon.  Ritual,  vol. 
ill.  p.  158)  ;  but  it  is  probably  the  case  that  the 
adoption  of  this  particular  interval  was  due  to 
the  custom  which  grew  up  in  some  parts  of 
Spain  and  Gaul  in  the  6th  century  of  requiring 
an  "  annua  conversio,"  i.e.  a  year's  seclusion 
from  secular  life  before  admission  to  major 
orders  (3  Cone.  Arelat.  a.d.  524,  c.  2  ;  3  Cone. 
Aurel.  A.D.  538,  c.  6  ;  5  Cone.  Aurel.  A.D.  549, 
c.  9) ;  this  again  was  connected  with,  and  per- 
haps grew  out  of,  the  rule  that  a  monk  must 
spend  a  year  in  minor  orders  and  the  diaconate 
before  being  ordained  presbyter  (S.  Gelas.  Epist. 
9  ad  Episc.  Lucan.  c.  2  ;  Gratian,  Bccret.  i.  dist. 
77,  c.  9 ;  Hinschius,  p.  650).  At  first  this  year 
Avas  divided  into  definite  periods ;  Gelasius 
directs  that  a  person  must  spend  three  months 
in  each  of  the  four  offices  of  reader  (or  "  nota- 
rius  "  or  "  defensor  "),  acolyte,  subdeacon,  and 
deacon  (ibid.).  But  afterwards  the  conferring  of 
minor  orders  became  a  mere  form  and  a  clerk 
could  pass  through  all  grades  up  to  the  diaconate 
on  one  and  the  same  day  (but  according  to 
Koman  canonists,  only  the  pope  could  grant  a 
dispensation  for  accumulating  major  orders  on 
the  same  day;  see  Catalani,  ad  Pontif.  Horn. 
parsl,tit.  2,"§§4,  6). 

In  the  East  the  primitive  custom  of  appoint- 
ing a  layman  to  any  church  office  lingered 
longer ;  the  custom  of  interstitia  is  almost 
unknown.  The  limitations  are  rather  limita- 
tions of  age  than  of  interval ;  for  example 
Ebed  .Tesu,  Tract,  vi.  c.  4,  2;  ap.  Mai,  Scriptt.  Vett. 
Nov.  Coll.  vol.  X.  p.  112,  lays  down  the  rule  that 
boys  are  not  to  receive  imposition  of  hands,  but 
are  only  to  be  appointed  readers  ;  when  they  have 
reached  adolescence  they  may  become  subdeacons; 
at  the  age  of  eighteen  they  may  become  deacons, 
at  twenty-five  presbyters ;  but  even  after  a  suc- 


ORDEES,  HOLY 


1477 


cession  of  graues  had  become  established  a 
person  who  had  attained  the  requisite  age  might 
be  admitted  to  more  than  one  grade  on  thy 
same  day ;  among  the  Nestorians  such  an  accu- 
mulation of  grades  became  the  usual  rule  (see 
the.'ritual  in  Denzinger,  Bit.  Orient,  vol.  ii.  p. 
227).  This  is  in  conformity  with  the  later 
Western  practice,  which  allowed  a  layman  to  be 
appointed  to  any  office  whatever,  but  compelled 
him  to  go  through  the  ordination  ceremonies  of 
all  the  lower  grades.  (See  above  for  the  case  of 
a  layman  elected  pope.) 

III.  External  Organization  of  the  Clergy. 
— In  apostolic  and  sub-apostolic  times  there  is 
no  evidence  of  the  existence  of  any  other  than 
the  internal  organization  which  has  been  described 
above.  Each  church  has  its  officers,  but  each 
church  was  independent  and  complete  in  itself. 
There  were  friendly  relations  between  one  church 
and  another ;  there  was  an  interchange  of 
letters  and  of  hospitality  ;  but  there  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  any  organized  combination 
for  common  purposes,  and  still  less  any  subordi- 
nation of  the  officers  of  one  church  to  the  officers 
of  another.  But  in  the  course  of  the  2nd 
century  begin  to  appear  the  outlines  of  a 
system  which  has  done  more  than  anything  else 
to  shape  the  subsequent  history  of  Christendom. 
First  of  all  the  clergy  of  neighbouring  churches, 
and  ultimately  the  clergy  of  the  greater  part  of 
the  Christian  world,  came  to  be  associated  in  a 
single  organization. 

Into  the  causes  which  produced  a  tendency  to 
organization  it  is  not  to  the  present  purpose  to 
enter.  But  the  shape  which  the  organization 
took  cannot  be  understood  without  a  reference 
to  the  influences  which  produced  it.  Those 
influences  flowed  chiefly  from  the  system  of 
administration  which  prevailed  in  the  empire. 
Just  as  the  internal  organization  of  the  church 
reflected  the  main  features  of  the  civil  policy 
and  religious  associations  of  the  time,  so  did  its 
external  organization  follow  the  lines  which 
were  already  marked  in  contemporary  life. 

This  is  seen  in  the  following  respects  espe- 
cially : 

(1.)  Every  year  deputies  {aweSpoi,  Icgati)  from 
the  several  towns  of  a  province  met  together  in 
a  provincial  council  (koiv6v,  concilium).  The 
objects  of  these  councils  were  various  and  their 
powers  extensive.  They  had  a  common  fund 
from  which  they  could  build  temples  or  erect 
statues  ;  they  decided  as  to  the  boundaries  of  the 
territories  of  cities  ;  they  had  the  right  of  com- 
municating directly  with  the  emperor  in  regard 
to  the  civil  and  judicial  administration  of  the 
province.  From  them  came  the  first  beginnings 
of  ecclesiastical  organization  in  similar  assem- 
blies or  "  councils  "  of  the  clergy.  Such  coun- 
cils began  in  Greece  and  Asia  Minor,  where  the 
civil  councils  are  known  to  have  been  excep- 
tionally active  (Tertull.c/c  Je/im.  c.  13,  "aguntur 
per  Graecias  ilia  certis  in  locis  concilia  ex 
universis  ecclesiis ; "  cf.  Euseb.  If.  E.  5,  10, 
quoting  probably  Apollinaris  of  Hierapolis  :  rwr 
Kara  rrjv  'Affiav  ■KiarSiv  iroWaKis  koX  TroWaxfi 
Tr)s'A(rias  els  toSto  [sc.  against  the  Montanists] 
)Tvve\e6vTccv)  ;  in  the  time  of  Cyprian  they  were 
beginning  to  be  a  regular  institution  in  North 
Africa,  and  from  that  time  onwards  they  became 
permanent  factors  in  church  history  [see  COUN- 
CILS, Vol.  I.  p.  473  sqq.].  Their  importance  in 
5  C2 


1478 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


Kgard  to  the  organization  of  the  clergy  is  that, 
following  the  example  of  the  civil  councils,  the 
ecclesiastical  councils  kept  to  the  lines  marked 
out  by  the  civil  government,  and  that  conse- 
quently instead  of  the  organization  for  eccle- 
siastical purposes  being  determined  by  proximity 
of  place  or  similarity  of  origin,  it  was  determined 
by  the  lines  of  demarcation  of  the  Roman  pro- 
vinces. Those  provinces  became  ecclesiastical 
units,  and  their  chief  cities  became  centres  of 
ecclesiastical  administration.  (For  the  fiicts  in 
relation  to  the  civil  councils,  see  Marquardt, 
Homische  Staatsverwaltung,  bd.  i.  pp.  oQb-377  ; 
id.  in  Ephemeris  Epigrapkica,  1872,  pp.  200- 
214;  Duruy,  Histoirc  des  Eomains,  vol.  v.  pp. 
213-219;  Fustel  de  Coulanges,  ifistoiVe  c?es  Insti- 
tutions Politiques  de  VAncicnnc  France,  vol.  i.  p. 
107  sqq.) 

(2.)  In  the  civil  councils  the  president  was  an 
officer  whose  functions  were  to  a  great  extent 
religious,  and  who  bore  the  name  of  Sacerdos 
provinciaa  (Cod.  Theodos.  12,  1,  46,  75,  174), 
or  apxtepevs  (JC.  I.  G.  3487,  and  elsewhere).  To 
him  the  other  priests  of  the  province  were  sub- 
ordinate, and  in  some  cases  he  appointed  them. 
(Julian,  Epist.  49,  63  ;  Eunap.  57,  ed.  Boisson. 
cf.  Marquardt,  1.  c.  p.  368).  When  the  eccle- 
siastical councils  came  to  be  established,  their 
president  not  only  received  the  same  or  an 
equivalent  name,  apx^epeis,  apxienlaKOTroi, 
summus  sacerdos,  but  he  was  also  invested  with 
the  right  of  confirming  both  the  appointment 
and  in  certain  cases  the  acts  of  the  other  bishops 
of  the  province.  In  the  East  this  office  fell  to 
the  bishop  of  the  metropolis,  who  was  hence  also 
called  6  t^s  fiTiTpoiroAiws  or  metrop)olitanus ; 
but  in  Africa,  and  probably  also  at  first  in  Gaul 
and  Spain,  it  fell  to  the  bishop  who  was  senior 
in  date  of  appointment  [see  Primate]. 

(3.)  Within  the  limits  of  the  great  provinces 
were  smaller  organizations.  The  provinces  were 
subdivided  into  disti-icts,  partly  for  fiscal,  partly 
for  commercial,  but  chiefly  for  judicial  purposes. 
These  were  known  as  convcntus,  conventiis  juri- 
dici,  jurisdictiones,  SioiK^iffeis  (a  use  of  the  word 
which  must  be  kept  distinct  from  its  use  to 
denote  the  larger  divisions  of  the  empire  under 
Diocletian).  Each  of  them  had  its  centre  of 
administration,  its  "  county-town "  with  its 
basilica  or  "  county-hall."  It  was  in  these 
centres  that  Christian  communities!  were  first 
formed,  and  the  area  of  the  juridical  conventus 
or  ''  diocese  "  became  naturally  the  area  of  the 
ecclesiastical  organization.  The  jurisdiction  of 
the  bishop  and  presbyters  was  concurrent  with 
that  of  the  civil  authority,  and  the  seat  of  juris- 
diction, which  was  also  the  place  of  meeting, 
was  under  the  Christian  emperors,  the  basilica  of 
the  civil  magistrate.  At  first  of  course  there 
were  many  districts  in  which  the  Christian  com- 
munity was  not  large  enough  to  warrant  the 
formation  of  any  organization ;  where  this  was 
the  case,  a  neighbouring  bishop  was  charged 
with  the  oversight  of  such  communities,  until  in 
process  of  time,  and  usually  through  the  inter- 
vention of  the  provincial  council,  they  were 
large  enough  to  have  bishops  of  their  own  ;  but 
even  in  the  5th  and  6th  centuries  the  sphere 
of  a  bishop's  jurisdiction  is  sometimes  spoken  of 
in  the  plural,  Sulp.  Sever.  Dial.  2,  3,  "  dum 
dioceses  visitat ;"  cf.  Sidon.  Apollinar.  Epist. 
7,  6,  p.   183;  4  Cone.   Tolet.  a.d.  633,  c.   36. 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

(For  an  account  of  the  civil  conventus  or  dioceses. 
see  Marquardt,  Horn.  Staatsv.  Bd.  i.  p.  341  ;  the 
early  history  of  ecclesiastical  dioceses  has  yet  to 
be  written.) 

Such  were  the  three  chief  respects  in  which 
the  ecclesiastical  organization  followed  the  lines 
of  the  civil  organization  ;  in  the  association  of 
churches  according  to  provinces,  in  the  forma- 
tion of  an  intra-provincial  hierarchy  with  a 
metropolitan  or  primate  at  its  head,  and  in  the 
recognition  of  the  bishop  of  a  city  as  having 
jurisdiction  over  the  district  of  which  the  city 
was  the  centre,  the  church  adapted  but  did  not 
materially  transform  leading  elements  of  con- 
temporary civil  life. 

How  close  the  correspondence  was  between  the 
ecclesiastical  and  the  civil  organization  can  be 
shewn  from  many  instances  in  both  east  and  west. 
The  most  interesting  case  in  the  west  is  that  of 
Gaul.  According  to  the  Notitia  Provinciarum  ct 
Dignitatum  (circ.  A.D.  400),  Gaul  was  divided 
into  two  civil  dioceses  :  (1)  D.  Galliarum  ;  (2)  D. 
Viennensis.  The  former  was  subdivided  into  ten 
provinces,  viz.  Belgica  prima  et  secunda,  Ger- 
mania  prima  et  secunda.  Maxima  Sequanorum, 
Lugdunensis  prima,  secunda,  tertia,  quarta  (  =  L. 
Senonia),  Alpes  Graiae  et  Poeninae.  (TheVeronese 
MS.,  which  gives  the  division  under  Diocletian, 
divides  Lugdunensis  into  two  instead  of  four 
divisions,  thus  shewing  that  the  subdivision  took 
place  in  the  4tk  century ;  cf.  Mommsen, 
Abhandlungen  der  Berlin.  Acadcm.  1862,  p.  492.) 
The  latter  was  subdivided  into  seven  provinces, 
viz.  Viennensis,  Narbonensis  prima  et  secunda, 
Novem  Fopuli,  Aquitania  prima  et  secunda, 
Alpes  maritimae.  Not  only  was  the  civil  metro- 
polis of  each  province  an  episcopal  see,  but 
in  all  cases  except  two  (Elusa  and  Ebrodunum) 
the  see  has  remained  until  modern  times,  and  in 
almost  all  cases  the  metropolitan  character  of 
the  see  has  also  remained,  the  bishops  being  styled 
arc/ibishops  to  the  present  day.  For  example, 
the  metropolis  of  Belgica  Prima  was  Augusta 
Treverorum  =  Trier,  a  bishop  of  which  see  was 
present  at  1  Cone.  Arelat.  in  314  ;  that  of  Belgica 
Secunda  was  Durocortorum  Remorum  =  Reims,  a 
bishop  of  which  see  was  also  present  at  1  Cone. 
Arelat. ;  that  of  Gcrmania  Prima  was  Moguntiacum 
=  Mainz  ;  that  of  Germania  Secunda,  Colonia  Ag- 
rippina  =  Koln  ;  that  of  Maxima  Sequanorum,  Ve- 
sontio  =  Besan9on,  of  which  see  a  bishop  existed 
as  early  as  the  time  of  St.  Irenaeus.  It  is  also 
remarkable  that  of  the  towns  (civitates)  which 
are  mentioned  in  each  province  as  being  towns 
of  importance,  almost  every  one  had  a  bishop. 
For  example  in  the  Provincia  Viennensis  twelve 
such  towns  are  mentioned  (besides  the  metro- 
polis Vienna),  viz.  civitas  Genavensium  =  Geneva, 
civ.  Gratianopolis  =  Grenoble,  civ.  Deensium  (  = 
Ad  Deam  Vocontiorum  of  the  Peutinger  Table 
=  civ.  Dea  Vocontiorum  of  the  Jerusalem  Itiner- 
ary) =  Die,  civ.  Valentinorum  =  Valence,  civ. 
Tricastinorum  (  =  Senomago  of  the  Peutinger 
Table)  =  S.  Paul-trois-Chateaux  :  civ.Vasisusium 
(=Vasio  of  Pliny)  =  Vaison,  civ.  Arausicorum 
(  =  Arusione  of  the  Peutinger  Table)  =  Orange, 
civ.  Cabellicorum=:Cavaillon  (for  the  name  of 
this  town  there  is  a  various  reading  in  the  Noti- 
tia, viz.  civ.  Carpentoratensium  =  Carpentras,  of 
which  a  bishop  is  mentioned  in  483),  civ.  Aven- 
uicorum  (=AvennioDe  of  the  Peutinger  Table)  = 
Avignon  :     civ.    Arelatensium   (in   some    MSS. 


OKDEES,  HOLY 

uiotrop.  civ.  Araelateiisis=Arelato  of  the  Peiitiu- 
ger  Table) = Aries,  civ.Massiliensium  =  Marseilles, 
':iv.  Albensium  ("  nunc  Vivaria  ")  =  Viviers. 
Every  one  of  these  towns  had  a  bishop  in  Roman 
times.  The  same  was  the  case,  with  hardly  an 
e.xception,  in  the  other  provinces.  France  pre- 
serves in  its  bishoprics  to  the  present  day  the 
outlines  of  the  Roman  administration.  On  the 
other  hand,  England  is  an  example  of  a  country 
in  which,  the  Roman  organization  having  almost 
entirely  passed  away  before  the  final  organiza- 
tion of  the  church  began,  the  dioceses  were  for 
the  most  fiart  formed  out  of  the  Sa.xon  kingdoms 
(see  Stubbs,  Constitutional  History,  vol.  i.  p.  "224): 
and  similarly  in  Ireland,  "the  spiritual  jurisdic- 
tioa  of  the  bishop  was  coextensive  with  the 
temporal  sway  of  the  chieftain  "  (Reeves,  Ec- 
clesiastical Antiquities  of  Down,  Connor,  and 
Dromore,  p.  303). 

Within  the  skeleton  thus  furnished  several 
other  tendencies  operated  which  arose  within  the 
church  itself. 

1.  There  arose  a  tendency  to  attach  a  clerk  to 
a  particular  church,  and  to  give  local  limits  to 
the  exercise  of  his  functions.  In  the  earliest  ages 
there  is  presumptive  evidence  that  a  member  of 
the  ordo  of  one  church  might  freely  pass  to 
another.  It  did  not  of  course  follow  that  he 
thereby  became  a  member  of  the  ordo  of  the  other 
i:hurch.  But  the  fact  of  his  holding  office  else- 
where v.-as  recognised,  and  he  enjoyed  a  certain 
lirecedence.  Sometimes  also  he  was  placed  on 
the  clergy-roll,  and  he  might  thus  be  on  the  roll 
of  several  churches  at  once.  An  ambitious  or  a 
'lisaffected  clerk  was  able  in  this  way  to  pass 
easily  from  a  narrower  to  a  wider  sphere,  or  to 
rid  himself  of  the  supervision  of  a  too  exigcant 
superior.  But  this  came  at  last  to  be  prohibited, 
except  with  the  full  consent  of  all  who  were  con- 
cerned. The  final  prohibition  was  indeed  the 
result  of  a  long  struggle,  nor  is  there  any  en- 
actment of  canon  law,  except  those  relating  to 
marriage,  which  required  to  be  so  frequently 
repeated.  The  earliest  existing  enactment  in 
the  east  is  Cone.  Xicaen.  c.  16  (which  however 
refers  to  an  earlier  canon,  possibly  that  which  is 
preserved  in  Can.  Apost.  15),  which  provides 
that  no  one  who  is  on  the  clergy-roll  of  any 
church  shall  leave  it  imder  penalty  of  excom- 
munication ;  and  that  any  ordination  in  one 
church  of  a  clerk  who  is  on  the  roll  of  another 
church,  without  the  consent  of  his  proper  bishop, 
shall  be  invalid.  These  enactments  were  re- 
peated, with  additions,  by  1  Cone.  Antioch.  c.  3, 
Cone.  Sardic.  c.  15,  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  10,  after  which 
no  further  regulation  on  the  subject  became 
necessary  in  the  east  for  two  centuries  and  a 
balf,  when  the  Trullan  Council  recognized  the  fact 
of  the  non-observance  of  the  earlier  canons,  and 
repeated  them  (c.  17).  In  Africa  similar  regula- 
tions were  made  by  the  councils  of  Carthage,  and 
were  incorporated  in  the  African  code  (1  Cone. 
Carth.  c.  5  ;  3  Cone.  Garth,  c.  21,  44 ;  Cod.  Eccles. 
Afric.  c.  54).  But  the  struggle  to  evade  them 
seems  to  have  been  stronger  in  Gaul  and  Spain  ; 
they  were  first  made  at  Aries  in  314  (1  Cone. 
Arelat.  c.  21)  ;  they  were  renewed  ten  times  in 
the  6th  and  Gth  centuries,  and  three  times  in 
the  7th  century ;  at  Orange  in  441  (Cone. 
Arausic.  c.  8),  at  Aries  in  451  (2  Cone.  Arelat. 
c.  13),  at  Tours  in  461  (1  Cone.  Turon.  c.  9),  at 
Vannes  in  465  (Cone.  Venet.  c.  10),  at  Valentia 


OKDERS,  HOLY 


1479 


ill  524  (?)  (Cone.  Valent.  c.  6),  at  Aries  in  524 
(4  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  4),  at  Clermont  in  535  (Cone. 
Arvern.  c.  1 1),  at  Orleans  in  549  (5  Cone.  Aurelian. 
c.  5),  at  Aries  in  554  (5  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  7),  at 
Braga  in  563  (2  Cone.  Brae.  c.  8),  at  Toledo  in 
633  (4  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  53),  at  Chalons  in  650 
(Cone.  Cabillon.  c.  13),  at  Toledo  again  in  683 
(13  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  11) ;  and  they  were  sanctioned 
by  a  capitulary  of  Pippin  in  753  (Capit.  Vernense 
duplex,  c.  12,  ap.  Pertz.  1,  26).  In  England  they 
were  recognized  by  the  Legatine  Synods  in 
787,  c.  6  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  iii.  p.  447), 
and  by  Egbert  of  York  (Dial.  Egbert  Eborac.  c. 
7,  9,  ibid.  pp.  402  sqq.).  Afterwards  they  passed 
into  the  body  of  canon  law  (see  Gratian.  Dist. 
70 ;  D.  Ivon.  Carnot.  Decret.  6,  26  ;  Hugon.  de 
S.  Vict,  de  Sacram.  2,  3,  22),  nor  has  there  been 
any  serious  subsequent  attempt  to  destroy  the  re- 
lation of  lord  and  vassal  which  they  established 
between  a  bishop  and  the  other  members  of  the 
ordo  ecclesiasticus. 

2.  A  second  tendency,  which  arose  in  the 
course  of  the  3rd  century,  and  which  ran 
pari  passu  with  that  which  has  just  been  de- 
scribed, took  the  double  form  of  giving  local 
limits  to  a  bishop's  powers,  and  of  subordinating 
him  either  to  the  provincial  council,  or  to  a 
single  superior.  (<()  Probably,  the  first  express 
recognition  of  this  local  limitation  is  in  the 
letter  of  the  four  Egyptian  bishops,  Hesychius, 
Pachomius,  Theodorus,  and  Phileas,  to 'Meletius 
of  Alexandria,  in  A.D.  30.3-5,  which  was 
published  from  a  Latin  version  at  Verona,  by 
Jlaflei,  Opusc.  Eccles.  ii.  p.  253,  and  repub- 
lished by  Pitra,  .Tur.  Feci.  Gr.  vol.  i.  p.  1. 
A  t'liw  years  later  the  council  of  Antioch  ex- 
pressly limits  the  exercise  of  a  bishop's  powers 
to  his  own  province  or  i'Trapxia  (which  may 
possibly  be  used  as  in  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  6  =  5iot- 
KTjcris)  ;  he  could  not  for  the  future  pass  into 
another  province  for  the  purpose  of  making 
ordinations,  except  on  the  written  invitation  of 
the  metropolitan  and  bishops  of  that  province 
(Cone.  Antioch.  A.D.  341,  c.  13);  the  council  of 
Constantinople,  forty  years  later,  renews  the 
enactment  (c.  2,  aKXrirovs  5e  eTncTKOTrovs  vKep 
SwiK7]cnv  /jLij  eTTi^alveiv  eirl  Xf'P'''''<"''0"S  ^ 
Ticrtv  &Wats  olKOi'Ofj.iai.s  e/CK:A.7j(ria(rT(Ko?s),  but 
makes  an  explicit  exception  in  regard  to  nations 
outside  the  Roman  organization  {iv  toIs  ISap^a- 
pLKo7s  e6v€ai).  In  those  paz'ts  of  the  West  in 
which  the  meshes  of  that  organization  were 
closer,  the  relation  of  one  bishop  to  another 
were  still  more  sharply  defined.  Where,  as  in 
Gaul  at  the  beginning  of  the  4th  century, 
there  was  a  bishop  for  every  civitas,  i.e.  for  the 
centre  of  every  circle  of  civil  jurisdiction,  it 
was  provided  that  each  bishop  should  be  con- 
fined to  his  own  circle,  and  should  not  exercise 
authority  in  the  circle  of  his  neighbour  (1  Cone. 
Arelat.  A.D.  314,  c.  17,  "  ut  nullus  episcopus 
alium  episcopum  conculcet,"  1  Turon.  a.d.  461, 
c.  9,  excommunicates  those  who  transgress  the 
"  terminos  a  patribus  constitutos  ;  "  1  Lugd. 
A.D.  517,  c.  5;  1  Arvern.  a.d.  535,  c.  10).  But, 
on  the  other  hand,  as  a  proof  of  the  intimate 
connexion  between  civil  and  ecclesiastical  or- 
ganization, where,  as  in  Ireland,  the  imperial 
system  of  administration  did  not  prevail,  the 
bishops  preserved  their  original 'status ;  they 
were  the  officers  not  of  districts  but  of  single 
congregations ;    they   moved    about    almost   as 


1480 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


they  pleased ;  dioceses  in  the  ordinary  sense  did 
not  exist  until  the  synod  of  Rath-Bresail  in 
1141  (see  Reeves,  Ecclesiastical  Antiquities  of 
Down,  Connor,  and  Bromorc,  append,  pp.  135, 
139).  (6)  It  is  also  probable  that  in  the  earliest 
times,  a  bishop  or  a  community  had  the  power 
of  appointing  any  baptized  person  to  office  with- 
out regard  to  the  place  of  his  baptism  or  to  his 
being  already  on  the  clergy-roll  of  another 
church.  But  while  on  the  one  hand,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  the  councils  gradually  came 
to  prohibit  a  member  of  one  church  from  taking 
office  in  another,  on  the  other  hand  they  re- 
strained bishops  from  ordaining  such  persons, 
pai-tly  by  making  such  ordinations  null,  and 
partly  by  subjecting  oflending  bishops  to  the 
penalty  of  suspension  and  excommunication. 
(c)  It  is  also  probable  that  in  the  earliest 
times  each  bishop  was  independent  of  his  col- 
leagues ;  the  several  shepherds  of  the  flock 
of  Christ  were  amenable,  not  to  any  earthly 
superior  but  to  Christ  Himself:  "singulis  pas- 
toribus  portio  sit  adscripta,  quam  regat  un- 
usquisque  et  gubernet,  rationem  sui  actus 
Domino  redditurus "  (St.  Cyprian,  Fjjist.  55, 
da  Cornel,  c.  14,  vol.  ii.  p.  821),  But  in  the 
course  of  the  4th  century  there  grew  up  the 
tendency,  which  was  probably  reflected  from 
the  great  contemporary  development  of  the 
hierarchical  system  in  the  empire,  to  subordi- 
nate bishop  to  bishop  and  church  to  church. 
The  details  of  this  suboi-dination  grew  out  of 
the  extension  to  the  ecclesiastical  sphere  of  the 
civil  system  of  provincial  councils  and  pro- 
vincial high  priests ;  but  the  spirit  which  led 
to  that  extension  grew  up  within  the  church 
itself. 

3.  A  third  tendency,  which  arose  in  the  East 
from  the  gradual  decay  of  the  population,  and 
in  the  West  from  the  necessity  of  consolidating 
an  organization,  which  had  interwoven  itself 
with  the  civil  administration,  and  round  which 
a  complex  growth  of  material  interests  had 
clustered,  was  the  tendency  to  limit  the  number 
of  towns  in  which  bishops  were  appointed.  The 
number  of  bishops  in  early  times,  in  both  East 
and  West,  was  very  large.  From  the  small 
provmce  of  Asia  Proconsularis,  which  formed 
but  a  tenth  part  of  the  Dioecesis  Asiana,  thirty- 
two  bishops  were  present  at  the  council  of 
Ephesus  in  431.  In  the  provinces  which  made 
up  the  Dioecesis  Africae,  470  bishoprics  are 
known  by  name  before  the  Vaudal'invasion  ;  and 
possibly  there  may  have  been  some  truth  in  the 
retort  of  Petilianus  to  the  reproach  of  Alypius, 
that  the  Donatists  had  bishops  in  villages  and  on 
estates,  "  immo  vero  ubi  habes  sane  et  sine 
populis  habes  "  (Cotlat.  Carthag.  i.  181,  ap.  Gal- 
landi  Bibl.  Fair.  vol.  v.  p.  620;  for  the  de- 
tails here  given  in  respect  to  Affica,  cf.  Gams, 
.Series  Episcoporum,  p.  463 ;  Kuhn,  Stddt.  u. 
biirgerl.  Verfassung  des  Rom.  Eeichs,  Bd.  ii. 
ji.  436).  In  Ireland  the  number  of  bishops 
cannot  be  certainly  ascertained,  but  must  have 
Ijecn  large ;  the  Annals  of  the  Four  blasters, 
ad  ann.  493,  speak  of  St.  Patrick  as  having 
ordained  700  bishops  and  3000  priests ;  and 
Aengus  the  Culdee,  in  the  9th  century,  speaks 
of  no  less  than  141  places  in  the  island,  in  each 
of  which  there  were  or  had  been  seven  contem- 
porary bishops  (Todd,  St.  Patrick,  pp.  32,  35 ; 
lieeves,    Ecclesiastical    Antiquities     of    Down, 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

Connor,  and  Dromore,  app.  A.  p.  123  sqq.  where 
several  other  references  are  given).  In  the  East, 
no  doubt  the  gradual  diminution  in  the  number 
of  bishoprics  arose  from  the  decay  of  the  popula- 
tion, but  in  the  West  it  was  the  result  of  policy. 
The  power  of  the  bishops  was  thereby  increased. 
This  is  expressly  stated  by  Leo  the  Great,  who 
contends  that  bishops  should  not  be  appointed 
"  in  quibuslibet  locis  neque  in  quibuslibet  cas- 
tellis  .  .  .  .  ne  quod  sanctorum  Patrum  divinitus 
inspirata  decreta  vetuerunt  viculis  et  posses- 
sionibus  vel  obscuris  et  solitariis  municipiis 
tribuatur  sacerdotale  fiistigium  et  honor  cui 
debent  excellentiora  committi,  ipsa  sui  niimero- 
sitate  vilescat "  (S.  Leon.  Magn.  Ep.  12,  c.  12, 
I.  p.  667).  In  the  century  that  followed 
the  conversion  of  Chlodwig,  a  diifereut  policy 
was  no  doubt  followed  within  the  Prankish 
domain.  A  large  number  of  new  bishoprics 
then,  for  the  first  ,timo,  appear  in  history, 
and  the  lines  of  the  Poman  organization 
are  broken.  But  this  foundation  of  new  sees 
lasted  only  for  a  time.  There  is  no  record  of 
any  new  foundation  between  that  of  Montpellior 
in  585  and  St.  Brieux  in  848.  On  the  contrary, 
it  became  necessary  to  re-enact  the  provision  of 
the  civil  law:  "  ut  episcopi  debeant  per  siu- 
gulas  civitates  esse  "  (Pippini  Capit.  Vern.  a.d. 
755,  cf.  Pertz,  i.  p.  24);  but  this  does  not 
appear  to  have  amounted  to  more  than  the 
affirmation  of  a  principle,  and  was  modified  by 
the  Capit.  Francofurt.  a.d.  794,  c.  22,  which 
repeated  the  Sardican  canon.  The  exigencies  of 
the  case  were  met  by  the  combination  with  the 
existing  system  of  an  order  of  bishops,  who  were 
not  tied  to  a  particular  city.  Such  an  order  had 
existed  in  the  chorepiscopA  of  the  East,  and 
under  that  name  it  was  revived  in  France. 
These  chorepiscopi  went  from  parish  to  parish, 
performing  especially  such  episcopal  acts  as  con- 
firmation, and  the  consecration  of  the  chrism 
and  admission  to  minor  orders ;  but  they  do  not 
seem  to  have  had  either  jurisdiction  or  power  of 
ordaining  presbyters  (Hrabani  Mauri  de  Inst  it. 
Cler.  i.  5 :  ordinati  sunt  chorepiscopi  propter 
pauperum  curam  qui  in  agris  et  villis  consis- 
tuut,  ne  eis  solatium  confirmationis  deesset : 
Pippini  Capit.  Vermer.  a.d.  753,  c.  14 ;  Pertz, 
i.  p.  22,  where  they  are  probably  meant  by 
"  episcopis  ambulantibus  per  patrias  ").  But 
they  were  found  to  give  rise  to  many  difficulties, 
and  in  the  9th  century  a  determined  and  ulti- 
mately successful  attempt  was  made  to  abolish 
them.  (The  history  of  the  struggle,  which  is 
of  especial  interest  in  connexion  with  the  origin 
of  the  Pseudo-Isidorian  Decretals,  will  be  found 
on  Weizsacker,  Ber  Kampf  gcgen  den  Chorepis- 
copat  des  frdnkischen  Reichs  im  neunten  Jahr- 
hundert,  Tubingen,  1859  ;  see  also  an  article  by 
the  same  writer  in  von  Sybel's  Historisclie 
Zeitschr if t  for  1860,  pp.  42  sqq.,  and  by  van 
Noorden  in  the  same  journal  for  1862,  pp. 
311  sqq.)  A  new  form  of  organization  had  been 
gradually  developing  itself  during  the  two  pre- 
vious centuries,  and  it  now  became  both  ex- 
tended and  firmly  established.  The  old  Roman 
organization  still  to  a  great  extent  survived. 
The  old  Roman  civitates  were  still  bishops'  sees  ; 
the  limits  of  the  old  Roman  conventus  were  still 
for  the  most  part  the  limits  of  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  bishops  of  those  sees.  But  the  import- 
ance of  those  towns  in  relation  to  their  neigh- 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

hours  had  in  many  cases  seriously  diminished ; 
and  the  districts  of  which  they  were  the  centres 
were  full,  not  of  2Mgam,  but  of  Christians  who 
required  clergy,  and  of  clergy  who  requireil 
supervision.  Hence  the  dioceses  were  sub- 
divided, not  as  they  would  have  been  in  earlier 
times  into  new  dioceses,  but  into  districts  in 
each  of  which  an  archpresbyter  had  a  modified 
jurisdiction  over  the  presbyters  and  other  clergy. 
[Archpresbyters,  Vol.  I.  p.  139 ;  it  may  be 
added  that  the  idea  probably  came  from  the 
Eastern  church,  where  we  find  the  functions  of 
archpresbyter  (=  irpcuTOTrpeafivTepos)  united 
with  those  of  a  irepwSevTVs,  or  itinerant  bishop. 
Corpus  Tnsc.  Graec.  No.  8822,  at  Abrostola  in 
Phrygia.]  This  was  supplemented  by  occa- 
sionally sending  the  ecclesiastical  officer  who 
stood  in  the  closest  personal  relation  to  the 
bishop,  viz.  the  archdeacon,  as  a  special  delegate 
to  enquire  into  the  condition  of  the  clergy  and 
parishes  on  the  bishop's  behalf.  Not  only  did 
such  a  delegation  become  in  time  a  dclegatio 
2DCi-petua,  but  also  in  the  case  of  some  large 
dioceses,  several  of  the  districts  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  an  archpresbyter  were  united 
together  and  placed  permanently  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  an  archdeacon.  The  detailed 
accoiint  of  this  last  arrangement  falls  outside 
our  limits  ;  but  it  is  necessary  to  mention  it  as 
forming  the  last  important  link  in  the  series 
of  changes  by  which  the  simple  system  of  the 
early  church  was  transformed  into  the  elaborate 
diocesan  organization  of  mediaeval  and  modern 
times.  (See  Waitz,  Deutsche  Verfassungsges- 
chichte,  Bd.  iii.  p.  364;  Grea,  Essai  historique 
sur  les  Archidiacres  in  the  BMiotheque  de  VEcole 
des  Charles,  S"""  serie,  t.  ii.  pp.  39,  215 ; 
Piettberg,  Kirch.engcschichte  Deutschlands,  Bd.  ii. 
p.  610.) 

IV.  Admission  TO  Orders.  — 1.  Qualifications: 
— The  fact  that  in  the  first  ages  of  the  church 
a  person  was  almost  invariably  appointed  to 
office  in  the  city  in  which  he  lived,  and  by  the 
community  among  which  he  had  been  baj^tized, 
prevented  the  necessity  of  minute  enactments 
in  regard  to  qualifications  for  orders.  It  was 
more  a  matter  of  common  understanding  than  of 
ecclesiastical  rule  that  no  one  should  be  ap- 
pointed who  had  been  known  to  lead  an  immoral 
life,  or  whose  fitness  for  office  had  not  been 
ascertained  by  experience.  The  election  was 
practically  free.  The  assembly  which  made  it 
was  not  bounds  by  any  regulations  except  those 
which  it  laid  down  for  itself.  The  points  which 
v/ere  looked  at  were  the  internal  qualifications 
of  character  rather  than  the  external  qualifica- 
tions of  age  or  status.  Upon  these  internal 
qualifications  all  the  earliest  exhortations  turn. 
The  Pastoral  Epistles,  1  Tim.  lii.  1-12  ;  Titus  i. 
0-9,  mention  no  others ;  the  almost  contem- 
jiorary  epistle  of  Polycarp  to  the  Philippians 
c.  5,  6,  exhort  that  deacons  be  "  blameless,  not 
slanderers,  not  double-tongued,  not  fond  of 
money,  temperate  in  all  things,  compassionate, 
careful,  walking  in  the  truth  of  the  Lord  ;  "  the 
Clementines,  e.g.  Epist.  Clem,  ad  Jacob,  c.  2, 
and  the  earlier  books  of  the  Apostolic  Consti- 
tutions, e.g.  ii.  1  sqq.,  direct  that  a  bishop, 
at  the  time  of  his  ordination,  shall  be  tested 
.as  to  his  having  brought  up  his  children 
in  the  admonition  of  the  Lord,  whether  he 
is  blameless   in   regard    to    the   needs    of   this 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


1481 


life,  given  to  hospitality,  and  apt  to  minister ; 
the  ordinances  of  Clement  (Ajot.  KA.17/X.,  Lagardt-, 
Juris  Eccl.  Reliq.  p.  74  sqq.  ;  Pitra,  Jxu\  Ecd. 
Gr.  vol.  i.  p.  77  sqq.)  direct  that  testimony 
shall  be  given  whether  he  "  have  a  good  report 
from  the  heathen,  whether  he  be  without  fault, 
fond  of  the  poor,  sober,  not  a  drunkard,  not  a 
fornicator,  not  overreaching  or  abusive,  or  a 
respecter  of  persons,  or  the  like  :  it  were  well 
that  he  were  wifeless,  but  if  not,  let  him  be  the 
husband  of  one  wife,  capable  of  discipline,  able 
to  interpret  the  scriptures ;  and,  even  if  un- 
learned, gentle,  and  abounding  in  love  towards 
all."  But  this  free  right  of  election  came 
gradually  to  be  restricted.  With  the  increase  in 
the  number  of  churches,  with  the  loosening  of 
the  bands  of  close  fellowship,  which  had  bound 
together  the  members  of  the  churches  in  the  face 
of  the  common  danger  of  persecution,  and  with 
the  multiplication  of  the  links  which  bound  one 
church  to  another,  the  original  system  was 
found  to  be  too  indefinite.  The  communities 
were  too  large  and  too  scattered  to  know  the 
habits  and  character  of  each  individual  member, 
and  the  functions  which  their  officers  had  to 
fulfil  became  too  important  and  too  complicated 
to  be  entrusted  to  any  one  without  close  in- 
quiry. Stress  began  to  be  laid  upon  the  necessity 
of  examination  before  appointment,  and  definite 
rules  had  to  be  agreed  upon.  With  the  existence 
of  such  an  examination  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Roman  municipalities  were  already  familiar,  and 
it  is  probable  that  the  ecclesiastical  communities 
followed  in  this  as  in  other  details  of  their 
organization  the  analogy  of  the  civil  communi- 
ties. No  one  could  be  elected  to  the  civil 
"  Ordo  "  without  being  previously  examined  as 
to  his  possession  of  certain  qualifications  :  he 
must  be  free-born,  of  a  certain  age,  unconvicted 
of  any  crime,  and  possessed  of  sufficient  property 
to  discharge  the  duties  of  his  office.  The 
examination  into  these  qualifications  imme- 
diately preceded  the  election,  and  the  duty  of 
making  it  fell  on  the  presiding  officer  (see 
Marquardt,  Eomische  Staatsverwaltung,  Bd.  i. 
p.  497) ;  the  chief  authorities  are  the  Lex  Julia 
Municipalis,  Coi'p.  Inscr.  Lat.  No.  206,  and  the 
Lex  Malacitana,  a  bronze  found  at  Malaga  in 
1851,  which  gives  more  minute  details  than  were 
previously  known,  and  which  has  been  published 
by  Momnisen  in  the  Ahhandlungen  der  koii.  Sdchs. 
Gesellsch.  der  Wissenschaft,  Bd.  3,  and,  in  a 
separate  treatise,  Eie  Stadtrechto  der  lateinischen 
Gemeinden  Salpensa  u.  Malaca,  Leipzig,  1855; 
also  by  Giraud,  Paris,  1856  and  1868;  in  the 
Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  ii.  1964,  and  by  Orelli-Henzen, 
No.  7421).  In  the  same  way  the  possession  of 
certain  positive  qualifications  and  the  absence  of 
certain  disqualifications  were  made  conditions 
precedent  to  the  admission  to  the  "  Ordo  eccle- 
siasticus,"  and  the  presiding  officer  was  charged 
with  the  duty  of  seeing  that  such  conditions 
were  fulfilled.  But  it  is  obvious  thai;  under 
such  an  arrangement  the  qualifications  insisted 
upon  must  be  such  as  to  admit  of  an  external 
test;  and  it  was  natural  that,  when  once 
external  tests  began  to  be  imposed,  they  should 
tend  to  become  more  complex  and  more  rigid. 
The  earliest  of  such  tests  arose  out  of  the  early 
controversies  as  to  the  marriage  of  the  clergy. 
The  only  impediments  to  admission  to  orders 
which  are  expressly  mentioned  in  the  Apostolical 


1482 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


canons  .ire  digamy,  and  marriage  with  two 
sisters,  or  with  a  niece,  or  with  one  who  was  not 
a  virgin  (c.  17,  18,  19).  In  subsequent  lists 
<if  qualifications  and  disqualifications  such  im- 
pediments occupy  so  large  a  place  that  the  lists 
themselves  furnish  the  best  contemporary  evi- 
dence of  the  state  of  feeling  on  the  subject. 
Three  such  lists  in  three  successive  centuries 
may  be  taken  as  typical,  and,  for  the  sake  of 
more  ex.act  comparison  will  best  be  given  in  their 
original  form.  1.  In  the  6th  century  the  rules 
of  admission  to  orders  were  settled  by  the  civil 
law.  Justinian  (Novell.  123,  c.  12)  enacts  as 
follows: — KXrjpiKovs  ovk  aWws  x^'poToveTo-eai 
cvyxi^povfiev  ei  fjiij  ypaix/j-ara  Icracri  Kol  opOi]v 
TTiffTiv  Kai  fiiov  crefj.vhi'  ex'"^"''  '^"''  ""^^  TraWaKTjv 
ouSe  (pva-LKovs  ecrxou  ^  tx'"^"''  ^«'5as  aW'  v) 
ffwcppdvws  fitovvras  ^  ya/xeTTiv  vi^J-if-LOV  koL  aiir7]y 
fxiav  Kal  TrpiOTTiv  eVxiJKOTas  Kal  jUTjSe  xhp"-''  t^'O^} 
SiaCfvx6i^(rat>  avSpis.  (Compare  the  disqualifi- 
cations mentioned  by  S.  Greg.  M.  Hpist.  4,  26, 
ad.  Januar.  vol.  ii.  p.  704;  id.  Epist.  2,  37,  ad 
Joann.  vol.  ii.  p.  600).  2.  A  century  later  than 
Justinian,  the  fourth  council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  633, 
which  was  held  under  Isidore  of  Seville,  sums 
up  as  follows  the  canonical  disqualifications 
Avhich  were  recognised  in  the  West  at  that 
time  :  "  Qui  in  aliquo  crimine  detecti  sunt,  qui 
scelera  aliqua  per  publicam  poenitentiam  ad- 
misisse  confess!  sunt,  qui  in  haeresim  lapsi  sunt, 
qui  in  haeresi  baptizati  aut  rebaptizati  esse 
noscuntur,  qui  semetipsos  absciderunt  aut 
natural!  defectu  membrorum  aut  decisione 
aliquid  minus  habere  noscuntur,  qui  secundae 
uxoris  conjunctionem  sortiti  sunt,  aut  numerosa 
conjugia  frequentaverunt,  qui  viduam  aut  marito 
relictam  duxerunt,  aut  corruptarum  mariti 
fuerunt,  qui  concubinas  ad  fornicationes  habue- 
runt,  qui  servili  condition!  obnoxii  sunt,  qui 
ignoti  sunt,  qui  neophyti  sunt,  vel  laic!  sunt, 
qui  saccular!  militiae  dediti  sunt,  qui  curiae 
nexibus  obligat!  sunt,  qui  inscii  literarum  sunt, 
qui  nondum  ad  triginta  annos  pervenerunt,  qui 
per  gradus  ecclesiasticos  Hon  accesserunt,  qui 
ambitu  honorem  quaerunt,  qui  muneribus 
honorem  obtinere  moliuntur,  qui  a  decessoribus 
in  sacerdotium  eliguntur."  (The  last  few  phrases 
evidently  apply  not  to  all  clerks,  but  only  to 
presbyters  or  bishops.)  3.  A  century  later 
(circ.  A.D.  750),  Egbert  of  Vork  gives  a  similar 
list,  but  with  important  additions  and  omis- 
sions: "  Hujusmodi  tunc  ordinatio  episcopi,  pres- 
Interi  vel  diaconi  rata  esse  dicitur  ;  si  nuUo  gravi 
facinore  probatur  infectus,  si  secundam  non 
habuit  [uxorem]  nee  a  marito  relictam  ;  si  poeni- 
tentiam publicam  non  gessit  nee  ulla  corporis 
parte  vitiatus  apparet :  si  servilis  aut  ex  origine 
non  est  conditionis  obnoxius  ;  si  curiae  probatur 
nexibus  absolutus,  si  adsecutus  est  litteras;  hunc 
elegimus  ad  sacerdotium  promoveri.  Pro  his 
vero  criminibus  nullum  licet  ordinari  sed  promo- 
tos  quosque  dicimus  deponendos  ;  idola  scilicet 
.idorantes ;  per  aruspices  [et  divinos  atque]  in- 
cantatores  captives  se  diabolo  tradentes ;  fidem 
suam  falso  testimonio  expugnantes  ;  homicidiis 
vel  fornicationibus  contaminates;  furta  perpe 
Trantes ;  sacrum  veritatis  nomen  perjuri!  te- 
)neritate  violantes."  (Egbert!  Eborac.  Dial.  c.  15, 
ap.  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils,  vol.  iii.  p.  402 ; 
■\Vilkins,  Concilia,  vol.  !.  p.  85.) 

We    proceed    to    give    in    detail  the    various 
qualifications    and   disqualifications    fur    orders 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

which  were  laid  down  between  the  4th  and  tha 
9th  centuries,  grouping  them  as — I.  Personal.  11 
Civil;    III.  Ecclesiastical;   IV.  Literary. 

I.  Personal  Qualifications. — 1.  A  clerk  must 
be  sound  of  limb.  Cone.  Rom.  a.d.  465,  c.  3  ; 
3  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  538,  c.  6  ;  4  Cone.  Tolet. 
c.  19 ;  especially  he  must  not  have  mutilated 
himself  with  a  view  to  living  in  chastity,  Cone. 
Nicaen.  c.  1  (cf.  Socrat.  H.  E.  2,  26  ;  Theodoi-. 
//.  E.  2,  24) ;  Can.  Apost.  c.  22  ;  2  Cone.  Arelat. 
c.  7.  At  the  same  time  it  was  held  in  early 
times  that  the  Levitical  regulations  (Levit.  xxi. 
17  sqq.)  did  not  strictly  apply  to  the  Christian 
church,  and  when  the  monli  Ammonius  tried  to 
disqualify  himself  for  ordination  by  cutting  oft" 
his  ear  his  mutilation  was  held  to  be  no  bar 
(Pallad.  Hist.  Lausiac.  c.  12,  Migne,  P.  G.  vol. 
xxxiv.  1032;  Sozomen,  II.  E.  6,  30);  but  when 
in  later  times  the  Levitical  analogy  was  strictly 
applied,  the  loss  of  any  part  of  any  member  was 
held  to  be  a  disqualification,  and  Innocent  III. 
(Epist.  X.  124)  gives  a  special  dispensation  to 
one  whose  finger  had  been  cut  off  against  his 
will  (the  canonists  based  their  rule  on  a  pseudo- 
decretal  of  Innocent  I.  Hinschius,  p.  533  ;  Regino 
Prumiens.  de  Eccles.  Discipl.  lib. !.  410 ;  Burchard, 
lib.  ii.  c.  14;  Migne.  P.  L.  voL  cxxxii.  p.  272). 
Some  later  Roman  pontificals  (quoted  by  Cata- 
lan!, ad  Pontif.  Rom.  p.  1,  tit.  2)  require  the 
examiners  to  feel  (palpare),  as  well  as  diligently 
to  observe  the  persons  of  candidates,  and  even 
to  require  them  to  take  off'  their  shoes,  lest 
there  should  be  a  deformity  in  their  feet. 
2.  (1)  A  presbyter  must  be  at  least  thirty  years 
of  age.  This  rule,  which  was  based  on  a  refer- 
ence to  the  age  at  which  our  Lord  began  his 
ministry,  was  first  laid  down  by  Cone.  Neocaes. 
A.D.  314,  c.  11  ;  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  universally  accepted,  inasmuch  as  Jerome 
has  to  defend  upon  general  grounds  the  ordina- 
tion of  his  brother,  Paulinianus,  at  that  age  (S. 
Hierou.  Epist.  82  (62)  ad  Theoph.  vol.  i.  p.  518). 
But  it  was  recognised  by  a  Syrian  council,  a.d. 
405  (?),  c.  24  (Mansi,  vol.  vii.  1181),  by  several 
Western  councils,  4  Cone.  Arelat.  a.d.  524,  c.  1, 
3  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  538,  c.  6,  4  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d. 
633,  c.  20,  and  by  the  Trullan  council,  c.  14.  It 
is  also  recognised  in  the  civil  law,  Justin.  Novell. 
123,  c.  13,  and  in  the  Carolingian  capitularies, 
Capit.  Framofiirt.  a.d.  794,  c.  49  ap.  Pertz, 
M.  H.  G.  Legum,  vol.  i.  p.  75.  Bishops  were 
sometimes  ordained  at  an  earlier  age,  but  until 
the  8th  century  there  is  probably  no  instance  of 
such  an  ordination  of  a  presbyter.  The  instances 
even  then  belong  to  the  outlying  provinces 
of  Christendom.  Bede,  in  his  history  of  the 
monastery  of  Wearmouth  (Migne,  P.  L.  vol. 
xciv.  729),  clearly  implies  that  Ceolfrid  was 
ordained  presbyter  at  the  age  of  twenty-seven ; 
and  pope  Zachary  gives  permission  to  Boniface, 
"the  apostle  of  Germany,"  in  751,  to  ordain 
presbyters,  in  cases  of  emergency,  at  the  age  of 
twenty-five  (S.  Zachar.  Epist.  13,  ap.  Migne, 
P.  L.  vol.  Ixxxix.  952  ;  Gratian,  pars  i.  dist.  78, 
c.  5).  On  the  other  hand,  some  canonists 
allowed  of  no  exception  to  the  rule  which  made 
thirty  the  minimum  age,  Burchard.  Wormat. 
Decret.  ii.  c.  9,  Ivon.  Carnot.  Decret.  vi.  c.  30, 
Panorm.  iii.  29  ;  so  the  Cone.  Melfit.  a.d.  1089, 
c.  4.  But  the  rule  was  ultimately  relaxed,  and 
the  council  of  Ravenna,  A.D.  1314,  c.  2,  fixed  the 
age  at  twenty-five ;  so  Stat.  Eccles.  Cadiirc.  et 


OltDEES,  HOLY 

Euth.  ap.  Marteue  et  Durand,  Anecd.  vol.  iv. 
p.  718,  and  the  modern  Roman  pontifical.  The 
Nestoriau  canons  of  Ebedjesu  also  allow  ordina- 
iiatiou  to  the  presbyterate  at  the  age  of  twenty- 
five  (Tract,  vi.  c.  4,  can.  2,  ap.  Mai,  Script.  Vet. 
vol.  X.  p.  112).  (2)  The  age  of  deacons  was 
originally  fixed  at  twenty-five  ;  so  Cod.  Eccles. 
Afric.  c.  16  (but  one  version  of  3  Cone.  Garth. 
c.  4,  which  is  in  other  respects  identical  with 
this  canon,  adds  the  proviso,  "  nisi  primum 
divinis  scripturis  iustructi  vel  ab  iufantia  eruditi 
propter  fidei  professionem  vel  assertionem  ")  ;  so 
with  the  Gallican  and  Spanish  councils.  Cone. 
Agath.  A.D.  506,  c.  16,  4  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  1  (but 
the  vigorous  bishop  Caesarius,  who  presided  at 
this  council  and  subscribed  its  acts,  is  said  by  his 
biographers  never  to  have  ordained  a  deacon 
under  thirty,  Vit.  S.  Caesar.  Arelat.  1,  43, 
Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixvii.  1022),  4  Cone.  Tolet. 
c.  20 ;  so  also  with  the  Trullan  council,  c.  14, 
and  in  the  civil  law,  Justin.  Novell.  123,  c.  13 
(the  later  Roman  use  fixed  it  at  twentv-four, 
Pontific.  Roman,  p.  1,  tit.  2,  2).  (3)  The  age 
of  a  subdeacon  does  not  appear  to  have  been  fixed 
by  any  canon  in  the  West  earlier  than  2  Cone. 
Tolet.  A.D.  531,  c.  1  (where,  however,  it  is  only 
au  inference  that  the  age  mentioned  applies  to 
all  subdeacons),  and  in  the  East  earlier  than 
Cone.  Trull,  a.d.  692,  c.  15  ;  in  both  cases  the 
age  mentioned  is  twenty.  Justinian  fixed  it  at 
twenty-five  {Novell.  123,  c.  13),  but  the  later 
tivil  law  agrees  with  the  canon  law  (Leo  Constit. 
16  and  75).  But  it  is  clear  that  there  was  in 
subsequent  times  considerable  variety  of  usage. 
Hugh  of  St.  Victor,  de  Sacrum.  2,  3,  21,  makes 
I'.'urteen  the  limit ;  the  council  of  Melfi  in  1089, 
c.  4,  Mansi,  xx.  723,  makes  fourteen  or  fifteen. 
In  the  Gesta  Abbat.  S.  Trudon.  lib.  viii.  c.  2, 
Migne,  P.  L.  clxxiii.  p.  113,  Rudolph  becomes 
subdeacon  at  eighteen,  which  is  the  age  fixed 
by  the  statutes  of  Cahors  and  Rodez  iu  1289, 
Martene  and  Durand,  Anecd.  vol.  iv.  p.  718. 
The  council  of  Ravenna,  a.d.  1314,  c.  2,  Mansi, 
vol.  XXV.  537,  makes  sixteen  the  limit ;  but  the 
almost  contemporaneous  Cone.  Vienu.  under 
Clement  V.  in  1311,  makes  twenty-two,  and  this 
age  was  adopted  by  the  council  of  Trent,  and 
remains  in  the  present  Roman  ordinal.  (4)  There 
is  no  canonical  limit  of  age  for  minor  orders. 
The  civil  law  fixes  the  minimum  age  for  a  reader 
at  eighteen  (Justin.  Novell.  123,  c.  13),  but  it  is 
clear  that  ordination  might  canonically  take 
place  at  a  much  earlier  age.  There  had  already 
arisen  in  the  West,  and  there  soon  afterwards 
arose  in  the  East,  the  custom  of  dedicating 
';hildren  to  the  service  of  the  church  in  their 
"arliest  years  ;  hence  the  text  of  the  Nomocanon, 
which  incorporates  the  regulation  of  Justinian, 
varies  in  good  MSS.  between  the  ages  of  eight, 
eighteen,  and  twenty ;  and  the  Scholiast  ad  loc. 
finds  it  impossible  to  reconcile  any  of  these 
readings  with  the  practice  of  his  day  -which 
allowed  ordinations  to  the  lectorate  at  the  age  of 
five  or  six.  The  letter  of  Siricius  (Hinschius, 
p.  522,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  xiii.  1142  ;  quoted  by 
the  canonists,  Gratian,  pars  i.  dist.  77,  3,  Ivon. 
Carnot.  Decret.  6,  91)  directs  that  "  whoever  has 
devoted  himself  to  the  service  of  the  church  ought 
from  his  infancy,  before  the  age  of  puberty,  to 
be  baptized  and  associated  with  the  ministry  of 
readers."  The  letter  of  Zosimus  (Hinschius, 
p.   553,  Migne,   P.  L.  vol.  xx.  672  ;  quoted   by 


ORDEKS,  HOLY 


1483 


Gratian,  pars  i.  dist.  77,  2)  directs  that  "  if  any 
one  has  given  his  name  from  infancy  to  the 
ministry  of  the  church,  let  him  remain  among 
the  readers  until  the  age  of  twenty."  In  Gaul 
the  council  of  Vaison  in  529,  c.  1,  in  Africa  the 
third  council  of  Carthage,  c.  19,  and  in  Spain 
the  second  council  of  Toledo  in  589,  c.  1,  provide 
for  the  case  of  readers  marrying  when  they 
attain  to  puberty  ;  and  the  fact  of  early  ordina- 
tions is  proved  by  historical  examples,  e.g.  Sidon. 
ApoUin.  Upist.  iv.  25,  p.  126  ;  S.  Paulin.  Nolan. 
Foem.  XV.  de  S.  Felice,  v.  108  ;  Anastas.  Ziber. 
Pontif.  de  S.  Eugenio  L  p.  134,  "  clericus  a  cuna- 
bulis";  and  an  extant  inscription  at  Viviers 
to  a  reader  who  died  at  the  age  of  thirteen, 
ap.  Le  Blant,  Inscriptions  Chretiennes  de  la 
tiaule,  No.  484.  The  later  mediaeval  practice, 
which  was  adopted  by  the  council  of  Trent, 
was  not  to  confer  the  tonsure  before  the  age  of 
seven. 

II.  Civil  Qualifications.— I.  In  regard  to  the 
admission  of  slaves  to  orders  both  the  canon  and 
the  civil  law  varied  at  different  times :  in  the 
East  the  only  early  regulation  is  Can.  Apost.  82, 
which  allows  slaves  to  be  ordained  only  when 
they  have  been  manumitted ;  this  agrees  with 
the  civil  law,  Justin,  Cod.  I.  3,  37  (36),  Novell. 
123,  17.  In  the  West  the  earliest  regulation  is 
that  of  Cone.  Illiber.  a.d.  305,  c.  8,  which  dis- 
allows the  ordination  even  of  a  freedman  whose 
patronus  was  insaeculo;  but  1  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d. 
400,  c.  10  allows  such  ordination  with  the 
patron's  consent.  In  the  fifth  century  Leo  the 
Great,  writing  to  the  bishops  of  Campania, 
objects  to  the  ordination  of  slaves  as  inconsistent 
with  the  dignity  of  the  clerical  office,  but  is  at 
the  same  time  a  witness  to  the  occurrence  of 
such  ordinations."  (S.  Leon.  M.  Epist.  4  (3)  ad 
Epist.  Campan.  i.  p.  612  ;  for  the  meaning  of 
"originali,"  cf.  St.  August,  de  Civit.  Dei,  10,  1, 
"conditionem  debent  genitali  solo  propter  agri- 
culturam  sub  dominio  possessorum.")  In  Gaul  it 
would  appear  that  ordination  was  at  one  time 
held  to  involve  manumission,  for  1  Cone.  Aurel. 
A.D.  511,  c.  8,  enacts  that  if  a  bishop  knowingly 
ordains  a  slave  without  the  consent  of  his 
master  he  must  pay  "  duplex  satisfactio  ;"  if  he 
has  done  it  iguorantly,  then  those  who  "  testimo- 
nium perhibent  aut  eum  supplicaverint  ordinari  " 
are  to  pay  such  satisfaction ;  (this  seems  to 
imply  that  part  of  the  "testimonium"  which 
was  required  before  ordination  was  that  the 
candidate  was  free.)  In  a  council  held  in  the 
same  city  a  quarter  of  a  century  later,  there  is 
a  definite  exclusion  of  both  slaves  and  serfs : 
aut  nullus  servilibus  colonariisque  conditionibus 
obligatus  juxta  statuta  sedis  apostolicae  ad 
honores  ecclesiasticos  admittatur,  nisi  prius  aut 
testamento  aut  per  tabulas  legitime  constiterit 
absolutum  (3  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  538,  c.  26 ;)  but 
eleven  years  later  this  rule  was  relaxed,  and  a 
slave  might  be  ordained  with  his  master's  con- 
sent, or,  if  ordained  without  such  consent,  "  is 
qui  ordinatus  est,  benedictione  servata,  honestum 
ordini  domino  suo  impendat  obsequium,"  i.e.  he 
might  continue  to  be  a  clerk  without  ceasing  to  be 
a  slave  ;  it  is,  however,  also  jjrovided  that  the 
bishop  might,  if  the  master  preferred,  give  him 
two  slaves  in  place  of  the  one  who  had  been 
ordained  (5  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  549,  c.  6). ,  In  Ire- 
land the  canons  of  St.  Patrick,  which  are  pro- 
l>ably  at  least  a  century  later  than  the  foregoing 


1484 


OKDEES,  HOLY 


councils,  clearly  imply  that  a  clerk  might  be  a 
slave ;  c.  7  provides  for  the  excommunication  of 
a  clerk  who  is  negligent  in  coming  to  prayers  : 
•'  nisi  forte  jugo  servitutis  sit  detentus."  But 
in  England  Egbert  of  York,  about  the  same 
period,  expressly  disallows  the  ordination  of 
slaves,  at  least  to  the  diaconate  (Egberti  Eborac. 
Dial.  c.  15,  ap.  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils,  4'c. 
in.  p.  402).  The  Carolingian  rule  was  equally 
strict ;  if  a  slave  was  ordained  without  first 
obtaining  his  liberty  he  must  lose  his  orders  and 
go  back  to  his  master  (Capit.  Hludowici  I. 
Aquisgran.  general.  A.D.  817,  c.  6,  ap.  Pertz,  i. 
p.  207,  cf.  Capit.  Francofuit.  a.d.  794,  c.  30; 
Pertz,  vii.  p.  79  ;  Capit.  Ticin.  a.d.  801,  c.  22  ; 
Pertz,  i.  p.  86). 

2.  The  privileges  and  Immunities  [p.  822] 
which  Constantino  at  first  conferred  upon  the 
clergy  caused  so  many  rich  men  to  seek  refuge 
from  the  burdens  of  taxation  by  taking  office  in  the 
church  that  it  speedily  became  necessary  to  enact 
that  no  person  whose  fortune  placed  him  in  the 
rank  of  those  upon  whom  the  weight  of  public  bur- 
dens fell  should  be  allowed  to  become  a  clerk  ; 
the  first  law  on  the  subject  has  not  been  pre- 
served, but  the  continuation  of  it  which  enacts 
that  it  shall  not  be  retrospective  is  found  in 
Cod.  Theodos.  16,  2,  3,  a.d.  320.  It  was  re- 
'□acted  by  Constantius  in  361,  Cod.  Theodos.  8, 
4,  7  =  Cod.  Justin,  1,  3,  4;  and  again,  in  eftect, 
by  Honorius  and  Arcadius  in  398,  Cod.  Theodos. 
16,  2,  32  ;  fifty  years  later  a  law  of  Theodosius 
and  Valentinian  allowed  ordained  persons  who 
were  liable  to  municipal  duties  to  discharge 
those  duties  by  deputy.  Cod.  Justin.  1,  3,  21 ; 
but  Justinian  found  it  necessary  absolutely  to 
prohibit  the  ordination  of  such  persons:  di&- 
Tri^ojJ.€v  yUTjSeVa  TravTeXws  /xtJte  )3oi;Xei;T?V  /ui^re 
ra^ediT-qv  iTritTKO-Kov  *;  -KpecrPuTepov  rod  Aoiirov 
yiveffdai  (Cod.  Justin.  1,  3,  53  (52) ;  so,  also, 
id.  Novell.  6,  c.  4 ;  123,  c.  15).  The  necessity  for 
such  a  provision  appears  even  from  ecclesiastical 
writers,  e.g.  Basil  speaks  of  tZv  irXeiarccy 
(p6fici>  T7JS  (XrpaToXoylas  elcnroLovuTwv  eavrohs 
Tp  uTTTjpetn'a  (S.  Basil,  Epist.  54  (181);  Migne, 
P.  G.  32,  400;  cf.  Joann.  Diac.  Tit.  S.  Grcgor. 
M.  2, 15,  vol.  i.  p.  49) ;  and  the  rule  itself  was 
accepted,  e.g.,  by  Gregory  the  Great,  Einst.  4, 
26,  ad  Januar.  vol.  ii.  p.  704,  "  videndum  ne 
obnoxius  curiae  [i.e.  liable  to  serve  on  a 
municipal  senate]  compellatur  post  sacrum 
ordinem  ad  actionem  publicam  redire  ";  and  by 
4  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  633,  c.  19  ;  Egbert.  Eborac. 
Dial.  c.  15.  The  Frankish  kings  enacted  that 
no  freeman  should  be  ordameJ  without  the  per- 
mission of  the  king  or  his  officer  :  1  Cone.  Aurel. 
a.d.  511  (shortly  before  the  death  of  Chlodwig), 
c.  4,  enacts  "  ut  nullus  saecularium  ad  clericatus 
officium  praesumatur  nisi  aut  cum  regis  jussione 
aut  cum  judicis  voluntate ";  in  the  following 
century  another  Frankish  council.  Cone.  Remens. 
circ.  A.D.  625,  repeats  the  enactment ;  and 
among  the  Formulae  Marculphi  is  a  letter  from 
a  king  giving  such  a  permission  (Formulae 
Marculphi,  1,  19,  ap.  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixxxvii. 
p.  712).  Several  instances  are  found  in  the 
biographies  of  the  same  century,  e.g.  Sulpice  of 
Bourges  (Notit.  in  S.  Sulpit.  c.  8  ;  Migne,  /'.  L. 
vol.  Ixxx.  p.  577);  Ouen  of  Rouen  (Vit.  S. 
Audoen.  ap.  Sur.  24  Aug.).  Charles  the  Great 
found  it  necessary  again  to  renew  the  enactment 
(Capit.  duplex  in  Theod.  ViUa,  A.D.  805,  c.  15; 


OKDEES,  HOLY 

Pertz,  1,  p.  134) ;  but  it  is  not  found  out  of  ths 
Frankish  domain. 

III.  Ecclesiastical  Qualifications. — 1.  Baptism. 
It  was  so  invariably  assumed  that  any  one  who 
was  advanced  to  office  in  the  church  had  already 
been  made  a  member  of  the  church  by  baptism 
that  the  enactment  of  a  canon  on  the  subject 
was  unnecessary.  At  Alexandria  a  catechumen 
might  be  a  reader  or  singer,  but  the  custom  is 
mentioned  as  exceptional  by  Socrates,  H.  E.  5, 
22,  and,  moreover,  readers  and  singers  were 
sometimes  not  reckoned  in  the  clcrus  at  all.  In 
the  middle  of  the  3rd  century  Cornelius  of  Rome 
expresses  a  doubt  whether  clinic  baptism  was 
sufficient  in  the  case  of  Novatian,  inasmuch  as  it 
had  not  been  followed  by  confirmation  (Euseb. 
//.  E.  6,  43)  ;  and  early  in  the  following  century 
the  council  of  Neocaesarea,  c.  12,  is  disposed, 
except  in  special  cases  (et  fx^  rax"  S'^  ti)v  ix^to. 
ravra.  avrov  [i.e.,  of  the  baptized  person]  airov^rjv 
Kol  iriffTiv  Kol  Sio  (Tirduiv  avdpwjrccv),  to  dis- 
allow altogether  the  ordination  of  those  who  had 
received  clinic  baptism.  But  the  non-renewal 
of  the  enactment  (except  in  6  Cone.  Paris.  A.D. 
829,  c.  8,  Mansi,  14,  542,  which  extends  it  to  all 
irregular  baptisms)  makes  it  probable  that  it 
was  construed  rather  in  the  spirit  of  its  ex- 
ceptions than  in  that  of  its  main  provision. 
The  case  of  a  presbyter  being  ordained  before 
being  baptized  was  so  rare  that  no  provision  is 
made  for  it  in  any  canon  of  the  first  eight 
centuries.  The  general  case  of  uncertain  or 
defective  baptism  is  sometimes  mentioned  in 
ecclesiastical  writers,  e.g.  S.  Dionys.  Alexand. 
Ep.  ad  Xystum  ap.  Euseb.  JI.  E.  7,  9  ;  S.  Leon. 
IMagn.  Ep.  66  (35)  ad  Neon.  Bavenn.  p.  1407  ;  id. 
Ep.  67  (2)  ad  Bustic.  Narhon.  c.  17,  18,  p.  1427  ; 
but  the  special  case  of  an  unbaptized  presbyter 
is  first  mentioned  in  Abp.  Theodore's  Penitential 
at  the  end  of  the  8th  century,  who  apparently 
deals  with  two  contingencies:  a.  If  the  pres- 
byter has  been  ordained  through  ignorance  on 
the  part  of  his  ordainer  that  he  has  not  been 
baptized,  the  ordination  is  invalid,  the  baptisms 
performed  by  the  supposed  presbyter  are  also 
invalid,  and  he  himself  must  be  baptized,  but 
cannot  be  reordained  (Pocnit.  1,  9,  12  ;  Haddan 
and  Stubbs,  Councils,  vol.  iii.).  b.  If  a  presbyter- 
is  ordained  under  the  belief  that  he  has  been 
baptized,  and  then  discovers  that  he  has  not,  he 
may  be  both  baptized  and  reordained,  but 
persons  baptized  by  him  must  be  rebaptized 
(id.  2,  2,  13).  In  the  following  century  a 
capitulary  of  Pippin,  which  mentions  a  similar 
case,  does  not  specify  what  is  to  be  done  with 
the  presbyter,  but  allows  his  baptisms  provided 
that  the  Holy  Trinity  was  invoked  at  the  time 
(Capit.  Compendiense,  A.D.  757,  c.  12  ;  Pertz. 
Lcgum,  vol.  i.  p.  28).  As  the  imposition  of 
hands  was  an  integral  part  of  baptism,  it  must 
be  held  to  be  implied  in  the  general  regulations 
as  to  baptism  ;  the  explicit  mention  of  it  as  a 
condition  of  ordination  is  much  later.  (But  it  is 
sometimes  supposed  to  be  meant  in  Cone.  Nicaen. 
c.  8,  which  requires  returning  Cathari  to  bft 
XH-poOfTov/xevovs  ;  so  Hefele  ad  loc.  and  Catalani 
ad  Pontific.  Roman,  p.  1.  tit.  2,  3;  but  Gratian, 
8,  1,  7,  and  others  understand  ordination,  not 
confirmation,  to  be  meant.) 

2.  There  was  a  further  rule  that  ordination 
was  not  to  follow  too  closely  upon  baptism  ;  the 
Pauline   /xr;   vi6^vTov  (1  Tim.   iii,  7)  expresses 


ORDEES,  HOLY 

both  the  'ordinary  rule  and  the  ordinary  practice. 
During  the  early  years  of  Christianity  it  was 
obvioifsly  important  that  before  a  person  was 
advanced  to  office  in  a  church,  and  especially  to 
an  office  which  involved  disciplinary  control, 
sufficient  opportunity  should  be  given  for  the 
observation  and  testing  of  his  character.  The 
leading  early  canon  on  the  subject  is  that  of  the 
council  of  Nicaea,  c.  2,  which  refers  to  an  other- 
wise unknown  earlier  canon  (perhaps  that  which 
is  embodied  in  Can.  Apost.  80),  and  speaks  of  its 
having  been  frequently  broken.  The  drift  of 
the  canon  is  clear,  although  there  is  some  doubt 
as  to  the  exact  interpretation  of  the  text. 
Eufinus,  H.  E.  2,  6,  sums  it  up  thus,  "  ne  quis 
nuper  assumptus  de  vita  vel  conversatione 
Gentili,  accepto  baptismo,  antequam  cautius 
examinetur,  clericus  fiat ";  so  also  the  later 
canonists,  e.g.  Gratiau,  1,  dist.  48  (see  Hefele, 
Councils,  E.  T.  vol.  i.).  It  was  repeated  in  effect 
in  the  same  century  by  Cone.  Laod.  c.  3  ;  but 
although  it  continued  to  be  valid,  as  is  seen  from 
e.g.  S.  Leon.  M.  Epist.  12,  c.  4,  i.  p.  663,  4 
Cone.  Tolet.  c.  19,  yet  the  necessity  for  it  practi- 
cally ceased  to  exist  when  the  great  mass  of 
the  population  came  to  be  of  Christian  parent- 
age and  to  have  received  baptism  in  infancy. 
Gregory  the  Great  interprets  the  Pauline  in- 
junction as  having  in  his  time  a  different  mean- 
ing from  that  which  it  had  in  the  earlier  ages 
of  the  church ;  he  applies  it  not  to  first  ordina- 
tion, but  to  subsequent  promotion,  and  para- 
phrases it  by  "  ordinate  ergo  ad  ordines  acceden- 
dum  est "  (S.  Greg.  M.  Epist.  ix.  106,  vol  ii. 
p.  1009).  But  two  centuries  after  the  council 
of  Nicaea  the  spirit  of  the  canon  was  revived  in 
another  form  in  Spain  and  Gaul.  A  period  of 
probation  was  imposed  before  even  one  who  had 
been  a  Christian  all  his  life  could  be  admitted, 
if  not  to  minor  orders,  at  least  to  the  diaconate. 
4  Cone.  Arelat.  a.d.  524,  c.  2,  3  Cone.  Aurel. 
A.D.  538,  c.  6,  5  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  549,  c.  9, 
enact  that  no  one  is  to  be  ordained  "  nisi  post 
annuam  conversionem,"  i.e.  except  after  a  year's 
withdrawal  from  secular  pursuits  and  devotion 
to  a  religious  life.  3  Cone.  Brae.  a.d.  563,  c.  20, 
eaacts,  what  is  not  expressly  stated  in  the  Gal- 
ilean canons,  that  this  year  is  to  be  spent  in  minor 
orders  "  [nisi]  ...  in  officio  lectorati  vel  sub- 
diaconati  disciplinam  ecclesiasticam  discat."  But 
there  is  no  evidence  of  the  existence  of  these 
regulations  outside  the  limits  of  Gaul  and  Spain, 
and  their  absence  from  the  list  of  disqualifica- 
tions in  4  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  19  (see  above)  is  pre- 
sumptive evidence  of  their  not  having  been 
permanent  even  within  those  limits. 

3.  It  was  an  early  and  apparently  a  universal 
rule  that  no  one  who  had  ever  forfeited  his 
position  as  a  full  member  of  the  church,  by  '  pro- 
fessing penitence,'  should  be  admitted  to  office. 
Before  the  age  of  councils  the  rule  is  mentioned 
by  Origen  (c.  Cels.  3,  c.  51,  i.  p.  482,  ed.  Delarue), 
and  Augustine  gives  the  reason  for  it,  "ne 
forsitan  etiam  detectis  criminibus  spe  honoris 
ecclesiastici  animus  intumescens  superbe  ageret 
poenitentiam,  severissime  placuit  ut  post  actam 
de  crimine  damnabili  poenitentiam  nemo  sit 
clericus  ut  desperatione  temporalis  altitudinis 
raedicina  major  et  verior  esset  humilitatis  "  (S. 
Augustin.  Epist.  185  (50),  c.  10,  ii.  p.  812).  The 
Roman  rule  admitted  of  no  exceptions :  Cone. 
Rom.  A.D.  465,  c.  3;   S.  Siric.    Epist.  1,  c.    14; 


OEDSKS,  HOLY 


143i 


Hinschius,  p.  522  ;  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  xiii.  1145  ; 
so  also  the  Galilean  rule.  Cone.  Agath.  a.d.  506, 
c.  43  ;  Epaon.  a.d.  517,  c.  3  ;  4  Arelat.  a.d.  524, 
c.  3  ;  3  Aurel.  A.D.  538,  c.  6  ;  so  also  the  African 
rule,  Stat.  Eccles.  Antiq.  c.  68  ;  so  also  the  early 
Pontificals,  quoting  the  decretal  of  Zosimus, 
Pontif.  Ecgb..  S.  Dunstan,  Noviom.,  Sacrani. 
Gelas.  But  the  Spanish  rule  admitted  of  ex- 
ceptions. 1  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  435,  c.  2,  makes 
the  proviso  "  nisi  tantum  [si]  necessitas  aut  usus 
exegerit  inter  ostiarios  deputetur  vel  inter 
lectores  ";  and  two  later  councils,  Cone.  Gerund. 
A.D.  517,  c.  9,  4  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  633.  c.  54, 
allow  the  ordination  of  persons  who  made  a 
general  profession  of  penitence  in  extreme  sick- 
ness, "  nulla  manifesta  scelera  confiteutes  sed 
tantum  peccatores  se  praedicantes,"  and  who 
afterwards  recovered.  (At  the  same  time  there 
is  a  treatise  of  Catalaui,  printed  as  a  note  to  10- 
Cone.  Tolet.  in  his  edition  of  De  Aguirre's 
Concilia  Hispaniae,  vol.  iv.  pp.  163-194,  "  De 
disciplina  antiquae  ecclesiae  speciatim  Hispanicac 
circa  lapses  in  peccatum  carnis  post  baptismuui 
ne  ordinentur  nee  admiuistrent  ordines  jam 
susceptos.") 

4.  It  was  enacted,  with  a  frequency  whicli 
indicates.4hat  the  rule  was  often  broken,  that  n!> 
one  should  be  ordained  out  of  the  church  tc 
which  he  belonged  (i.e.  probably,  the  church  iu 
which  he  had  been  baptized,  but  the  question  is 
not  easy  of  determination  :  see  the  discussion  of 
it  in  Hallier  de  Sacris  Electionibus,  pp.  605. 
sqq.),  or  promoted  to  a  higher  grade  out  of  thr 
church  in  which  he  was  first  ordained.  Viola- 
tions of  this  rule  rendered  the  ordination  invalid 
(&Kvpos  earai  t]  x^^porovia),  according  to  Cone. 
Nicaeii.  c.  16;  Antioch.  c.  24;  Sardic.  c.  15,  2 
Arelat.  a.d.  451,  c.  13  ;  5  Arelat.  a.d.  554,  c.  7  ; 
1  Turon.  a.d.  461,  c.  9,  10  (which,  however,  has 
the  proviso,  "  nisi  satisfactione  quae  ad  j)acem 
pertinent  componantur ").  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  10 
excommunicates  both  the  ordaining  bishop  and 
the  ordained  clerk  until  the  latter  returns  to 
his  own  church  ;  5  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  549,  c.  5, 
suspends  the  ordaining  bishop  for  three  months, 
and  the  ordained  clerk  during  the  pleasure  of 
his  proper  bishop.  The  rule  is  also  found,  but 
without  any  express  penalty  for  the  violation  of 
it,  in  Africa,  3  Cone.  Carth.  c.  21,  44  =  Cod. 
Eccles.  Afric.  c.  54;  in  Gaul,  Cone.  Arausic. 
A.D.  441,  c.  8  ;  Yenet.  a.d.  465,  c.  10  ;  Arveru. 
A.D.  535.  c.  11;  in  Spain,  Cone.  Illib.  A.D.  305, 
c.  24;  Valent.  A.D.  524  (546),  c.  6 ;  2  Brae. 
A.D.  563,  c.  8;  in  the  Capit.' Hadrian.  A.D.  785, 
c.  18  ;  and  in  the  Carolingian  capitularies,  e.g. 
Karoli  Magni  Capit.  A.d.  779,  c.  2  ;  Capit.  in 
Papia,  A.D.  789,  c.  3;  Pertz,  i.  p.  70.  The 
regulation  probably  arose  in  the  first  instance 
from  the  desirability  of  a  man's  being  ordained 
among  those  who  could  bear  witness  to  his 
innocency  of  life  and  soundness  in  the  fiiith  (so 
expressly  Cone.  Illib.  c.  24),  but  it  was  kept  up 
in  later  times  chiefly  in  the  interests  of  eccle- 
siastical organization.  (For  the  origin  of  the 
system  of  dimissory  letters,  see  DniissOEY 
Letters,  Vol.  I.  p.  558.) 

5.  The  regulations  in  regard  to  the  marriage 
of  candidates  for  orders  were  governed  by  the 
Pauline  injunction,  ^ums  yvvaiicbs  dvSpes  (1  Tim. 
iii.  2,  12  ;  Tit.  i.  6).  As  to  the  interpretation  of 
that  injunction,  there  appears  to  have  been  a  con- 
sensus of  opinion  ;  it  excluded  those  who,  having 


1486 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


lost  one  wife,  liad  married  another.  But  two 
questions  arose  :  firstly,  whether  the  rule  applied 
in  the  case  in  which  the  iirst  wife  had  been 
married  before  baptism ;  secondly,  whether  the 
rule  applied  to  others  than  presbyters  and 
deacons.  On  these  questions  there  were  varieties  of ' 
opinion  ;  as  to  the  first,  the  Eastern  rule  seems  to 
have  been  that  only  marriages  after  baptism  were 
to  be  reckoned  ;  so  Can.  Apost.  17,  6  Svffl  ydfj-ois 
(TvixtrXaKels  fj-era  rh  fidirri(rixa,  Cone.  Trull,  c. 
3 ;  cf.  Balsam,  ad  he.  This  limitation  of  the  rule 
is  defended  at  length  by  Jerome,  Ep.  (39  (83)  ad 
Ocean,  i.  p.  411,  but  herein  Jerome  stands  almost 
alone  among  Western  writers.  (At  the  same 
time  it  maybe  noted  that  Jerome's  general  view  of 
digamy  was  of  the  strictest ;  cf  Epist.  123  (11), 
c.  6,  i.  p.  904).  The  Western  rule  rigidly  ex- 
cluded from  the  priesthood  all  who  had  married 
a  second  wife,  whether  the  first  marriage  had 
taken  place  before  or  after  baptism ;  so  S. 
Ambros.  de  Off.  Ministr.  i.  50,  ii.  p.  66 ;  S. 
Augustin.  da  Bono  Conjug.  c.  18  ;  Migne,  6,  p. 
p.  387  ;  S.  Leon.  Epist.  5,  c.  3,  vol.  i.  p.  617  ; 
Innocent.  I.  Epist.  ad  Victoric.  Hinschius,  p. 
530  ;  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  x.\.  474  ;  Zosim.  Epist. 
ad  Hesych.  Hinschius,  p.  553,  quoted  (some- 
times as  a  decretal  of  Innocent  I.)  in  the  ponti- 
ficals of  Ecgbert,  St.  Dunstan,  Cahors,  Jumieges, 
Vatic,  ap.  Muratori,  and  in  the  Gelasian  sacra- 
mentary  ;  and  the  later  canonists,  e.  1.  Gratian,  1, 
dist.  26,  3  ;  D.  Ivon.  Dccret.  i.  292.  (It  is  pro- 
bable that  the  exceptions  mentioned  by  Tertull. 
de  Exliort.  Cast.  c.  7  [Montanist],  and  Hippol. 
Philosophum,  9,  12,  refer  to  violations  not  of  the 
rule  in  general,  but  of  this  stricter  interpretation 
of  it.)  The  attempt  to  extend  the  rule  to  all  clerks 
was  not  altogether  successful,  and  the  fluctua- 
tions of  opinion  which  are  marked  in  the  succes- 
sive enactments  are  worthy  of  study.  The 
following  are  the  more  important  enactments 
which  bear  upon  the  admission  of  married  persons 
to  orders  ;  for  a  more  general  account  of  the 
regulations  which  affected  persons  already  in 
orders,  see  Celibacy,  Digamy.  (1)  No  one  who 
had  married  a  second  wife  could  become  a  clerk  : 
Can.  Apost.  17;  1  Cone.  Valen.  a.d.  374  (?), 
c.  1 ;  Rom.  A.D.  465,  c.  2  ;  Gerund.  A.D.  517, 
c.  8  (which  excludes  any  one  who,  after  the  death 
of  his  wife,  "  aliam  cujuscunque  conditionis  cog- 
noverit  mulierem  ") ;  4  Arelat.  A.D.  524,  c.  3 
(which  speaks  of  the  necessity  which  had  arisen 
for  imposing  a  severer  penalty  for  the  violation 
of  the  rule) ;  3  Aurel.  A.D.  538,  c.  6  ;  Stat. 
Ecdes.  Antiq.  c.  69  ;  4  Tolet.  a.d.  633,  c.  19  ; 
Eom.  a.d.  743,  c.  11  ;  Poenit.  Theod.  i.  9,  10; 
and  in  the  civil  law,  Justin.  Novell.  123,  c.  12 
(but  apparently  limited  to  presbyters  and  deacons 
in  id.  Novell.  6,  5).  (2)  No  one  in  a  similar 
case  could  be  a  deacon  or  presbj'ter  :  Origen  in 
Luc.  Horn.  17,  iii.  p.  953,  ed.  Delarue ;  Justin. 
Novell.  6,  5 ;  123,  14 ;  Cone.  Epaon.  a.d.  517, 
c.  2.  (3)  No  one  who  had  married  one  who  had 
been  herself  mari'ied  before,  whether  widow  or 
divorcee,  could  be  ordained  :  Can.  Apost.  c.  17  ; 
1  Cone.  Valent.  a.d.  374,  c.  1 ;  Rom.  a.d.  465, 
c.  2  ;  3  Aurel.  c.  6  ;  4  Arelat.  c.  3  ;  Epaon.  c.  2  ; 
Stat.  Eccles.  Ant.  c.  69  ;  Cone.  Rom.  a.d.  743, 11  ; 
Zosim.  Epist.  ad  Hesych. ;  Poenit.  Theod.  i.  9,  10  ; 
Egbert.  Eborac.  Dial.  c.  15 ;  Cone.  Trull,  c.  3. 
(■i)  No  one  could  be  ordained  who  had  married 
two  sisters  (Can.  Apost.  19),  or  his  niece  (id.), 
or  an  actress,  or  slave,  or  courtesan  (id.  18.  Cone. 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

Trull,  o.  3),  or  who  had  a  concubine  (Can.  Apost. 
19 ;  4  Cone.  Tol.  c.  19  ;  Trull,  c.  3  ;  Poenit. 
Theod.  i.  9,  6),  or  whose  wife  had  been  guilty  of 
adultery  (Cone.  Neocaes.  c.  8  ;  cf  S.  Basil.  Epist. 
Canon,  iii.  c.  69).  (5)  The  earliest  positive  pro- 
hibition of  the  ordination  of  all  married  person; 
is  2  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  2,  "  assumi  aliquem  ad 
sacerdotium  non  posse  in  conjugii  vinculo  con- 
stitutum  nisi  fuerit  praemissa  conversio "  \i.e. 
renunciation  of  married  and  secular  life],  but  the 
date  and  authority  of  this  council  are  both  very 
uncertain. 

6.  Some  other  ecclesiastical  disqualifications 
appear  to  have  been  of  a  local  or  temporary 
nature.  (1)  Can.  Apost.  79,  Cone.  Arausic.  a.d 
441,  3  Aurel.  a.d.  538,  c.  6,  11  Tolet.  c.  13. 
enact  that  no  one  who  had  been  possessed  by  an 
evil  spirit  could  be  ordained  (cf  the  story  told 
by  Gregory  the  Great  in  his  life  of  St.  Benedict 
of  the  youth  who  was  exorcised  by  St.  Benedict, 
and  told  never  to  enter  holy  orders  ;  on  his 
attempting  to  do  so,  the  evil  spirit  returned  :  St. 
Greg.  Dial.  2,  c.  16  ;  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixvi.  p. 
164).  (2)  1  Cone.  Carth.  c.  8  enacts  that  no 
one  can  be  ordained  until  he  has  rendered  his 
accounts  as  2jrocurato);  actor,  or  tutor  pupil- 
lorum,  in  order  to  secure  his  entire  disen- 
tanglement from  secular  business.  (3)  The 
Statuta  Ecclesiae  Antiqua  exclude  "  seditionarios, 
usuarios,  et  injuriarum  suarum  uitores  "  (cf  St. 
Basil,  Epist.  188  [canonica  prima],  c.  14,  p.  275). 

(4)  In  England  the  Dialogue  of  Egbert  gives  an 
indication  of  the  mixed  character  of  the  English 
church  in  the  middle  of  the  8th  century  by 
expressly  excluding  "  idola  adorantes,  per  arus- 
pices  [et  divinos  atque]  incantatores  captivos  se 
diabolo  tradentes  "  (Egbert.  Eborac.  Dial.  c.  15  ; 
Haddan  and  Stubbs,   iii.   402  ;  Wilkins,  i.  82). 

(5)  Illegitimacy  was  first  made  a  bar  by  the 
synod  of  Meaux,  A.D.  845,  c.  64,  but  even  then 
there  was  the  exception,  "nisi  ecclesiae  utilitas 
vel  necessitas  vel  meritorum  praerogative  aliter 
exegerit"  ;  but  the  question  was  an  open  one  for 
some  time  afterwards,  as  is  shewn  by  the  dis- 
cussion between  Roscelin  and  Theobald  d'Es- 
tampes,  whether  the  son  of  a  priest,  as  being 
necessarily  born  "  ex  lapsu  carnis,"  could  be 
ordained  (Theobald's  argument  against  the  ex- 
clusion of  such  persons  is  given  in  D'Achery, 
Spicilegium,  vol.  iii.  p.  448).  In  the  East  a 
canon  of  Nicephorus,  sometimes  printed  as  an 
addition  to  the  canons  of  Chalcedon,  Pitra, 
Spicileg.  Solesm.  vol.  iv.  465,  id.  Jiir.  Eccl.  Gr. 
vol.  i.  p.  536,  vol.  ii.  p.  328,  expressly  allows 
the  ordination  of  the  offspring  of  concubinage, 
digamy,  or  even  fornication  ;  but  the  Western 
rule  was  severer,  and  it  further  ranked  as  illegi- 
timate the  children  of  heretics  and  slaves  (cf 
Catalan! ac?  Pontif.  Uoman.  p.  l,tit.  2, 1,  §§  5,18). 

7.  Of  later  regulations,  the  most  important 
was  that  which  required  every  candidate  for 
orders  to  have  a  fixed  source  of  income,  or  title."^ 


^  The  meaning  of  the  word  tltulus,  like  that  of  canmi, 
in  its  ecclesiastical  sense,  has  been  so  often  misunder- 
stood that  it  is  advisable  to  mention  the  chief  facts  iu 
regard  to  its  use.  It  is  a  technical  term  of  Roman  law- 
whore,  from  its  original  use  in  relation  to  taxable  real 
property,  it  came  to  be  used  of  taxable  property,  and  of 
property  yielding  revenue,  in  general :  Cod.  Theodos.  lib- 
xi.  tit.  26, 1  =  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  x.  tit.  30,  1  (a  law  of 
A.D.  369),  "  in  eodem  litido  et  in  codem  modo  ad  solven- 


ORDEKS,  HOLY 

In  the  earliest  period,  when  each  church  had  its 
own  bishop,  and  parish  was  synonymous  with 
diocese,  appointment  to  office  was,  from  the 
nature  of  the  case,  appointment  to  a  particular 
office  in  a  particular  church.  This  primitive 
practice  of  appointments  seems  to  have  been  first 
departed  from  in  the  5th  century  ;  but  the  de- 
parture from  it  was  strongly  condemned  by  the 
council  of  Chalcedon,  c.  6,  which  enacted  that 
the  ordination  of  those  who  were  aTroXvTois 
XeipoTOfov/xivovs  and  not  iSiKcos  iv  fKKX-ncria 
noXeces  ??  kco^tjs  ^  fiaprvpiai  -1)  nova(TTf)piQi  should 
be  invalid.  For  three  centuries  after  the  enact- 
ment of  this  canon  there  appears  to  be  no  neces- 
sity for  re-enacting  it ;  but  it  reappears  in  the 
Dialogue  of  Egbert,  c.  9  (Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
Councils,  &c.  vol.  iii.)  and  in  the  Carolingian 
(Aapitularies,  e.g.  Karoli  Capit.  Eccles.  A.D.  789, 
c.  25  ;  Pertz,  vol.  i.  58 ;  Capit.  Francofurt.  a.d. 
794,  c.  28,  ap.  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  74,  "  ut  non 
absolute  ordinentur,"  Capit.  E.xcerpt.  a.d.  806, 
;'.  7,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  147.  In  the  meantime  it  had 
become  the  custom  at  all  ordinations  to  major 
orders  to  designate  the  particular  church  which 
the  ordinand  was  to  serve,  and  from  which  he 
was  to  derive  his  income.  This  is  the  case  in  the 
Pontificals  of  Ecgbert,  St.  Dunstan,  Vatican  ap. 
Muratori,  Rodrad,  Rouen,  Reims,  Noyon,  Ratold, 
and  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary  (but  the  omission 
in  the  Missale  Francorum  and  the  Cod.  Maf- 
feianus  is  to  be  noted).  But  there  does  not 
appear  to  be  any  direct  canonical  requirement  of 
a  titiilus  earlier  than  the  end  of  the  11th 
century  :  Cone.  Placent.  a.d.  1095,  c.  15,  '•  decer- 
nimus  ut  sine  titulo  facta  ordinatio  irrita  habea- 
tur  "  ;  at  the  same  time  Urban. II.,  under  whom 
this  council  was  held,  in  writing  to  the  bishop 
of  Toul,  leaves  it  to  his  discretion  to  allow  such 
ordinations  or  not  (Append,  ad  Epist.  Urbani 
Papae  II.  No.  xvii.  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  xx.  676). 

IV.  Literary  Qualifications. — It  both  follows 
from  and  confirms  the  general  view  of  the  nature 
of  the  clerical  office  in  the  primitive  church  that 
literary  qualifications  were  viewed  as  subordinate 
and  non-essential.     The  Pastoral  Epistles  require 


OIJDERS,  IIOLV 


1487 


drnn  protinus  urgeatur  in  quo  alteram  perperam  fecerit 
tlebitorem,"  where  Cujacius,  ad  loc.  Cod.  Justin.,  explains 
the  words  in  italics,  "  in  eodem  tit.  puta  in  auro  vel  in 
argento  et  in  eodem  modo  id  est  eadem  quantitate  " :  Cod. 
Theodos.  lib.  xii.  tit.  0,  3  =  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  x.  tit.  73,  3 ; 
lib.  xi.  tit.  64,  5  (a  law  of  a.d.  399),  "sciantjudices  nihil 
sibi  ex  piivatae  rei  canone  vel  eo  quod  ex  lisdem  titulis 
exegerint  ad  necessitates  alias  transferre  licere";  Cod. 
Tbeodos.  lib.  xii.  tit.  28,  12,  "  per  universes,"  i.e.  districts 
yielding  taxable  revenues ;  ibid.  lib.  xi.  tit.  2,  4,  tit.  12, 
2,  "annonariustitulus,"  i.e.  adistrict  yielding  taxablecorn: 
cf.  "canonici  tituli,"  ibid. lib. xiv.  tit.  16,  3,  " fiumentarii 
tituli" :  ibid.  lib.  xi.  tit.  1, 36, "  canonici  tituli."  Hence  the 
use  in  the  Liber  Pontificalis  of  the  districts,  i.e.  parishes 
into  which  Rome  was  divided  for  ecclesiastical  purposes, 
and  each  of  which  had  its  proper  revenues :  e.g.  \it.  S. 
ilarcell.  p.  31,  xxv.  "  titulos  in  urbe  Roma  constituit  quasi 
dioeccses  propter  baptismum  et  poenitenliam  multorum 
qui  convertebantur  ex  paganis  et  propter  sepulturas 
martyrum  ";  cf.  ibid.  Yit.  S.  Emrist.  p.  6 ;  Vit.  S.  Lean. 
p.  26.  Hence  the  mediaeval  meaning  of  ecclesiastical 
income,  e.g.  3  Cone.  Lateran.  a.d.  1179,  c.  5,  "Episcopus 
si  aliquem  sine  certo  titulo  de  quo  necessaria  vitae  per- 
cipiat  in  diaconum  vel  presbyterum  ordinaverit " ;  Synod. 
Exon.  A.D.  1287,  c.  8,  "  Caveant  ad  sacros  ordines  promo- 
vendi  ut  titutum  habeant  sufficientem  ";  Sarum  Pontifical 
.ip.  Maskell,  Mon.  Bit.  vol.  iii.  p.  156,  "  Nullus'  sine  vero 
titulo  vel  cujus  titulus  ad  non  titulum  est  redactus." 


that  a  bishop  shall  be  "  apt  to  teach  "  (SiSaKTiKus, 
1  Tim.  iii.  2,  which  is  paraphrased  in  Const! 
Apost.  7,  31,  into  Swa/jcevovs  SiSdaKeif  rhv  \6yov 
Trjs  eiia-ffidas),  but  early  Christian  literature 
distinctly  contemplates  the  existence  of  an  un- 
lettered bishop  (Aiar.  KXri/j..  16  (18),  iraiSeias 
fieroxos,  Swduevos  ras  ypacpas  fpfxriueveiu  •  e  I 
Se  ay p a. /J. /J. ar OS,  Trpavs  inrdpx'^'^  Kal  rrj  ayaTn) 
eis  TrdvTas  irepiaa-eveToi').  For  the  first  four 
centuries  there  are  no  conciliar  or  other  regula- 
tions requiring  knowledge  of  letters  as  a  qualifi- 
cation for  orders  ;  and  Jerome  expressly  mentions 
that,  in  his  time,  "  judicio  Domini  et  populorum 
sutfragio  in  sacerdotium  simplices  p.e.  illiterate 
persons]  eligi ;  saltem  illud  habeant  ut  postquam 
sacerdotes  fuerint  ordinati  discant  legem  Dei  ut 
possint  docere  quod  didicerint  et  augeant  scien- 
tiam  magis  quam  opes  "  (S.  Hieron.  Comment,  in 
Aggae,  c.  2,  v.  11,  vi.  p.  761).  But  in  the  5th 
century  the  altered  position  of  the  clergy  in 
reference  to  the  laity,  the  formation  of  a  liturgv, 
and  the  growing  tendency  to  lay  stress  on  for- 
mulae, rendered  it  necessary  to  lay  a  stress 
which  had  not  been  laid  before  on  the  possession 
of  certain  rudiments  of  education.  A  Syrian 
synod  in  405  (?)  (Mansi,  vii.  1181),  c.  26,  enacts 
that  not  even  a  subdeacon  is  to  be  ordained  until 
he  is  not  only  otherwise  instructed  in  doctrine, 
but  can  say  the  Psalter ;  and  the  Roman  council  of 
465  (?),  c.  3,  enacts  that  "inscii  quoque  litteraruni 
....  ad  sacros  ordines  aspirare  non  audeant." 
But  the  first  well-established  enactments  are 
those  of  the  civil  law.  Justin.  Novell.  6,  4,  a.d. 
535,  enacts  that  clerks  must  be  ypaiu-i-Ldrwy 
iwia-T^lxoves,  at  any  rate  presbyters  and  deacons  ; 
so  Novell.  123,  c.  12,  of  clerks  without  reservation. 
From  the  7th  century  onwards,  and  in  the  later 
canonists,  knowledge  of  letters,  the  degree  and 
kind,  however,  rarely  specified,  is  made  an  indis- 
pensable qualification :  4  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  633, 
c.  19;  8  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  653.  c.  8,  which 
specifies  the  requisite  knowledge  to  be  that  of 
"  totum  psalterium  vel  canticorum  usualium  et 
hymnorum  sive  baptizandi  supplementum  " ;  in 
England,  Dial.  Egbert.  Eborac.  c.  15  ;  among  the 
Culdees  of  Scotland  and  Ireland,  "  Prose  Rule  ot 
the  Celi  De,"  in  Reeves'  The  Culdees  of  the  Britislt 
Islands,  p.  95 ;  in  the  Prankish  kingdom,  Capit. 
Francofurt.  a.d.  794,  c.  20,  Pertz,  i.  73  ;  ia  the 
canonists,  Gratian.  p.  1,  dist.  24,  c.  5  =  D.  Ivon. 
Carnot.  Panorm.  3,  c.  21  =  ejusd.  Decret.  6, 
c.  21  ;  Burchard  Wormat.  Decret.  2,  18.  The 
further  regulations,  themselves  also  compara- 
tively rare,  which  specially  apply  to  the  higher 
orders,  corroborate  the  inference  that  the  know- 
ledge of  letters  which  was  requisite  for  admission 
to  the  lower  orders  must  at  first  have  been 
extremely  small.  2  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  533,  c.  16, 
enacts  that  no  one  can  be  ordained  presbyter  or 
deacon  "sine  litteris  vel  si  baptizandi  ordinem 
nesciat."  Cone.  Narbou.  a.d.  589  enacts  that 
no  bishop  is  to  ordain  an  illiterate  person  pres- 
byter or  deacon ;  if  such  persons  have  been 
already  ordained,  they  must  be  compelled  to 
learn;  if  any  one  will  not  learn,  he  must  lose 
his  stipend.  If  he  is  still  obstinate,  he  must 
be  relegated  to  a  monastery  "  quia  non  potest 
aedificare  populum."  Gregory  the  Great,  about 
the  same  time,  objects  to  Rusticus,  a  deacon  wlu) 
was  candidate  for  the  bishopric  of  Ancona,  that 
he  was  reported  not  to  know  the  Psalter,  and 
suggests  that  the  bishop  to  whom  he  is  ivriting 


1488 


ORDEKS,  HOLY 


should  find  out  "  quantos  psalmos  m  nns  teneat " 
vS.  Greg.  Magn.  Epist.  14-,  11,  vol.  ii.  p.  1269). 
No  doubt  Gregorj-'s  personal  influence  did 
much  to  raise  the  ordinary  standard  of  attain- 
ment ;  and  two  centuries  after  his  time  his  own 
works  were  ranked  with  the  Gospels,  the  Epistles, 
and  the  apostolical  canons,  as  constituting  the 
proper  objects  of  a  priest's  study:  Cone.  Mogunt. 
A.n.  813,  ^rae/.;  3  Cone.  Turon.  a.d.  813,'c.  3; 
•1  Cone.  Cahillon.  a.d.  813,  c.  1,  and  elsewhere. 
So  also  a  knowledge  of  the  calendar  was  required, 
e.  (].  by  Hincmar,  Capit.  Synod,  c.  8,  A.D.  852. 
How  much  knowledge  of  Scripture  was  required 
in  the  9th  century  is  shewn  by  the  selection  of 
passages  which  was  framed,  in  order  that  can- 
didates might  learn  it  by  heart,  by  Prudentius 
of  Troyes  (S.  Prudent.  Tree.  F/orilci/mm,  ap. 
Trombelli  Vet.  Fair.  0pp.  Bonon.  1753,  from  a 
MS.  furnished  by  Bianchini). 

In  the  East  the  standard  of  attainment  seems 
to  have  fallen  very  low.  2  Cone.  Nicaen.  a.d. 
787,  c.  2,  found  it  necessary  to  make  an  explicit 
regulation  that  every  one  who  was  advanced  to 
the  office  of  a  bishop  must  know  the  psalter  and 
be  able  to  read  the  Scriptures  and  the  canons. 
Still  later,  the  Nestoriau  canons  of  Ebedjesu 
{Tract,  vi.  c.  4,  can.  3,  ap.  Mai  Script.  Vett.  vol. 
\-.  p.  12)  enact  that  no  one  must  be  ordained 
city  deacon  who  does  not  know  the  lessons  and 
epistles,  but  a  country  deacon  maj-  in  cases  of 
emergency  be  allowed  who  knows  only  some  of 
the  i^salter.  The  implication  is  that  in  neither 
fase  was  it  required  that  he  should  be  able  to 
read,  but  only  that  he  should  know  the  pre- 
scribed portions  by  heart. 

2.  Mode  of  Testing  Qualifications.  Examination. 
— It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  the  ecclesi- 
astical followed  the  analogy  of  the  civil  organiza- 
tion in  requiring  definite  qualifications  in  its 
officers  ;  it  is  also  probable  that  the  same  analogy 
was  followed  in  regard  to  the  mode  of  testing 
those  qualifications.  At  the  time  of  election  to 
office,  either  before  votes  were  recorded  or  before 
the  election  was  declared,  the  returning  officer  of 
an  ecclesiastical  as  of  a  civil  community  enquired 
viva  voce  whether  the  necessary  conditions  had 
been  fulfilled.  This  enquiry  was  made  not  of  the 
person  elected,  but  of  those  who  voted  for  him, 
or  who  presented  him  for  admission.  It  was  an 
enquiry  almost  entirely  into  moral  fitness.  The 
reason  which  Cyprian  gives  for  making  ecclesias- 
tical appointments  in  the  common  assembly  of 
the  church  is  that  "  in  the  presence  of  the  people 
the  crimes  of  the  bad  and  the  merits  of  the  good 
may  alike  be  disclosed,  and  that  the  ordination 
may  be  regular  and  legitimate  which  has  been 
tested  by  the  vote  and  judgment  of  all"  ("omnium 
suffragio  et  judicio  examinata,"  S.  Cyprian,  Epist. 
68,  3,  vol.  i.  p.  1026).  In  another  passage, 
Cyprian  appears  to  distinguish  between  the  testi- 
mony which  was  given  by  the  clergy  and  the 
vote  which  was  given  by  the  people  (id.  inter 
Epist.  S.  Cornel.  10  vol.  i.  p.  770).  This  testi- 
mony is  distinctly  described  by  Basil  as  the  result 
of  previous  enquiry  and  examination  (^Epist.  54 
(181)  ad  Chorepisc.  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  xxsii.  400)  ; 
and  the  giving  of  it  formed  a  feature  in  almost  all 
rituals  of  ordination.  But  whereas  in  the  earliest 
period  the  enquiry  of  the  bishop  was  addressed  to 
and  the  testimony  given  by  the  whole  body  of  the 
clergy  of  a  church,  in  the  ensuing  period  two 
or  more  deacons  presented  and  bore  testimony  to 


ORDEES,  HOLY 

a  deacon,  two  or  more  presbyters  to  a  presbyter. 
Afterwards  the  practice  which  was  peculiar  to 
Rome  in  the  time  of  Jerome  (S.  Hieron.  Epist. 
146  (85)  ad  Evang.)  became  almost  imiversal  in 
the  West.  The  clergy  were  represented  by  the 
archdeacon  who,  as  the  chief  officer  of  the  external 
discipline  and  activity  of  the  church,  would  be 
most  likely  to  be  cognisant  of  the  current  repu- 
tation of  any  of  its  members.  (The  exceptions  to 
this  practice  are  comparatively  few  in  the  West ; 
the  Salzburg  and  Cambrai  pontificals  and  Codex 
Maffeianus  direct  a  presbyter  to  be  presented  by 
two  presbyters,  and  the  bishop's  questions  are 
addressed  to  the  bystanders,  which  ma)'  mean  of 
all  the  clergy  in  the  sanctuary.)  So  important 
was  this  function  of  the  archdeacon  that  Balsa- 
mon  (Ralle  and  Potl^,  '2,vvTay.  Kav.  vol.  iv.  p.  480) 
expresses  a  doubt  whether  a  deacon  could  be  or- 
dained without  it.  But  this  public  examination 
tended  to  become  a  mere  form,  and  was  found  to 
be  insixfficient.  Popular  testimony  was  apt  to  be 
partial.  The  bishop  himself  was  required  to  take 
more  active  steps  to  ascertain  that  the  ordained 
was  worthy.  Chrysostom  {Horn,  in  p)a>'ah.  cle  dec. 
mill,  talent.,  Op.  ed.  Migne,  vol.  iii.  p.  23)  warns  his 
fellow  bishops  that  this  is  one  of  the  things  for 
which  they  will  have  to  give  an  accovmt.  Justinian 
(^Xovcll.  137,  c.  1)  speaks  of  the  scandal  which  had 
arisen  from  clerks  having  been  ordained  without 
due  examination.  The  third  council  of  Carthage, 
c.  22,  and  the  third  of  Braga,  A.d.  572,  c.  3,  both 
lay  stress  on  such  examination  in  addition  to  the 
requirement  of  testimony  ("  oportet  non  per 
gratiam  munerum  sed  per  diligentem  prius 
discussionem,  deinde  per  multorum  testimonium 
clericos  ordinare  ").  In  order  that  such  an  ex- 
amination might  be  more  eflective,  Gregory  the 
Great  advised  Adeodatus  to  associate  with  him- 
self "  graves  expertosque  viros  "  (^Epist.  iii.  49, 
vol.  ii.  p.  660)  ;  and  this  became  ultimately  the 
general  practice  throughout  the  West.  The 
mediaeval  rule  was  based  by  the  canonists  (Gratian, 
pars  1,  dist.  24,  c.  5 ;  Ivo  Carnot.  Panorm.  3,  c. 
21,  Decret.  6,  c.  21  ;  Burchard  Wormat.  2,  c.  1) 
on  a  canon  of  an  otherwise  unknown  council 
(Cone.  Nannetense,  al.  Manetense,  said  to  have 
been  held  in  A.D.  895,  in  the  pontificate  of  For- 
mosus),  which,  as  it  to  a  great  extent  governs  the 
modern  Roman,  and  also  the  English,  practice, 
may  be  quoted  here :  "  Quando  episcopus  ordina- 
tiones  facere  disponit  onines  qui  ad  sacrum  niin- 
isterium  accedere  volunt  feria  quarta  ante  ipsam 
ordinationem  evocandi  sunt  ad  civitatem  una  cum 
[archijpresbyteris  qui  eos  repraesentare  debent ; 
et  tunc  episcopus  a  latere  suo  eligere  debet  sacer- 
dotes  et  alios  prudentes  viros  gnaros  divinae  legis 
et  exercitatos  in  ecclesiasticis  sanctionibus  qui 
ordinandorum  vitam,  genus,  patriam,  aetatem, 
institutionem,  locum  ubi  educati  sunt,  si  bene 
sunt  literati,  si  instructi  in  lege  Domini,  diligen- 
ter  investigent ;  ante  omnia  si  fidem  catholicam 
firmiter  teneant  et  verbis  simplicibus  asserere 
queant  .  .  .  Ita  per  tres  continues  dies  diligenter 
examinentur  et  sic  sabbato  qui  probati  inventi 
sunt  episcoporepraesententur."  This  examination 
was  in  some  dioceses  supplemented,  in  the  case  of 
a  presbyter,  by  a  further  public  examination  at 
the  time  of  ordination  in  regard  to  his  willing- 
ness to  be  ordained,  and  to  be  obedient  to  his 
bishop  (so  the  Mainz  and  Soissons  pontificals, 
published  by  Martene  ;  one  of  the  Corbey  ponti- 
ficals, published  by  Morin ;  and  Hittorp,  Ordo 


OKDEES,  HOLY 

Eomanus,  p.  93)  ;  the  former  of  these  questions  of 
examination  was  probably  intended  to  guard 
against  the  ordinations  of  persons  against  their 
will  (as  in  the  case  of  Paulinus,  S.  Hieron.  Epist. 
51,  60,  vol.  i.  p.  2-il,  or  of  Bassianus,  Acta  Cone. 
Ghalc.  xi.  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  vii.  p.  278),  the  latter  to 
secure  the  often  contested  rights  of  bishops  over 
parochial  clergy  [Parish]. 

There  was  a  further  test,  which  was,  however, 
rather  negative  than  positive,  in  the  appeal  to 
the  people  at  the  time  of  ordination.  It  is  pro- 
bable [see  Ordination]  that  originally  all  ap- 
pointments to  ecclesiastical  office  were  made  by 
popular  election  ;  subsequently  names  were  pro- 
posed by  the  clergy  or  by  the  bishop,  and  although 
the  form  of  a  popular  election  still  remained,  yet 
the  part  of  the  people  was  confined  to  the  exclama- 
tion &^ios,  "  dignus  est  "  ;  ultimately  that  which 
survived  was  the  appeal  of  the  bishop  to  the 
people  that,  if  any  one  knew  any  reason  why  the 
person  elected  should  not  be  ordained,  he  should 
come  forth  and  declare  it.  A  novel  of  Justinian 
(^Novell.  123,  c.  14,  and,  in  effect,  137,  c.  3)  regu- 
lates the  procedure  in  case  of  an  objection  appear- 
ing ;  but  the  canon  law  appears  only  to  provide 
for  the  general  case  of  a  bishop  knowingly,  or 
after  warning,  ordaining  an  unqualified  person 
(e.g.  3  Cone.  Aurcl.  a.d.  538,  c.  6).  It  is  pro- 
bable that  a  person  who  made  an  objection  which 
he  did  not  succsed  in  substantiating  was  liable 
to  the  penalty  of  excommunication  which  fol- 
lowed all  false  accusations  of  clerks  (Cone.  lilib. 
c.  75,  Agath.  c.  31),  and  also  that  an  objector 
must  himself  be  a  faithful  member  of  the  church 

,      and  of  irreproachable  character  (3  Cone.  Carth. 

^  c.  8  ;  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  21)  ;  hence  the  clause,  which 
still  remains  in  the  Roman  pontifical,  in  the  ap- 
l^eal  of  the  bishop  to  the  people,  "  si  quis  &c.  .  . 
verum  memor  sit  conditionis  suae."  But  that 
the  checks  thus  imposed  on  groundless  accusations 
were  not  intended  to  crush  enquiry  is  shewn  by 
the  fact  that,  when  the  extension  of  the  area  of 
dioceses,  and  the  multiplication  of  parishes  within 
the  limits  of  a  single  diocese,  made  the  appeal  to 
the  people  in  the  cathedral  church  at  the  time 
of  ordination  less  effective  than  it  had  originally 
been,  an  additional  test  was  imposed  by  making 
a  previous  appeal  to  the  people  of  the  parish  in 
which  the  ordinaud  lived. 

Ultimately  there  were  four,  and  in  some  cases 
five,  tests  which  every  ordinaud  had  to  satisfy. 
1.  He  must  have  the  testimony  of  the  presbyter 
<if  his  parish.  This  was  originally  given  viva 
voce  at  the  time  of  ordination,  and  the  presbyter 
•or  archpresbyter  presented  the  ordinaud  per- 
sonally to  the  bishop  ("  qui  eos  repraeseutare 
debent,"  in  the  Cone.  Nannet.  quoted  above)  ; 
afterwards  it  was  given  in  writing,  and  the 
archdeacon  presented  and  bore  testimony  to  all 
ordinands  alike,  both  those  of  whom  he  had  per- 
sonal knowledge  and  those  who  had  the  testi- 
mony of  other  presbyters.  2.  He  must  produce 
•evidence  that  his  intention  had  been  publicly 
declared  in  the  parish  in  which  he  lived,  and 
that  no  objector  had  come  forward.  3.  He  must 
not  have  been  objected  to,  or,  if  objected  to, 
must  have  been  cleared  from  the  objection  at 
the  time  of  ordination.  4.  He  must  have  been 
personally  tested  by  the  bishop,  assisted  by 
other  competent  persons.  (It  is  possible  that 
the  testimony  of  the  archdeacon  in  the  modern 
English  ordinal  may  partly  refer  to  this  exami- 


ORDEES,  HOLY 


1489 


nation ;  out  the  foct  that  the  Cone.  Nannet., 
which  forms  the  canonical  authority  for  the 
practice,  does  not  mention  the  archdeacon,  shew.'; 
that  originally  the  examination  by  the  bishop 
and  the  enquiry  by  the  archdeacon  were  distinct. 
The  earliest  mention  of  the  archdeacon  in  con- 
nexion with  this  examination  is  in  late  pontificals  : 
e.g.  Cod.  Vat.  No.  4744.)  5.  The  public  exa- 
mination by  the  bishop,  which  forms  part  of  the 
modern  English  ordinal,  is  an  extension,  appa- 
rently without  early  precedent,  of  the  examina- 
tion mentioned  above,  into  an  ordinaud 's  v.'ill- 
inguess  to  be  ordained  and  to  obey  his  diocesan. 
In  the  Roman  pontifical  it  follows  ordination, 
and  is  treated  not  as  an  examination,  but  as  a 
contract  {Pontif.  Rom.  pars  i.  tit.  12,  §§  29,  30). 

V.  Civil  St.4.tus,  Manner  I  of  Life,  and 
Discipline  of  Persons  in  Holy  Orders.— 
(i.)  Civil  Status:  1.  In  the  pre-Constantinian 
period  of  church  history  the  oificers  of  the  church 
had,  of  course,  no  distinct  civil  status.  They  were 
liable  to  the  same  burdens  as  all  other  citizens, 
whether  Christian  or  pagan ;  they  had  to  take 
their  places  among  the  decuriones,  to  act  as 
trustees,  and  to  serve  in  the  army.  Nor  is  there 
any  strong  presumption  that  the  discharge  of 
such  functions,  except  where  it  involved  the 
recognition  of  the  State  religion,  was  exception- 
ally distasteful.  The  sentiment  of  the  incom- 
patibility of  church  offices  with  active  civil  life 
first  appears  in  North  Africa.  In  the  busy  com- 
mercial towns  of  that  thriving  district  the 
Christian  communities  were  numerous,  and  the 
work  which  devolved  upon  their  officers  was 
consequently  considerable.  At  the  same  time 
such  officers  were  among  the  most  intelligent  and 
most  trustworthy  citizens.  They  were  conse- 
quently in  demand  for  civil  offices  of  trust.  But 
when  thus  "  saeculo  obstricti "  (Tertull.  de 
Praescript.  haeret.  c.  41)  their  attention  was 
liable  to  be  distracted,  and  the  administration  of 
ecclesiastical  affairs  to  suffer.  Such  employ- 
ments, so  far  as  they  were  voluntarily  under- 
taken and  not  imposed  by  the  civil  power,  were 
therefore  discouraged.  In  addition  to  this,  the 
analogy  between  the  Christian  ministry  and  the 
Jewish  priesthood  was  beginning  to  assert  itself 
in  practice,  and  the  frequent  outbreaks  of  perse- 
cvition  made  the  antithesis  between  the  church 
and  the  world  exceptionally  strong.  The  writings 
of  Cyprian  contain  frequent  protests  against  the 
combination  of  church  office  with  civil  life :  he 
inveighs  against  commercial  bishops  (De  Lapsis, 
c.  6):  he  claims  for  church  officers  that  they 
ought  "  nonnisi  altari  et  sacrificiis  deservire  et 
precibus  atque  orationibus  vacare "  (Epist.  66 
(1),  vol.  ii.  p.  397);  and  consequently  since 
Geminius  Victor  had  named  Faustinus,  a  pres- 
byter, as  his  executor,  he  inflicts  upon  the  former 
a  posthumous  punishment,  "  non  est  quod  pro 
dormitione  ejus  apud  vos  fiat  oblatio  aut  depre- 
catio  aliqua  nomine  ejus  in  ecclesia  frequen- 
tetur  "  (ibid.). 

2.  But  from  the  time  of  the  recoguition  of 
Christianity  by  the  Empire,  several  powerful 
causes  contributed  to  foster  the  nascent  tendency 
to  separate  church  officers  iuto  a  class  distinct, 
both  civilly  and  socially,  from  the  ordinary  mem- 
bers of  the  Christian  communities. 

(a)  The  first  of  these  causes  was  the  conces- 
sion to  clerks  of  the  immunities  from  public 
burdens    which    had   been    enjoyed    by    certain 


1490 


OEDEKS,  HOLY 


classes  of  heatlien  priests,  and  which  continued 
to  be  enjoyed  by  some  of  the  liberal  professions. 
[Immunities,  Vol.  I.  p.  882.] 

But  although  the  existence  of  these  immu- 
nities operated  powerfully  to  give  clerks  a  dis- 
tinct status,  and  although  the  enactment  of 
frequent  safeguards  against  their  abuse  shews 
that  they  were  largely  acted  upon,  and  al- 
though, moreover,  it  was  unlikely  that  anyone 
who  could  claim  exemption  from  public  burdens 
would  voluntarily  undertake  them,  still  it  is 
clear  that  the  concession  did  not  act  as  a  prohi- 
bition, and  that  church  officers  were  still  en- 
tangled with  civil  affairs  and  engaged  in  com- 
mercial pursuits.  There  is  a  wide  difference 
between  exemption  from,  and  ineligibility  for, 
the  discharge  of  civil  functions:  the  empire 
granted  the  former,  the  church  came  to  impose 
the  latter.  But  it  was  not  until  the  Council  of 
Chalcedon  that  the  holding  of  civil  office,  or  the 
administration  of  secular  business,  became  an 
offence  against  ecclesiastical  law ;  and  it  was  not 
until  eighty  years  after  that  council  that  the 
civil  law  finally  prohibited  any  of  the  higher 
municipal  officers  from  being  elected  presbyters 
or  bisliops  (Cod.  .Justin,  i.  o,  53  (52),  A.D.  532 ; 
cf.  also  Justin.  Novell.  123,  c.  15). 

(6)  A  second  important  and  concurrent  cause 
was  that  clerks  came  to  be  in  certain  cases 
exempted  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  ordinary 
courts  of  law.  The  granting  of  this  exemption 
was  of  itself  a  recognition  of  clerks  as  a  distinct 
class,  and  the  continued  existence  of  it  naturally 
tended  to  increase  the  class  feeling.  The  date 
of  the  earliest  concession  is  not  certain:  Haenel, 
Corpus  Legum  ante  Justinianum  latarum,  p.  204, 
gathers  from  Sozom.  H.  E.  i.  9,  Niceph.  Call. 
//.  E.  vii.  46,  S.  Ambros.  Epist.  ii.  13,  that  it  was 
made  by  Constautine  about  A.D.  331.  But  it  is 
not  clear  that  either  Constautine  or  his  imme- 
diate successors  did  more  than  recognise  the 
validity  of  church  discipline  ;  i.e.  of  the  voluntary 
jurisdiction  to  which  the  members  of  Christian 
societies  had  submitted  themselves. 

(c)  A  third  cause  was  that  after  the  time  of 
Constautine  the  funds  of  the  churches  no  longer 
consisted  wholly  of  voluntary  and  temporary 
offerings.  The  churches  could  inherit  and  hold 
property  (law  of  Constantino  in  321,  Cod. 
Theodos.  xvi.  2,  4).  The  provincial  governors 
were  required  to  furnish  annual  provision  not 
only  to  clerks  but  also  to  widows  and  virgins  on 
the  church-roll  (Inc.  Auct.  de  Constant,  ap. 
Haenel,  Corpus  Legum  ante  Justin,  lat.  p.  196 ; 
the  regulation  was  repealed  by  Julian  but 
restored  by  his  successor,  Sozom.  H.  E.  v.  5 ; 
Theodoret.  iv.  4).  A  fixed  proportion  of  the  land 
revenues  of  every  city  was  assigned  to  the 
churches  and  clergy  (Sozom.  H.  E.  i.  S;  Niceph. 
Call.  vii.  46  :  cf.  Euseb.  //.  ^.  x.  6  ;  Vit.  'Const. 
iv.  28).  The  rich  endowments  of  pagan  temples 
were  transferred  in  some  cases  to  the  newly- 
recognised  religion :  for  example,  Constautine 
gave  the  church  of  Alexandria  the  revenues  of 
ihe  temple  of  the  Sun  (Sozom.  v.  7)  ;  and  Theo- 
dosius  gave  the  same  church  the  wealth  of  the 
temple  of  Serapis  (id.  v.  16).  It  is  true  that 
these  endowments  did  not  in  the  fourth  century 
reach  all  the  clergy :  for  example,  Basil  speaks 
of  his  clergy  as  gaining  their  livelihood  by 
sedentary  handicrafts  (rcis  ISpaias  roiv  rexfS"', 
Epist.    198  (263)),    and   of  a   fellow-presbyter, 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

before  his  elevation  to  the  episcopate,  as  working 
for  him  (Ko^ret  ov  ixerpiccs  7]fuf  virripeTwv  Trpoi 
rhy  ^ioy,  Epist.  36  (228)).  But  the  fact  of 
church  officers  being  raised,  especially  in  the 
great  centres  of  population,  such  as  Constanti- 
nople and  Alexandria,  above  the  necessity  of 
work,  and  of  their  being  thus  withdrawn  from 
some  of  the  most  intimate  associations  of  ordinary 
life,  must  have  contributed,  probably  more  than 
any  other  single  cause,  to  isolate  them  from  the 
rest  of  the  community. 

The  result  of  these  and  other  co-operating 
influences  was  that  by  the  close  of  the  fifth 
century  the  officers  of  the  Christian  church 
enjoyed  a  unique  position  among  the  citizens  of 
the  Empire.  Exempt,  to  a  great  extent,  from 
public  burdens,  fenced  round  with  special  privi- 
leges even  in  civil  procedure,  and  endowed  witli 
revenues  which  the  State  had  given  them  special 
facilities  for  holding,  they  became  not  merely 
civilly  distinct,  but  the  most  powerful  class  in 
the  civilised  world.  In  the  East  their  statu.s 
remained  practically  what  the  early  emperors 
had  made  it  until  the  final  fall  of  the  Eastern 
empire.  But  in  the  West,  it  was  not  maintained 
without  a  struggle.  For  example,  the  law  of 
Valens  and  Valentinian  (Cod.  Theodos.  xvi.  2, 
23)  had  recognised  the  jurisdiction  of  local 
synods  in  all  ecclesiastical  causes:  this  enact- 
ment was  repeated,  though  without  its  subse- 
quent extensions,  in  the  Visigothic  Code  ;  but  it 
is  clear  from  the  "  interpretatio,"  and  from  ;ill 
the  "epitomes,"  that  it  was  understood  to  apjily 
only  to  disputes  "  inter  clericos  "  (cf.  the  texts 
in  Haenel,  Lex  Romana  Visigothorum,  p.  24G). 
Even  when  under  the  Carolingians  the  Easteru 
canon  law  began  to  be  recognised  in  the  West, 
and  to  be  quoted  in  Capitularies,  it  is  extreme]}" 
doubtful  whether  such  a  recognition  amounted 
to  a  re-enactment,  and  whether  the  claims  of 
clerks  to  such  a  separate  civil  status  as  involved 
separate  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  were  ever 
allowed.  (For  the  discussion  of  the  question  see 
Dove,  de  jurisdictionis  ecclesiasticae  apud  Gcrmanos 
Gallosque  progressu,  Berlin,  1855 ;  Boretius,  die 
Capitrdarien  im  Langdbardenreich,  Halle,  1864; 
Sohm,  die  geistliche  GericMsbarkeit  im  friin/dschen 
Reich,  in  the  Zeitschrift  f.  Kir chenr edit,  vol.  ix. 
pp.  193  sqq.) 

(ii.)  Manner  of  Life. — The  distinction  between 
clergy  and  laity  was  of  slow  growth,  and  the 
result  of  many  co-operating  causes.  Even  in 
divine  service  it  was  not  strongly  defined:  in 
social  life  it  hardly  existed  at  all.  Like  the  suc- 
cessors of  the  non-juring  bishops  in  the  eighteenth 
century,  or  like  the  earlier  preachers  of  tlie 
Wesleyan  Methodists,  the  officers  of  the  early 
Christian  communities  worked  at  trades,  kept 
shops,  took  part  in  municipal  affairs,  and  wore 
the  dress  of  ordinary  citizens.  (See,  for  examples. 
Funk,  Handel  und  Gewerbe  im  Christl.  Altert/mm, 
in  the  TheoL  Quartalschrift,  vol.  Iviii.  1876,  pp. 
371  sqq.;  Commerce,  Vol.  I.  p.  411.)  There 
was  no  sense  of  incongruity  in  their  doing  so- 
The  Apostolical  Constitutions  repeat  with  em- 
phasis the  apostolical  injunction,  "  That  if  any 
man  would  not  work,  neither  should  he  eat " 
(2  Thess.  iii.  10),  and  appeal  to  the  example  of 
the  Apostles  themselves  as  fishermen,  tent- 
makers,  and  tillers  of  the  ground.  But  since 
every  church  was,  as  every  Jewish  synagogue 
had  com.e  to  be  after  the  virtual  fusion  of  syua- 


ORDEES,  HOLY 

Sogues  and  synedria,  a  court  of  discipline  ;  and 
since  the  chief  function  of  the  officers  of  the 
church,  as  officers  of  discipline,  was  to  maintain 
in  the  Christian  churches  a  higher  standard  of 
morality  than  prevailed  in  the  heathen  world, 
there  was  from  the  first  the  feeling  that  those 
who  judged  others  should,  in  the  respects  of 
which  they  took  judicial  cognizance,  themselves 
be  blameless.  The  apostolic  admonition  to 
Timothy  was  of  universal  application,  "  Be  thou 
an  example  of  the  believers,  in  word,  in  conver- 
sation, in  charity,  in  spirit,  in  faith,  in  purity " 
(1  Tim.  iv.  12).  If  a  church  officer  failed  in  these 
respects,  it  was  competent  for  the  church  of 
which  he  was  an  officer  to  remove  him.  (This 
is  clearly  implied  in  Clem.  Rom.  i.  44.)  But 
this  was  obviously  an  inconvenient  form  of  pro- 
cedure, especially  when  the  list  of  oflences  was 
undefined ;  and  it  was  gradually  supplanted  by 
the  elaborate  system  of  synods,  provincial, 
diocesan,  and  oecumenical,  which  has  been 
described  above.  The  general  regulations  which 
these  synods  laid  down,  present,  as  far  as  they 
have  been  preserved,  an  accurate  picture  not 
only  of  the  ideal  but  also  of  the  actual  state  of 
the  clergy  in  various  pai-ts  of  Christendom. 
They  are  in  some  cases  extremely  minute.  They 
probably  grew  in  most  instances  out  of  individual 
cases  which  arose,  the  decisions  in  such  cases 
being  framed  as  general  rules  for  future  guidance. 
They  were  for  the  most  part  only  valid  in  the 
province  or  diocese  in  which  they  were  framed  ; 
and  valuable  as  they  are  in  enabling  us  to  arrive 
at  the  state  of  opinion  at  a  particular  time  in  a 
particular  country,  they  must  not  be  regarded 
j  as  having  had,  at  least  in  the  first  instance,  the 
t  character  of  general  laws.  In  later  times,  when 
!■  a  large  number  of  these  decisions  and  regula- 
tions were  collected  together  by  Dionysias 
Exiguus,  Ferrandus,  and  others ;  and  in  still 
later  times,  when  these  earlier  collections  were 
amalgamated  with  other  elements  into  a  corpus 
of  canon  law,  the  decisions  of  local  councils 
received  an  authority  which  they  had  not  at 
first  possessed :  but  for  the  purposes  of  church 
history  and  church  antiquities,  it  is  of  great 
importance  to  bear  in  mind  in  each  case  the 
circumstances  of  their  origin  and  the  limits  of 
their  validity.  If  these  necessary  limitations 
be  borne  in  mind,  it  will  be  found  that  during 
the  first  four  centuries  the  ecclesiastical  regula- 
tions which  afiected  the  social  life  of  church 
officers  were  comparatively  fev,'-  in  number.  In 
the  East  the  most  important  of  such  regulations 
were  that  clerks  should  not  take  usury  (Cone. 
Nicaen.  c.  17,  Laod.  c.  4,  Can.  Apost.  44) ;  that 
they  should  not  be  present  at  the  immoral 
masquerades  of  banquets  or  marriages  (Laod.  c. 
54);  that  they  should  not  bathe  with  women 
(Laod.  c.  30) ;  that  they  should  not  dine  at  club 
dinners  (ervfj-Trocna  ek  (n/jU)3oArjs,  Laod.  c.  55) ;  or 
enter  a  tavern  except  on  a  journey  (Laod.  c.  24, 
Can.  Apost.  54).  In  North  Africa  the  regula- 
tions are  mainly  to  the  same  effect :  clerks  must 
not  take  usury  (1  Carth.  c.  13  ;  3  Carth.  c.  16); 
or  go  to  taverns  (3  Carth.  c.  27,  =  Cod.  Eccles. 
Afric.  c.  40)  ;  nor  may  even  their  sons  exhibit 
or  witness  secular  games  (3  Carth.  c.  11).  (The 
minute  regulations  of  the  Statt.  Ecd.  Antiq., 
frequently  cited  as  4  Cone.  Carth.,  especially  c. 
45-63,  almost  certainly  belong  to  a  later  period.) 
In  Gaul  and  Spain  the  enactments  against  taking 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II. 


ORDEES,  HOLY 


L491 


usury  are  found  in  four  councils  of  this  period 

Illib.  c.  20 ;  1  Arelat.  c.  12  ;  2  Arelat.  c.  14 ;  1 
Turon.  c.  13.  The  fact  that  clerks  had  not  yet 
ceased  to  trade  is  indicated  by  the  enactment  that 
bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons  were  not  to  trade 
out  of  their  provinces  nor  go  about  the  country 
in  search  of  the  most  profitable  markets  (Illib.  c. 
18).  But  although  the  regulations  were  neither 
numerous  nor  stringent,  there  is  no  doubt  that 
by  the  end  of  the  fifth  century  the  officers  of 
the  church,  throughout  the  greater  part  of 
Christendom,  had  become  a  class  socially  as  well 
as  civilly  distinct  from  its  ordinary  members. 
The  theory  of  the  church  was  more  conservative 
than  its  practice.  The  form  of  the  primitive 
"canon,"  or  church-roll,  still  remained.  The 
various  ranks  still  shaded  oft'  into  one  another. 
The  "  order "  of  the  laity  still  held  its  place 
side  by  side  by  the  "  orders "  of  presbyters, 
deacons,  readers,  and  widows.  But  the  later 
conception  of  the  clergy  had  been  formed,  and 
was  beginning  to  express  itself.  The  social  dis- 
tinction between  church  officers  and  ordinary 
members  was  accentuated  by  two  circumstances, 
which,  though  slight  in  themselves,  and  in  the 
first  instance  rather  effects  than  causes,  helped 
materially  to  increase  it :  the  one  was  the  adop- 
tion of  a  peculiar  dress,  the  other  was  the 
adoption  of  a  peculiar  mode  of  wearing  the  hair, 
(rt)  The  first  of  these  had  shewn  itself  at  the 
beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  but  only  in  the 
form  of  a  tendency  to  wear  garments  of  a  more 
sober  hue  than  was  customary.  Jerome  dis- 
courages it:  "vestes  pullas  aeque  devita  ut 
Candidas "  (S.  Hieron.  Epist.  52  (2)  ad  Nepot. 
§  9).  It  was  succeeded  by  a  tendency  to  preserve 
the  older  form.s  of  dress,  instead  of  following  the 
changes  of  fashion  ;  and  ultimately,  chiefly  under 
the  influence  of  the  monasteries  and  the  canonical 
rule,  the  "  habitus  laicorum "  (Pippin.  Capit. 
Suession.  §  3,  A.D  744;  Pertz,  Legum,  i.  p.  21) 
was  absolutely  forbidden  [see  Dress,  Vol.  I.  p. 
582].  Qj)  The  second  mark  of  distinction  was 
slow  in  its  growth,  but  strong  in  its  influence. 
At  first  all  that  was  insisted  upon  was  that  the 
hair  should  not  be  worn  long  or  elaborately 
dressed;  consequently  the  earlier  references  to 
the  subject — e.g.  Sidon.  Apollin.  EpAst.  viii.  9 ; 
Arator,  Epist.  ad  Parthen.  69,  70,  ap.  Migne, 
Patr.  Lat.  vol.  Ixviii.  251 — do  not  prove  that  what 
was  afterwards  known  as  the  TONSURE  actually 
existed.  But  in  the  latter  part  of  the  sixth 
century  the  tonsure  appears  to  have  become 
definitely  established  as  a  mark  of  separation 
between  clergy  and  laity:  this  is  clear  from 
Greg.  Turon.  Lib.  de  Gloria  Confessor,  c.  32,  p.  92 ; 
id.  Vit.  Patr.  c.  17,  p.  1233 ;  and  from  the  fact 
that  Gregory  the  Great  defends  its  use  on  scrip- 
tural grounds  (^Peg.  Pastoral,  pars  2,  c.  7 ;  id. 
Epist.  lib.  i.  25,  p.  514,  quoting  Ezek.  xliv.  20 : 
but  it  may  be  remarked,  as  an  indication  of  the 
later  origin  of  the  practice,  that  Jerome  in 
writing  upon  that  passage  of  Ezekiel  makes  no 
mention  of  it,  the  words  which  are  found  in 
most  editions  being  confessedly  interpolated : 
S.  Hieron.  in  Ezech.  lib.  xiii.  c.  44,  vol.  v.  p.  547). 

In  the  meantime  the  inner  life  and  discipline 
of  the  class  which  was  thus  being  formed  was 
largely  influenced  by  the  growth  and  wide  exten- 
sion of  monasticism.  This  influence  is  especially 
shewn  in  the  tendency  to  live  in  community 

This  tendency  to  live  in  community  has  some- 
5  D 


1492 


OEDERS,  HOLY 


times  been  traced  to  much  earlier  times.  But 
although  there  are  indications  that  in  primitive 
times  all  who  were  on  the  church-roll,  whether 
as  officers,  widows,  virgins,  or  poor,  shared  a 
common  fund  and  a  common  meal ;  there  are  no 
indications  that  they  lived  together,  until  in  the 
fourth  century  church  officers  began  to  form  a 
distinct  class.  The  system  which  afterwards 
prevailed  appears  to  have  originated  with  Euse- 
bius  of  Vercelli,  f  371,  who  "  gathered  together 
all  the  clerks  into  the  fold  of  a  single  habitation, 
that  those  whose  purpose  in  religion  was  one 
and  undivided  might  have  a  common  life  and  a 
common  refection"  (S.  Maxim.  Scrm.  23,  ap. 
Muratori,  Anecd.  Lat.  vol.  iv.,  Migne,  Patr.  Lat. 
vol.  Ivii. ;  see  also  S.  Ambros.  Eijist.  Ixiii.  c.  66, 
82,  vol.  ii.  pars  1,  p.  1038 ;  Ps.-Ambros.  Serm. 
56,  vol.  ii.  pars  '2,  p.  468,  ascribed,  perhaps 
correctly,  to  S.  Maximus,  ap.  Muratori,  I.  c,  and 
Migne,  vol.  Ivii.  p.  886) ;  and  probably  from  the 
example  thus  set  by  Eusebius  and  strongly 
approved  by  Ambrose,  it  was  established  by 
Augustine  in  his  own  diocese  in  North  Africa, 
expressly  on  the  monastic  principle  of  the  re- 
nunciation of  private  property  by  those  who 
thus  lived  together,  and  who  are  hence  called 
''  monasterium  clericorum  "  (S.  Augustin.  Serm. 
355  =  de  divers.  49,  Op.  ed.  Migne,  Patr.  Lat., 
vol.  V.  p.  1570 ;  see  also  the  following  sermon). 
In  the  course  of  the  next  three  centuries  it 
seems  to  have  become  the  prevailing  system  of 
clerical  life  throughout  the  greater  part  of  the 
West.  The  city  clergy  lived  together  under  the 
eye  of  the  bishop;  they  dined  at  a  common 
table ;  they  even  slept  together  in  a  common 
chamber  (4  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  633,  c.  23,  makes 
special  provision  for  the  case  of  aged  or  infirm 
bishops,  priests,  or  deacons,  who  required  separate 
cells).  The  country  presbyters  in  the  same  way 
were  each  at  the  head  of  a  "  domus  ecclesiae," 
in  which,  as  the  tendency  grew  tip  to  dedicate 
boys  to  the  service  of  the  church  in  their  earliest 
years,  they  educated  such  boys  and  trained  them 
for  the  higher  orders.  Those  who  so  lived 
together,  whether  in  the  cathedral  city  or  in 
the  country  parishes,  appear  to  have  been  called 
"  canonici,"  and  to  have  had  their  definite  por- 
tions of  the  offerings  which  were  made  to  their 
respective  churches.  Occasionally  we  find  that 
a  special  endowment  was  made  for  the  support 
of  their  common  table  (S.  Greg.  Turon.  H.  F. 
X.  16,  p.  535  of  Baudin,  bp.  of  Tours  in  the 
time  of  Clothair  I.,  "hie  instituit  mensam 
canonicorum;"  cf.  the  will  of  a  bishop  of  Le 
]Mans  circ.  a.d.  615,  ap.  Mabillon,  Vett.  Anal. 
i.  254).  But  as  the  system  became  general,  it 
was  found  that  neither  the  ecclesiastical  canons 
nor  the  personal  control  of  the  bishop  were 
sufficient  to  prevent  a  laxity  of  life  among  those 
who  thus  lived  together;  the  "canonici"  con- 
trasted unfavourably  with  the  monks  who  lived 
under  the  stern  rc'ijime  of  St.  Benedict.  Con- 
sequently it  was  found  advisable  to  frame  a  rule 
of  life  for  "  canonici  "  as  well  as  for  monks,  and 
from  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century  almost  all 
Western  clergy  became  "  canonici  regulares " 
[see  Caxonici,  Vol.  1.  p.  282 ;  to  which  may  be 
added  the  important  dissertation  of  Muratori, 
de  Canonicis,  in  his  Antiquit.  Ital.  vol.  v.  p. 
183  sqq. ;  and  a  note  to  one  of  the  canons  of 
the  English  Legatine  Synods  in  Haddan  and 
Stulbs,  vol.  i.  p.  461,  which  however  admits  of 


ORDEES,  HOLY 

some  question].  The  ideal  of  this  canonical  life, 
or  "  vita  communis,"  is  found  not  only  in  the 
formal  rules  of  Chrodegang  (Mansi,  vol.  xiv, 
313,  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol.  Ixxxix.  1097 ;  and  in 
its  longer  form,  Harzheim,  Concil.  Germ,  vol.i.  96 ; 
D'Achery,  Spicilcgium,  vol.  i.  565),  or  of  Ama- 
larius  (Harzheim,  I.  c,  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol. 
cv.  815),  but  also  in  the  letter  of  Pope  Urban  in 
the  Pseudo-lsidorian  additions  to  the  Decretals 
(Hinschius,  p.  143).  But  unfortunately  it  has  its 
darker  side :  the  penitential  books  of  the  eighth 
and  ninth  centuries,  even  if  it  be  allowed  that 
some  of  the  offences  there  mentioned  are  rather 
imaginary  than  actual,  shew  that  at  any  rate  in 
Northern  Europe  the  standard  of  clerical  life 
had  been  rather  lowered  than  raised  by  its  dis- 
sociation from  the  common  life  of  the  Christian 
world. 

(iii.)  Discipline. — There  is  no  evidence  of  the 
existence  in  the  earliest  period  of  any  special 
discipline  for  church  officers.  The  distinction 
between  the  law  of  life  which  was  current 
among  the  mass  of  men,  and  that  which  was 
binding  on  Christians,  existed  for  all  members  of 
the  church  alike ;  and  although  exceptional 
qualities  were  required  in  a  church  officer,  what- 
ever might  lawfully  be  done  by  any  Christian 
might  also  lawfully  be  done  by  him.  Neither 
in  the  Pastoral  Epistles,  nor  in  any  other  of  the 
earliest  records  of  ecclesiastical  organization,  is 
there  any  trace  of  the  exceptional  rules  for 
church  officers  which  distinguish  later  canons. 
But  the  exercise  of  the  ordinary  discipline  is 
surrounded  in  their  case  with  special  safeguards  : 
"Against  an  elder  receive  not  an  accusation 
but  before  one  or  two  witnesses  "  (1  Tim.  v.  9). 

But  with  the  gradual  separation  of  church 
officers  from  the  rest  of  the  community  there 
came  also  to  be  rules  of  discipline  which  were 
specially  applicable  to  them.  These  rules  may 
be  conveniently  considered  under  two  heads : 
A.  Punishable  offences;  B.  Punishments.  On 
most  points  separate  articles  will  be  found  else- 
where, and  therefore  what  is  given  here  will 
chiefly  be  by  way  of  summary. 

A.  Punishable  oflences  may  be  divided  into 
three  classes : — (1)  Offences  relating  to  marriage 
and  sexual  morality,  (2)  offences  relating  to 
ecclesiastical  organization  and  divine  service, 
(3)  offences  relating  to  social  life. 

(1)  Offences  relating  to  Marriage  and  Sexual 
iloralitjj. — -It  is  especially  important  to  bear  in 
mind,  in  the  case  of  these  offences,  what  has  been 
said  above  as  to  the  originally  local  and  tempo- 
rary character  of  most  of  the  regulations  which 
exist.  The  drift  cf  opinion  in  favour  of  celibacy 
was  by  no  means  uniform  in  either  its  direction 
or  its  rate  of  motion.  (a)  In  regard  to  the 
marriage  of  ordained  persons,  the  following  are 
the  chief  disciplinary  regulations  : — Cone.  Ancyr. 
c.  10,  enacts  that  deacons  who  marry  after 
ordination  without  having  expressly  stipulated 
for  liberty  to  do  so  at  the  time  of  their  ordina- 
tion are  to  be  deposed;  Cone.  Neoc.  c.  1,  enacts 
that  a  presbyter  who  marries  after  ordination  is 
to  be  deposed ;  the  Apostolical  Canons  go  farther, 
and  say  that  no  clerk  can  marry  after  ordination, 
except  readers  and  singers  only  (C.  A.  26) ;  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions,  vi.  17,  extend  the  ex- 
ception to  subdeacons  (inTTjperas)  and  door- 
keepers (but,  on  the  other  hand,  Cone.  Chalc.  c. 
14,  speaks  of  the  exception  of  readers  and  singers 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

as  a  custom  of  some  provinces,  iTrapx'iai,  only). 
These  ennctments  were  confirmed  by  the  civil 
law.  A  law  of  Justinian  in  530  (Cod.  Justin,  i. 
3,  45)  goes  so  far  as  to  make  the  children  of  such 
marriages,  including  those  of  subdeacons,  illegi- 
timate; and  a  novel  of  the  same  emperor  (Novell. 
123,  c.  14)  subjects  the  oflending  clerk  to  a 
farther  civil  penalty  (but  this  penalty  was  after- 
wards modified,  on  the  ground  of  its  being  too 
severe,  by  the  Emjieror  Leo,  Const.  79  in  Corp. 
Jur.  Civ.  iii.  p.  814).  The  leading  Western  canon 
on  the  subject  is  8  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  653,  c.  7, 
which  enacts  that  anyone  who  after  ordination 
either  marries  or  becomes  a  layman  must  be 
deprived  of  his  dignity  and  secluded  for  the  rest 
of  his  life  in  a  monastery  ;  but  the  existence  of 
an  earlier  Western  canon  is  indicated  by  2  Cone. 
Aurel.  A.D.  533,  c.  8,  which  enacts  that  a  deacon 
who  marries  in  captivity  is  to  be  deposed  upon 
iiis  return  :  9  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  655,  c.  10,  makes 
the  children  of  such  marriages  slaves  of  the 
church  of  which  their  fathers  were  officers. 
(6)  If  a  person  was  ordained  who  was  already 
married,  the  Apostolical  Canons,  c.  5,  forbid  him 
to  put  away  his  wife  (-Trpo^xxtrei  evAa^elas) ;  and 
Cone.  Gangr.  c.  4,  anathematizes  those  who 
refused  to  receive  the  communion  from  a  married 
presbyter.  But  Epiphanius,  ii.  59,  4,  speaks  of  a 
canon  to  the  opposite  effect,  which,  however,  he 
admits  not  to  be  observed  :  Socrates,  ff.  E.  v.  22, 
notes,  on  the  other  hand,  that  although  there 
was  no  positive  enactment,  many  clergy  did 
abstain  from  their  wives,  and  that  in  Thessaly  a 
clerk  was  excommunicated  who  did  not  so 
abstain.  A  distinction  in  this  respect  was  after- 
wards drawn  in  the  East,  which  with  some 
modifications  has  remained  until  modern  times, 
between  presbyters  and  bishops.  Justinian 
enacted  in  531  that  no  person  could  be  made 
bishop  who  did  not  practise  married  contineiice 
(Cod.  Justin,  i.  3,  48,  cf.  Cone.  Trull,  xii.  13 ; 
and  see  Celibacy,  Vol.  I.  p.  324).  In  the  West, 
Cone.  Illib.  A.D.  313,  commands  all  married 
clerks  to  abstain  and  not  to  beget  children  under 
pain  of  deprivation ;  so  also  the  doubtful  addi- 
tion to  1  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  29:  2  Carth.  c.  3  = 
Cod.  Eccles.  Afric.  c.  2,  gives  the  prohibition 
without  specifying  a  penalty:  5  Carth.  c.  3  = 
Cod.  Eccles.  Afric.  c.  25,  makes  the  enactment 
apply  to  subdeacons  and  upwards,  but  not  to 
inferior  clerks:  1  Tolet.  A.D.  398,  assigns  the 
milder  penalty  of  non-promotion;  so  also  1 
Turon.  A.D.  441,  c.  2 ;  but  1  Araus.  a.d.  441, 
c.  23,  Agath.  a.d.  506,  c.  9,  Arvern.  a.d.  535, 
c.  13,  revert  to  the  penalty  of  deposition  in  the 
case  of  priests  and  deacons  :  Gerund.  A.D.  517, 
c.  6,  3  Aurel.  A.D.  538,  c.  2,  5  Aurel.  A.D.  549, 
<;.  4  (but  not  4  Aurel.  a.d.  541,  c.  17),  Autissiod. 
A.D.  578,  c.  20,  and  apparently  2  Matisc.  A.D. 
581,  c.  11,  3  Lugd.  A.D.  583,  c.  1  (all  Galilean 
councils,  and  all  belonging  to  the  century  which 
succeeded  the  baptism  of  Chlodwig),  include 
subdeacons  in  the  same  penalty.  This  inclusion 
of  subdeacons  is  also  mentioned  by  Leo  the 
Great  (JSpist.  167  ad  Bustic.  c.  3 ;  Upist.  14  aa 
Anastas.  c.  3),  and  its  adoption  in  Gaul  seems  to 
be  due  to  Roman  influence,  as  Gregory  the  Great 
{Epist.  i.  44,  vol.  ii.  p.  538)  speaks  of  it  as  a 
"  mos  Romanus "  which  had  recently  been 
imposed  on  Sicily.  The  Decretals  follow  in  the 
same  track  (S.  Siric.  ad  Eumer.  c.  7,  Hinschius, 
p.    521 ;    S.   Innocent   I.  ad    Yktoric.  e.   9.    ad 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


1493 


Exsi'pcr.  <■.  1,  ad  Maxim,  ct  Sever.,  Hinschius, 
pp.  530,  531,  .544):  so  also,  with  strong  emphasis 
upon  the  enactment,  in  the  Pseudo-Isidorian 
Epist.  Clement,  ii.  c.  46,  Hinschius,  p.  48.  2 
Cone.  Turon.  a.d.  567,  c.  19,  throws  upon  the 
rural  arch-presbyters  (i.e.  the  later  rural  deans) 
the  duty  of  seeing  that  the  other  clergy  of  their 
districts  observe  the  rule ;  in  case  of  a  breach  of 
it,  not  only  is  the  offender  himself  to  be  sus- 
pended, but  the  arch-presbyter  who  has  neglected 
to  guard  against  a  breach  of  it  is  himself  to  be 
secluded,  and  fed  on  bread  and  water  for  a 
month.  (c)  In  cases  where  marriage  was 
allowed,  digamy  in  any  of  its  forms  was  strictly 
prohibited.  In  the  East  the  Apostolical  Canons 
(c.  17-19)  refuse  to  allow  anyone  who  has 
married  (1)  two  wives  after  baptism,  (2)  a 
widow  or  divorcee,  to  be  on  the  clergy  list  (cf. 
Const.  Apost.  vi.  17 ;  Justin.  Novell,  vi.  c.  5).  But 
the  regulations  seem  to  have  fallen  into  disuse, 
inasmuch  as  at  the  time  of  the  TruUan  Council 
special  legislation  had  again  become  necessary, 
and  the  analogy  of  the  Western  church  was 
expressly  followed  (Cone.  Trull,  c.  2).  In  the 
West  there  were  numerous  enactments  on  the 
subject: — (i.)  1  Cone.  Valent.  A.D.  374,  c.  1,  dis- 
allows digamists  for  the  future,  but  does  not 
interfere  with  those  who  were  already  ordained : 
1  Tol.  A.D.  398,  c.  4,  degrades  a  digamous  sub- 
deacon  to  the  rank  of  a  reader  or  doorkeeper, 
and  deposes  a  trigamist :  Araus.  a.d.  441,  c.  25, 
will  not  allow  a  digamist  to  rise  higher  than  the 
subdiaconate :  Agath.  A.D.  506,  c.  1,  will  not 
allow  a  digamous  presbyter  or  deacon  to  exercise 
his  functions  ;  so  Epaon.  a.d.  517,  c.  2.  (ii.)  The 
wife  of  anyone  who  is  allowed  to  marry  must  be 
a  virgin.  1  Cone.  Tolet.  A.d.  398,  c.  3,  enacts 
that  a  reader  who  marries  a  widow  cannot  rise 
higher  than  the  subdiaconate:  1  Turon.  a.d. 
461,  c.  4,  enacts  that  he  must  in  such  a  case  hold 
the  lowest  place  on  the  clergy  list :  Agath.  a.d. 
506,  c.  1,  in  compassion  to  those  presbyters  and 
deacons  who  had  broken  the  rule,  does  not 
depose  them  from  their  office,  but  will  not  allow 
them  to  minister ;  but  2  Hispal.  A.D.  619,  c.  4, 
deposes  deacons  in  a  similar  case  without  hope 
of  restoration:  4  Tolet.  a.d.  033,  c.  44,  orders 
clerks  who  have  so  offended  to  be  separated  from 
their  wives.  So  also  in  the  Decretals:  S.  Siric. 
ad  Eumer.  c.  11,  Hinschius,  p.  522  ;  S.  Innocent. 
ad  Victoric.  c.  4,  ad  Felic.  c.  2,  ad  Ruf.  ct  Euseh. 
c.  1,  Hinschius,  pp.  530,  533,  549.  That  it 
became  not  only  the  law  but  the  usage  in  the 
West  is  a  fair  inference  from  the  fact  that  the 
pseudo-Isidore  does  not  even  mention  it  in  the 
spurious  part  of  his  collection,  {d)  Sexual  im- 
morality was  at  all  times  punished  severely  ; 
but  the  canons  are  few  in  number,  because  the 
gravity  of  the  offence  was  so  universally  recog- 
nised as  to  render  the  repetition  of  positive 
enactments  unnecessary :  the  leading  Eastern 
canons  are  Cone.  Xeoc.  c.  1,  Can.  Apost.  25 ;  but 
Cone.  Trull,  c.  4,  is  a  remarkable  indication  of 
later  Eastern  usage,  inasmuch  as  it  seems  to 
imply  that  a  lesser  punishment  than  deposition 
had  come  to  be  the  rule  when  the  woman  witli 
whom  a  clerk  committed  sin  was  other  than  a 
nun.  The  earliest  Western  canon  is  that  of 
Elvira,  c.  19,  which  inflicts  on  adulterous  bishops, 
presbyters,  and  deacons  the  severe  penalty  of 
perpetual  excommunication:  much  later,  the 
Carolingian    Capitularies    punish    an   offending 


1494 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


presbyter  with  scourging  and  two  )-ears'  im- 
prisonment on  bread  and  water  (Karlomauni 
Capit.  A.D.  742,  c.  6 ;  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  18) ;  but 
the  British  churches  were  more  lenient.  In  the 
sixth  century  an  ofl'ending  presbyter  or  deacon 
•was  punished  with  three  years'  penitence  (Gildae 
praef.  de  pocnit.  c.  1 ;  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  i. 
p.  113).  Theodore's  Penitential,  i.  9,  1,  revives 
the  Apostolical  Canon  which  deposes  but  does 
not  excommunicate  a  clerk  ;  cf.  Poenit.  Egb.  v. 
1-22,  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  iii.  p.  418.  (e) 
In  some  cases  the  purity  of  the  clerical  order 
was  further  guarded  by  punishing  clerks  for  the 
incontinence  of  their  wives :  Cone.  Illib.  c.  65, 
enacts  that  a  clerk  must  put  away  an  offending 
wife  or  be  himself  perpetually  excommunicated  ; 
Neoc.  c.  8,  enacts  that  he  must  either  put  her 
away  or  cease  to  exercise  his  office ;  1  Tolet.  c.  7, 
empowers  clerks  to  imprison  their  erring  wives, 
and  to  reduce  them  to  penitence  by  salutary 
fasting.  See  also  the  canon  of  Photius  in 
reference  to  presbyters  and  deacons  whose  wives 
had  been  abused  by  barbarians,  ap.  Mai,  Scriptt. 
Vett.  vol.  i.  p.  364. 

(2)  Offences  relating  to  Ecclesiastical  Organiza- 
tion and  Divine  Scnice. — These  may  be  divided 
according  as  they  are  connected  with  (a)  the 
growth  of  the  diocesan  system,  (6)  the  growth  of 
the  parochial  system,  (c)  the  establishment  of 
ecclesiastical  courts,  (cT)  ordination,  (e)  divine 
service. 

(«)  It  was  not  without  a  struggle  that  dioceses, 
in  the  modern  sense  of  the  term,  were  formed, 
and  that  the  church  officers  of  a  particular 
district  or  province  came  to  be  regarded  as  an 
organic  unity.  The  former  of  these  results  was 
chiefly  due,  as  has  been  pointed  out  above,  to  the 
establishme;it  of  the  system  of  synods ;  the  latter 
was  chiefly  due  to  the  regulations  that  a  clerk 
could  not  be  on  the  roll  of  two  churches  at 
once,  and  that  he  could  not  be  transferred  from 
the  roll  of  one  church  to  the  roll  of  another 
without  the  consent  of  his  former  superior.  The 
earliest  enactment  to  this  effect  is  Cone.  iS'icaen. 
c.  16,  which  laid  down  the  rule  that  if  any 
bishop  appointed  to  office  in  his  own  church  a 
clerk  belonging  to  another  church,  the  appoint- 
ment {x^^po'^ovia)  should  be  invalid.  But  the 
fact  that  the  rule  required  to  be  re-enacted 
again  and  again  shews  that  it  did  not  easily 
establish  itself:  a  few  years  after  the  Council  of 
Nicaea,  the  Council  of  Antioch  (c.  3)  repeated  it, 
with  the  addition  that  the  bishop  who  received 
another's  clerk  against  his  will  should  be  liable 
to  be  punished  by  the  synod:  Can.  Apost.  15 
punishes  a  bishop  in  a  similar  case  with  excom- 
munication ;  so  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  20.  Later  on  in 
the  P^ast,  Cone.  Trull,  c.  17,  after  reciting  the 
frequency  of  violations  of  the  rule,  enacts  that 
for  the  future  no  bishop  sh.all  receive  another's 
clerk  without  a  dimissory  letter  under  pain  of 
deprivation.  Still  later  the  Nestorian  synod  of 
Patriarch  John  (Ebedjesu,  Tract,  vi.  cap.  6,  can. 
8,  ap.  Mai,  Scriptt.  Yctt.xol.  x  p.  116)  punishes 
clerks  who  so  passed  from  one  vtjocese  to  another 
with  a  year's  suspension,  and  subsequent  degra- 
dation to  the  lowest  place  in  their  order.  In 
the  West,  1  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  21,  deposes  pres- 
byters and  deacons  who  transfer  themselves  to 
.another  church:  1  Tolet.  c.  12,  excommunicates 
them,  unless  they  are  refugees  from  a  heretical 
to   an   orthodox   church:   Milev.  c.   15  =  Cod. 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

Eccl.  Afric.  c.  90  (which  probably  arose  out  of 
the  case  of  Timotheus,  who  had  been  a  reader 
of  Augustine's,  but  was  promoted  to  the  sub- 
diaconate  at  Subsana,  S.  August.  Epist.  63  (240), 
Op.  vol.  ii.  p.  231),  enacted  that  no  cne  should 
abandon  the  church  in  which  he  had  been 
ordained  reader:  Valent.  c.  5,  excommunicates 
and  deposes  presbyters  and  deacons  who  do  not 
adhere  to  the  place  assigned  to  them  by  the 
bishop  who  ordained  them ;  2  Hispal.  c.  3,  deals 
with  the  case  of  a  clerk  who,  having  been  dedi- 
cated to  the  service  of  the  church  at  Italica, 
near  Seville,  had  fled  to  Cordova,  and  regards 
such  clerks  as  being  on  the  footing  of  "  coloni 
agrorum :"  1  Turon.  c.  11,  2  Arelat.  c.  13,  Statt. 
Eccl.  Antiq.  c.  27,  allow  a  clerk  to  migrate  with 
the  consent  of  his  bishop :  so  Cone.  Hertford, 
c.  3,  ap.  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  iii.  p.  119. 

(6)  It  was  apparently  an  early,  if  not  a 
primitive  rule,  that  the  presbyters  and  deacons 
of  a  church  could  not  ordinarily  act  without  the 
bishop  of  that  church.  In  the  next  stage  of 
organization  it  was  enacted  that  a  presbyter  or 
deacon  could  not  detach  himself  from  the  church 
of  which  he  was  presbyter  or  deacon  and  set  up 
an  altar  of  his  own  (Cone.  Antioch.  c.  5).  The 
next  step  was  to  provide  for  the  cases  in  which 
monasteries  or  other  ecclesiastical  institutions 
were  established  in  a  city  of  which  there  was  a 
bishop :  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  8,  following  what  it 
states  to  be  an  older  tradition,  subjects  all  such 
institutions  to  the  bishop  of  the  city;  Trull,  c. 
31,  2  Nicaen.  c.  10,  do  the  same  for  private 
chapels.  In  the  West,  4  Aurel.  A. P.  541,  c.  7, 
requires  the  clerks  of  "oratoria  domini  prae- 
diorum  "  to  have  the  consent  of  the  bishop ;  but 
the  Capitularies,  by  repeating  the  rule  that 
"all  presbyters  who  are  in  a  diocese  (parochia) 
must  be  under  the  jurisdiction  (potestas)  of  the 
bishop  of  that  diocese,  and  must  not  baptize  or 
celebrate  mass  without  his  sanction,"  seem  to 
imply  that  the  rule  had  been  broken  (Pippini 
Capit.  Vern.  dupl.  c.  8  ;  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  26).  The 
regulation  that  a  presbyter  could  only  celebrate 
the  Eucharist  in  a  place  consecrated  by  the 
bishop  is  first  found  in  2  Cone.  Carth.  c.  9 ;  but 
it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  universally 
recognised,  since  it  required  re-enactment  at  a 
late  date,  viz.  in  the  Liber  Pontificalis,  Vit. 
Siric.  c.  2  =  Dccret.  Synod.  Silvestr.  c.  9,  in  the 
Pseudo-Isidorian  decretals,  Hinschius,  p.  450  j 
cf.  Atton.  II.  Vercell.  Capit.  c.  7,  ap.  D'Achery, 
Spicilegiiim,  vol.  i.  p.  403. 

(c)  A  third  class  of  offences  consists  of  those 
which  grew  out  of  the  jurisdiction  of  ecclesi- 
astical coiirts.  The  exercise  of  discipline  by  the 
church  in  ecclesiastical  matters  must  be  dis- 
tinguished from  its  exercise  of  jurisdiction  iu 
civil  or  criminal  matters.  The  former  was  in- 
herent in  the  original  constitution  of  the 
Christian  communities;  the  latter  was  of  the 
nature  of  voluntary  contract.  The  history  of 
both  is  intricate,  and  has  yet  to  be  fully  written; 
it  must  be  sufficient  to  mention  here  that  while 
the  State  constantly  recognised  the  ecclesiastical 
courts  as  courts  of  arbitration,  and  was  ready  to 
enforce  their  sentences  when  both  parties  had 
agreed  to  oe  bound  by  those  sentences,  the 
church  on  its  part  endeavoured  in  the  West  to 
compel  clerks  to  resort  in  all  cases  to  its  own 
courts  rather  than  to  the  ordinary  civil  courts. 
This  is  seen  especially  in  3  Cone.  Carth.  c.  9  = 


OKDERS,  HOLY 

Cod.  Eccl.  Afric.  c.  15,  which  deposes  clerks  who 
resort  to  secular  tribunals  in  criminal  cases,  and 
■condemns  them  to  lose  their  cause  in  civil  cases : 
so  m  eftect.  Cone.  Milev.  c.  19  =  Cod.  Eccles. 
Afric.  c.  104,  Agath.  c.  8,  3  Tol.  c.  13 ;  and  in 
the  Cajntulnries,  I'ippini  Capit.  Vern.  dupl.  c. 
18,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  2(3.  In  addition  to,  and  also 
in  distinction  from,  both  forms  of  judicial  autho- 
rity, the  bishops  came  to  have  an  independent 
and  extra-judicial  authority,  which  also  was 
€nforced  by  ecclesiastical  penalties.  Cone.  Agath. 
•c.  2,  enacts  that  clerks  who  neglected  their  duty 
were  to  be  corrected  by  their  bishop;  if  they 
pertinaciously  disregarded  such  correction,  they 
were  to  be  struck  off  the  roll  and  deprived  of 
their  pay.  Forty  years  later,  Cone.  Valent.  c. 
6,  suspends  and  excommunicates  clerks  in  similar 
circumstances :  still  later  in  the  same  century 
Couc.  Narb.  c.  10,  renews  the  enactment.  It  is 
not  clear  that  any  of  these  enactments  apply  to 
presbyters,  but  it  is  probable  that  they  so 
strengthened  the  position  of  the  bishops  of  the 
West  as  to  lead  them  to  claim  a  similar  juris- 
diction over  prosbj'ters.  2  Cone.  Hispal.  a.d. 
619,  c.  6,  held  under  Isidore  of  Seville,  restores 
«n  presbyter  who  had  been  deposed  by  the  sole 
authority  of  his  bishop,  and  refers  to  "  priscorum 
patrum  synodalem  sententiam"  to  shew  that 
"  episcopus  sacerdotibus  ac  ministris  {i.e., 
deacons]  solus  honorem  dare  potest,  auferre 
solus  non  potest : "  cf.  Statt.  Eccl.  Ant.  c.  23. 

(cT)  Offences  relating  to  Ordination. — The 
ofteuces  which  consisted  in  ordination  out  of  the 
]n-oper  diocese  have  been  mentioned  above  under 
((()•  The  chief  other  offence  was  ordination  for 
)noney,  i.e.  simony.  This  was  prohibited  in  the 
East  by  the  Apostolical  Canons,  c.  28,  under 
penalty  of  excommunication  of  both  ordainer 
4ind  ordained,  by  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  2,  Trull,  c.  22, 
2  Nicaen.  c.  5 :  in  the  West  by  2  Aurel.  A.u 
533,  c.  4 ;  6  Tolet.  A.D.  638,  c.  4 ;  Cabill.  a.d.  650, 
€.  16  ;  4  Brae.  a.d.  675,  e.  8.  (Of  its  prevalence 
in  France  at  this  period  there  are  many  indica- 
tions besides  the  repetition  of  conciliar  enact- 
ments, e.g.  in  the  Life  of  S.  Eligius,  lib.  ii.  c.  1, 
ap.  D'Achery,  Spicil.  vol.  ii.  p.  90,  and  in  the  Life 
of  S.  Romanus,  ap.  Martene  et  Duraud,  Anccd. 
vol.  iv.  p.  1654.)  It  was  also  prohibited  by  the 
civil  law :  a  law  of  Leo  and  Anthemius,  in  469 
(Cod.  Just.  1,  3,  31),  punishes  it  with  civil  "  in- 
famia  "  as  well  as  loss  of  the  office ;  a  law  of 
<51ycerius  and  Leo  (Haenel,  Corpus  Legum  ante 
Just.  lat.  1226,  p.  260,  from  Cod.  Vat.  Reg. 
1997)  mentions  and  reprehends  the  practice  of 
giving  notes  of  hand  to  be  paid  out  of  the  pro- 
ceeds of  the  office ;  cf.  Justin.  Novell.  56  and 
123,  c.  16,  for  the  practice,  which  had  grown  up 
but  which  tended  to  be  simoniacal,  of  giving 
presents  to  the  clergy  of  a  church  at  the  time 
of  ordination. 

(e)  Offences  relating  to  Divine  Service  and  the 
Eeligious  Life.—i.  The  Apostolical  Constitutions 
(2,  59)  enjoin  all  the  faithful,  laity  as  well  as 
clergy,  to  go  to  church  twice  every  day,  and  the 
Apostolical  Canons  (c.  8)  and  Cone.  Antioch.  (c.  2) 
enact  that  clerks,  if  present,  must  communicate  ; 
but  it  appears  from  the  civil  law  that  clerks 
were  rather  negligent  in  this  respect  (Cod. 
Justin.  1,  3,  42  (41),  10;  1,  3,  52  (51))  ;  and  a 
century  and  a  half  later  the  TruUan  Council 
thought  it  sufficient  to  punish  a  clerk  or  layman 
who,  not  being  hindered  from  attending,  absented 


ORDERS,  HOL"X 


1495 


himself  from  divine  service  for  three  successive 
Sundays.  The  Spanish  rule,  as  given  in  1  Cone. 
Tolet.  c.  5,  was  that  any  clerk  who  was  in  the 
neighbourhood  cf  a  church  must  go  to  the  daily 
sacrifice.  The  Galilean  rule,  as  given  in  Cone. 
Venet.  A.D.  465(?),  c.  14,  punished  with  seven 
days'  excommunication  clerks  who  were  without 
good  excuse  absent  from  the  morning  office. 
The  Irish  rule,  as  given  in  the  Canons  of  St. 
Patrick,  c.  7,  was  that  a  clerk  who  did  not  go 
morning  and  evening  "  ad  coUectas,"  was  to  be 
excommunicated,  unless  he  were  detained  by  the 
obligations  of  servitude  ("  jugo  servitutis  ").  The 
North  African  rule  was,  that  unless  a  clerk  were 
present  at  vespers  he  should  lose  his  pay  {Statt. 
Eccles.  Antiq.  c.  49).  ii.  The  regulations  which 
relate  to  the  conduct  of  divine  service  are  not 
numerous.  The  Apostolical  Canons  (c.  3)  depose 
a  bishop  or  presbyter  who  offers  upon  the  altar 
milk  or  honey,  or  birds  or  vegetables ;  or  (c.  59) 
a  clerk  who  reads  pseudepigrapha  as  though 
they  were  sacred  books;  3  Cone.  Brae.  a.d.  572, 
c.  10,  excommunicates  priests  who  celebrate  mass 
without  a  stole  on  both  shoulders;  13  Tolet. 
A.D.  683,  c.  7,  deposes  clerks  who  in  pique  or 
quarrel  strip  the  altar  of  its  vestments  or  put 
out  the  church  lights ;  Cone.  Rom.  A.D.  743,  c. 
13,  under  Pope  Zachary,  excommunicates  bishops, 
presbyters,  and  deacons  who  celebrate  mass  with 
a  staff  or  with  covered  head ;  the  Nestorian 
canons  of  Ebedjesu  {Tract,  vi.  can.  6,  c.  2)  punish 
a  clerk  who  officiates  without  his  boots,  iii.  It 
was  enacted  that  clerks  must  not  join  in  divine 
service  with  deposed  clerks,  or  heretics,  or  Jews 
(Can.  Apost.  c.  11,  45,  65)  ;  or  fast  on  the  Lord's 
day  {ib.  c.  64) ;  or  fail  to  keep  Lent  {ib.  c.  69) ;  or 
eat  flesh  with  the  blood  in  it  {ib.  c.  63). 

(3)  The  enactments  which  related  to  the 
social  life  of  the  clergy  during  the  first  four 
centuries  have  been  for  the  most  part  mentioned 
above  under  (ii.).  The  following  belong  to  later 
centuries: — In  the  East  the  Trullan  Council 
made  a  series  of  enactments  which,  being  for  the 
most  part  repetitions  of  earlier  enactments, 
shew  that  such  earlier  enactments  had  fallen 
into  neglect.  It  jDrovided  that  clerks  should 
not  be  the  lessors  of  taverns,  c.  9 ;  that  they 
should  not  take  usury,  c.  10 ;  that  they  should 
not  wear  unbecoming  dress,  c.  27;  that  they 
should  not  play  with  dice,  c.  50 ;  nor  be  con- 
cerned in  stage-plays  and  stage-dancing,  c.  50 ; 
nor  keep  brothels,  c.  86.  In  North  Africa  it 
was  enacted  that  they  should  wear  a  becoming 
dress  {Statt.  Eccles.  Antiq.  c.  45);  that  they 
should  not  waste  time  in  walking  about  the 
streets  {ib.  c.  47);  and  that  they  should  not 
sing  songs  at  a  banquet  {ib.  c.  62) :  on  the  other 
hand,  they  were  quite  at  liberty  to  procure  their 
livelihood  by  handicraft  or  agricultui-e  {ib.  c. 
51-53).  In  the  provincial  councils  of  Gaul  and 
Sp.ain  it  was  enacted  that  clerks  who  were 
engaged  in  trade  must  not  sell  dearer  than  other 
people  (Cone.  Tarrac.  A.D.  516,  c.  1),  or  drive 
hard  bargains  (3  Cone.  Aurel.  A.D.  538,  c.  27) ; 
that  clerks  must  not  live  with  secular  persons 
without  the  permission  of  the  bishop  (2  Cone. 
Aurel.  A.D.  533,  c.  9) ;  that  they  must  not  fre- 
quent banquets  at  which  love-songs  were  sung 
(Cone.  Venet.  A.D.  465,  c.  11 ;  Agath.  a.d.  506,  c. 
39) ;  nor  sing  or  dance  at  banquets  (Cone.  Autis- 
siod.  A.D.  578  (?),  c.  40) ;  nor  be  drunk  (Cone. 
Venet.  c.  13,  Agath.  c.  41);  nor  bear  arms  (Cone. 


14'J(J 


ORDEKS,  HOLY 


Herd.  A.D.  523,  c.  1) ;  nor  keep  hunting  dogs  or 
hawks  (Cone.  Epaon.  A.D.  517,  c.  4:  of.  Cone. 
Forojul.  A.D.  798,  c.  6  ;  Capit.  Generale,  A.D.  789, 
C.15,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  69,  which  adds  "jesters  "  to 
the  list  of  prohibitions ;  Hettonis  Basil.  Capit.  11). 
In  Ireland  almost  the  only  social  regulation 
which  is  contained  in  the  Canons  of  St.  Patrick  is 
that  if  a  clerk  becomes  surety  for  a  "gentila," 
and  "  quod  mirum  non  est,"  if  the  gentile  cheats 
the  clerk,  the  clerk  must  pay  his  bond,  or  if  he 
lights  the  gentile  instead,  must  be  excommuni- 
cated (Can.  S.  Patric.  c.  8)  ;  the  later  collection 
of  Irish  canons  repeats  the  enactments  of  the 
Statt.  Secies.  Antiq.  (see  Wasserschleben,  die 
Irische  Kanonensammlung,  p.  33,  &c.).  In  Eng- 
land the  penitentials  of  Bade,  Egbert,  and 
Theodore  combine  to  atlbrd  conclusive  evidence 
that  the  chief  social  otfence  against  which  pro- 
vision had  to  be  made  was  drunkenness :  there 
is,  perhaps,  no  more  degrading  picture  of  the 
state  of  the  clergy  at  any  period  of  the  history 
of  the  church  than  that  which  these  penitentials 
present  {e.g.,  Poenit.  Theodor.  i.  1,  4,  ap.  Wasser- 
schleben, Bussordnung  dcr  ahendl.  Kirch,  p.  182 
sqq.,  and  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  i.). 

B.  The  punishments  by  which  the  observance 
of  disciplinary  rules  was  enforced  were  various ; 
the  most  important  were  the  several  forms  of  ex- 
communication, degradstion,  and  deposition. 

(1)  Excomimn%mtion.—{a)  Temporary:  The 
simplest  mode  of  enforcing  obedience  was  to 
suspend  a  clerk  from  all  the  privileges  of  church 
membership  so  long  as  he  was  recalcitrant 
{a.<pop'i.ii(Tdai,  Can.  Apost.  passim;  aKoivwvriTos 
ilvai,  Cone.  Nieaen.  c.  IG  ;  "a  communione  alienus 
haberi,"  2  Cone.  Arelat.  e.  3,  1  Turon.  c.  3). 
This  did  not  in  early  times  imply  more  than 
that  the  offending  clerk  could  not  remain  with 
the  faithful  to  participate  in  the  communion, 
and  that  he  consequently  lost  his  share  in  the 
offerings.  It  was  a  corollary  of  this  sentence 
that  he  could  not  exercise  his  office  (hence 
Mabillon,  Mus.  Ital.  vol.  ii.  p.  7,  explains  the 
phrase  "  arehiparaphonista  [i.e.,  archicantor]  a 
pontifice  exeommunicabitur,"  by  "  ab  officio  sus- 
pendetur  ").  Sometimes  the  period  during  which 
a  clerk  should  remain  excommunicated  was  ex- 
pressed in  the  canon :  e.g.  a  year  (Cone.  Epaon. 
A.D.  517,  c.  15  ;  2  Turon.  A.D.  567,  c.  19 ;  Narbon. 
A.D.  589,  c.  10);  three  months  (11  Tolet.  a.d. 
675,  a.  8).  But  more  commonly  the  time  was 
not  specified,  it  being  understood  that  submission 
would  be  followed  by  re-admission  to  full  status. 
The  Apostolical  Canons,  however,  contain  a 
stipulation  that  the  bishop  who  re-admits  a  clerk 
must  be  the  same  bishop,  if  still  living,  who  had 
excommunicated  him  (C.  A.  28,  where  Balsamon 
adds  that  even  if  the  bishop  had  died,  his  place 
in  this  respect  could  only  be  taken  by  his  suc- 
cessor, or  the  metropolitan,  or  the  patriarch). 
In  time,  and  especially  in  the  West,  this  form  of 
punishment  became  more  severe  than  it  had 
originally  been.  A  canon  of  the  fifth  (?)  century, 
which  claims  for  itself  the  authority  of  earlier 
canons,  separates  an  excommunicated  clerk  not 
only  from  communion  but  also  from  all  Christian 
society  ("a  totius  populi  coUoquio  atque  con- 
vivio  ")  until  he  submits  :  so  also  in  the  Canons 
of  St.  Patrick,  c.  28 ;  and  even  more  stringently 
in  the  Capitularies  (Pippini  Capit.  Vern.  dupl. 
A.D.  755,  c.  9,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  26  =  Cone.  Vern., 
Mansi,  sii,   577;   Capit.    Ticin.  A.D.  801,  c.  17, 


ORDEES,  HOLY 

Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  85).  (b)  Permanent :  For  some 
offences  a  clerk  was  permanently  ejected  from 
church  membership  (i^code7<T6a.i  riXeov  Kal 
ayeaOai  els  fjiiravoiav,  Cone.  Neoc.  c.  1  ;  piirre- 
aOai  tK  rfjs  tKK\-naias,  Laod.  c.  36  ;  iravTa-rrainv 
iKKOTTTeaOai  rfjs  iKKArjaias,  Can.  Apost.  28). 
This  involved  complete  loss  of  status  ;  re-admis- 
sion was  only  possible  through  the  door  of 
formal  and  public  penitence.  Even  this  was  in 
some  cases  denied  (hence  1  Cone.  Araus.  A.D. 
441,  c.  4,  "  poenitentiam  desiderantibus  clericis 
non  negandum  "),  and  in  the  earliest  of  Western 
provincial  councils  the  door  was  shut  by  express 
enactment  of  the  canon  itself  ("  nee  in  fine 
[sc.  in  articulo  mortis]  accipere  communionem," 
Cone,  lllib.  c.  2,  19  :  but  it  may  be  noted  that 
this  severe  form  of  sentence  does  not  appear  to 
have  been  repeated  by  later  councils). 

(2)  Suspension  and  Degradation. — Of  these 
there  were  several  forms  and  degrees:  (a)  a 
presbyter  might  be  suspended  from  the  function 
of  offering  the  Eucharistic  sacrifice,  but  not 
from  other  functions  (Cone.  Neoc.  c.  1) ;  (6)  a 
clerk  might  be  suspended  from  the  exercise  of 
the  functions  of  his  office,  but  retain  his  rank 
(Cone.  Agath.  A.D.  506,  e.  43 ;  Epaon.  a.d.  517, 
c.  2 ;  Trull,  c.  26 :  so  also  S.  Basil,  Upist.  ii.  ad 
Amphiloch.  c.  27,  id.  Epist.  iii.  ad  Amphiloch.  c. 
70);  (c)  a  clerk  might  lose  his  seniority  and 
be  placed  last  on  the  clergy  roil  (1  Cone,  turon. 
A.D.  461,  c.  4 ;  Trull,  c.  7  ;  2  Nieaen.  c.  5) ;  {d)  a 
clerk  might  be  degraded  to  a  lower  order  (1 
Cone.  Toiet.  c.  4) ;  (e)  a  clerk  might  be  cut  off 
from  the  hope  of  promotion  (Cone.  Tauron.  A.D. 
401,  c.  8 ;  1  Tolet.  c.  1 ;  1  Araus.  c.  24 ;  Andegav. 
A.D.  461,  c.  2 ;  Herd.  c.  1,  5 ;  Statt.  Ecd.  Ant.  c. 
54 ;  so  also  S.  Basil,  Epist.  iii.  ad  Amphiloch.  c. 
69)  ;  (/)  a  clerk  might  be  deprived  of  his  stipend 
(3  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  538,  c.  7  ;  Narb.  a.d.  589,  c. 
11,  13).  (This,  which  was  probably  one  of  the 
chief  effects  of  excommunication  in  early  times, 
was  retained  as  a  separate  and  minor  punish- 
ment, when  excommunication  came  to  carry 
with  it  greater  penalties.) 

(3)  Deposition. — This  was  sometimes  more  and 
sometimes  less  than  excommunication.  In  the 
earliest  times  it  does  not  seem  to  have  involved 
more  than  the  reducing  of  an  officer  to  the  ranks 
in  the  army.  This  is  implied  in  the  phrases  by 
which  deposition  is  designated:  ireiravcrdai  t^s 
rd^fus,  Cone.  Aneyr.  c.  10,  14 ;  KaQaipeiadai  ttjs 
Ta|€£os,  Neoc.  1 ;  Kad.  rov  K\vpov,  Nieaen.  c.  17  ; 
Kad.  Tf)s  XiLTovpyias,  1  Antioch.  e.  3  ;  Kadaipetadai 
absolutely,  Ephes.  c.  4,  Can.  Apost.  passim  ; 
fKiriiTTeiv  rod  fiddpLov,  Ephes.  c.  2,  Chalc.  c.  27  ; 
aWorpios  rrjs  d^ias  ehai,  Chalc.  c.  2  ;  e^w  rod 
KXvpou  KaQiaraaOai,  Cod.  Justin.  1,  3,  40  (39), 
10;  "amoveri,"  Cone.  lllib.  c.  30;  "ab  ordine 
cleri  amoveri,"  1  Arelat.  c.  13 ;  "  degradari," 
Cone.  lllib.  c.  20  ;  "  ab  officio  degradari,"  Statt. 
Eccl.  Ant.  c.  56  ;  "  deponi,"  lllib.  c.  51 ;  "  a  clero 
deponi,"  Statt.  Eccl.  Ant.  e.  68 ;  "ab  ecclesiastico 
removeri  officio,"  Cod.  Eccl.  Afric.  c.  25 ;  "  locum 
amittere,"  2  Cone.  Carth.  c.  8;  "  ab  imposito 
officio  repelli,"  1  Araus.  c.  16  ;  "  honore  proprio 
privari,"  Milev.  c.  19.  The  person  so  removed 
from  office  was  for  the  future  a  layman:  his 
place  in  church  was  no  longer  on  the  raised 
steps  or  seats ;  he  had  no  longer  a  voice  in 
the  administration  of  discipline ;  and  he  had 
no  longer  the  larger  share  of  the  offerings 
which  fell  to  the  several  grades  of  officers.    This 


OKDEKS,  HOLY 

is  sometimes  expressly  stated:  e.g.,  Justin.  Novell.  I 
vi.  5,  Th  \otirhv  iSiioT-ns  effra;  S.  B&sil,  Epist.  i.  i 
i'd  Amphiloch.  c.  3,  els  rhv  KaUSiv  dTrtotreels  | 
t6ttov;  Cone.  Trull,  c.  21,  eV  -r^  rSiv  XdiKSiv 
aTrcadovfifuoi  tott^  ;  3  Cone.  Aurel.  A.D.  538,  c.  '_', 
"laica  communione  contentus  ab  officio  depo- 
natur  ;"  2  Turon.  A.D.  667,  c  19,  "depositus  ab 
onini  officio  clericali  inter  laicos  se  observare 
cognoscat "  (but  with  permission  to  sit  among 
the  readers  in  the  choir).  There  is  no  trace  of 
the  recognition  in  early  canon  law  of  the  opinion 
which  afterwards  came  to  prevail,  that  a  person  so 
deposed  was  still  in  posse  what  he  had  been  before ; 
and  that  the  repeal  of  the  sentence  of  deposition 
would  restore  him  at  once  to  all  the  privileges  and 
po.vers  of  his  lost  place.  On  the  contrary,  even 
so  late  as  the  seventh  century,  and  even  in  cases 
where  the  deposition  was  found  to  be  unjust,  re- 
ordination  was  necessary  ("  non  potest  esse  quod 
fuerat  nisi  gradus  amissos  recipiat  coram  altario," 
4  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  633,  c.  28).  One  of  the 
earliest  instances  of  the  later  opinion  is  in  the 
Capit.  Vernetise  of  Pippin,  A.D.  753,  Pertz,  vol.  i. 
p.  23,  which  allows  a  degraded  presbyter  to 
baptize  in  cases  of  extreme  emergency.  The 
.addition  of  excommunication  to  deposition  was 
in  early  times  a  separate  and  cumulative  punish- 
ment; the  Apostolical  Canons,  c.  24,  maintain 
that  the  former  is  sufficient  without  the  latter, 
even  in  cases  of  theft  or  perjury,  on  the  ground 
that  a  man  must  not  be  pvmished  twice  for  the 
same  ofience.  They  allow  them  to  be  combined 
only  in  the  case  of  simony  (c.  28 ;  the  interpre- 
tation of  c.  64,  which  apparently  visits  with  the 
same  double  punishment  those  who  associj-te 
with  Jews  and  heretics,  is  not  certain:  cf. 
Balsamon  and  Zonaras  ad  foe). 

(4)  Other  Punishments. — (a)  In  the  sixth 
century,  when  the  practice  of  appointing  very 
\  oung  persons  to  minor  orders  began  to  prevail, 
it  was  sometimes  enacted  that  "  juniores  clerici " 
who  transgressed  the  canons  should  be  whipped 
(Cone.  Epaon.  A.D.  517,  c.  15  ;  1  Matisc.  A.D.  581, 
c.  8 ;  Narbon.  A.D.  589,  c.  13  ;  11  Tolet.  a.d.  675, 
c.  8).  The  fourth  Council  of  Braga,  which  is  of 
the  same  date  as  the  last-mentioned  council,  goes 
so  far  as  to  allow  presbyters  to  be  scourged  for 
grave  ofl'ences,  but  discourages  the  practice 
which  some  bishops  seem  to  have  had  of  beating 
their  clergy  themselves.  So  also  in  the  following 
century  a  presbyter  who  commits  a  sin  of  the 
flesh  is  to  be  scourged,  "  flagellatus  et  scorti- 
catus,"  before  being  imprisoned  (Karloman. 
Capit.  A.D.  742,  c.  6  ;  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  17).  The 
civil  law  recognises  the  same  mode  of  punish- 
ment for  clerks  below  the  grade  of  deacons 
(Justin.  Novell.  123,  c.  20 ;  cf.  Cod.  1,  3,  8).  (h) 
When  the  monastic  system  began  to  prevail, 
clerks  were  sometimes  punished  by  being  secluded 
in  a  monastery:  e.g.,  Cone.  Epaon.  a.d.  517,  c. 
22 ;  3  Aurel.  A.D.  538,  c.  7  ;  4  Tol.  a.d.  633,  c. 
29,  45  ;  8  Tol.  a.d.  653,  c.  7.  So  also  in  the 
civil  law:  Justin.  Novell,  c.  11,  substitutes  this 
punishment  for  that  of  banishment,  which  had 
been  imposed  nearly  a  century  and  a  half  earlier 
by  a  law  of  Arcadius  and  Honorius  (Cod.  Theodos. 
xvi.  2,  35).  It  was  sometimes  further  enacted 
that  clerks  who  were  thus  secluded  should  be 
confined  in  solitary  cells  and  fed  on  bread  and 
water  (2  Cone.  Turon.  a.d.  567,  c.  19  ;  1  Matisc. 
a.d.  581,  c.  8),  and  that  they  should  be  subject 
to  the  abbat  (Narbon.  a.d.  589,  c.  6).     [E.  H.] 


OEDINAL 


i-io: 


OEDEES  (Monastic).  [Moxasthrv,  p. 
1229.] 

OEDINAL.  It  is  proposed  in  the  present 
article  to  give  a  brief  account  of  the  books  which 
contain  the  early  forms  of  ordination  in  both 
East  and  West.  There  is  no  ancient  term  for 
such  books.  The  most  usual  Western  term  is 
Pontificale  ;  but  on  the  one  hand,  the  word  does 
not  appear  until  the  close  of  the  middle  ages, 
and  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  too  wide  for  the 
present  purpose,  inasmuch  as  the  books  so  desig- 
nated contain  not  only  forms  of  ordination,  but 
also  forms  for  all  offices,  e.g.  the  consecration  of 
churches,  in  which  the  presence  of  a  bishop  had 
come  to  be  required.  For  Pontificale  Sicard  of 
Cremona  in  the  12th  century  (Mai,  Spic.  Rom. 
vol.  vi.  p.  583,  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol.  ccxv.) 
substitutes  Mitrale,  but  this  latter  word  does  not 
seem  to  have  obtained  general  currency.  Ordinale 
was  in  earlier  use,  but  with  a  different  meaning. 
Ralph  Higden  (^Polychronicon,  lib.  7,  c.  3)  speaks 
of  a  "  librum  ordinalem  ecclesiastici  officii  quern 
consuetudinarium  vocant,"  as  belonging  to 
Osmund  of  Salisbury  circ.  a.d.  1077  ;  but  in 
the  Gcsta  Abbatum  S.  Albani,  ed.  Riley,  p.  58, 
"  ordinalibus,  consuetudinariis,  missalibus  "  are 
enumerated  separately  among  the  books  given 
to  the  abbey  by  abbat  Paul,  a.d.  1077-1093 ;  an 
ordinariiis  liber  or  ordinarium  is  mentioned  in  a, 
charter  of  St.  Wulfran's  church  at  Abbeville  in 
a.d.  1208  ;  it  was  a  book  of  directions,  specify- 
ing "  quid  et  quando  et  quomodo  cantandum  sit 
vel  legendum,  chorus  regendus,  campanae  pul- 
sandae,  luminare  accendendum,"  i&c.  But  it  has 
been  supposed  that  there  were  ditierent  ordinaria 
for  the  several  classes  of  ministers,  and  that  the 
ordinarium  cpiscopab  was  the  same  as  the 
pontificale.  In  the  absence,  therefore,  of  any 
precise  ancient  term,  the  information  in  question 
has  been  placed  under  the  present  heading,  as 
being  more  expressive  than  any  other  to  modern 
English  readers. 

1.  Western  Ordiiuds. — It  is  not  possible  in 
the  present  state  of  knowledge  to  lay  down 
many  general  propositions  in  respect  to  early 
Western  ordinals.  The  earlier  MSS.  of  those 
which  are  known  to  exist  do  not  appear  to  have 
been  carefully  examined  by  any  scholar  of 
eminence  since  the  time  of  Muratori,  and  some 
of  those  which  have  been  published,  aud  which 
are  mentioned  below  as  belonging  to  a  certain 
date,  are  found  on  examination  to  be  composite 
MSS.,  i.e.  MSS.  of  clearly  distinguishable  and 
sometimes  widely  separated  dates,  which  have 
accidentally  been  bound  up  together.  Con- 
sequently, almost  all  facts  in  relation  to  ordina- 
tion which  are  assigned  to  certain  dates  on  the 
authority  of  printed  editions  of  the  several  MSS. 
are  liable  to  correction.  It  is,  moreover, 
probable  that  many  MSS.  remain  still  unex- 
amined, and  that  much  light  may  be  thrown  upon 
early  ecclesiastical  usages  by  fresh  discoveries. 
The  following  accounts  will  be  confined  to  those 
which  have  been  printed  :  nor  even  in  the  case 
of  those  which  have  been  specially  examined  f^or 
the  purposes  of  this  work  will  there  be  any  dis- 
cussion, which  must  necessarily  be  elaborate 
and  lengthy,  of  their  origin  or  approximate 
date.  But  even  with  this  limitation  it  is  clear 
that  the  printed  ordinals  belong  to  several  dis- 
tinct types,  and  that  the  type  which  ultimately 
survived,   and    which,   being    retained    in    the 


1498 


ORDINAL 


mediaeval  service  -  books,  lias  come  down  to 
modern  times  in  the  Roman  and  Anglican 
ordinals,  was  not  the  earliest  even  of  those  which 
still  remain. 

1.  Among  the  earliest  of  the  remaining  types 
is  that  which  is  printed  by  Mabillon  {jftLuseum 
JtaUcum,  vol.  ii.  85)  as  Ordo  Eonianus  viii.  It 
contains  short  forms  for  the  ordination  of  aco- 
lytes, subdeacons,  deacons  and  presbyters,  and  a 
longer  form  for  the  ordination  of  a  bishop. 

2.  Another  type  of  great  antiquity,  but 
Avhether  earlier  or  later  than  the  preceding  is 
not  at  present  clear,  is  that  which  was  first 
printed  by  Hittorp,  de  Divinis  Catholicae 
Ecclesiaa  Officiis,  Cologne,  1568,  p.  88,  col.  1  and 
part  of  col.  2.  This  is  distinctively  Roman,  as  is 
shewn  by  the  direction  that  the  pope  and  clergy 
are  to  go  in  procession  from  the  church  of  St. 
Adrian  to  that  of  St.  Maria  in  Praesepe.  It  is 
important,  as  separating  election  from  admission 
to  office  (i.e.  ordination  in  its  later  sense)  by  an 
interval  of  two  days.  It  gives  no  form  of  either 
prayer  or  benediction,  and  it  is  confined  to  pres- 
bvters  and  deacons.  It  was  printed  again  by 
Mabillon  from  a  St.  Gall  MS.  (J/ms.  Ital.  vol.  ii.) 
as  Ordo  Eotnanus  is.  and  by  Martene  {de  Antiq. 
Eccl.  Bit.  vol.  ii.)  from  a  MS.  of  the  Benedictine 
Abbey  of  the  Trinity  at  Vendome,  also  as  Urdo 
is.  ;  both  these  editors  add  to  what  Hittorp  had 
published  an  order  for  the  benediction  of  a 
bishop ;  and  Mabillon,  not  Martene,  gives  an 
order  respecting  the  four  seasons,  whicii  is  not 
in  accordance  witli  the  preceding  part  of  the 
MS.,  and  is  probably  a  remnant  of  a  distinct 
rite  ;  this  last  part  is  also  printed  from  MSS.  at 
Zurich  and  Einsiedeln  by  Gerbert  {Monum. 
Liturg.  Alemann.  vol.  ii.  38 ;  cf.  id.  Ziturg. 
Alcinann.  disquis.  V.  c.  4,  vol.  ii.  494). 

3.  Another  type  of  great  antiquity,  and  one 
which  is  possibly  earlier  than  either  of  the  two 
preceding,  is  that  which  occurs  as  a  preface  or 
preliminary  rubric  to  the  ritual  of  the  ordination 
of  deacons  and  presbyters  in  some  of  the  later 
ordinals  (for  which  see  below),  viz.  Sacram. 
Gelas.  i.  c.  20,  Missale  Francorum,  Cod.  Maff.  ap. 
Muratori,  Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.  Rodrad,  Cata- 
lani,  Ord.  ii.  It  is  remarkable  as  giving  no 
forms  of  benediction,  nor  any  mention  of  vest- 
ments, and  for  the  retention  of  the  primitive 
custom  of  making  the  oblations  to  the  bishop 
himself  at  the  Eucharist,  and  receiving  them 
back  from  him  when  consecrated. 

4.  The  older  MSS.  of  the  sacramentaries  con- 
tain prayers  which  might  have  been  combined 
with  any  of  the  rituals  hitherto  mentioned. 

(a)  That  which  is  known  as  the  Leonine 
Sacramentary  contains  prayers  without  rubrical 
directions,  to  be  used  in  (1)  the  consecration  of 
a  bishop,  (2)  the  benediction  of  a  deacon,  (3)  the 
consecration  of  a  presbyter.  The  "Veronese  MS. 
which  contains  the  sacramentary  is  assigned  to 
the  10th  century.  The  authorship  of  the  sacra- 
mentary is  absolutely  uncertain ;  various  con- 
jectures will  be  found  (1)  in  the  preface  to  the 
original  edition  of  the  work  by  Bianchini  in  his 
edition  of  Anastasius,  vol.  iv.  Rome,  1735  (whose 
ascription  of  it  to  Leo  the  Great  was  withdrawn 
later  in  life  according  to  Gerbert,  Vet.  Liturg, 
Alem.  vol.  i.  p.  80) ;  (2)  in  Mui-atori's  Disserta- 
tk>  de  Rebus  liturgicis,  c.  iii.  prefixed  to  his  edition 
of  it  in  his  Liturgia  Rornana  Vetiis,  vol.  i.  The 
text  will  be  found  not  only  in  the  above-meu- 


OEDINAL 

tioned  volumes  of  Bianchini  and  Muratori,  but 
also  in  the  Ballerini  edition  of  St.  Leo  M.  vol. 
ii.  p.  110  sqq.  (reprinted  in  Migne,  Patr.  Lat. 
vol.  Lx.  p.  113  sqq.). 

(6)  The  older  MSS.  of  that  which  is  known  as 
the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  also  contain  prayers, 
without  a  ritual,  to  be  used  at  the  ordination  of 
bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons.  The  chief  of 
these  older  MSS.  are  (1)  one  in  the  Imperial 
Library  at  Vienna  (No.  1815.  5  ;  formerly  Theol 
149),  which  is  described  by  Lambecius  {Bihl. 
Caesar,  t.  ii.  c.  5,  p.  299)  (who  supposed,  but 
wrongly,  that  it  was  the  copy  which  Hadrian  I. 
presented  to  Charles  the  Great),  and  by  Denis 
{Codd.  MSS.  Theol.  B.  P.  t.  i.  pars  iii.  p.  3032) ; 

(2)  a  Vatican  codex,  which,  with  a  collation  of 

(3)  a  codex  in  the  Ottoboni  Library,  was  printed 
by  Muratori  {Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  vol.  ii.),  in  which 
edition  the  several  prayers  will  be  found  on 
pp.  882,  918,  1064. 

(c)  The  MS.  which  was  published  by  Cardinal 
Tomasi  in  1680  from  a  MS.  of  Queen  Christina 
of  Sweden,  and  which  since,  though  its  ascrip- 
tion to  Gelasius  is  generally  repudiated,  has  been 
known  as  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary,  contains 
two  sets  of  directions  and  prayers  for  ordina- 
tions :  the  one  (lib.  i.  c.  20-23)  corresponds  to 
some  extent  with  the  Leonine  Sacramentary, 
the  other  (lib.  i.  c.  95-99)  with  the  ordinals 
mentioned  below.  The  text  will  be  found  in 
Tomasi  (reprinted  in  Daniel,  Codex  Liturgicus, 
vol.  i.  p.  208),  in  Muratori  {Liturg.  Rom.  Vet. 
vol.  ii.) ;  and  in  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol.  Ixxiv. 

5.  The  type  which  ultimately  prevailed  and 
which,  after  the  analogy  of  the  sacramentary  to 
which  it  is  usually  appended,  may  be  called  the 
Gregorian,  is  more  elaborate,  and  therefore 
probably  later  than  the  types  mentioned  above. 
The  most  important  of  the  MSS.  which  have 
been  published,  and  which  can  therefore  be 
compared  together  without  great  difficulty,  are 
the  following :  (1)  Missale  Francorum :  a  MS. 
found  by  Morin  in  the  library  of  A.  Petau  at 
Paris,  afterwards  bought  by  queen  Christina  of 
Sweden,  and  now  in  the  Vatican.  It  is  supposed 
bv  Jilorin,  on  internal  evidence,  to  have  been 
w-ritten  for  the  use  of  the  church  of  Poitiers, 
and  is  ascribed  by  him  to  the  6th  century, 
between  A.D.  511  and  560.  Mabillon,  who  first 
gave  it  the  name  by  which  it  is  now  known,  ' 
thinks  that  it  represents  the  prevalent  Prankish 
ritual,  but  ascribes  it  to  the  7th  century; 
either  date  places  it  earlier  than  the  MS.  of 
any  existing  Western  ordinal,  although  the  type 
which  it  embodies  is  probably  later  than  several 
of  those  which  have  been  mentioned  above.  It 
contains  the  ritual  for  the  ordination  of  door- 
keeper, acolyte,  reader,  exorcist,  subdeacon, 
deacon,  presbyter,  bishop,  virgin  and  widow. 
The  text  is  given  in  Morin,  de  Sacris  Ecclesiae 
Ordinationibus,  p.  261  ;  IMabillon,  Liturg.  Gall. 
lib.  iii.  p.  301;  Muratori,  Liturgia  Romana 
Vetus,  vol.  iii.  p.  439.  (2)  Codex  Remensis :  a 
JIS.  formerly  belonging  to  the  abbey  of  St. 
Remigius  at  Reims,  printed  bv  Morin,  p.  290. 
(3)  Codex  S.  Eligii :  a  MS.  probably  of  the  9th 
century,  once  in  the  abbey  of  Corbey ;  in 
Morin's  time  in  the  library  of  St.  Germain-aux- 
Prds,  now  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at 
Paris  (No.  12,051).  This  MS.  forms  the  basis  of 
Menard's  text  (Paris,  1642),  and  also  of  the 
Benedictine  text  (S.  Greg.  M.  Op.  vol.  iv.),  of 


OKDINAL 

the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  ;  the  portion  which 
contains  the  ordinal  is  printed  by  Morin,  p.  270  ; 
for  an  account  of  its  date  see  Menard's  preface, 
and  Muratori  de  Jiebtis  Liturg.  c.  v.  in  his 
Liturg.  Bom.  Vet.  vol.  i.  p.  110.  (4)  Pontificale 
Ecghcrti:  which  represents  the  English  use, 
probably  of  the  8tli  century,  and  was  published 
from  a  Paris  MS.  of  the  10th  century  by  the 
Surtees  Society  in  1853  (edited  by  Mr.  Green- 
well).  (5)  Codex  Eodradi:  a  MS.  formerly 
belonging  to  the  abbey  of  Corbey,  dated  A.D. 
853,  and  now  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at 
Paris  (No.  12,050) ;  it  is  compiled  with  great 
<>are,  and  its  compiler  gives  evidence  in  his 
preface  of  having  possessed  a  critical  spirit, 
which  was  in  advance  of  his  time,  and  which 
gives  the  MS.  a  high  value ;  it  is  printed  by 
Jlorin,  p.  278.  (6)  Codices  Vaticani :  many 
MSS.  are  mentioned  in  the  catalogues,  but  only 
three  are  known  to  have  been  published,  (a)  one 
of  no  specified  date  by  Eocca  in  S.  Greg.  M.  Op. 
vol.  vii.  Eome,  1593,  and  again  by  Morin,  p.  275  ; 
(/))  one  of  the  10th  century  by  Muratori,  Lit. 
lioni.  Vet.  vol.  iii.  p.  26 ;  (c)  one  of  much  later 
date  by  Catalani,  Pontificale  Romanum,  append,  ad 
p.  1,  tit.  12,  Ord.  iii."  (7)  Pontificale  S.  Dun- 
stani :  an  English  MS.  of  the  10th  century,  now 
in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris,  published 
by  Martene,  Ord.  iii.  (8)  Codex  Coloniensis :  of 
the  9th  century,  now  in  the  Cathedral  Library 
iit  Cologne  (No.  cxxxvii.),  which  formed  the  basis 
of  the  edition  of  Paraelius,  Missale  SS.  Patruin 
Latinorum,  sive  Liturgicon  Latinum,  Cologne, 
1571.  (9)  Codex  Gemmatensis  or  Lanaletensis : 
a  MS.  ascribed  by  Montfaucon  to  the  7th  or  8th 
century,  apparently  of  English  origin,  afterwards 
belonging  to  the  Monasteriuin  Lanalctcnse  (i.e. 
Llan  Alet,  near  St.  Malo,  in  Brittany) ;  cf  Mabil- 
lon,  Ann.  Benedict,  torn.  iv.  p.  461,  afterwards 
belonging  to  the  abbey  of  Jumieges,  but  now  in 
the  public  library  at  Eouen  (No.  A  27)  ;  pub- 
lished by  JIarteue  together  with  the  Pont  if'.  S. 
Dimst.,  with  which  it  agrees  almost  entirely  ; 
see  Gage,  Archaeologia,  vol.  sxv.  p.  235,  who 
gives  an  account  of  it,  and  ascribes  it  at  the 
earliest  to  the  end  of  the  10th  century. 
{10)  Codex  Rotomagcnsis :  commonly  known  as 
archbishop  Robert's  pontifical ;  now  at  Rouen, 
but  of  English  origm ;  sometimes  ascribed  to 
the  8th  century,  but  supposed  by  Gage,  Archaeo- 
logia, vol.  xxiv.,  to  have  been  written  for 
Aethelgar,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  A.D.  989  ; 
■see  Frere,  Bibliotheque  de  la  Ville  de  Rouen, 
p.  50 ;  published  by  Morin,  p.  282.  (11)  Codex 
Gellonensis :  ascribed  to  the  8th  century  ;  for- 
merly belonging  to  the  Benedictine  abbey  of  St. 
Guillem  du  Desert,  afterwards  to  St.  Gerniain- 
aux-Prds  at  Paris,  but  now  in  the  Bibliotheque 
Nationale  (No.  12,048);  published  by  Martene, 
Ord.  iv.  (12)  Codex  Ratoldi:  so  called  because 
of  its  mention  of  the  abbat  Ratold,  t986  ;  for- 
anerly  at  Corbey,  but  now  in  the  Bibliotheque 
Nationale  (No.  12,052) ;  published  by  Morin, 
p.  298.  (13)  Codices  Koviodunensos :  i.e.  of 
Noynn  in  Picardy  ;  (a)  three  jNISS.  ascribed  to 
the  8th  century  and  published  by  Martene,  Ord. 
iv. ;  (b)  a  MS.  sometimes  known  as  Codex  liad- 
bodi,  ascribed  to  the  9th  century  and  published 
by  Jlartene,  Ord.  vi. ;  (c)  a  MS.  of  the  13th 
century,  iniblished  by  Martene,  Ord.  xv. 
(14)  Codex  Suessionensis :  a  Soissons  MS.  of  the 
Ilth  century,  published  by  Martene,   Ord.  vii. 


OKDINAL 


1499 


(15)  Codex  Caturiccnsis,  i.e.  of  Cahors  :  ascribed 
to  the  8th  century,  and  published  by  Martene, 
Ord.  V.  (16)  Codex  Bisuntinus :  formerly  at 
Besan^on,  but  now  at  Tours  (Montfaucon,  vol.  ii. 
p.  1274)  ;  it  is  ascribed  to  the  11th  century,  and 
is  published  by  Martene,  Ord.  x.  (17)  Codices 
Beccenses :  two  MSS.  formerly  belonging  to  the 
abbey  of  Le  Bee,  in  Normandy ;  both  of  the 
12th  century ;  published  by  Martene,  Ord.  xi. 
xii.  (18)  Codex  Senoncnsis :  a  Sens  MS.  of  the 
time  of  Louis  the  Pious;  published  by  Morin, 
p.  294.  (19)  Codex  Bellovacensis :  a  Beauvais 
MS.,  written  about  A.D.  1000  and  published  by 
Morin,  p.  327.  (20)  Codex  S.  Victoria :  a  MS. 
of  the  12th  century,  formerly  belonging  to  the 
abbey  of  St.  Victor  at  Paris;  published  by 
Morin,  p.  329.  (21)  Codices  Moguntini:  (a)  a 
Mainz  MS.  of  the  13th  century,  now  in  the 
Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris;  published  by 
Martene,  Ord.  xvi. ;  (6)  a  Mainz  MS.  ascribed  by 
Morin  to  the  same  period,  but  diflering  from  the 
former  in  important  particulars ;  partly  pub- 
lished by  Morin,  p.  336.  (22)  Codex  Salisbur- 
gensis :  a  Salzburg  MS.  ascribed  to  the  11th 
century,  published  by  Martene,  Ord.  viii. 
(23)  Codex  Maffeianus  :  an  early  and  important 
MS.,  the  history  of  which  is  not  known  ;  pub- 
lished by  Muratori,  vol.  iii.  p.  45.  (24)  Codex 
Caietanus :  a  MS.  which  agrees  in  many  points 
with  the  preceding ;  supposed  by  Morin  to  be  an 
Italian,  not  Roman,  ordinal  of  about  the  lOtli 
century,      and     published     by      him,    p.      313. 

(25)  Codex  Landolfi :  so  called  from  its  having 
belonged  to  a  bishop  of  Capua  of  that  name  in 
the  9th  century  ;  published  by  Catalani,  Pontifi- 
cale Romanum,    append,  ad  p.  i.  tit.  12,  Ord.  i. 

(26)  Codex  Barensis :  a  MS.  probably  of  the 
13th  century,  giving  the  use  of  the  joint  diocese 
of  Bari  and  Canusium  ;  published  by  Catalani, 
ibid.  Ord.  ii.  (27)  English  Ordinals:  Maskell's 
Monumenta  Ritualia,  vol.  iii.  contains  an  edition 
of  the  ordinal  according  to  the  use  of  Sarum 
from  a  Cambridge  MS.  of  the  15th  century 
(according  to  Maskell,  ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  1,  but  of  the 
13th  century  according  to  the  Cambridge  cata- 
logue. No.  1347)  with  a  collation  of  the  Win- 
chester Pontifical  (also  at  Camb.  Univ.  Library, 
No.  921)  of  the  12th  century,  the  Bangor  Ponti- 
fical (at  Bangor)  of  the  14th  century,  and  bishop 
Lacey's  Exeter  Pontifical  of  the  14th  century 
(since  published  separately  by  Mr.  Barnes, 
Exeter,  1847).  The  only  other  English  ordinals 
wliich  are  known  to  the  present  writer  to  have 
been  published  are  (1)  Cardinal  Bainbridge's 
York  Pontifical,  in  the  Cambridge  University 
Library,  which  was  edited  by  Dr.  Henderson  for 
the  Surtees  Society  in  1875 ;  (2)  a  Sarum  Pon- 
tifical of  the  11th  century  in  the  British 
Museum  (Tiberius,  c.  i.),  published  by  Mr. 
Chambers,  Divine  Worship  in  Enqland  in  the 
XIII.  XIV.  and  XIX.  Centuries,  London,  1878. 

Of  unpublished  and  uncollated  Pontificals 
there  are  many  ;  some  are  mentioned  in  the  list 
given  by  Zaccaria,  Bibliotkeca  Ritualis,  vol.  i. 
p.  164 ;  but  the  catalogues  of  most  great 
libraries  supply  instances  of  others.  The  most 
important  of  unpublished  English  Pontificals  is 
probably  that  which  is  contained  in  Leofric's 
Exeter  Missal  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  a  MS.  of 
various  dates,  one  part  of  it  containing  the  date 
A.D.  969. 

II.  Eastern  Ordinals :    i.  Grec^:. — The  earliest 


1500 


ORDINAL 


Greek  ordiual,  the  date  of  which  is  extremely 
obscure,  but  which  probably  represents  a  primi- 
tive type,  is  that  which  is  contained  in  the 
eighth  book  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  and 
which  prescribes  the  ritual  for  the  ordination  of 
bishops,  presbyters,  deacons,  deaconesses,  sub- 
deacons,  and  readers.  (The  best  modern  texts 
are  those  of  Lagarde,  Const.  Apost.  Leipzig, 
1862,  and  of  Pitra,  Jtir.  Eccl.  Graecorum  Hist, 
et  Hon.  vol.  i.  pp.  45-75.) 

ii.  Next  in  importance  is  the  ritual  which  is 
given,  interwoven  with  a  mystical  explanation, 
by  St.  Dionysius  Areopagita  de  ecclesiastica 
Hierarchia,  c.  v.,  which  should  be  compared  with 
the  scholia  of  St.  Masimus,  and  the  paraphrase 
of  George  Pachymeres,  both  of  which  are 
usually  printed  with  it.  (The  text  will  be 
found  in  Migne,  Patr.  Graec.  vol.  ii.  ;  and  Moriu, 
de  Sacr.  Ofdin.  p.  52.) 

iii.  The  later  ordinals  seem  to  have  taken 
their  final  shape  in  the  course  of  the  8th  and 
9th  centuries ;  they  have  not  yet  been 
thoroughly  investigated,  but  the  dift'erences 
between  the  MSS.  which  have  hitherto  been 
collated  are  considerably  less  than  those  which 
are  found  between  the  Pordificals  of  the 
Gregorian  type  in  the  Western  church.  The 
chief  MSS.  are  the  following :  (1)  Codex  £ar- 
herini,  of  the  9th  century,  formerly  in  St. 
Mark's  Library  at  Florence  ;  printed  by  Morin, 
vol.  i.  p.  Qi ;  J.  A.  Asseman,  Cod.  Liturg.  Eccles. 
Univ.  vol.  \\.  p.  103.  (2)  Codex  Bessarion:  of 
the  10th  century,  given  by  a  Cretan  presbyter  to 
cardinal  Julian  at  the  council  of  Florence  ;  after- 
wards in  possession  of  cardinal  Bessarion,  who 
gave  it  to  the  monastery  of  Crypta  Ferrata,  near 
Kome,  of  A^hich  he  was  abbat ;  printed  by  Morin, 
i.  p.  74,  J.  A..  Asseman,  vol.  xi.  p.  125.  (3)  Codex 
Paris :  not  earlier  than  tlie  14th  century ;  in 
the  Bibliotheque  Rationale ;  printed  by  Morin, 
voL  i.  p.  83 ;  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  xi.  p.  147. 
(4)  Codex  S.  Andr.  Vail. :  of  uncertain  date,  in 
the  library  of  the  church  of  St.  Andrea  Val- 
lensis  at  Rome;  printed  by  Morin,  vol.  i.  p.  91, 
J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  si.  p.  166.  (5)  Codices 
Vat. :  one  of  the  12th  century,  containing  the 
offices  for  the  ordination  of  reader,  singer,  sub- 
deacon,  deacon,  deaconess,  the  other  containing 
those  for  presbyter,  bishop,  abbat ;  printed  by 
Morin,  vol.  i.  p.  97,  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  xi. 
p.  179.  (6)  Codex  Leo  Allat. :  of  much  more 
recent  date,  and  possibly  more  Syrian  than 
Greek  ;  printed  by  Morin,  vol.  i.  p.  104,  J.  A. 
Asseman,  vol.  xi.  p.  196.  The  other  editions  of 
the  ordinals  are  less  precise  in  stating  the  MSS. 
authorities  upon  which  they  are  based ;  the  chief 
of  them  are  Habert's  'Apx'^P"'''""'''?  Liher 
Pontificalis  Eccl.  Graccae,  Paris,  1643,  and  Goar's 
¥.vxo'K6yiov,  sive  Eitiuxlc  Graecorum,  Paris, 
1647  (the  notes  to  which  are  valuable).  A  con- 
venient edition  for  general  reference,  but  useless 
for  scientific  inquiry,  is  that  which  is  contained 
in  Daniel's  Code.v  Liturgicus,  vol.  iv.  fasc.  ii. 
Leipzig,  1853. 

iv.  Coptic. — The  Coptic  ordinal,  which  may  be 
presumed  to  retain  the  chief  traditions  of  the 
later  church  of  Alexandria,  was  first  published  in 
its  present  form  by  Gabriel,  son  of  Tarik, 
patriarch  of  Alexandria,  in  1141.  It  has  been 
printed  in  the  West  from  several  different  MSS. 
which  do  not  materially  differ:  (1)  The  greater 
part   of  it  was   first   translated  into   Latin   by 


OEDINAL 

father  Kircher,  from  a  MS.  which  was  sent  to 
the  Propaganda,  and  published  by  Bartold  Nihu- 
lius  at  Cologne  in  1653,  in  the  ivfj.fj.iKTd  of  Leo 
AUatius ;  this  was  reprinted  by  Morin,  de  Sacr. 
Ordin.  (2)  The  oflices  for  the  ordination  of  a 
bishop,  metropolitan,  and  patriarch,  which  had 
been  omitted  by  Kircher,  were  printed  by 
Renaudot,  Liturg.  Oriental,  vol.  i.  from  a  Paris 
MS.  and  the  office  for  a  patriarch  also  from 
Ebnassal,  Epitome  Canonum,  a.d.  1239,  and  from 
Abulbireat  Lampas  teticbrarum,  saec.  xiv.  (3)  A 
later  version  from  other  Paris  MSS.  is  given  by 
Vansleb,  Histoire  de  I'Ejlise  d'Alexandrie,  Paris, 
1677,  p.  4,  sect.  2.  (4)  J.  S.  Asseman  translated 
the  offices  for  a  reader,  subdeacon,  deacon,  pres- 
byter, and  bishop  from  a  Vatican  MS.,  and  pub- 
lished them  in  his  Dissertazione  dell  i  nazionc  del 
Copti,  &c.  1733,  which  was  reprinted  by  Mai, 
Script.  Vet.  vol.  v.  pars  ii.  §  5.  An  orthodox 
Copt,  Raphael  Tuki,  published  in  1761,  under 
the  auspices  of  the  Propaganda,  an  edition  of 
both  the  euchologion  and  the  pontifical  from 
MSS.  which  he  found  at  Rome ;  a  Latin  version 
of  this  is  published,  with  a  collation  of  other 
editions,  in  Denzinger,  liitus  Orientalium,  vol.  ii. 
Wiirtzburg,  1864. 

iii.  Jacobite. — The  ordinal  of  the  Jacobite 
Syrians,  which  probably  retains  the  main  features 
of  that  of  the  church  of  Antioch,  is  said  to  have 
been  arranged  by  Michael  the  Great  about 
A.D.  1190.  It  has  been  published  in  three  forms, 
between  which  there  are  considerable  differences, 
(1)  By  Morin  in  Syriac  and  Latin  ;  (2)  by  Renau- 
dot, Perpe'tuite'de  la  Foi  de  I'Eglise  Catholique  from 
a  MS.  in  the  Grand  Ducal  Library  at  Florence. 
(3)  It  is  also  found  as  a  collation  with  the  Nes- 
torian  ordinal  in  J.  S.  Asseman,  Bibliotkeca 
Orientalis,  vol.  iii.  p.  2.  Probably  older  than 
any  of  these  ordinals  in  their  present  form  are 
the  canonical  directions  which  are  given  by 
Gregory  Abulfaradsch  (Bar-Hebraeus),  who  in 
the  13th  century  formed  a  collection  of  canons, 
a  Latin  version  of  which  by  J.  A.  Asseman  is 
published  in  Mai,  Script.  Vett.  Nov.  Coll.  fol.  x. 
pars  ii. 

iv.  Maronitc. — The  Maronite  ordinal  so  nearly 
resembles  the  Jacobite  ordinal  as  to  have  been 
sometimes  identified  with  it.  It  was  first 
printed  by  Morin,  but  imperfectly,  inasmuch  as 
the  MS.  which  he  used  was  a  Diaconicon  and  not 
a  full  Pontifical.     It  has  since  been  fully  printed 

(1)  by  J.  A.  Asseman,  Cod.  Liturg.  vol.  ix.  x. 
from  a  collation  of  ancient  MSS.  supplied  by  a 
Maronite  patriarch;  (2)  by  Denzinger,  Ritus 
Orientalium,  vol.  ii.,  who  has  reprinted  Asseman's 
text,  with  the  addition  of  a  collation  of  some 
important  materials  which  had  been  left  in  MS. 
by  Renaudot. 

V.  Nestorian. — The  Nestorian  ordinal  ascribes 
to  itself  a  higher  antiquity  than  any  of  the 
other  Oriental  ordinals.  It  bears  the  names  of 
the  patriarchs  Marabas  I.  t552,  and  Jesujab 
1660  of  Cyprian,  bishop  of  Nisibis,  fl.  767,  and  of 
Gabriel,  metropolitan  of  Bussorah,  circ.  884.  It 
has  been  printed  (1)  by  Morin  from  a  Vatican 
MS.  in  both  Syriac  and  Latin,  the  Latin  version 
being  however  to  some  extent  untrustworthy  j 

(2)  by  J.  S.  Asseman,  Bibliotkeca  Orientalis,  vol. 
iii.  p.  2,  from  the  same  and  other  Vatican  MSS., 
but  with  an  amended  Latin  version  ;  (3)  by  J.  A. 
Asseman,  Cod.  JJturg.  vol.  xiii.  ;  (4)  by  G.  P. 
Badger,     The    Nestorians     and     their    BitualSy 


ORDINARY  OF  THE  MASS 

London,  1852,  from  MSS.  which  differ  in  many, 
but  comparatively  unimportant,  points  from 
those  which  were  used  by  the  two  Assemans ; 
(5)  by  Denzinger,  liitus  Orientalmm,  vol.  ii.,  who 
has  reprinted  both  the  text  of  the  Assemans  and 
that  of  Badger.  [E.  H.] 

ORDINARY  OF  THE  MASS.  The  defi- 
nition of  ordlnarium  {-ius)  is  liber  continens  ordi- 
nem  divini  officii.  In  reference  to  the  Mass  this 
would  imply  the  fixed  framework  of  the  service 
into  which  the  variable  parts,  proper  to  the  day 
or  season,  are  fitted,  and  by  popular  iisage  is 
taken  to  mean  the  whole  of  the  service,  except 
the  canon.  [C-  E-  H.J 

ORDINATION. 

I.  ^'amesfor  ordination : 

i.  Words  denoting  appointment  or  election,  p.  1501. 

ii.  AVords  denoting  promotion,  p.  1502. 
.ii.  Words  denoting  membership  of  the  dents,  p.  1502. 
iv.  Words  denoting  admission  to  ofQce,  p.  1502. 

II.  Nature  of  ordination  : 

(1)  Contemporary  modes  of  civil  appointment,  p.  1503, 

(a)  By  the  people,    (b)  By  the  senate,    (c)  By 
the  sovereign. 

(2)  Corresponding  modes  of  ecclesiastical  appoint- 

ment, p.  1503. 

(a)  By  the  laity,    (b)  By  the  clergy,    (c)  By 
the  bishop. 

(3)  Ultimate  elements  of  ordination,  p.  1504. 

i.  Election : 

(a)  Of  presbyters,    (b)  Of  deacons,    (c)  Of 
subdeacons.    (d)  Of  readers, 
ii.  Testimony,  p.  1506  : 

(a)  Of  clergy,    (b)  Oflaity. 
iii.  Declaration  of  election,  p.  1507. 

III.  Rites  of  ordination  : 


ORDINATION 


1501 


i.  In  general, 

(a)  Prayer,  p.  150S. 
1508. 
ii.  In  special, 
1.  Ostiarius,  p.  150S. 
3.  Singer,  p.  1509. 
5.  Acolyte,  p.  1510. 
7.  Deacon,  p.  1511. 


(b)  Delivery  of  insignia,  p. 


2.  Header,  p.  1509. 
4.  Exorcist,  p.  1509. 
6.  Subdeacon,  p.  1510. 
8.  Presbj'ter,  1512. 
Other  officers,  p.  1515. 
IV".  Time  and  place  of  ordination  : 
i.  Time 

(1)  Season,  p.  1516.    (2)  Day  of  week,  p.  1517. 
(3)  Relation  to  divine  service,  p.  1517. 
ii.  Place,  p.  1517. 

V.  Minister  of  ordination : 

i.  Of  Presbyters,  p.  1518. 
ii.  Of  Deacons,  p.  1519. 
iii.  Of  Minor  Orders,  p.  1519. 
iv.  Of  Clerlis,  p.  1520. 

VI.  Re-ordination,  p.  1520. 
VII.  Literature,  p.  1520. 

I.  Names  for  Ordination. 
The  Greek  and  Latin  words  which  were  usea  to 
express  either  the  whole  or  part  of  the  series  of 
processes  which  in  English  are  commonly 
grouped  together  under  the  word  ordination, 
are  so  numerous  and  so  significant  as  to  throw 
considerable  light  upon  the  conception  which 
was  entertained  as  to  the  nature  of  the  pro- 
cesses themselves.  It  is  therefore  necessary  to 
treat  of  them  with  some  minuteness  of  detail. 
i.  Some  of  them  are  words  which  were  in  ordi- 
nary use  to  denote  civil  elections  or  appoint- 
ments; ii.  Others  are  ordinary  words  for  pro- 


motion to  dignity ;  iii.  Others  express  oniv  the 
fact  that  a  person  was  ranked  in  the  K\ripos  or 
ordo ;  iv.  Others  connote  a  special  sacredness  in 
the  office  itself,  and  the  performance  of  sacred 
rites  in  admission  to  it. 

i.  Words  denoting  appointment  or  election : 
(1)  ■Xiiporovetv  {xeiporovia):  this  word 
is  used  (a)  in  the  Kew  Testament,  Acts  xiv. 
23,  x^'POTO'''^''''"''''' y  Sc-  avrol^  icar  iKKKriaiav 
TTpeff^vTfpovs :  2  Cor.  viii.  19  (of  Titus),  x^'P"' 
TOi'T}dels  vTvd  rwv  iKKArjatHv ;  (6)  in  sub- 
apostolic  Greek,  St.  Ignat.  ad  Philad.  c.  10  ; 
(c)  in  the  Clementines,  Clement.  Epist.  ad- 
Jacob,  c.  2 ;  (d)  in  the  Apostolical  Constitu- 
tions, e.g.  2,  2,  27  ;  7,  46  ;  and  the  Apostolical 
Canons,  e.g.  2,  36  ;  (e)  in  the  Canou  Law,  e.  g. 
Cone.  Ancyr.  a.d.  314,  c.  13:  Neocaes.  a.d.  315, 
c.  3  :  Nicaen.  a.d.  325,  c.  16,  19 :  Antioch,  a.d. 
341,  c.  2;  (/)  in  the  Civil  Law,  e.g.  God. 
Justin.  1,  3,  42  (41),  §  9;  Novell.  Justin.  6, 
c.  4.  Its  meaning  was  originally  "  to  elect,"  but 
it  came  afterwards  to  mean,  even  in  classical 
Greek,  simply  "  to  appoint  to  office,"  without 
itself  indicating  the  particular  mode  of  appoint- 
ment (cf.  Schomann,  de  Comitiis,  p.  122).  That 
the  latter  was  its  ordinary  meaning  in  Hellenistic 
Greek,  and  consequently  in  the  first  ages  of 
church  history,  is  clear  from  a  large  number  of 
instances:  e.g.  in  Josephus,  Ant.  6,  13,  9,  it  is 
used  of  the  appointment  of  David  as  king  by 
God,  id.  13,  2,  2,  of  the  appointment  of  Jona- 
than as  high  priest  by  Alexander:  in  Philo, 
2,  76,  it  is  used  of  the  appointment  of  Joseph 
as  governor  by  Pharaoh :  in  Lucian,  de  morte 
Peregrini,  c.  41,  of  the  appointment  of  am- 
bassadors :  in  insci'iptions,  e.g.  Le  Bas  et  Wad- 
dington.  No.  42,  of  the  appointment  of  municipal 
officers;  and  so  also  of  civil  appointments  in 
ecclesiastical  writers,  e.g.  in  Sozomen,  H.  E.  7, 
24,  of  the  appointment  of  Arcadius  as  Augustus 
by  Theodosius ;  in  Isidore  of  Pelusium,  Epist. 
2,  264,  of  the  ajipointment  of  military  officers. 
In  later  times  a  new  connotation  appears,  of 
which  there  is  no  early  trace  ;  it  was  used  of 
the  stretching  out  of  the  bishop's  hands  in  the 
rite  of  imposition  of  hands.  But  the  12th 
century  canonist  who  affirms  this  to  be  the 
contemporary  meaning,  admits  also  that  the 
word  was  used  in  earlier  times  in  reference  to 
election  (Zonaras,  ad  Can.  Apost.  1).  About  a 
century  kiter  the  eai'lier  meaning  so  completely 
passed  away,  that  Balsamon  in  his  commentary 
on  the  same  passage  of  the  Apostolical  Canons, 
contradicts  Zonaras  by  denying  its  existence. 
(For  the  ultimate  identification  of  x^^po'^ovelv 
and  x^'PofleTeif,  see  below.)  (2),  Kad icrrdyetf 
(^KaTdcrTaais) :  this  is  the  most  common  word. 
It  is  first  found  in  Clem.  R.  1,  42  (of  the 
Apostles),  KaOicrravov  Tas  airapxas  avTuiv  .  .  .  - 
eis  eiTKTKOTzovs  Ka\  5.,  and  it  is  afterwards  found 
in  all  classes  of  ecclesiastical  literature :  e.g. 
Clement.  Horn.  3,  64:  Aiot.  KA^^u.,  17;  St. 
Iren.  adv.  Haer.  3,  2,  3 :  Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  10,  18, 
Nicaen.  c.  4,  Sardic.  c.  11,  15,  Laod.  c.  11, 
Chalc.  c.  2  :  Const.  Apost.  2,  1 :  Euseb.  //.  E. 
2,  1:  Socrat.  //.  E.  1,  9:  S.  Athanas.  Hist. 
Arian.  c.  75,  p.  308.  It  is  the  ordinary  classical 
and  Hellenistic  word  for  appointment,  without 
any  religious  or  ecclesiastical  connotation.  (3), 
irpoxe'P^C^"'^'"  (TrpoxeipiTis) :  e.g.  Const. 
Apost.  6,  23,  els  Up<i>ffvvr)V-  id.  7,  31,  iitiCKdvovs 
Kal  irpeo-jSuTepoiis  Kal  Sia/cJyouy :  Cone.  Nicaen. 


1502 


OEDINATION 


c.  10 ;  Socrat.  //.  E.  1,  9 ;  2.  6 ;  7,  2  ; 
Euseb.  H.  E.2,  1 :  Cod.  Justin.  1,  3,  48  (4-7). 
The  word  is  common  in  later  classical  Greek 
in  the  sense  of  "  to  elect,"  e.g.   Polyb,   3,   97, 

2  :  6,  58,  4.  Lucian,  Toxar.  c.  10 ;  and  this  is 
.sometimes  its  meaning  in  ecclesiastical  Greek : 
tut  its  more  usual  meaning  in  ecclesiastical 
•Greek  is  "  to  propose  a  name  for  election,"  as  is 
-clearly  shewn,  e.g.  by  Socrat.  H,  E.  1,  9  :  -n-poxet- 
pi(e(rOat  t)  inro^dWetv  ovojxara  (in  the  synodical 
letter  of  the  council  of  Nicaea),  id.  2,  6,  where 
it  is  co-ordinated  with  a-KivZuv  =  "  favere  "  :  in 
later  Greek  this  became  its  ordinary  meaning, 
e.g.  Nicetas  Paphlag.  Vit.  S.  Ignat.  Constant,  ap. 
Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  cv.  501,  says  "  many  having 
been  proposed  for  election  (Trpoxf^p^CoiJ-^vwv), 
but  some  having  failed  of  their  object  for  one 
reason,  some  for  another " :  cf.  the  notes  of 
H.  Valois  to  Euseb.  Vit.  Constant,  iii.  c.  62,  and 
of  Hase  to  Leo  Diaconus,  Hist.  vi.  6.  An  instance 
of  its  use  in  this  sense  in  secular  Greek  occurs 
in  an  inscription  at  Corycus  in  Cilicia,  ap.  Le 
Bas  et  Waddington,  No.  1421.  {'i)  irpo^dX- 
Xea-Qar.  e.g.  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  2;  Socrat.  If.  E. 
2,  37,  42 :  5,  8,  21 :  6,  11  :  in  its  classical  sense 
of  "  to  propose  a  name  for  election,"  and  hence 
almost  identical  with  irpoxeipiCeo-Bai.  (5) 
opi^ea-dai:  1  Cone.  Antioch.  c.  17:  probably 
from  its  use  in  the  New  Testament,  eg  Acts, 
17,  31.  (6)  constituere :  e.g.  St.  Cypr.  Epist. 
24 :  49 :  65,  3 :  in  clerico  ministerio  constitui, 
id.  66 ;  probably,  as  in  classical  Latin,  e.g. 
€ic.  pro  Deiot.  c.  9,  Suet.  Tib.  c.  65,  equivalent 
to  KaSiaTCLViiv,  and  equally  colourless  in  its 
meaning :  but  co-ordinated  with  cligcre  in  S. 
Ilieron.  Dial.  c.  Liicif.  c.  9 

ii.  Words  implying  promotion  to  dignity  :  (1) 
■KpoeKde^v :  Const.  Apost.  6,  17  ;  Cone.  Trull,  c. 
<j.  (2)  irpodyecrdat:  Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  12,  Nicaen. 
<;.  1,  Laod.  c.  26,  Trull,  c.  6.  (3)  ava^aiveiv : 
Cod.  Justin.  1,  3,  53  (52):  cf.  Socrat.  H.  E.  1,  9, 
irpoaavafiaiveiv  els  rrju  rifjiijv.  (4)  promoveri:  ad 
■clerum,  Cone.  Illib.  a.d.  305,  c.  80 :  ad  ordines, 

3  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  538,  c.  6.  (5)  conscendere  : 
ad  gradum  presbyterii.  Cod.  Lugd.  269,  ap. 
Haenel  Corp.  Legmn  ante  Justin,  lat.  p.  238. 
(fi)  praesumi,  provelu,  praeferri ;  1  Cone.  Aurel. 
A.D.  511,  c.  4 ;  Cassian,  Collat.  4  1,  ap.  Migne, 
P.  L.  vol.  xlix.  585. 

iii.  Words  implying  place  in  the  KXripos,  or 
•ordo  :  (1)  KKripoia&ai :  S.  Iren.  3,  2,  3  ;  Euseb. 
H.  E.  5,  28  ;  Socrat.  H.  E.  1,  8.  (2)  eV  K\^pcfi 
raTTearOai,  KaraTdrTe(r6ai,  Const.  Apost.  8,  3  ; 
Cone.  Trull,  c.  38.  (3)  ivapidiu-uaBai :  ra>  rdy- 
ixarnciiv  UpariKaiv  S.  Basil.  Epist.  54  (181),  ap. 
Migne,  P.  G.  xxxii.  400.  (4)  KaraAeyecrBai  :  i.  e. 
to  be  assigned  a  place  in  the  Kard\oyos  (Cone. 
Chalc.  c.  7  ;  cf.  1  Tim.  v.  9).  (5)  ordinare  (ordi- 
natio) :  found  in  almost  all  writers  fi-om  Tertul- 
lian  onwards  :  e.  g.  TertuU.  de  Praescr.  Haerct. 
<:.  41  ;  Clement.  liecogn.  3,  65  ;  6,  15  ;  S.  Cypr. 
Epist.  33  ;  68,  3  ;  S.  Ambros.  Epist.  63,  65 ; 
Cone.  Illib.  A.D.  305,  c.  30;  1  Arelat.  A.D.  314, 
c.  2  ;  1  Carth.  c.  8  ;  1  Tolet.  c.  2 ;  and  the  Civil 
Law,  passim.  The  earlier  classical  meaning  of 
rthe  word  had  already  been  narrowed  in  its  civil 
use,  from  administration  in  general  to  the  ap- 
Qiointment  of  magistrates :  e.  g.  Suet.  Botn.  c.  4  ; 
Vespas.  c.  23  ;  so,  as  late  as  Carolingian  times, 
<?.  g.  in  the  Capit.  Langobard.  a.d.  782,  <;  2,  ap. 
Pertz,  Legum,  vol.  i.  p.  42.  The  secular  use 
which  comes  nearest  its  ecclesiastical  use  is  in 


ORDINATION 

the  army,  where  "  ordinati  "  =  "  qui  ordinem 
adepti  sunt,  id  est,  centuriones  facti  "  (^Corpus 
Inscr.  Lat.  ed.  Mommsen,  vol.  iii.  no.  830).  It 
was  used  of  the  appointment,  not  only  of  clergy, 
but  also  of  monks  and  abbats  ;  e.  g.  Poenit. 
Theod.  2,  3,  3,  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils, 
4'c.,  vol.  iii. 

iv.  Words  denoting  admission  to  office,  and 
especially  to  sacred  office.  (1)  x^'Po^ereTj/ 
{x^^poBeaia):  first  found  in  Clem.  Alex.  Paed.  1, 
5,  p.  104,  ed.  Pott ;  and  OrigenjK  Matth.  vol.  iii. 
p.  660,  ed.  Delaruo,  of  Christ  putting  His  hands 
on  the  young  children :  so,  also,  in  a  general 
sense,  in  Doctrin.  Orient,  c.  32,  ap.  Clem.  Alex, 
ed.  Pott,  p.  9^54.  Its  earliest  uses  in  reference 
to  the  clergy  are  probably  Cone.  Neocaes.*c.  9, 
Nicaen.  c.  8,  19,  1  Antioch.  c.  17,  Const. 
Apost.  2,  32  ;  frequently  afterwards.  But  it  is 
difficult  to  determine  accurately  the  time  at 
which  x^'podeTi7ffdat  came  into  general  use  in 
reference  to  ordination,  because  the  texts  of  the 
MSS.,  especially  of  writers  and  councils  of  the 
4th  century,  vary  so  much  between  xs'poTOj'ra 
and  xf'poSea-i'a  as  to  make  the  determination  of 
the  reading,  in  the  present  state  of  criticism  as 
applied  to  patristic  Greek,  a  matter  of  great  un- 
certainty. Instances  of  such  variations  will  be 
found  in  the  WSS.  of  Cone.  Antioch.  c.  21 ;  St. 
Basil,  Epist.  217  (3)  ad  AinpMoch.  c.  51,  p. 
325  ;  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  15.  No  doubt,  after  x^V" 
Becria  was  once  introduced,  x^'pOTouia  tended  td 
be  identified  with  it,  as  is  clear  from  a  com- 
parison of  Isidore  of  Pelusium,  Epist.  1,  26  with 
id.  Epist.  2,  71,  where  the  two  words  are  used 
interchangeably  of  the  same  person  in  reference 
to  t^e  same  thing.  That  the  earlier  meaning  of 
Xf'pOTOvia  still  survived,  is  clear  from  its  use  .i 
few  years  afterwards  in  Theodoret ;  c.  g.  Quacst. 
%n  3  Peg.  c.  8,  int.  27,  of  God's  appointment  ot 
Solomon  ;  id.  »i  Epist.  ad  Pom.  c.  4,  v.  17,  of  the 
appointment  of  Abraham  as  Trarepa  Trdvrcov ; 
but  that  the  original  distinction  between  the 
words  was  afterwards  completely  lost,  is  shewn 
by  the  somewhat  clumsy  attempt  of  Symeon  of 
Thessalonica  to  invent  a  new  one  (de  Sacr.  Ordin. 
c.  156,  p.  138).  It  need  hardly  be  pointed  out 
that  the  identification  of  the  two  words  is  of  great 
significance  in  regard  to  the  history  of  the  con- 
ception of  ordination.  (2)  kpaaOai  (Sozom. 
//.  E.  1,  23),  or  Upovadai,  whence  the  designa- 
tion of  those  who  are  in  major  orders  as  04 
tep(jifj.evoi  (sometimes  written  Upii/xivoi) ;  e.  g. 
Justin.  Xov.  3,  2,  1 ;  Socrat.  H.  E.  1,  11.  The 
use  of  the  word  in  the  sense  "to  be  ordained," 
as  well  as  in  its  classical  sense,  "to  serve  as 
a  priest,"  is  made  certain  by  its  use  in  the 
active  in  an  inscription  ap.  Kichter,  Griech.  v. 
Lat.  Inschriften,  ed.  Francke  p.  134,  cf.  ib. 
p.  138. 

(3)  consecrari  (consecratio) :  S.  Ambros.  Epist. 
63,  §  59,  vol.  ii.  p.  1037,  of  Aaron  and  Eleazar, 
probably  as  a  translation  of  ayid^nv  ;  of  Chris- 
tian bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons,  S.  Leon. 
JLagn.  Epist.  6  (4),  c.  6,  vol.  i.  p.  620  ;  of  an 
abbess,  Poenit.  Theod.  2,  3,  4,  ed.  Haddan  and 
Stubbs ;  of  a  virgin,  ib.  2,  3,  8  ;  Can.  Eccles. 
Afric.  c.  16;  Statt.  Eccl.  Ant.  c.  11.  (4)  bene- 
dici  (benedictio) :  levitica.  Cone.  Araus.  A.D.  441, 
c.  23 ;  5  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  549,  c.  6  ;  Cone. 
Autissiod.  A.D.  578,  c.  20,  2  Cone.  Caesaraugust. 
A.D.  592,  c.  1  ;  of  a  widow  or  virgin,  Poenit. 
Theod.  2,  3,  7. 


OKDINATION 

II.  Nature  of  Ordination. 
It  is  ericlent,  from  the  foregoing  enumeration 
of  foots,  that  most  of  the  phrases  which  were 
in  iise  in  the  earlier  period  to  denote  appoint- 
ment to  office  in  the  church,  were  also  in  use  to 
denote  appointment  to  office,  or  promotion  to 
dignity,  in  the  empire.  It  may  reasonably  be 
inferred  that  they  had  in  the  former  case  mean- 
ings analogous  to  those  which  they  had  in  the 
latter  ;  and  since  the  evidence  which  exists  in 
regard  to  the  former  is  abundant,  whereas  that 
which  exists  in  regard  to  the  latter  is  scanty, 
the  one  may  fairly  be  nsed  to  throw  light  upon 
the  other.  In  the  absence  of  any  convenient 
manual  to  which  reference  could  be  made,  it  is 
necessary  to  mention  here  the  leading  facts 
which  have  been  established  in  regard  to  it. 

1.  The  most  common  mode  of  appointment  to 
office  in  the  earlier  empire,  as  under  the  republic, 
was  that  of  popular  election.  The  form  of  such 
an  election  was  preserved  long  after  the  sub- 
stance had  disappeared  ;  and  it  was  preserved  in 
the  provinces  after  it  had  practically  ceased  to 
exist  at  Rome.  In  the  case  of  two  provincial 
towns  of  Baetica,  Salpensa  and  Malaca,  bronze 
tablets  containing  the  original  regulations  for 
election  have  been  preserved.  They  are  espe- 
cially important  in  relation  to  the  present  sub- 
ject, as  shewing  (1)  the  conditions  which  were 
imposed  as  to  the  eligibility  of  candidates,  (2) 
the  importance  of  the  presiding  officer.  That 
officer  had  the  function  of  examining  the  can- 
didates in  set  form,  before  votes  were  recorded: 
he  could  refuse  to  take  account  of  votes  which 
were  given  for  a  candidate  who  did  not  satisfy 
him  :  he  could,  in  default  of  other  candidates, 
himseU'  nominate  candidates,  and  declare  them 
to  be  duly  elected  :  and,  as  at  Rome,  the  election 
was  only  complete  when  he  formally  announced 
it  (renunciavit).  Hence,  an  officer  who  was 
really  elected  by  popular  vote  was  technically 
said  to  be  made  (creatus)  by  the  presiding  officer. 
(See  on  the  whole  subject,  Mommsen,  Die  Stadt- 
rcchte  der  latcinischen  Gcmeinden  Salpensa  und 
Malaca,  Leipzig,  1855,  and  also  in  the  Ahhand- 
Inngen  der  Konig.  Sachs.  Gesellsch.  der  Wissensch. 
bd.  3  ;  Marquardt,  Romische  Staatsverwaltung, 
bd.  1,  pp.  464-474,  where  references  will  be 
foimd  to  a  large  number  of  other  authorities.) 

2.  Gradually  free  election  by  the  people,  sub- 
ject only  to  the  veto  of  the  presiding  officer  in 
the  case  of  legal  ineligibility  on  the  part  of  a 
candidate,  was  superseded  by  election  by  the 
senate,  subject  only  to  a  formal  approval  on  the 
part  of  the  people.  This  became  the  case  at 
Rome  so  early  as  the  time  of  Tiberius  (Tacit. 
Ann.  i.  15),  and  by  the  4th  century  had  become 
the  prevailing,  though  not  the  universal,  rule 
throughout  the  empire  (Ulpian.  Dig.  4,  1,  3,  4 ; 
f'od.  Theodos.  11,  30,  53 :  12,  G,  20 ;  Cod.  Just. 
7,  62,  2:  10,  31,  46,  make  popular  election 
invalid ;  but  from  Cod.  Theod.  12,  5,  1  it  may 
be  gathered  that  popular  election  was  still  the 
rule  in  Africa,  since  the  magistrates  are  cautioned 
to  procure  the  election  of  suitable  persons:  this 
is  also  to  be  inferred  from  Renier,  Inscriptions 
d'Alge'rie,  no.  4070,  where  a  municipal  officer 
specially  mentions  his  election  by  the  Ordo,  as 
though  it  were  exceptional).  The  continuance 
of  the  formal  appeal  to  the  people  is  shewn  so 
late  as  the  end  of  the  3rd  century,  in  the  account 


ORDINATION 


1503 


of  the  election  of  the  emperor  Tacitus  (Vopisc. 
Ihcit.  c.  7).  Of  course  under  the  imperial 
regime  the  part  which  the  senate  played  in  the 
actual  selection  of  candidates  tended  to  become 
no  more  free  than  the  part  of  the  people  ;  but 
the  important  fact  is  that  the  form  of  election 
by  the  senate  remained  until  late  times,  and  that 
even  after  the  disintegration  of  the  empire  the 
greater  civil  appointments  were  made,  not 
directly  by  constitutive  nomination,  but  in- 
directly through  the  form  of  "  commendatio " 
(cf.  the  letters  of  Theodoric  to  the  senate,  ap. 
Cassiodor.  Variar.  e.g.  lib.  5,  Epp.  22,  41). 

3.  From  the  earliest  times  the  chief  officers  of 
state  had  possessed  and  exercised  the  right, 
which  must  be  carefully  distinguished  from  the 
right  of  commcndatio,  of  nominating  certain  of 
their  subordinates  without  the  necessity  of  even 
a  formal  submission  of  the  names  to  either  the 
senate  or  the  people.  The  right  had  beer 
jealously  guarded,  and  in  some  cases  restricted, 
but  it  had  never  passed  away,  and  the  empe<rors 
were  able  to  make,  especially  in  the  provinces,  a 
large  number  of  direct  appointments  without 
violating  any  constitutional  forms.  It  is  re- 
corded among  the  many  virtues  of  Alexander 
Severus  that  he  voluntarily  limited  his  own 
privilege  in  this  respect  by  consulting  the  people 
before  making  any  important  provincial  appoint- 
ment, "  hortans  populum  ut  si  quis  quid  haberet 
criminis  probaret  manifestis  rebus  ;"  and  it  is 
interesting  to  note  that,  although  himself  a 
heathen,  he  adduces  as  a  reason  for  the  course 
which  he  pursued  the  example  of  appointments 
in  the  Christian  church  (Lamprid.  Alex.  Sever. 
c.  45.  On  the  general  question  of  appointment 
by  superior  officers,  see  Mommsen,  RomiscTies 
StaatsrecJtt,  bd.  i.  pp.  181-192,  bd.  ii.  pp.  860- 
873) 

The  facts  which  exist  in  reference  to  early 
ecclesiastical  appointments  corroborate  in  a 
striking  manner  the  general  presumption  that, 
since  the  same  words  were  used  for  them  as  for 
civil  appointments,  the  same  modes  of  appoint- 
ment prevailed. 

1.  Of  the  existence  of  appointment  by  popular 
election  some  proofs  have  been  given  elsewhere. 
[Bishop,  Vol.  I.  p.  213 ;  Electiox,  p.  599.] 
But  as  in  the  Roman  municipalities,  so  also  in 
the  Christian  churches,  popular  election,  though 
a  condition  of  appointment,  did  not  of  itself  con- 
stitute appointment.  Just  as  a  civil  appoint  ■ 
raent  was  not  valid  until  the  officer  who 
presided  at  the  election  had  accepted  and  de- 
clared it,  so  it  was  also  in  the  case  of  ecclesi- 
astical appointments.  "  The  seven  "  were  chosen 
by  the  church,  but  they  were  appointed  by  the 
apostles ;  the  word  used  of  the  former  is 
i^eXe^avTo,  of  the  latter,  KaTaa-r-nffo/ji^v  (Acts 
vi.  3,  5).  This  distinction,  which  has  been 
often  ignored,  is  of  great  significance.  Nor 
is  it  the  only  point  of  analogy  between  civil 
and  ecclesiastical  elections.  Just  as,  on  the 
one  hand,  popular  elections  were  not  con- 
stitutive, so,  on  the  other  hand,  they  were 
not  absolutely  free.  Checks  of  two  kinds 
existed — (1)  conditions  were  imposed  on  the 
eligibility  of  candidates,  and  means  were  taken 
to  ascertain  that  these  conditions  were  com- 
plied with  ;  (2)  the  approval  of  other  persons  or 
bodies  was  required  to  make  the  election  valid. 
The    operation   of  the    former   of  these  checks 


1504 


ORDINATION 


resulted  in  the  gradual  establishment  of  a  com- 
plicated series  of  qualifications,  and  of  a  system 
of  examination,  with  a  view  to  test  qualifica- 
tions. [Orders,  Holy:  iv.  Qualifications  for: 
Examination  for.']  The  operation  of  the  second 
check  was  shewn  in  the  gradual  narrowing  of  the 
function  of  the  laity  from  election  to  express  or 
tacit  approval.  Just  as  in  the  empire,  the  senate 
at  Rome,  or  the  curia  in  a  municipality,  came  to 
interfere  in  popular  elections,  iind  ultimately  to 
render  them  nugatory ;  so  ^Mri  passu  in  the 
church,  appointment  by  election  passed  into 
appointment  by  co-optation,  and  ultimately  into 
appointment  by  nomination  of  either  the  bishop 
or  the  civil  power. 

2.  The  second  mode  of  appointment  which 
€xisted  in  the  empire  thus  tended  to  become 
the  prevailing  mode  in  the  church.  It  had  no 
doubt  existed  in  the  earliest  times,  for  Clement  of 
Rome  speaks  of  the  successors  of  the  apostles  as 
having  been  appointed  by  other  distinguished 
men  with  the  consent  of  the  whole  church  {ii(p' 
ir^paiv  iWoylfxwf  avSpciv  cruj'eiiSoKTjcracrTjs  rrjs 
iKKA-naias  -Kiia-ns,  Epist.  1  ad  Cor.  c.  44)  ;  but 
its  employment  seems  to  have  been  local  and 
limited.  The  function  which  Cyprian  assigns  to 
the  African  and  Spanish  clergy  in  ecclesiastical 
appointments,  is  that  of  consenting  or  giving 
testimony,  not  that  of  nominating  or  appointing 
(cf.  especially  Epist.  68,  3,  i.  p.  1026,  which  is 
important  because  it  expressly  applies  to  the 
appointment  of  deacons  as  well  as  of  bishops); 
and  it  is  clear  from  the  case  of  Cornelius  that 
this  was  the  case  also  at  Rome  (id.  Epist.  10, 
i.  p.  770).  But  in  the  4th  century  it  is  clear  from 
the  synodical  letter  of  the  council  of  Xicaea  to  the 
church  of  Alexandria,  that  in  that  church  the 
right  of  the  people  to  elect  was  limited  by  the 
right  of  the  clergy  to  propose  names  (7rpox€ipi- 
^ecrdai  ?)  virofidWeLV  ovofJiaTa).  The  council 
jjunishes  the  Melitian  clergy  (who  had  sup- 
ported Arius)  by  depriving  them  of  that  right, 
but  allows  them  to  succeed  to  the  vacancies 
caused  by  death  among  the  orthodox  clergy, 
provided  that  they  are  found  worthy,  that  the 
people  elect  them,  and  that  the  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria votes  for  them  and  confirms  the  election 
(Socrat.  ff.  E.  1,  Q;  Sozom.  H.  E.  1,  24).  It 
was  probably  this  right  of  proposing  names  for 
election  which  in  the  case  of  the  clergy  of  the 
Christian  churches,  as  beyond  question  in  the 
case  of  the  Roman  municipalities,  resulted  in 
the  virtual  election  by  the  clergy,  subject  only 
to  approval,  by  acclamation  or  by  silence,  on  the 
])art  of  the  people.  The  fourth  canon  of  the 
same  council  has  sometimes  been  interpreted  as 
being  a  formal  substitution  of  co-optation  for 
popular  election  in  the  case  of  bishops  (cf.  Hefele, 
Councils,  E.  T.  vol.  i.  p.  384;  Van  Espen,  Jus  Eccles. 
p.  1  tit.  13,  n.  10)  ;  and  in  the  course  of  the  next 
quarter  of  a  century  the  council  of  Laodicaea 
(c.  13)  expressly  enacted  that  the  elections  of 
those  who  are  to  be  appointed  to  the  priesthood 
(by  which  Zonaras  and  Balsamon  understand  the 
jjresbyterate,  Aristenus  the  episcopate)  are  not 
to  be  entrusted  to  popular  assemblies  (to7s 
oxA.ois).  At  the  beginning  of  the  following 
century,  Theophilus  of  Alexandria  gives  the 
election  to  the  clergy  (nav  to  hparelov),  the 
approval  of  the  candidates  (Sowi/nafei//)  and  their 
formal  appointment  (xeipoToi'eTi')  to  the  bishop. 
The  part  of  the  people  consists,  as  in  later  times, 


ORDINATION 

only  in  their  bearing  public  testimony  at  the 
time  of  appointment  (S.  Theophil.  Alexandr. 
can.  6;  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  Ixv.  40).  The 
existence  of  this  mode  of  election  at  the  time, 
probably  somewhat  later,  when  the  eighth  book 
of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  was  written,  is 
clear  from  the  mention  of  a  presbyter  as  having 
been  advanced  to  his  rank  "  by  the  vote  and 
decision  (x^rjcpcf  kuI  Kpiaei)  of  the  whole  clerns  " 
(Const.  Apost.  viii.  15  ;  cf.  the  expression  in  the 
same  book,  c.  4,  "nominated  and  approved," 
ovo/jLaaBivros  Kal  ap4(ravros). 

3.  The  third  mode  of  appointment  which  ex- 
isted in  the  empire  existed  also  in  the  church, 
but  to  a  more  limited  extent.  Some  officers 
were  appointed  by  the  mere  nomination  of  a 
superior  officer.  An  archdeacon  was  appointed  by 
bishop,  a  singer  by  a  presbyter.  But  the  num- 
ber of  such  officers  was  small ;  the  original  de- 
mocratical  constitution  of  the  church  shewed 
itself  in  the  jealous  limitation  of  such  appoint- 
ments. In  all  but  a  few  cases  the  nominations 
were  in  the  form  of  a  "  commendatio ;"  they 
were  subject  to  the  approval  of  either  the  clergy 
or  the  people,  or  both.  And  just  as  under 
the  empire,  this  form  of  nomination  was 
frequently  in  the  form  of  a  letter  or  a  speech, 
setting  forth  the  virtues  of  the  person  to 
be  appointed,  so  it  was  also  in  the  church.  An 
interesting  example  of  sucli  a  speech  is  that 
which  Sidonius  Apollinaris  made  at  the  election 
of  a  bishop  of  Bourges,  and  which  he  has  himself 
recorded.  It  concludes  by  giving  the  form  of 
nomination :  "  In  nomine  Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiri- 
tus  Sancti  Simplicius  est  quem  provinciae  nostrae 
metropolitanum  civitatis  vestrae  summum  sacer- 
dotem  fieri  debere  pronuntio,"  and  by  asking  the 
people  to  signifv  their  assent.  (Sidcn.  ApoUin. 
E2?ist.  7.  9,  p.  190.) 

As  the  organisation  of  the  Roman  empire 
became  gradually  weaker,  while  that  of  the 
church  grew  stronger  and  more  centralized  ;  as 
the  power  and  importance  of  the  episcopate  in- 
creased and  that  of  the  presbyterate  diminished  ; 
and  as,  moreover,  a  new  group  of  ideas  clustered 
round  the  primitive  conception  of  the  clerical 
office,  the  whole  system  of  appointments  to  office 
underwent  significant  modifications.  But  in  the 
altered  types  which  tended  to  prevail  in  the 
East  and  West  respectively,  the  old  elements 
were  still  present,  though  in  varying  degrees, 
and  these  elements  have  been  so  far  ignored  and 
overlaid  in  subsequent  times,  that  it  is  important 
to  shew  in  detail  the  extent  to  which  they  once 
existed. 

i.  There  was  always,  in  the  case  at  least  of 
those  which  had  been  from  the  beginning  the 
chief  grades  of  ecclesiastical  office,  viz.  those  of 
bishop,  presbyter,  deacon,  and  reader,  either  the 
reality  or  the  semblance  of  an  election.  To  a  few 
offices,  e.g.  those  of  archpresbyter,  archdeacon, 
acolyte,  and  doorkeeper,  the  bishop  could  probably 
appoint  propria  niotu.  But  in  the  other  cases  he 
was  only  the  executive  officer  of  the  community. 
He  was  in  the  position  of  the  returning  officer  at 
an  election  to  civil  office  in  the  empire.  He  had 
the  right  of  rejecting  unworthy  candidates,  in 
certain  cases  the  right  of  proposing  candidates, 
and  in  all  cases  the  right  of  renunciatio  or  decla- 
ration of  election.  But  the  church,  i.e.  either 
the  clergy  and  laity  acting  together,  or  the 
clergy  alone,  or  the  laity  alone,  has  always  exer- 


ORDINATION 

cised  on  the  one  hand  the  right  of  presenting 
persons  for  appointment,  on  the  other  the  right 
of  veto.  Both  these  rights  are  survivals  of  the 
older  right  of  election  by  direct  vote.  That  older 
right  was  gradually  limited  and  nullified  by  the 
operation  of  a  regulation  which  had  been  intro- 
duced as  a  safeguard.  In  the  course  of  the  4th 
■century  it  had  become  the  rule  that  no  ecclesias- 
tical election  was  valid  unless  the  bishop  or 
bishops  had  voted  with  the  majority."  In  the 
election  of  a  bishop  the  votes  of  at  least  three 
neighbouring  bishops  were  required ;  in  the 
election  of  a  presbyter  the  vote  of  the  bishop  of 
the  church  in  which  the  election  took  place  was 
sufficient.  (That  this  is  the  true  interpretation  of 
the  second  apostolical  canon  is  admitted  by  both 
Zonaras  and  Aristenus,  who  explain  Xfiporo^eiy 
by  ip'rj(j>i(etv.  Balsamon's  view,  which  is  based 
on  the  later  practice,  is  contradicted  not  only  by 
historical  facts,  but  by  his  own  interpretation  of 
Cone.  Laod.  c.  13,  which  he  makes  to  refer  to 
presbyters  as  well  as  to  bishops.)  It  is  easy  to 
see  how  this  regulation  operated  in  course  of 
time  to  throw  the  election  practically  into  the 
hands  of  the  bishops  ;  the  bishops  came  thus  to 
fulfil  a  double  function,  they  both  elected,  sub- 
ject, as  will  be  shewn  below,  to  testimony  and 
to  veto,  and  admitted  to  office.  But  it  is  impor- 
tant to  note  that  between  these  two  functions 
there  was  a  recognised  difference.  In  two  of  the 
oldest  Western  ordinals  the  election,  as  repre- 
sented by  the  summons  to  objectors  to  come 
forward,  and  the  "  advocatio  "  or  call  to  office, 
take  place  on  Wednesday  and  Friday,  the  impo- 
.•^ition  of  hands  and  the  benediction  take  place  on 
the  following  Saturday.  (Hittorp,  Ord.  Bom.  i. 
p.  88;  Mabillon,  Ord." Rom.  ix.  p.  90.)  In  later 
ordinals  the  separate  elements  are  combined  in 
a  single  service ;  but  even  in  them  there  is  a 
clear  distinction  between  the  declaration  of  elec- 
tion ("  eligimus  "  &c.,  see  below)  and  the  subse- 
quent "  benedictio  "  or  "  consecratio." 

But  since  election,  except  in  the  case  of  bishops 
(for  which  see  Bishop,  Vol.  I.  pp.  213,  sqq.),  be- 
came in  later  times  a  mere  form,  it  will  be  ad- 
visable here  to  shew  briefly  the  extent  to  which  it 
existed.  For  this  purpose  we  shall  tnke  the 
unimpeachable  testimony  of  the  ordinals  of  both 
the  Eastern  and  Western  churches,  in  preference 
to  collecting  historical  examples,  or  citing  more 
or  less  rhetorical  passages  from  ecclesiastical 
writers. 

(a)  Election  of  Presbyters. — In  almost  all 
Western  ordinals  the  bishop  begins  the  office  for 
the  ordination  of  presbyters  by  announcing  the 
fact  of  their  election  to  the  people:  "By  the 
4ielp  of  our  Lord  God,  and  our  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ,  we  elect  N.  to  the  order  of  the  presby- 
terate.  .  .  ."  (Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat.  vol.  iii. 
p.  31  ;  Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.  Noviom.  Caturic. 
Suession.  S.  Elig.  Becc.  Corb.  i.  ;  Hittorp,  Ord. 
Rom.  Vet.  ii.  p.  91 ;  Catalan!,  Ord.  ii.)"  That 
this  formula  was  regarded,  even  until  compara- 

a  The  principle  which  this  involves  was  known  to  the 
civil  law,  which  may  possibly  have  borrowed  it  from  the 
Christian  practice:  Julian  enactpd  that  no  one  should 
become  a  public  toacher  or  a  physician  without  a  "de- 
cretum  curialium,  opimorum  conspiranteconsilio."  Cud. 
rheodos.  13.  3.  5  =  Cod.  Justin.  10.  52.  7. 

•>  For  an  account  of  tho  ordinals  and  other  anthoritios 
which  are  thus  designated  here  and  througljout  tlio 
present  article,  see  Ordinal. 


ORDINATION 


1505 


tivcly  recent  times,  as  the  declaration  of  an 
actual  election,  is  shewn  by  the  fact,  that  when  a 
presbyter  was  appointed  by  the  pope's  mandate 
it  was  omitted.  {Caeremoniale  Ambrosianiim, 
published  by  order  of  S.  Carlo  Borromeo,  p.  69, 
ed.  Milan,  1619.)  The  later  English  ordinals 
are  more  explicit  than  other  Western  ordinals 
in  recognising  the  two  factors  of  the  electoral 
body,  "  electi  sunt  a  nobis  ct  dericis  huic  sanctae 
sedi  fmiMlantibus"  (Sarum,  Exeter,  and  Win- 
chester ordinals  in  Maskell,  Mun.  Bit.  vol.  iii. 
pp.  15.5,  160);  and  this  explicit  recognition  is 
preserved  in  the  modern  Roman  pontifical,  where 
the  bishop  addresses  the  presbyters-elect  as 
"  quos  ad  nostrum  adjutorium  fratrum  nostronun 
arbitrium  consecrandos  elegit "  (Pontif.  Kom.  p. 
1,  tit.  12,  §  5).  No  doubt  election  became  a 
fiction ;  how  or  when  it  began  to  become  so  is 
uncertain.  Historical  references  to  it  occasionally 
appear  in  comparatively  late  writers,  e.g.  Venan- 
tius  Fortunatus  (?)  in  the  Life  of  Medard  of 
Noyon  (c.  3,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixxxviii.  p.  536) 
says  "  presbyterii  officium  electus  excepit,  pro- 
batus  obtinuifc,"  and  it  is  clear  that  it  was  the 
rule  at  the  time  when  the  Liber  Diurnus  was 
compiled,  inasmuch  as  that  book  contains  a  for- 
mula for  a  papal  precept  requiring  a  bishop  to 
proceed  to  the  ordination  of  a  presbyter  without 
election  ("  sine  suffxagatione  ;"  Lib.  Diurn.  Rom. 
Pontif.  c.  5,  tit.  1,  ed.  Gamier,  p.  91).  In  the 
subsequent  address  to  the  people,  asking  for 
their  prayers,  the  election  is  attributed  to  the 
grace  of  God,  the  assumption  being  made,  as  e.g. 
in  Acts  i.  24,  26,  that  election  is  an  indication 
not  so  much  of  human  choice  as  of  the  divine 
will ;  so  Sacram.  Leon.  Pontif.  Ecgb.;  Catalani, 
Ord.  i.  In  the  later  Eastern  ordinals  this  is 
almost  the  only  trace  of  election  which  has  sur- 
vived ;  e.g.  in  the  Maronite  ordinal,  according  to 
Asseman  and  Renaudot,  ap.  Denzinger  ii.  p.  151  ; 
in  the  Nestorian,  according  to  both  Asseman  and 
Badger,  ap.  Denzinger,  ii.  p.  236,  267  ;  in  the 
Coptic,  according  to  Kircher  and  Vansleb  (but 
not  according  to  Asseman)  ap.  Denzinger  ii.  p. 
12.  But  that  this  is  only  part  of  the  earlier 
Eastern  practice  is  shewn  by  the  fact  that  the 
eighth  book  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (c. 
15),  which  is  peculiarly  Eastern  in  its  character, 
speaks  of  a  presbyter,  in  the  formula  for  his 
ordination,  as  having  been  elected  by  the  vote  of 
the  whole  clergy. 

(6)  Election  of  Beacons.  In  the  earliest  ordinal 
of  the  Gregorian  type,  the  Missale  Francorum, 
the  deacons  are  expressly  stated  to  be  elected  by 
the  clergy,  and  the  assent  of  the  people  is  re- 
quested. The  election  is  claimed  as  a  special 
privilege  of  the  "  sacerdotes,"  but  the  bishop 
desires  to  know  whether  the  people  judge  the  or- 
dinand  to  be  worthy  :  "  et  si  vestra  apud  meam 
concordat  electio,  testimonium  quod  vultis  voci- 
hus  adprobato."  After  the  prayer  which  follows, 
the  bishop  adds  "commune  votum  [the  word  in 
its  mediaeval  sense  is  equivalent  to  the  Greek 
\prj(pos,  the  English  'vote;'  see  Ducange,  s.v.]  com- 
munis prosequatur  oratio."  In  almost  all  the 
later  western  ordinals,  the  bishop  begins  the  office 
for  the  ordination  of  deacons  with  the  same  for- 
mula, mutatis  mutandis,  as  in  the  case  of  presby- 
ters, declaring  their  election;  so  e.g.  Cod.  Vat.  ap. 
Muratori,  Pontif.  S.  Dunst.  Noviom.  Caturic. 
Suession.  Becc.  S.  Elig.  Hittorp  Ord.Rom.  ii.p.91; 
so  also  in  the  modern  Pontif.  Kom.  p.  i.  tit.  ii.  §  3. 


1506 


ORDINATION 


And  although  in  th.at  declaration  of  election  the 
co-operation  of  the  church  is  not  expressly  men- 
tioned, it  is  clearly  implied  in  the  formula  which 
follows  it,  as  it  follows  the  corresponding  declara- 
tion in  the  Missale  Francorum,  "  commxme  votum 
communis  oratio  prosequatur  "  (so  Cod.  Maff., 
Pont.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.  Noviom.  Caturic.  Suession. 
Becc.  Mogunt.  Corb.  i.,  Hittorp  Ord.  Rom.  ii. ; 
Catalan!,  Ord.  ii.  iii.  and  in  the  modern  Pontif. 
Rom.  p.  i.  tit.  ii.  §  5). 

(c)  Election  of  Subdeacons.  It  is  not  certain 
whether  during  the  first  nine  centuries  sub- 
deacons  were  elected  in  the  same  way  as  presby- 
ters and  deacons,  or  whether  they  were,  as 
subordinate  officers  of  the  church,  appointed  by 
the  bishop.  The  doubt  is  chiefly  caused  by  the 
variety  of  reading  in  the  earliest  Western  ordinals 
in  the  general  formula  of  declaration  of  election 
which  has  been  already  mentioned.  Some  of 
them  insert  the  word  "  subdiaconii,"  others 
omit  it.  The  insertion  of  the  word  can  be 
easily  accounted  for,  at  the  period  to  which 
most  of  the  ordinals  belong,  by  the  struggle  of 
the  subdiaconate  to  be  ranked  among  major  or- 
ders ;  the  omission  is  difficult  to  explain  if  sub- 
deacons,  like  deacons  and  presbyters,  had  been 
elected  from  the  beginning.  It  may  be  added 
that  the  modern  Homan  Pontifical  speaks  of  them 
in  the  litany  which  precedes  this  ordination  as 
"electos  "  (p.  i.  tit.  10,  §  7). 

(d)  Election  of  Headers.  The  most  remarkable 
example  of  the  conservation  of  the  primitive  prac- 
tice of  election  is  in  the  case  of  readers.  All  the 
ancient  Western  ordinals  mention  it,  and  almost 
all  refer  the  election,  not  to  the  bishop,  but  to  the 
"  fratres,"  i.e.  probably  to  the  body  of  the  clergy, 
"  eligunt  te  fratres  tui  ut  sis  lector  in  domo  Dei 
tui,"  so  Miss.  Francorum,  Sacram.  Galas,  c.  9G, 
Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat.  Cod.  Maff.  Pontif.  Ecgb.  S. 
Dunst.  Noviom.  Caturic.  Bisunt.  Becc.  Mogunt. ; 
English  ordinals  ap.  Maskell ;  Catalan!,  07-do,  i. 
(corrupted  to  "  diligunt  "  in  id.  Ord.  ii.  iii.) 
Hittorp  Ord.  Rom.  ii.  p.  89  (so  also  the  Cambray 
Pontifical  and  one  Noyou  Pontifical)  has  "  eleg- 
erunt,"  which  is  important  as  making  it  clear 
that  the  bishop's  office  was  rather  ministerial 
than  co-operative. 

ii.  There  was  always  the  testimony  of  the 
church  to  the  fitness  of  the  candidate.  It  was 
necessary  to  have,  not  merely  "  suffragia,"  but 
"  testimonia."  This  had  been  insisted  upon  from 
the  earliest  times.  The  pastoral  Epistles  require 
a  bishop  to  have  "  a  good  report  of  them  which 
are  without"  (1  Tim.  iii.  7  ;  see  S.  Chrysost.  ad 
loc.)  Cyprian  speaks  of  Cornelius  as  having  been 
made  bishop  "  de  clericorum  paene  omnium  tes- 
timonio,"  as  well  as  "  de  plebe  quae  tunc  adfuit 
suffragio  "  (S.  Cypr.  Epist.  10.  i.  p.  770)  ;  and 
he  apologises  for  having  ordained  Aurelius  as  a 
reader  in  his  retirement  on  the  ground  of  excep- 
tional merit,  "  exspectanda  non  stmt  testimonia 
humana  cum  praecedunt  divina  suffragia  "  (id. 
Epist.  33.  ii.  p.  320).  The  eighth  book  of  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions  enacts,  that  after  a  per- 
son has  been  elected  bishop,  and  presented  for 
ordination,  and  formally  identified  as  being  the 
person  elected,  the  further  question  must  be  put 
"  whether  he  is  attested  by  all  as  being  worthy  " 
(Const.  Apost.  8,  4).  So  also  Leo  the  Great  lays 
down  the  rule,  "exspectarentur  certe  vota  civium, 
testimonia  populorum  ;  quaereretur  honoratorum 
arbitrium,   electio  clericorum  "  (S.  Leon.  Magn. 


OEDINATION 

Epist.  10.  aa  Episc.  per  prov.  Vienn.  i.  p.  637, 
cf.  ibid.  p.  639).  And  it  was  one  of  the  accusa- 
tions against  Chrysostom  at  the  synod  of  the  Oak, 
that  he  had  ordained  persons  "without  testi- 
mony "  (a/xapTvpoos  Phot.  Bibl.  cod.  59,  p.  17). 
The  Statuta  Ecclesiae  Antiqua,  c.  22,  require  the 
"  civium  conniventia  et  testimonium,"  and  3  Cone. 
Brae.  A.D.  572,  c.  3,  requires  "  multorum  testi- 
monium." 

The  ordinals  continued  the  primitive  require- 
ment, and  through  them  it  has  descended  to 
modern  times.  It  is  almost  always  twofold, 
being  a  i-equirement  of  the  separate  testimony 
of  the  clergy  and  of  the  people  ;  and  since  each  of 
these  requirements  had  its  own  form,  it  will  be 
convenient  to  describe  them  separately. 

(a)  Testimony  of  the  Clergy. — the  Greek 
ordinal  is  apparently  the  only  one  which  has 
preserved  the  primitive  custom  of  asking  for 
the  viva  voce  testimony  of  the  assembled  clergy. 
The  Western  ordinals  were  framed  in  their 
present  form  after  the  archdeacon  had  become 
the  officer  who  stood  at  the  head  of  the  clergv 
and  next  to  the  bishop.  Consequently  the  voice 
of  the  clergy  is  expressed  through  the  arch- 
deacon. When  he  comes  forward  in  the  name 
of  the  church  ("  postulat  sancta  mater  ecclesia 
Catholica  ut  hunc  praesentem  [subdiaconum]  ad 
onus  [diacouii]  ordinetis "),  the  bishop  asks 
"  scisne  ilium  dignum  esse  ?  "  to  which  the  arch- 
deacon replies,  "  quantum  humana  fragilitas 
nosse  sinit,  et  scio  et  testificor  ipsum  dignum 
esse  ad  hujus  onus  officii."  This  is  the  formula 
(1)  in  the  case  of  presbyters  and  deacons  (Cod. 
Maff.  ap.  Murat.  vol.  iii.  p.  62  ;  Pontif.  S.  Dunst. 
Corb.  i.  Mogunt. ;  English  ordinals  ap.  Maskell ; 
Catalan!,  Ord.  ii.  iii.  and  in  the  modern  Roniau' 
Pontifical,  p.  1.  tit.  12,  §  3):  but  in  Hittorp 
Ord.  Rom.  ii.  p.  93,  the  enquiry  is  made  of  the 
presbyters  who  present  the  candidate.  (2)  In 
the  case  of  subdeacons  the  corresponding  formula 
does  not  appear  in  the  existing  ordinals  (unless 
it  be  implied  in  the  general  foi-mula  which  is 
given  in  Hittorp  Ord.  Rom.  ii.  p.  88),  and  its 
disappearance  tends  to  confirm  the  doubt  which 
has  been  expressed  above,  whether  subdeacons 
were  elected  by  the  church  and  not  rather 
appointed  by  the  bishop.  (3)  In  the  case  of 
readers  and  other  minor  orders,  Hittorp's 
Ordo  Romamis,  ii.  p.  88,  preserves  a  formula 
which  resembles  that  of  the  modern  English 
ordinal :  the  bishop  says,  "  vide  ut  natura, 
scientia,  et  moribus  tales  per  te  introducantur, 
iramo  per  nos  tales  in  domo  Domini  ordinentur 
personae  per  quas  diabolus  pellatur  et  clerus 
Domino  nostro  multiplicetur." 

Inlater  times  the  testimony  of  the  clergy,  signi- 
fied through  the  archdeacon,  had  to  be  supple- 
mented by  the  testimony  of  the  parish  priest  and 
theschoolmaster  of  the  candidate.  The  former  was 
suflicient  as  long  as  the  persons  to  be  appointed 
were  members  of  the  church  of  the  city  in  which 
the  ordination  took  place,  or  had  been  trained 
under  the  eye  of  the  archdeacon  in  the  diaconium. 
But  after  the  area  of  dioceses  had  become 
extended,  and  youths  were  entrusted  to  the  care 
of  parish  priests  (2  Cone.  Vasens.  A.D.  529,  c.  1), 
the  testimony  of  the  latter  was  required,  per- 
haps originally  in  place  of,  but  afterwards  in 
addition  to,  that  of  the  archdeacon.  A  still  later 
regulation  required  the  further  testimony  of  the 
master  of  the  school  at  which  the  candidate  had 


ORDINATION 

been  educated.  (Both  these  requirements  are 
retained  in  the  modern  Itoman  Pontifical,  p.  1, 
tit.  2,  §  4,  following  Cone.  Trident.  Sess.  xxiii. 
c.  5.) 

(b)  lestimony  of  the  Laity. — The  Western  ordi- 
nals agree  in  requiring  the  testimony  of  the  laity 
to  the  titnessof  anyone  who  is  appointed  presbyter 
or  deacon.  The  primitive  rule  seems  to  have  been 
to  consult  the  laity  three  days  before  the 
appointment  was  consummated  by  admission  to 
otHce  ;  so  Mabillon,  Ordo  i\.  ap.  l/»s.  Ital.  yo\. 
ii.  p.  90  ;  Hittorp,  Ord.  Rom.  i.  p.  88.  But  the 
later,  and  perhaps  also  occasionally  the  earlier, 
practice  was  to  require  the  testimony  to  be 
given  at  the  time  of  admission.  The  testimony 
wac  sometimes  positive  and  sometimes  negative. 
In  the  earliest  of  the  later  ordinals,  the  Missale 
Francorum  (so  Hittorp  Ord.  Rom.  ii.)  the  bishop 
charges  the  people  not  to  be  silent,  but  to  say 
openly  what  they  think  about  the  actions, 
character,  and  merits  of  those  who  are  to  bo 
ordained  presbyters,  and  requires  them  "  elec- 
tionem  vestram  publica  voce  profiteri."  (It  is 
remarkable  that  the  same  formula,  with  but 
slight  changes  of  phrase,  is  preserved  in  the 
modern  Roman  pontifical,  p.  1,  tit.  12,  §  4.)  Nor 
does  he  proceed  with  the  ordination  until  the 
testimony  has  been  given :  (it  may  be  inferred 
from  the  analogous  form  at  the  ordination  of 
bishops  that  the  answer  was  e.xpressed  by 
"  Dignus ").  But  the  majority  of  ordinals 
require  only  negative  testimony  :  they  prescribe 
that  an  appeal  shall  be  made  to  the  people  at 
the  time  of  the  declaration  of  election,  and  in 
continuation  of  the  formula  "  By  the  help  of  our 
Lord  God.  .  .  ."  (see  above,  under  "  Election  of 
Presbyters.")  "  If  anyone  has  anything  against 
these  men,  let  him  in  God's  name,  and  for  God's 
sake,  come  forth  with  boldness  and  say  it."  This 
is  the  prescribed  form  in  the  case  of  presbyters 
and  deacons,  in  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat. ;  Pontif. 
Ecgb.  St.  Dunst.  Noviom.  Caturic.  Suession. 
Becc.  Mogunt. ;  Catalani,  Ord.  ii.  iii.,  English 
ordinals  ap.  Maskell.  In  the  case  of  readers, 
whose  office,  as  being  in  primitive  times  the  first 
step  above  the  laity,  had  to  be  guarded  with 
special  care,  the  ordinals  enact  that  the  bishop 
is  to  address  the  people,  "  setting  forth  their 
faith  and  life  ;"  so  Sacram.  Gelas.,  Cod.  Vat.  ap. 
Murat.,  Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif.  Ecgb.  Rem.  Rodrad., 
Catalani,  Ord.  ii. 

In  later  times  it  became  a  rule  of  the  Western 
church  that  this  testimony  of  the  people  should 
be  asked  for,  not  only  at  the  time,  and  in 
the  church  of  ordination,  but  also  in  the 
church  in  which  the  ordained  resided,  and  that 
the  parish  priest  should  testify  to  having  so 
asked  for  it.  But  the  rule  was  not  embodied  in 
a  canon  earlier  than  the  council  of  Trent,  sess. 
23,  c.  5,  and  the  fourth  (provincial)  council  of 
Milan  under  St.  Carlo  Borromeo. 

iii.  There  was  also  a  declaration  of  appoint- 
ment, corresponding  to  the  civil  renunciatio. 
In  the  Western  church  this  was  almost  the  only 
relic  of  the  primitive  election,  and  the  form  of 
duclaration  has  been  given  above  as  an  indica- 
tion of  the  existence  of  election.  But  all  the 
Eastern  churches  agree  in  giving  considerable 
prominence  to  this  element  in  ordination.  1. 
They  all  have  a  formula  corresponding  to  the 
western  formula,  "  By  the  help  of  our  Lord 
God  ..."  but  different  in  its  form,  inasmuch 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.    II. 


OEDINATION 


1507 


as  what  in  the  one  is  regarded  as  the  act  of  the 
church,  is  in  the  other  regarded  as  the  act  of 
divine  grace:  t}  6fia  x^p'S  V  TravTOT^  to.  aa-devTJ 
dtpair^vovaa  Koi  ra  iWeiirovTa  avatrK-qpovaa  irpo- 
XeipiC^rai  Thv  5f7fa  rhv  6€0(pi\4aruTov  [5ia/co- 
vov'j  els  irpea-^vrepov.  The  primitive  character  of 
this  formula  is  proved  by  its  being  found,  with 
unimportant  variations,  not  only  in  all  MSS.  of 
the  Greek  ordinals,  but  also  in  all  Oriental 
ordinals,  for  both  presbyters  and  deacons.  2.  All 
except  the  Greek  ordinals  have  a  much  more 
elaborate  formula,  by  which  not  only  the  appoint- 
ment but  also  the  admission  of  the  newly 
ordained  person  is  said  to  be  complete.  The 
Coptic  formula  in  the  ordination  of  a  presbyter 
may  be  taken  as  typical.  The  bishop  says. 
"  We  call  thee  into  the  holy  church  of  God  ;" 
the  archdeacon  thereupon  makes  proclamation, 
"  N.  presbyter  at  the  holy  altar  of  the  holy 
catholic  and  apostolic  church  of  God  of  the 
Christian  city  M.  ;"  the  bishop  confirms  the 
archdeacon's  words :  "  We  call  thee,  N.,  pres- 
byter of  the  aforesaid  holy  altar,  in  the  name 
of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the 
Holy  Ghost."  This  is,  with  unimportant  varia- 
tions, the  formula  for  both  presbyters  and 
deacons,  among  Copts,  Jacobites,  Maronites,  and 
Xestorians,  (for  the  rituals  in  detail,  see  Denzin- 
ger,  vol.  ii.  pp.  9,  13,  67,  71,  73,  86,  91,  127, 
232).  It  is  remarkable  that  the  Greek  ordinals 
preserve  no  trace  of  it ;  but  it  is  important  to 
note,  that  a  trace  of  it  exists  in  Hittorp,  Ord. 
Rom.  i.,  Mabillon,  Ord.  Rom.  ix.,  where,  after 
describing  the  consultation  of  the  laity  three 
days  before  final  admission  to  office,  it  is 
said  that  the  ordinands  are  called  up,  from  the 
lower  level  of  the  laity  to  the  raised  floor  of  the 
sanctuary  ("  advocantur  sursum  et  statuuntur 
in  sinistra  parte  altaris,  usque  dum  pontifex 
missam  compleat "). 

What,  if  any  thing,  besides  this  public  declara- 
tion of  appointment,  was  necessary  in  the 
earliest  period  to  constitute  the  person  appointed 
a  church  officer,  is  not  always  clear.  Under  the 
civil  regime,  which  was  reflected  in  so  many 
ways  upon  the  ecclesiastical  organization,  renun- 
ciatio was  followed,  either  immediately  or  after  a 
defined  interval,  by  performance  of  the  duties  of 
the  office.  A  Roman  consul  designatus  dressed 
himself  in  his  official  dress,  went  in  state  to  the 
Capitol,  took  his  seat  on  the  curule  chair,  and 
held  a  formal  meeting  of  the  senate  ;  by  doing 
this  he  became  consul  de  facto ;  the  whole  pro- 
cess was  a  usurpatio  juris  ;  the  ceremonies  and 
forms  with  which  it  was  accompanied  were  no 
more  of  the  essence  of  the  process  than  were  its 
accompanying  festivities  of  the  essence  of  a 
Roman  consensual  marriage  (Mommsen,  Romi- 
schcs  Staatsrecht,  Bd.  i.  p.  503).  In  a  similar  way 
in  the  early  church  the  declaration  of  appoint- 
ment to  ottice  was  followed  by  the  public  per- 
formance of  the  duties  of  that  office.  Even  to 
the  present  day,  in  the  chief  Western  rituals  the 
newly-ordained  deacon  performs  the  deacon's 
function  of  reading  the  Gospel  ;  in  the  Roman 
ritual  the  presbyter  not  only  takes  his  place  in 
the  presbytery,  but  is  "  concelebrant  "  with  the 
bishop,  i.e.,  he  is  associated  with  him  in  the 
celebration  of  the  eucharist :  in  the  Greek  ritual, 
the  reader  performs  his  proper  function  of 
reading,  and  the  subdeacon,  who  in  early  times 
was  a  "kind  of  under-servaut,  washes  the  bishop's 
5  £ 


1508 


OKDINATION 


hands.  But  between  the  renunciatio  and  this 
lirst  piiblic  performance  of  duties,  certain  cere- 
monies came  to  intervene.  To  these  ceremonies 
the  canonists  and  theologians  of  the  middle  ages 
attached  great  importance,  <iud  the  canonists  and 
theologians  of  later  times  have  for  the  most  part 
assumed  them  to  be  essential.  But  in  the  period 
with  which  the  present  work  mainly  deals,  they 
held  a  very  different  place  from  that  which  has 
since  been  assigned  to  them. 

III.  Bites  of  Ordination. 

The  ceremonies  which  were  interposed  between 
appointment  to  office  and  the  usurpatio  juris,  or 
public  entrance  upon  office,  were  mainly  of  two 
kinds — (rt)  prayer,  accompanied  in  most  cases  by 
imposition  of  hands ;  (6),  the  formal  delivery  of 
the  insignia  and  instruments  of  office,  (a)  It 
was  both  natural  and  fitting  that  any  appoint- 
ment should  be  accompanied  by  prayer,  and 
prayer  accordingly  is  found  to  accompany  almost 
nil  appointments  from  the  earliest  beginning  of 
ecclesiastical  records.  The  significance  of  the  rite 
is  clearly  expressed  by  St.  Augustine :  "  quid 
aliud  est  manuum  impositio  quam  oratio  super 
hominem"  (de  bapt.  c.  Donat.  3,  16);  and  even 
the  ultra-mysticism  of  Dionysius  Areopagita 
finds  no  other  meaning  in  it  than  that  of  fatherly 
sheltering  and  subjection  to  God  (De  Ecdes. 
Hier.  5,  3,  3).  But  there  had  been  from  the 
first  a  connexion  between  the  imposition  of 
hands  and  the  xw'o'f'"'''o,  or  "  spiritual  gifts ;" 
and  under  the  influence  of  the  sacerdotal  ideas 
of  the  4th  century  this  connexion  became  so 
strong  that  Basil,  speaking  of  some  schismatics, 
says  :  irapa  roiv  iraTipoiv  sffxov  tot  x^'P"''"'"''"^ 
Kal  Sta  Trjs  iirtOiaecas  tu>v  xeipajf  avToiv  flxov 
rh  xop'o"/""'  "J"^  TTvevfj-ariKSv  (S.  Basil,  Epist.  ad 
Amphiloch.  188  (canonica  i.)  vol.  iv.  p.  270). 
This  led  to  a  restriction  of  the  rite  of  imposition 
of  hands  to  the  higher  orders  of  clergy.  It 
ceased  to  be  part  of  the  ceremony  of  admitting 
deaconesses  (hence  the  great  variety  of  interpre- 
tations of  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  19  ;  cf.  Van  Espen  and 
Hefele,  ad  foe),  or  subdeacons  (except  among  the 
Armenians),  or  readers  (except  among  the 
Nestorians).  And  at  last,  in  the  12th  cen- 
tury, the  theory  of  the  connexion  of  the  rite 
with  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost  was  so  firmly 
impressed  upon  Western  Christendom,  that  some 
ordinals  put  into  the  bishop's  mouth  at  the  time 
of  imposition  the  words  which  have  been  retained 
in  the  English  ordinal,  "  Receive  the  Holy  Ghost ;" 
(see  below  in  the  account  of  the  ritual  of  the 
ordination  of  a  presbyter  ;  for  a  long  series  of 
patristic  references  see  Morin,  pars  iii.  p.  141). 

(6)  The  history  of  the  rites  of  delivering  to 
the  persons  ordained  the  insignia  and  instru- 
ments of  their  office  is  less  clear,  but  their  origin 
is  obvious.  1.  The  ceremony  of  admission  to 
office  was  followed  by  the  performance  of  the 
duties  of  the  office.  It  was  natural  that  the 
presiding  officer  should  formally  deliver  to  the 
newly  ordained  person  the  Instrumenta  [p.  8G2] 
of  such  a  performance.  A  reader  had  to  read  :  the 
book  was  delivered  to  him,  and  he  read.  A  sub- 
deacon  had  to  wash  the  bishop's  hands  :  a  pitcher 
and  towel  were  delivered  to  him.  A  deacon  had, 
m  southern  countries,  to  drive  away  insects  from 
the  oblations  upon  the  altar  :  a  fan  was  delivered 
to  him.  [Flabellum.]  The  delivery  of  the 
eucharistic  vessels  to  a  pi'esbyter  is  probably  of 


ORDINATION 

late  date  ;  it  is  not  found  in  the  oldest  Western 
ordinals  (see  belovv'.  Ordination  of  Presbyters, 
§  12) ;  and  it  was  probably  limited  in  the  first 
instance  to  the  cases  in  which  a  presbyter  was 
ordained,  not  to  presbyterial  rank  in  the  cathe- 
dral, but  to  take  charge  of  an  outlying  church ; 
it  was  thus  part  of  the  ceremonies  not  so  much 
of  ordination  as  of  institution  or  induction.  But 
it  must  be  noted,  that  almost  all  writers  on  the 
subject  call  attention  to  the  much  smaller  stress 
which  was  laid  upon  these  rites  in  the  East  than 
in  the  West.  In  the  latter  the  opinion  came  to 
prevail  in  the  schools,  that  the  physical  contact 
of  the  instruments  by  the  ordinaud  was  of  the 
essence  of  the  sacrament  (S.  Thom.  Aq.  Snmma, 
pars  iii.  qu.  34,  art.  5) ;  whereas  in  the  former 
(a)  the  instruments  were  delivered  after  the 
ordination  was  finished,  (6)  no  formula  of 
delivery  was  prescribed  (see  Catalani,  ad  Pontlf. 
Bom.  p.  i.  tit.  5,  §  3  ;  Morin,  de  Sacr.  Ordin. 
pars  iii.  exerc.  ii.).  2.  The  delivery  of  vest- 
ments is  sometimes  traced  back  historically  to 
the  time  of  Gregory  Nazianzen,  who  says  that 
when  ordained  bishop  he  was  vested  by  his 
ordainers  in  a  long  tunic  or  alb  (jhu  ttoStJptj) 
and  a  mitre  (ttjv  KiSapiv,  S.  Greg.  Nazianz. 
Orat.  X.  in  seipsum,  vol.  i.  p.  241).  But  the 
extreme  scantiness  of  subsequent  allusions  to 
such  a  rite,  and  the  absence  of  any  mention  of  it, 
not  only  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  but 
also  in  Dionysius  Areopagita,  tend  to  shew  that, 
even  if  it  existed,  little  stress  was  laid  upon  it. 
Its  significance  was  originally  the  same  as  that 
of  the  vesting  of  one  who  was  newly  baptized. 
Nor  was  it  the  only  point  of  close  analogy  between 
the  ceremonies  of  baptism  and  those  of  ordina- 
tion. The  vesting  in  vestments,  which  became 
so  important  a  part  of  the  ordination  ceremony 
in  both  East  and  West,  and  of  which  the  details 
will  be  found  below,  is  apparently  of  much  later 
origin.  The  first  certain  mention  of  it  is  in  4 
Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  633,  c.  28,  and  it  is  absent 
from  several  of  the  most  ancient  Westerii 
ordinals.  It  grew  up  with  the  growth  of  a  dis- 
tinction between  clerical  and  lay  dress  ;  its  use 
can  be  traced  in  several  instances  to  the  influ- 
ence of  the  regular  upon  the  secular  clergy  ;  and 
its  significance  was  determined  by  the  mystical 
ideas  which  gradually  attached  themselves  to 
the  vestments  which  were  worn  at  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  eucharist. 

We  now  proceed  to  give  an  outline  of  the 
ritual  which  was  observed  in  both  the  election 
on  appointment  and  the  admission  of  the  several 
orders  below  the  order  of  bishop  [for  which  see 
vol.  i.  p.  221].  It  has  been  necessary  to  append  in 
the  case  of  the  Western  rituals,  the  precise  evi- 
dence which  exists  for  the  antiquity  of  the  several 
rites  :  for  in  no  department  of  Christian  anti- 
quities has  there  been  a  stronger  tendency  to 
assume  that  rites  which  prevailed  in  the  13th 
century  prevailed  also  in  the  8th,  and  that  rites 
which  prevailed  in  the  8th  century  are  part  of 
primitive  Christianity.  In  the  case  of  the 
Eastern  rituals,  references  only  are  given  to  the 
authorities  in  which  they  will  be  found,  because 
in  the  present  state  of  knowledge  on  the  subject 
it  is  impossible  to  determine  with  even  approxi- 
mate accuracy  which  of  the  several  rites  are 
ancient,  and  which  are  of  later  growth. 

1.  UsTiARius.  Western  Bites.— (Statt.  Eccl. 
Ant.  c.  9  ;  Sacram.  Gelas.  i.  95  ;  Amalarius.  de 


ORDINATION 

Ecd.  Off.  lib.  i.  7  ;  all  Western  ordinals  of  the 
(jlregorian  type ;  but  not  Mabillon,  Urcl.  viii.  ix.) 
The  majority  of  ordinals  direct  that  the  candi- 
date shall  be  instructed  by  the  archdeacon  in  his 
duties  (so  Sacrani.  Gelas.,  but  not  Anglo-Norman 
ordinals,  except  the  Rouen  Pontifical,  nor 
Catalani,  Orel,  i.,  nor  the  Cambrai  and  Mainz 
Pontificals).  At  the  suggestion  of  the  arch- 
deacon (not  mentioned  in  Catalani,  Ord.  i.)  the 
bishop  is  to  give  to  the  candidate  the  keys  of  the 
church  (Sacram.  Gelas.,  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat., 
Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.  Noviom.  Caturic.  Sues- 
sion.  Bisunt.  Piem.  add  "  from  the  altar  ")  saying, 
"  So  act  as  one  who  is  to  give  account  to  God 
for  the  things  which  are  opened  by  these  keys." 
The  deacon  (Pontif.  Corb.  Rem.  Radbod.  Bisunt., 
St.  Elig.  Becc),  or  the  archdeacon  (Cod.  Mali'., 
Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.  Bisunt.,  English  ordinals 
ap.  Maskell)  delivers  to  him  the  door  of  the 
church  (this  is  not  mentioned  by  Sacram.  Gelas., 
nor  in  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat. ;  but  the  Soissons 
Pontifical,  the  Cod.  Radbod.,  and  a  Tours  Ponti- 
fical mentioned  by  Martene,  vol.  ii.  p.  18,  not  only 
mention  it,  but  add  a  formula,  apparently  bor- 
rowed from  the  description  of  the  office  of  the 
ostiarius  in  Isid.  Hisp.  de  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  14, 
Hraban.  Maur.  de  Instit.  Cleric,  i.  12,  to  the 
effect  that  the  power  is  thereby  delivered  of 
admitting  the  good  and  rejecting  the  bad).  A 
preface  and  form  of  benediction  usually  follow, 
without  any  rubric  as  to  the  point  of  the  service 
at  which  they  are  to  be  used.  In  Cod.  Radbod. 
they  are  placed  before  the  delivery  of  the  keys, 
which  is  probably  their  proper  place.  Some  of 
the  later  ordinals,  e.g.  those  of  Mainz  and  Cam- 
brai (see  also  the  Pontif.  Roman.)  add,  that  after 
touching  the  keys  the  ostiarius  is  to  go  and  ring 
the  bell.  When  bells  came  into  general  use  in 
churches,  it  naturally  became  the  duty  of  the 
ostiarius  to  attend  to  them,  for  the  preface, 
which  probably  belongs  to  an  earlier  time,  im- 
plies that  it  was  his  duty  to  mark  the  "  distinc- 
tionem  certarum  horarum,  ad  invocandum 
nomen  Domini,"  i.  e.  the  canonical  hours  of 
prayer. 

i.  Reader.  I.  Western  Pates.— (Siaii.  Eccl. 
Antiq.  c.  8  ;  Sacram.  Gelas.  i.  96.  Isid.  Hispal. 
de  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  11  ;  Hrab.  Maur.  de  Instit.  Cleric. 
i.  11  ;  and  all  ordinals  of  the  Gregorian  type.) 
The  bishop  is  to  make  an  address  to  the  people, 
setting  forth  the  faith,  and  life,  and  ability  of  the 
person  ordained  ;  he  is  then  to  deliver  him  the 
book  out  of  which  he  will  have  to  read  (so  Cod. 
Vat.  ap.  Murat.,  Codd.  MafF.  Rem.  Rodrad.  et  al. : 
"  codicem  apicum  divinorum  ;  "  Isid.  Hisp., 
Albin.  Place,  Hrab.  Maur. :  "  codicem  Esaiae 
prophetae  ;  "  Cod.  Ratold. :  "  lectionarium  ;  " 
Pont.  Mogunt.,  English  ordinals  :  "  lectionarium 
prophetiarum  ;  "  Cod.  Colbert.  =  Jlartene,  Ord. 
xvii.),  saying,  "  Take,  and  be  a  reader  of  the 
Word  of  God,  destined,  if  thou  fulfil  thine  office 
faithfully  and  usefully,  to  have  part  with  those 
who  have  ministered  the  Word  of  God  "  (so  all 
Codd.,  omitted  in  Missale  Franc,  only).  The 
bishop  then  makes  the  declaration  of  election  , 
("  pronuntiatio,"  Cod.  MafF.,  "  electio  fratrum," 
Pontif.  Bisunt.)  :  '•  Thy  brethren  elect  thee  " 
("  have  elected "  Pontif.  Camerac.  Noviom., 
Hittorp,  Ord.  Rom.  ii.)  to  be  a  reader  in  the 
house  of  thy  God  ;  and  recognize  thy  office  and 
fulfil  it,  for  God  is  able  to  give  thee  abundant 
grace  "  (so  almost  all  Codd.,  omitted  in  Pontif. 


ORDINATION 


1509 


Radbod.,  Suession.,  Salisb.,  Bangor.,  Sarum.). 
Then  follows  in  all  ordinals  a  prayer  for  God's 
blessing  on  the  newly-ordained  reader. 

II.  Eastern  Bites.— I.  Greek.  The  Apostolical 
Constitutions  (viii.  c.  21)  direct  that  a  reader 
shall  be  ordained  (trpoxeipLiTai)  by  imposition 
of  hands,  with  a  prayer  that  God  will  give  him 
the  Holy  Spirit,  the  Spirit  of  Prophecy.  The 
later  Greek  rituals  will  be  found  in  the  Eu- 
chologium  ed.  Goar,  p.  233,  ed.  Daniel,  vol.  iv. 
p.  547 ;  Codd.  Bessar.  Barber.  Paris.  Vat.  Allat. 
ed.  Morin,  p.  71  sqq.,  ed.  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  xi. 
p.  120  sqq.  ;  Sym.  Thessal.  de  Div.  Ordin.  c.  158, 
ap.  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  civ.  p.  366. 

2.  The  Co2Dtio  are  found  in  the  Apostolical 
Constitutions  in  Coptic,  ed.  Tattam,  c.  35 ; 
Morin,  p.  505 ;  Mai,  Script.  Vet.  vol.  v.  pars  ii. 
p.  209  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  p.  2)  ;  the  Jacobite 
in  Greg.  Barhebraeus,  Nomocan.  viii.  8  ;  Den- 
zingei-,  vol.  ii.  p.  66  ;  the  Maronite  in  Morin, 
p.  388;  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  ix.  p.  20;  Denzinger, 
vol.  ii.  p.  115;  the  Nestorian  in  Morin,  p.  442; 
J.  S.  Asseman,  vol.  iii.  pars  ii.  p.  793  ;  J.  A. 
Asseman,  vol.  xiii.  p.  1  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  p.  227, 
with  a  collation  of  the  rituals  given  by  Badger, 
p.  262. 

3.  Singer.  I.  Western  Pates.— {Qia.it.  Eccl. 
Ant.  c.  10 ;  Cod.  Maff".,  Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst. 
Caturic.  Rotom. ;  Catalani,  Ord.  ii. ;  Hittorp.  Ord. 
Rom. ;  Isid.  Hisp.  de  Eccl.  Off.  2,  12 ;  Hraban. 
Maur.  de  Inst.  Cler.  1,  11  ;  but  omitted  from 
many  ordinals.)  "  A  psalmist — ;.  e.  a  singer — 
after  having  been  instructed  by  the  archdeacon, 
can  undertake  the  office  of  singing  without  the 
cognizance  of  the  bishop,  at  the  sole  bidding  of 
a  presbyter,  the  presbyter  saying  to  him,  '  See 
that  what  thou  singest  with  thy  mouth  thou 
believest  with  thine  heart,  and  that  what  thou 
believest  in  thine  heart  thou  approvest  in  deed.'" 
(In  addition  to  this  form,  the  pontificals  of 
Ecgbert  and  St.  Dunstan  insert  the  words  "  sive 
psalmistarum  "  in  the  preface  to  the  benediction 
of  a  reader,  from  which  it  may,  perhaps,  be  in- 
ferred that  when  a  singer  was  ordained  by  a 
bishop,  the  same  form  was  used  as  for  a  reader, 
as  was  the  case  in  the  Greek  church.) 

II.  Eastern  Rites.— 1.  Greek.  (In  most  MSS. 
of  the  later  Greek  ordinals  there  is  no  distinction 
between  the  ordination  of  a  singer  and  that  of 
a  reader  ;  but  there  is  a  separate  ritual  in  Cod. 
Leo  Allat.  ap.  Morin,  p.  104;  J.  A.  Asseman, 
vol.  xi.  p.  19(3.) 

2.  The  Coptic  is  found  in  Vansleb,  Hist,  de 
fEglise  d' Aiexandrie,  p.  4,  sect.  2,  c.  7,  Denzinger, 
vol.  ii.  p.  63  :  not  in  Kircher,  Morin,  or  Asseman ; 
the  Jacobite  in  Renaudot,  ap.  Denzinger,  vol.  ii. 
66,  not  in  Morin  ;  the  Maronite  in  Morin,  p.  384  ; 
J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  ix.  p.  231  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii. 
p.  108.  The  Nestorians  have  no  special  ritual 
for  the  ordination  of  a  singer. 

4.  Exorcist.  Western  Rites. — (Statt.  Eccl. 
Antiq.  c.  7  ;  Sacram.  Gelas.  i.  c.  96,  and  all 
ordinals  of  the  Gregorian  type  ;  Isid.  Hisp.  de 
Eccl.  Off.  2,  13  ;  Hraban.  Maur.  de  Inst.  Cler.  1, 
10;  Amalarius,  de  Eccl.  Off.  1,  9.)  Some 
ordinals  direct  that  the  bishop,  sitting  with  his 
mitre  on  his  head,  shall  declare  the  duties  of  an 
exorcist  (so  Cod.  Maft'.  ;  Pontif.  Jlogunt.  Winton, 
Sarum.  Exon.).  All  ordinals  direct  that  tlie 
person  ordained  shall  receive  from  the  bishop 
a  book  of  exorcisms,  the  bishop  saying,  "  Take 
and    commit   to   memory,   and    have    power   of 

5  E  2 


1510 


OEDINATION 


imposition  of  hands  upon  one  possessed,  whether 
catechumen  or  baptized."  A  preface  and  prayer 
for  God's  blessing  on  the  exorcist  follow.  (The 
Sojssons  pontifical  makes  this  precede  thedelivery 
of  the  book,  which  is  probably  the  right  order.) 
6.  Acolyte.  Western  Bites.— (Stutt.  Eccl.  Antiq. 
c.  6  ;  Sacram.  Gelas.  i.  c.  95,  and  all  ordinals  of 
the  Gregorian  type  ;  Mabillon,  Ord.  Horn.  viii. 
in  iMus.  Ital.  vol.  ii.  p.  85,  reprinted  in  Migne, 
P.  L.  vol.  lx.\-viii.  p.  999.)  The  ancient  ritual 
which  is  given  by  Mabillon  directs  only  (1)  that 
the  clerk  shall  be  vested  in  a  chasuble  and  stole  ; 
(2)  that  the  bishop  shall  put  a  bag  over  the 
chasuble  (;.  e.  a  bag  for  receiving  and  carrying 
the  eucharistic  oti'erings) ;  (3)  and  that  the 
bishop  shall  pray,  "  By  the  intercession  of  the 
blessed,  and  glorious,  and  ever-virgin  Mary,  and 
the  blessed  apostle  Peter,  may  God  save,  and 
guard,  and  protect  thee.  Amen."  The  ritual 
of  all  other  ordinals  is  as  follows : — 1.  The 
bishop,  sitting  mitred  in  his  chair,  is  to  mention 
the  duties  of  an  acolyte  (so  Cod.  Maff.,  Pont. 
Mogunt.,  and  English  ordinals  ap.  Maskell,  except 
Pont.  Bangor. ;  but  the  majority  of  ordinals 
merely  direct  that  the  bishop  (or  archdeacon. 
Missal.  Franc.)  shall  previously  instruct  the 
person  ordained  in  his  duties.  2.  The  arch- 
deacon (Sacram.  Gelas.,  Statt.  Eccl.  Ant.,  Cod. 
Vat.  ap.  Murat.,  Missale  Franc,  Pontif.  Ecgb.  S. 
Dunst.  Corb.  i.  Rodrad.  Eotom.  Rem. ;  see  also 
Amalarius,  de  Eccl.  Off.  2, 10)  or  the  bishop  (Cod. 
Maff.,  Cod.  Turon.  ap.  Martene,  vol.  ii.  p.  19, 
Pontif.  Bisunt.  Camerac,  Mogunt.,  English  ordi- 
nals ap.  Maskell,  Catalan!,  Ord.  i.)  is  to  deliver 
to  him  a  candlestick  and  candle.  Some  ordinals 
give  no  form  of  words  (so  Sacram.  Gelas.,  Cod. 
Vat.  ap.  Murat.,  Missale  Franc,  Pontif.  Rotom. 
Rem.  Kodrad.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.).  Others  give  the 
form,  "  Take  the  candlestick  and  candle,  and 
know  that  thou  art  charged  with  lighting  the 
lights  of  the  church  "  (so  Cod.  Maff.,  Pont.  Bisunt. 
Mogunt.,  English  ordinals  ap.  Maskell).  Others 
give  the  form,  "  Take  this  bearer  (gestatorium) 
of  light  that  by  it  ye  may  have  power  to  chase 
away  the  darkness  of  the  adversaries,  and  faith- 
fully to  find  the  true  light  which  lighteth  every 
man  that  cometh  into  this  world  "  (so  Pontif. 
Corb.  i.  Ratold.  Suession.).  A  further  direction 
is  sometimes  given  that  the  bishop  is  to  say  the 
words,  the  archdeacon  to  deliver  the  candlestick 
(so  Pontif.  Salisb.  Camerac).  3.  The  acolyte  is 
then  to  receive  an  empty  pitcher  from  the  bishop 
(so  Pontif.  Bisunt.  Camerac.  Mogunt.  Exon. 
Winton.),  or  from  the  archdeacon  (Pontif.  Sarum. : 
other  ordinals  do  not  say  from  whom— e.  fj.  Cod. 
Vat.  ap.  Murat.,  Cod. Maff., Pontif. Ecgb. S.Dunst. 
Noviom.  Becc,  Catal.  Ord.  i.)  with  the  words, 
"  Receive  this  pitcher  to  pour  out  wine  at  the 
Eucharist  of  the  Blood  of  Christ  "  (so  Sacram. 
Gelas.,  Cod.Vat.  ap.  Murat.,  Missal.  Franc,  Pontif. 
Ecgb.  Corb.  i.  Rem.  S.  Dunst.  Ratold.  Noviom.  ; 
"  and  water "  is  added  in  Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif. 
Salisb.  English  ordinals  ap.  Mask.,  and  sometimes 
in  the  following  prayer,  though  not  in  this  ad- 
dress, e.  (].  Catalan!,  Ord.  i.).  4.  A  preface 
follows  in  many  ordinals  (not  in  Cod.  Vat.  ap. 
Murat.,  nor  in  Pontif  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.  Ratold. 
Noviom.  Salisb.  Bisunt.),  and  a  prayer  for  bless- 
ing in  all  (except  Sacram.  Gelas.)  ;  but  the  forms 
of  prayer  vary,  some  ordinals  giving  one  pi-ayer 
(so  Missale  Franc),  some  two  (so  c.  g.  Pontif. 
Ecgb.    S.  Dunst.  Ratold.  Noviom.),  some   three 


ORDINATION 

(so  e.  (J.  Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif.  Mogunt.,  and  English 
ordinals  ap.  Mask.). 

6.  SuBDEACOX.  I.  Western  Eitcs.—SiaXi.  Eccl. 
Antiq.  c  5 ;  Sacram.  Gelas.  i.  c.  96,  and  all 
ordinals  of  the  Gregorian  tvpe  ;  Isidor.  Hisp. 
de  Div.  Off.  2,  10;  Amalarius,  1,  11  ;  Hrab. 
Maur.  1,  8 ;  Mabillon,  Ordo  Bom.  viii.  in  Mvs. 
Ital.  vol.  ii.  p.  85,  reprinted  in  Migne,  P.  L. 
vol.  Ixxviii.  p.  1001).  The  ancient  ritual  given 
by  Mabillon  directs  that  the  person  to  be 
ordained  shall  be  brought  forward  (apparently 
vested  in  a  chasuble)  and  that  he  shall  swear 
on  the  Holy  Gospels  that  he  is  not  guilty  of  any 
of  the  four  classes  of  carnal  sins  (i.e.  sodomy, 
adultery,  deuterogamy,  sin  with  a  consecrated 
virgin) ;  when  he  has  done  so  the  archdeacon  or 
the  bishop  shall  give  him  the  holy  cup,  and  say 
over  him  the  same  prayer  as  over  an  acolyte  (sec 
above).  The  ritual  of  the  later  ordinals  is  as 
follows:  1.  The  bishop,  sitting  mitred  in  his 
chair,  declares  the  duties  of  subdeacons  (Cod. 
Maff.  and  English  ordinals  ap.  Maskell,  except 
Pontif.  Winton.,  which  directs  that  the  candi- 
date shall  previously  have  been  instructed  in  his 
duties  by  the  bishop;  not  in  the  majority  of 
ordinals).  2.  The  bishop  shall  deliver  to  the 
person  to  be  ordained  an  empty  paten  and 
chalice.  3.  The  archdeacon  shall  deliver  to  him 
an  empty  (Pontif.  Sarum  says  "  full  ")  pitcher, 
a  basin,  and  a  towel.  4.  Tlie  bishop  shall  say, 
"Sec  of  what  the  ministry  is  delivered  to 
thee  :  if  hitherto  thou  hast  been  tardy  at  church, 
henceforth  thou  must  be  busy ;  if  hitherto 
sleepy,  henceforth  thou  must  "be  wakeful ;  if 
hitherto  drunken,  henceforth  thou  must  be  sober ; 
if  hitherto  immodest,  henceforth  thou  must  be 
chaste.  .  .  ."  (This  address  is  not  found  in 
Sacram.  Gelas.,  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat. ;  in  Cata- 
lan! Ord.  i.  it  is  in  later  writing ;  it  is  placed 
before  the  delivery  of  the  chalice  and  paten  in 
Missal.  Franc,  Pontif.  Rodrad.  Rem.  Senon. 
Ratold.  Ecgb.  Noviom.  ;  it  is  placed  after  the 
delivery,  but  without  any  express  rubric  as  to 
the  point  at  which  it  should  be  spoken,  in  Cod. 
Maff.,  Pontif.  S.  Elig.  Rotom.  S.  Dunst.  Radbod. 
Salisb.  Bisunt.  Becc.  Camerac. ;  it  is  expresslv 
placed  after  the  delivery  in  Pontif.  Mogunt.) 
5.  Then  follows  a  preface  and  prayer  of  bene- 
diction (so  all  ordinals,  except  Pontif.  Rad- 
bod., which  places  these  befo7-e  the  delivery  of 
the  paten  and  chalice).  Three  other  rites  are 
sometimes  found ;  (a)  the  bishop  gives  the  sub- 
deacon  a  maniple  ;  so  Cod.  Maff.,  which  gives  the 
formula  of  delivery,  "Take  the  maniple,  by 
which  is  designated  the  fruit  of  good  works  ;"  so, 
with  a  different  formula,  Pontif.  Suession. ;  so 
also,  witliout  a  formula,  Pont.  Ecgb.  and  the 
later  English  ordinals,  but  not  the  intermediate 
English  ordinals,  viz.  tlie  Rouen,  St.  Dunstan's, 
and  Winchester  Pontificals ;  (b)  the  bishop 
vests  the  subdeacon  in  a  tunic  (Pontif.  Camerac. 
Mogunt.  ;  Catalan!  Ord.  ii.  ;  English  ordinals 
ap.  Maskell,  except  the  Winchester  Pontifical); 
in  the  Exeter  Pontifical  only  the  subdeacon  who 
is  to  read  the  epistle  !s  vested  in  a  tunic  ;  (c) 
the  bishop  delivers  to  the  subdeacon  the  book  of 
the  Epistles  ;  the  earliest  mention  of  this  is  in  an 
Aries  Pontifical  of  the  13th  century  (Martene, 
de  Antiq.^  Eccl.  Bit.  vol.  ii.  p.  20),  nor  is  it  found 
in  any  of  the  sacramentaries  or  ordinals  to  which 
reference  has  been  made  in  this  article. 

II.  Eastern  Bites. — 1.  Greek.    The  Apostolical 


ORDINATION 

Constitutions  (viii.  c.  20)  direct  that  in  oidainiug 
;»  subdeacon  the  bishop  shall  lay  his  hands  upon 
liim,  and  pray  that  God  will  give  him  grace 
worthily  to  handle  the  eucharistic  vessels.  The 
directions  of  the  later  Greek  rituals  are  to  be 
Ibund  in  the  Euchologium  (ed.  Goar,  p.  24-4, 
od.  Daniel,  vol.  iv.  p.  550 ;  Codd.  Bessa. 
Barbel-.  Paris.  Vat.  Allat.  ed.  Morin,  p.  71  sqq., 
'^d.  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  xi.  p.  118  sqq.;  Sym. 
Tliessal.  do  Sacr.  Ordin.  c.  1G2,  ap.  Migne,  P.  G. 
vol.  civ.  p.  367). 

2.  The  Coptic  in  Morin,  p.  505,  J.  A.  Asseman 
.■q).  Mai,  vol.  v.  pars  ii.  p.  210  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii. 
ji.  4  :  the  Jacobite  in  Greg.  Barhebraeus,  vii.  8, 
ap.  Mai,  vol.  X.  pars  ii.  p.  52  ;  Denzinger,  vol. 
ii.  ])p.  67,  79;  the  Maronite  in  Morin,  p.  392  ; 
.].  A.  Asseman,  vol.  ix.  p.  34 ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii. 
,p.  121;  the  Nestorian  in  Morin,  p.  444;  J.  S. 
Asseman,vol.  iii.  pars  ii.  p.  801 ;  J.  A.  Asseman, 
vol.  xiii.  p.  9  ;    Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  pp.  229,  263. 

7.  Deacon.  I.  Western  Bites — (Sacram.  Leon. 
ed.  Muratori,  Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  vol.'  i.  p.  686,  ed. 
Ballerin.  p.  112  ;  Sacram.  Gregor.,  Codd.  Vat.  i. 
Othobon.  ap.  Muratori,  vol.  ii.  p.  1066 ;  these 
two  sacramentaries  contain  preface  and  prayei-s 
only,  without  rubrical  directions,  and  both  agree ; 
Sacram.  Gelas.  1.  c.  20,  22,  has  a  short  ritual 
and  prayers,  which  correspond  with  those  of  the 
other  two  sacramentaries  ;  Sacram.  Gelas.  1.  c. 
95,  has  a  short  canon,  =  Statt.  Eccl.  Ant.  c.  3 ; 
the  full  ritual  is  found  in  the  other  ordinals  of  the 
Gregorian  type,  e.g.  Cod.  Rem.  ed.  Morin,  de  Sacr. 
Ord.  pars  ii.  p.  290  ;  Cod.  Vat.  ii.  ed.  Murat. 
■vol.  iii.  p.  33 ;  Cod.  Mali",  ibid.  p.  55  ;  and  iu  the 
editions  of  Menard,  p.  235,  Benedict,  p.  223  = 
Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixxviii.  p.  221 ;  another  ritual 
is  given  in  Mabillon,  Mas.  Ital.  vol.  ii.  p.  85.) 
i.  The  oldest  ritual  is  probably  that  which  oc- 
curs as  a  preliminary  rubric  in  Sacram.  Gelas.  i. 
c.  20,  Missale  Franc,  Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif.  Ecgb. 
S.  Dunst.  Rodrad.,  Catalani  Ord.  ii.  Hittorp, 
Ord.  i.  ;  it  is  in  entire  harmony  with  primitive 
customs,  and  the  ceremonies  and  prayers  which 
follow  it  must  be  regarded  as  later  expansions 
of  it.  (This  is  rendered  almost  certain  by  the  form 
of  the  rubric  in  the  Eouen  Pontifical.)  The 
bishop  declares  the  election  in  tlie  form  given 
below ;  then  follows  a  litany ;  when  it  is  con- 
cluded, all  rise  from  their  knees,  and  the  persons 
<dected  go  up  to  the  bishop's  chair ;  the  bishop 
gives  a  blessing  upon  their  office  ;  they  then  go 
down,  and  stand  in  the  proper  place  of  their 
<)rder("hac,sc.  litania,expleta  ascendunt  ad  sedem 
pontificis  et  benedicit  eos  ad  quod  vocati  sunt,  et 
descendunt  et  stant  iu  ordine  suo ").  After- 
wards the  newly  ordained  deacons  are  to  give 
their  offerings  (sc.  of  bread  and  wine)  into  the 
hand  of  the  bishop,  and  to  receive  them  back 
from  him  consecrated.  (This  important  relic  of 
the  primitive  communion  is  given  in  Pontif.  S. 
Dunst.,  Cod.  Maff.,  and  Catalani  Ord.  ii.  in  the 
-•ase  of  deacons  ;  see  below  for  its  place  in  the 
ordination  of  presbyters.)  ii.  A  probably  less 
ancient  ritual  is  that  of  Mabillon's  Ord'o  viii. 
The  subdeacon  who  is  to  be  promoted  to  the 
diaconate  stands,  vested  in  a  chasuble,  a  white 
tunic,  sc.  dalmatic,  and  holding  a  stole  iu  his 
liand,  before  the  steps  of  the  altar ;  after  the 
-•pistle  (which  is  taken  from  1  Tim.  iii.  8)  and 
the  gradual  he  is  divested  of  the  chasuble,  and 
the  bishop  having  said  a  preface,  a  litany  is  said, 
.ill  being  prostrate.     After  the  litany  the  bishop 


ORDINATION 


1511 


says  the  prayer  of  consecration  ;  the  new  deacon 
kisses  the  bishop  and  priests,  and  vested  in  his 
dalmatic  stands  at  the  bishop's  right  hand, 
iii.  The  later  ordinals,  with  the  exceptions  of 
Mabillon,  Ord.  ix.,  Hittorp,  Ord.  i.,  as  noted 
above,  combine  in  one  service  the  declaration  of 
election  and  the  admission  to  office,  but  at  the 
same  time  preserve  a  clear  distinction  between 
them.  (a.)  Declaration  of  Election. — Several 
ordinals  preserve  the  form  of  presentation  by  the 
archdeacon :  "  Our  holy  mother  the  Catholic 
church  demands  that  thou  shouldest  ordain  this 
present  subdeacon  to  the  burden  of  the  dia- 
conate ;"  the  bishop  asks,  "  Dost  thou  know  him 
to  be  worthy  ?  "  the  archdeacon  replies,  "  As  far 
as  human  frailty  allows,  I  both  know  and  testify 
that  he  is  worthy  of  the  burden  of  this  office ;" 
then  the  bishop  says,  '•  By  the  help  of  our  Lord 
God  and  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  we  elect  this 
person  to  the  order  of  the  diaconate."  This  is 
the  form  in  Codd.  Maff.  S.  Dunst.  Suess.  Corb. 
Ratold,  and  in  the  modern  Pontif.  Rom.  ;  Pontif. 
Vat.  ap.  Murat.  Ecgb.  Noviom,  Catur.  Becc. 
Rodrad.  Rotom.  Rem.  Senon.  omit  the  form 
of  presentation,  but  give  that  of  election ; 
the  Mainz  and  later  English  pontificals  (except 
Pontif.  Bangor.)  give  this  form  at  the  beginning 
of  the  ritual  of  a  general  ordination,  and  appar- 
ently for  all  orders  ;  the  words  are  slightly  dif- 
ferent. The  Winchester  Pontifical  introduces 
an  address  to  the  oi'dinands  between  the  presenta- 
tion and  the  election,  (b.)  Admission  to  Office. — 
(The  order  of  the  several  ceremonies  is  not  cer- 
tain ;  that  of  Cod.  Maff.,  which  is  almost  identical 
with  that  of  the  modern  Pontif.  Rom.,  will  be 
followed  here.)  1.  The  bishop,  standing,  addreses 
the  people,  "  Let  the  common  vote  be  followed 
by  a  common  prayer  .  .  .  ;"  this  address  is  said 
in  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat.,  Missale  Franc,  Pontif. 
Petav.  Rotom.  Rem.  Ratold.  S.  Dunst.  Noviom. 
Becc.  to  be  "  ad  consummandum  diaconum  "  (or 
"  diaconatus  officium  ") ;  it  is  more  commonly 
placed,  but  without  any  rubrical  directions,  after 
the  prayer  of  benediction ;  but  the  Cambrai 
Pontifical  and  the  modern  Roman  Pontifical 
agree  with  the  Cod.  Maff. ;  the  Mainz  Pontifical 
places  it  after  the  first  imposition  of  hands ;  the 
later  English  pontificals,  except  Pontif.  Winton. 
omit  it.  2.  The  preface  follows,  i.  e.  a  short 
"  bidding  prayer  "  which  is  nearly  the  same  in 
all  ordinals,  but  which  in  Sacram.  Leon.  Gelas., 
Codd.  Vat.  et  al.,  is  broken  up  into  a  preface  and 
a  prayer.  3.  Then  follows  the  prayer  of  bene- 
diction :  "  Adesto  quaesumus  omnipotens  Deus, 
honorum  dator,  ordinum  distributor,  officiorum- 
que  dispositor  .  .  .  super  hos  famulos  tuos  quae- 
sumus, Domine,  placatus  intende ;  quos  tuis 
sacris  servituros  in  officium  diaconii  suppliciter 
dedicamus  .  .  .  emitte  in  eos,  quaesumus, 
Domine,  Spiritum  Sanctum  quo  in  opus  minis- 
terii  fideliter  exequendi  munere  septiformis  tuae 
gratiae  roborentur  .  .  ."  This  prayer  is  found 
with  slight  variations  in  Sacram.  Leon.  Gelas. 
and  all  Codd.  of  Sacram.  Gregor.  including  Codd. 
Othobon.  Vindob.  and  in  all  the  ordinals.  4. 
The  bishop  lays  his  hand  upon  the  deacon's  head, 
(o)  The  bishop  does  this  alone,  no  mention  being 
made  of  priests  in  Missale  Francorum,  Pontif. 
Corb.  Rem.  Ratold.  Ecgl).  S.  Dunst.  Radbod. 
Salisburg.  Bisunt.  (;8)  The  bishop  alone  lays  his 
hand  bn  the  deacon's  head,  but  the  other  priests 
touch  the  bishop's  haml,  or  touch  the  deacon's 


1512 


OKDINATION 


head  near  the  bishop's  hand,  in  Sacram.  Gelas.  i. 
c.  95,  Poiitif.  Kotom.  Catur.  Becc.  Noviom.  i. 
ii. ;  cf.  also  Amalarius  2,  12,  Durandus,  Eational. 
2,  9,  14.  (7)  The  bishop  lays  both  hands  on 
the  deacon's  head  in  Cod.  MafF.,  Pontif.  Ecgb. 
S.  Dunst.  Noviora.  Mogunt.  (5)  The  point  of  the 
service  at  which  this  is  to  be  done  is  not  specified 
in  Sacram.  Gelas.,  Missale  Franc,  Pontif.  Rotom. 
Eem.  Ratold.  Catur.  Salisburg.  Bisunt.  Becc. 
Eadbod.  Noviom.  i.  ii.  (e)  It  takes  place  at  the 
utterance  of  the  words  "  eniitte  in  eos  .  .  .  "  in 
the  prayer  of  benediction,  in  Cod.  Maff".  (C)  It 
takes  place  before  the  preface,  and  the  bishop  in 
laying  on  his  hands  says,  "Spiritus  Sanctus 
superveniet  in  te  et  virtus  Altissimi  sine  peccato 
custodiat  te  in  nomine  Domine,"  in  Cod.  Mogunt. 
only  ;  or  he  says  "  Accipe  Spiritum  Sanctum,"  in 
the  later  English  ordinals  ap.  Maskell  (but  not 
the  Winchester  Pontifical)  and  some  later  French 
ordinals  ap.  Martene,  ii.  p.  21,  no  authority  being 
earlier  than  the  13th  century,  (tj)  It  takes  place 
after  the  vesting  in  the  stole  and  before  the  pre- 
face, in  Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.  5.  The  bishop 
vests  the  deacon  with  a  stole  upon  his  left 
shoulder ;  this  ceremony  is,  however,  not  men- 
tioned, either  expressly  or  by  implication,  in  the 
majority  of  early  ordinals,  viz.  in  Sacram.  Gelas., 
Missale  Franc,  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat.,  Pontif.  Rem. 
Rodrad.  Senon.  Noviom.  i.  Radbod. ;  its  place  in 
the  ritual  is  (a)  sometimes  at  the  beginning, 
Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst. ;  (/8)  sometimes  after 
the  benediction,  Pontif.  Rotom.  Caturic  Becc. 
Noviom.  ii.  Mogunt.  English  ordinals  ap.  Mask.; 
(7)  sometimes  not  specified,  Pontif.  Corb.  Ratold. 
Bisunt.  The  formulae  with  which  it  was  accom- 
panied vary  :  (a)  "  Receive  a  white  stole  from 
the  hand  of  the  Lord  ..."  Codd.  Maff.,  Pont. 
Mogunt.  (as  an  alternative  form)  ;  (/3)  "  Receive 
the  yoke  of  the  Lord,  for  His  yoke  is  easy  and 
His  burden  light,"  Cod.  Suession. ;  (7)  "  By 
this  sign  we  humbly  impose  on  thee  the  otBce  of 
a  deacon,  that  thou  mayest  be  a  support  of  the 
divine  table,  as  it  were  a  pillar  of  its  columns, 
and  that  thou  mayest  serve  blamelessly  as  a 
herald  of  the  Heavenly  King,"  Pontif.  Corb. 
Ratold.  Bisunt.  Winton. ;  (S)  ''  Receive  the  stole, 
fulfil  thy  ministry,  for  God  is  able  to  give  thee 
an  increase  of  grace,"  Pontif.  Salisburg.  Camerac. 
Noviom.  ii.  Mogunt. ;  in  English  ordinals  ap. 
Maskell,  "In  the  name  of  the  Holy  Trinity 
receive  the  stole  of  immortality,  fulfil,"  kc. ;  (e) 
a  much  longer  form  is  given  in  Pontif.  S.  Dunst. 
Catur.  Becc.  and  Winton,  "  In  the  name  of  the 
Holy  Trinity  and  One  God,  receive  the  stole 
which  the  Lord  has  prepared  for  thy  receiving 
through  the  service  of  our  humility  and  through 
our  hands,  by  which  thou  mayest  know  that  the 
burden  of  the  Lord  God  is  laid  on  thy  shoulders, 
and  that  thou  art  bound  to  humility  and  to  the 
administration  of  the  church,  and  by  which  thy 
brethren  may  learn  that  thou  hast  been  ordained 
a  minister  of  God  .  .  .  ;"  (Q  no  form  is  given 
in  Pontif.  Ecgb.  6.  The  bishop  delivers  a  book 
of  the  Gospels  to  the  deacon,  with  the  words 
"  Receive  the  power  of  reading  the  Gospel  in  the 
church  of  God,  as  well  for  the  living  as  for  the 
dead  "  (Cod.  Matf.,  Pontif.  Radbod.  Suession.  Becc. 
Catalani  Ord.  ii.,  later  English  ordinals  ap. 
Mask.),  or  with  the  words  "  Receive  this  volume 
of  the  Gospels,  and  read  and  understand,  and 
deliver  to  others,  and  do  thou  fulfil  it  in  deed  " 
(Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.  Becc.)     This  ceremony 


ORDINATION 

is  not  found  in  Sacram.  Gelas.  or  in  any  of  the 
early  ordinals  except  that  of  Ecgbert.  Martene> 
vol.  ii.  p.  21,  says  that  it  was  for  a  long  time 
peculiar  to  the  English  church.  7.  The  bishop 
vests  the  deacon  in  a  dalmatic,  saying,  "  The 
Lord  clothe  thee  with  a  vestment  of  salvation,  and 
wrap  thee  in  a  garment  of  gladness,  through 
Jesus  Christ  our  Lord,"  Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif.  Salisb. 
Sarum.  Bangor.  This  ceremony  is  not  found  in 
any  early  ordinal ;  the  Besanfon  Pontifical 
limits  its  use  to  those  who  come  to  be  ordained 
from  monasteries ;  and  Martene,  vol.  ii.  p.  22, 
says  that  it  was  not  used  in  the  case  of  seculars 
until  about  the  12th  century.  The  Bangor  and 
Exeter  Pontificals  limit  its  use  to  the  deacon 
who  was  about  to  read  the  Gospel.  8.  The 
bishop  kisses  the  new  deacon.  Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif. 
Salisburg.  Bisunt.  9.  The  hands  of  the  deacon 
are  anointed  with  the  holy  oil  and  chrism,  and 
with  a  benediction ;  this  rite  is  only  found  in 
English  or  Norman  ordinals,  viz.,  Pontif.  Ecgb. 
S.  Dunst.  Becc.  Rotom.,  but  not  in  the  later 
English  ordinals,  ed.  Maskell.  10.  The  newly 
ordained  deacon,  or  if  there  be  more  than  one, 
either  one  appointed  by  the  bishop  (English 
ordinals),  or  the  last  ordained  (Pontif.  Mogunt.) 
reads  the  Gospel ;  this  custom  is  not  mentioned 
by  any  ordinals  except  those  just  specified,  but  its 
early  existence  is  not  only  in  accordance  with 
the  analogy  of  other  ordination  rituals,  but  is 
also  indicated  by  its  mention  in  Mabillon's 
Ordo  ix. 

II.  Eastern  Rites.— I.  Greeh.  The  Apo- 
stolical Constitutions  (viii.  c.  16)  direct  that 
in  ordaining  a  deacon  the  bishop  shall  lay  his 
hands  upon  him  in  the  presence  of  the  whole 
presbytery  and  the  deacons,  and  shall  pray  that 
God  will  lift  up  the  light  of  His  countenance 
upon  His  servant  who  is  ordained  (irpoxcipi^cJ- 
fievov)  to  the  diaconate,  and  grant  that  ministei-- 
ing  acceptably  in  his  office  he  may  be  deemed 
worthy  of  a  higher  degree.  Another  ritual  is 
given  in  S.  Dionys.  Areop.  de  Eccl.  Rierarch.  5, 
2,  p.  236.  The  later  rituals  are  to  be  found  in 
the  Euchologium,  ed.  Goar,  p.  249,  ed.  Daniel, 
vol.  iv.  p.  552  ;  Codd.  Bessar.  Barber.  Paris.  Vat. 
Allat.  ed.  Morin,  p.  68  sqq.,  ed.  J.  A.  Asseman, 
vol.  xi.  pp.  Ill  sqq. ;  Sym.  Thessal.  de  Sacr. 
Ordin.  c.  169,  ap.  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  civ.  pp.  372 
sqq. 

2.  The  Coptic  forms  are  found  in  Morin,  p.  506  ; 
J.  A.  Asseman,  ap.  Mai,  vol.  v.  pars  ii.  p.  212  ; 
Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  p.  7 ;  the  Jacobite  in  Morin,. 
p.  479,  Gregory  Barhebr.  ap.  Mai,  vol.  x.  pars  ii. 
p.  48  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  p.  82 ;  the  Maronite  in 
Morin,  p.  396  ;  .T.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  ix.  p.  54 ; 
Renaudot  ap.  Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  p.  128 ;  the 
Nestorian  in  Morin,  p.  445  ;  J.  S.  Asseman,  vol. 
iii.  pars  ii.  p.  806  ;  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  xiii. 
p.  12  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  p.  229  ;  Badger,  vol.  ii. 
p.  325. 

8.  Presbyter.  I.  Western  Rites. — (Sacram. 
Leon.  ed.  Muratori,  Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  vol.  i.  p.  687, 
ed.  Ballerin.  p.  113,  and  Sacram.  Gregor.  Codd. 
Vat.  i.  Othobon.  ap.  Muratori,  vol.  ii.  p.  1064,. 
contain  prayers  only,  without  a  ritual  ;  Sacram. 
Gelas.  i.  e.  20  contains  a  short  I'itual  and 
prayers,  id.  c.  95  a  canon  =  Statt.  Eccl.  Ant. 
c.  3 ;  the  full  ritual  is  found  in  all  other 
ordinals  of  the  Gregorian  type,  e.g.  Cod.  Vat. 
ap.  Murat.  vol.  iii.  p.  36,  Cod.  Rem.  ap.  Morin, 
p.  290,  and  in  the  editions  of  Menard,  p.  237„ 


OKDINATIOX 

Benedict,  p.  224  =  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixxviii.  p. 
224  ;  other  rituals  are  given  in  Mabillon,  Mus. 
Ital.  vol.  ii.  pp.  8(3,  90;  Hittorp,  Ord.  Horn. 
pp.  88,  93.)  i.  The  earliest  ritual  which  has 
been  preserved  is  that  which,  as  mentioned  above 
in  the  account  of  the  ordination  of  a  deacon,  is 
given  as  a  preliminary  rubric  in  the  Missale 
Francorum,  Sacram.  Gelas.,  and  other  early 
ordinals.  The  ordinands  are  presented  to  the 
bishop,  who,  after  receiving  the  testimony  of  the 
presenter,  declares  the  election  in  the  form 
given  below,  "  By  the  help  of  our  Lord  God," 
&c.  A  litany  is  then  said ;  when  it  is  finished 
all  rise,  and  the  persons  elected  go  up  to  the 
bishop's  chair;  the  bishop  gives  a  blessing  upon 
thf>ir  office  ;  they  then  go  down  and  stand  in  the 
proper  place  of  their  order.  The  gospel  is  then 
read,  and  afterwards  the  newly-ordained  pres- 
byters give  their  offerings  (sc.  of  bread  and  wine) 
into  the  hand  of  the  bishop,  and  receive  them 
back  from  him  consecrated.  (This  last  impor- 
tant rite  is  found  in  Pontif.  Corb.  Suession. 
Oamerac,  Cod.  Matf.,  Catalani,  Ord.  ii. ;  see  below, 
§  IG.)  ii.  Mabillon's  Ordo  Romanus  viii.  gives 
the  following  directions  :  "  The  archdeacon  hold- 
ing him  leads  him  to  the  steps  of  the  altar, 
divests  him  of  the  dalmatic,  and  so  vests  him  in 
a  chasuble,  and  leads  him  again  to  the  bishop. 
And  there,  saying  over  him  another  prayei',  he 
consecrates  him  presbyter,  giving  a  kiss  to  the 
bishop  or  to  the  other  priests,  and  stands  in  the 
rank  of  presbyters,  and  Alleluia  is  said,  or 
the  tract  and  gospel."  iii.  The  majority  of 
ordinals  combine  in  one  service,  as  in  the  case 
<if  deacons,  the  declaration  of  election  and  the 
admission  to  office. 

a.  Declaration  of  Election:  1.  Two  deacons 
conduct  the  ordinand,  vested  as  a  deacon,  to  the 
presbyters  ;  then  two  presbyters  receive  and  con- 
iluct  him  to  the  bishop's  chair  (Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif. 
Salisb.  Camerac. ;  but  instead  of  presentation, 
the  Mainz  Pontificals  require  the  ordinands  to 
be  summoned,  "  Let  those  who  are  to  be  ordained 
presbyters  to  the  title  of  St.  N.  come  forward  ;" 
the  Besanyon  Pontifical  adds  the  name  of  the 
priest  who  witnesses  to  and  presents  him). 

2.  A  deacon  (Cod.  Maff.)  or  the  archdeacon 
(Pontif.  S.  Elig.  Ratold.  S.  Dunst.  Suession.  Salis- 
bui-g.Noviom.  Mogunt.)  or  the  priest  who  presents 
(Cod.  Bisunt.)  addresses  the  bishop,  "Our  holy 
mother,  the  catholic  church,  demands  that  thou 
shouldst  ordain  this  present  deacon  to  the 
burden  of  the  presbyterate."  The  bishop  asks, 
"Dost  thou  know  him  to  be  worthy  ? "  The 
presenter  replies,  "  As  far  as  human  frailty 
allows,  I  both  know  and  testify  that  he  is  worthy 
of  the  burden  of  this  office  "  (Pontif.  Mogunt. 
S.  Dunst.  S.  Elig.  Catalani,  Ord.  ii.  iii. ;  Hittorp, 
Ord.  ii.;  of.  S.  Hieron.  Epist.  146  (85);  but 
Cod.  MafF.  uses  the  plural,  "//te  attestantibus  "). 

3.  The  bishop  then  addresses  the  people,  and 
asks  their  testimony.  Sacram.  Gelas.,  Pontif. 
Iiodrad.  Rotom.  Senon.  Ecgb.  Caturic.  simply  say 
"  data  oratione  ;"  but  Pontif.  Rem.  Noviom.  Vat. 
ap.  Murat.  add  the  form  of  address,  which  con- 
cludes by  asking  the  people  openly  to  give 
their  testimony  ("  ideo  electionem  vestram 
debetis  publica  voce  profiteri ").  Apparently 
in  the  place  of  this  address  to  the  people,  the 
Salzburg,  Soissons,  Cambrai,  and  Mainz  ponti- 
ficals have  a  public  examination  of  the  ordinand  : 
"Dost  thou  wish  to  receive  the  degree  of  the 


ORDINATION 


1513 


presbyterate  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  ?  Dost 
thou  wish,  as  far  as  thou  art  able,  and  human 
frailty  permits  thee,  to  remain  in  that  degree? 
Dost  thou  wish  to  be  obedient  to  thy  bishop  to 
whose  diocese  thou  art  to  be  ordained,  in  all 
things  lawful,  according  to  the  canonical 
statutes  ?  "  (Cod.  Maff.  is  singular  in  having  no 
mention  of  either  the  address  or  the  examina- 
tion.) 

4.  The  bishop  then  makes  the  declaration 
of  election :  "  By  the  help  of  our  Lord  God  and 
our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  we  elect  this  person  to 
the  order  of  the  presbyterate.  If  any  one  has 
anything  against  him,  in  God's  behalf  and  for 
God's  sake,  let  him  come  boldly  forth  and  say  it. 
But,  nevertheless,  let  him  be  mindful  of  his  con- 
dition." (The  retention  of  this  form  "  si  quis  " 
.  .  .  after  the  request  for  direct  testimony,  is 
probably  a  relic  of  the  earlier  practice,  which  is 
found  in  Mabillon,  Ordo  ix.,  where  the  form  is 
appended,  not  to  the  declaration  of  election,  but 
to  the  announcement  by  the  reader  of  the  inten- 
tion to  elect  four  days  previously  to  the  actual 
admission.) 

5.  The  bishop  proceeds :  "  Let  the  common 
vote  be  followed  by  a  common  prayer"  .  .  . 
whereupon  a  litany  is  said  (so  Cod.  Maft'.). 

6.  The  bishop  lays  his  hand  (both  hands,  Pontif. 
Mogunt.)  upon  the  head  of  the  ordinand,  and  all 
the  presbyters  who  are  present  place  their  hands 
near  the  hands  of  the  bishop  (so  all  Codd.  excejit 
the  Mainz  Pontifical,  which  implies  that  they 
do  it  after  the  bishop),  (a)  Some  ordinals  direct 
that  while  this  is  being  done  the  prayers 
following  shall  be  said  (Cod.  Maff.).  (6)  The 
Mainz  Pontifical  directs  that  the  bishop  shall 
say,  "  The  Holy  Ghost  shall  come  upon  thee,  and 
may  the  power  of  the  Highest  keep  thee  without 
sin."  (c)  The  later  English  ordinals  ap.  Maskell 
direct  that  the  bishop  shall  say  nothing,  (d)  A 
Toulouse  Pontifical  of  uncertain  date,  quoted  by 
Morin,  de  Sacr.  Ordin.  pars  ii.  p.  340  (cf.  ib. 
pars  iii.  p.  135),  says  that  in  some  churches  the 
bishop  said,  "  Receive  the  Holy  Ghost ;  whose- 
soever sins  ye  remit,"  &c.  This  is  added  in  the 
Exeter,  Bangor,  and  Sarum  pontificals  as  a 
separate  rite  immediately  before  the  post-com- 
munion. Jt  is  found  also  in  Catalani,  Ordo  ii., 
where  it  is  placed  after  the  delivery  of  the 
paten  and  chalice,  and  where  the  words  are  in 
the  plural.  It  is  found  also  in  the  same  place, 
written  by  a  later  hand,  in  the  margin  of  the 
Cod.  Maff.,  where  the  words  are  first  given  in  the 
singular,  and  then  in  the  plural  ("  quo  singulis 
facto  ad  ultimum  dicat  in  generali,  Accipite," 
&c.).  But  no  mention  of  the  rite  is  found  in 
the  earlier  English  ordinals,  or  in  any  ordinal 
earlier  than  the  12th  centurj%  or  in  any  of  the 
great  liturgical  writers  of  the  middle  age, 
Amalarius,  Hrabanus  of  Mainz,  Ivo  of  Chartres,  or 
Hugo  of  St.  Victor.  Nor  was  there  any  canoni- 
cal authority  for  its  use  until  the  council  of 
Trent.  7.  The  prayers  which  follow  are  alike, 
with  only  verbal  variations,  in  all  ordinals 
(including  the  Leonine  and  Gelasian  sacramen- 
taries).  8.  The  bishop  then  says  the  preface  (or 
"  consummatio  presbyteri  ").  "  Let  us  make  a 
common  prayei',  brethren,  that  these  who  are 
elected  for  the  help  and  advantage  of  your 
salvation  may  receive  the  benediction  of  the 
presbyterate.  .  .  ."  The  prayer  of  benediction 
follows,  "  Sanctificationum  omnium  Auctor  cujus 


1514 


ORDINATION 


vera  consecratio,  cujus  plena  benedictio  est:  tu, 
Domine,  super  hos  famulos  tuos  quos  presbyterii 
honore  dedicamus  manum  tuae  benedictionis  in- 
t'unde . . ."  (Sacram.  Gelas.,  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat., 
Pontif.  Ecgb.  Rem.  Noviom.  S.  Dunst.  Catur. 
Rotom.  Ratold.  Winton.  Mogunt. ;  the  benediction 
is  found  without  the  preface  in  Cod.  Maif.  and 
in  the  Besau9on,  Sarum,  and  Exeter  Pontificals.) 
Both  forms  are  placed  (1)  as  here,  immediately 
after  the  prayer  of  consecration,  in  the  earliest 
ordinals,  i.e.  Missale  Franc,  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat., 
Pontif.  Ecgb.  Rem.  Noviom. ;  (2)  after  the  vesting 
in  the  chasuble  and  before  the  anointing  of  the 
hands,  Pontif.  Caraerac.  Noviom.  ii.  Moguut. ;  and 
without  the  preface.  Cod.  Maff.  ;  (3)  after  both 
the  vesting  and  the  anointing,  Pontif.  S.  Dunst. 
Catur.  Becc.  Some  ordinals  omit  the  mention  of 
either  form,  so  Pontif.  S.  Elig.  Radbod.  Rodrad. 
Thuan.  and  Sacram.  Leon. 

9.  The  bishop  then  turns  the  stole,  which 
has  hitherto  been  worn  over  the  left  shoulder 
only,  over  the  right  shoulder,  saying,  "  Receive 
the  yoke  of  the  Lord,  for  His  yoke  is  easy, 
and  His  burden  light"  (Pontif.  JIafF.  Salisb. 
Camerac.  Mogunt.,  English  ordinals  ap.  Mask.) ; 
in  Pontif.  Ecgb.  this  rite  takes  place  apparently 
at  the  beginning  of  the  ritual,  or  as  in  Pontif.  S. 
Duust.  Caturic.  Rotom.  before  the  prayer  of  con- 
secration. The  formula  in  Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst. 
is,  "  The  Lord  put  the  stole  of  justice  round  thy 
neck,  and  the  Lord  keep  thy  mind  from  all  taint 
of  sin."  In  Mabillon,  Urd.  ix.,  after  the  benedic- 
tion, the  archdeacon  takes  the  stoles  from  the 
tomb  of  St.  Peter,  where  they  had  been  placed  the 
(lay  before,  and  vests  the  new  presbyters  in  them. 
Many  of  the  earliest  ordinals  omit  the  mention 
of  this  rite ;  sc.  Sacram.  Gelas.,  Missale  Franc, 
Codd.  Vat.  ap.  Mui-at.  S.  Elig.  Rodrad.  Rem.  ; 
Maskell,  Mon.  Bit.  vol.  iii.  p.  208,  thinks  that  it 
was  a  remnant  of  the  primitive  use  of  the  British 
church,  and  that  it  was  thence  introduced  into 
France  and  other  countries. 

10.  The  bishop  then  vests  the  presbyter  in  the 
chasuble  ;  this  rite  is  omitted  in  Sacram.  Gelas., 
Missale  Franc,  Pontif.  Rodrad.  Radbod.,  but 
the  mention  of  it  in  both  Mabillon's  ancient 
ordinals  (^Ord.  viii.  is.)  as  well  as  in  the  ordinals 
mentioned  below,  leaves  little  doubt  as  to  its 
antiquity.  Some  ordinals,  as  has  been  just  men- 
tioned, place  it  before  the  "  consumniatio  presby- 
teri ;"  and  its  place  in  relation  to  the  anointing 
of  the  hands  also  varies,  most  ordinals  placing  it 
in  the  order  which  is  followed  here  ;  but  Pontif. 
S.  Dunst.  Rotom.  Caturic.  Becc.  place  it  before 
the  anointing.  The  formulae  with  which  the  rite 
was  accompanied  vary  :  a.  Pontif.  Bisunt.  "  The 
Lord  clothe  thee  with  the  garment  of  innocency ;" 
b.  Pontif., Suess.  Salisb.  jMogunt.  Sarum.  "Receive 
the  priestly  vestment  by  which  is  betokened 
charity  ;  God  is  able  to  give  thee  an  increase  of 
grace  ;"  c.  Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif.  Exon.,  combine  the 
two  preceding  formulae,  Pontif.  Camerac  gives 
them  as  alternatives  ;  d.  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat., 
Pontif.  S.  Elig.  Rem.  Rotom.  S.  Dunst.  Noviom. 
Becc.  Thuan.  "The  benediction  of  God,  the  Father, 
the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  descend  upon  thee, 
and  mayest  thou  be  blessed  in  the  order  of  the 
priesthood,  and  mayest  thou  of^er  pleasing  victims 
to  Almighty  God  for  the  sins  and  oflences  of  the 
people."  (This  form  of  benediction  is  elsewhere 
placed  at  the  end  of  the  ritual,  before  the  kiss  of 
peace ;    so    Cod.    Maft'.,  Pontif.    Camerac.   Suess. 


ORDINATION 

Salisburg.  Winton.  ;  its  use  at  this  point  serves  to 
shew  that  at  one  time  the  vesting  in  the  chasuble 
was  the  last  of  the  rites  of  ordination.) 

11.  The  bishop  then  anoints  the  presbyter's 
hands  with  the  chrism,  or  oil  and  chrism,  or  oil 
of  the  catechumens,  with  a  prayer  that  "  what- 
soever they  blessed  might  be  blessed,  whatsoever 
they  sanctified  might  remain  sanctified."  (a.) 
This  rite  is  found  in  almost  all  ordinals  ;  but  not 
in  Sacram.  Leon,  or  inCodd.  Vat.Othob.  of  Sacram. 
Gregor.  or  in  Pontif.  Rodrad  :  it  is  mentioned  by 
two  French  liturgical  writers  of  the  9th  cen- 
tury, Amalarius  of  Metz,  t837,  da  Eccl.  Off.  2,  13, 
and  Theodulphus  of  Orleans  t821,  Capit.  ad 
Prcsb.  i.,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  cv.  p.  193  ;  the  earliest 
canonist  who  speaks  of  it  is  Burchard  of  Worms 
(tl025),  Decret.  xx.  c  55,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  cxl. 
p.  629,  but  the  recognised  body  of  canon  law 
distinctly  disallows  it,  quoting  a  response  of  pope 
Nicholas  I.  to  the  archbishop  of  Bourges  in  864, 
who  says  that  it  is  not  a  custom  of  the  Roman 
church  and  that  he  has  never  heard  of  its  being 
practised  in  the  Christian  church  (Gratian,  Decret. 
23,  c.  12,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  clxxxvii.  p.  134,  Ivo. 
Carnot.  Decret.  6.  121);  this  must  be  held 
conclusive,  at  any  rate  as  to  its  not  being  a  ge- 
neral practice  in  the  9th  century  ;  but  afterwards 
it  no  doubt  became  general,  for  Innocent  III.  in- 
sists upon  it,  and  objects  to  the  Greeks  for  their 
omission  of  it  (Innocent  III.  Epist.  lib.  7.  121  ; 
Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  ccv.  407).  It  is  important  to 
note  that  even  the  Pseudo-Isidorian  authorities  for 
the  rite  (^Epist.  Anacleti,  c.  18,  ap.  Hinschius 
Dccretales  Fseudo- fsidorianae,  p.  75  ;  Epist.  Cle- 
ment, iii.  c.  58,  ibid.  p.  53,  to  which  may  be 
added  the  spurious  Comment,  in  lib.  I.  liequm, 
ascribed  to  Gregory  the  Great,  lib.  4,  c.  5  ;  Migne, 
P.  L.  vol.  Ixxix.  278)  refer  only  to  bishops ;  at 
the  same  time  they  clearly  shew  that  the  origin 
of  the  rite  was  the  growing  tendency  to  institute 
an  analogy  of  ceremonies  between  the  Old  and 
the  New  Testament.  (6.)  Several  ordinals  direct 
that  the  hands  shall  be  blessed  before  being 
anointed,  and  give  a  form  of  benediction  for  the 
purpose;  Pontif.  Ratold.  S.  Elig.  Rotom.  Caturic. 
Becc.  (c.)  The  Mainz  Pontifical  directs  that 
while  the  rite  of  anointing  is  going  on  the  hymn 
"  Veni  Sancte  Spiritus  "  shall  be  sung,  and  also, 
if  the  number  of  persons  ordained  require  it,  the 
hymn  "  Veni  Creator;"  in  the  Soissons  Pontifical 
the  h5'mn  "  Veni  Creator  "  is  apparently  sung 
immediately  after  the  anointing :  and  in  the 
English  ordinals  ap.  Maskell,  except  the  Win- 
chester Pontifical,  immediately  before  it.  There 
is  no  mention  of  either  hymn  in  other  ordinals. 
{d.)  In  addition  to  the  anointing  of  the  hands,  a 
group  of  English  and  Noi-man  pontificals  direct 
the  anointing  of  the  head;  so  Pontif.  Ecgb.  S. 
Dunst.  Caturic.  Rotom.  Becc,  but  not  elsewhere. 

12.  The  anointing  is  followed  by  the  delivery 
of  the  "  patenam  cum  oblatis  et  calicem  cum 
vino  "  (Pontif.  Mogunt.  has  "  calicem  pro  Sacra- 
mento praeparatum,  superposita  hostia  '  )  with 
the  words  "  Receive  power  to  offer  sacrifice  to 
God  and  to  celebrate  mass,  as  well  for  the  living 
as  for  the  dead  ;"  so  Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif.  Radbod. 
Salisb.  Bisunt.  Camerac.  Mogunt.,  English  ordinals 
ap.  Maskell,  Catalani  Ord.  ii.  ;  but  there  is  no 
mention  of  the  rite  in  the  oldest  ordinals  e.g.  in 
Missale  Franc,  Pontif.  Rem.  Ecgb.,  Cod.  Vat.  ap. 
Murat.;  nor  in  Isidore  or  Amalarius;  nor  is  it 
implied  in  4  Cone.  Tol.  c.  27.     It  probably  arose 


OllDlNATICN 

from  the  practice  of  which  a  record  is  preserved 
in  the  directions  which  are  given  in  Mabiilon'u 
Ordo  ix.  for  the  ordination  of  a  parish  priest  at 
Rome.  After  the  conclusion  of  the  whole  service 
■("  expletis  omnibus,  missa  rite  completa  "),  the 
pope  is  to  give  to  the  new  presbyter  the  priestly 
vestments,  and  the  instruments  of  the  mass, 
gold  or  silver,  wine,  corn,  and  oil,  with  which 
a  procession  is  made  to  his  parish,  both  the 
pope  and  the  people  accompanying  him. 

13.  One  ordinal,  Cod.  Maft'.,'directs  that  if  the 
presbyter  is  a  "  presbyter  cardinalis,"  i.e.  a  parish 
priest,  the  pope  shall  give  him  a  ring,  saying, 
"  To  the  honour  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and 
the  Apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  we  commit  to  you 
the  church  N.,  with  its  clergy  and  people  ;"  this 
is  probably  the  earliest  form  of  institution. 

14.  The  benediction  follows  in  Codd.  Maff.  &c.; 
see  above,  §  10  ;  the  Sarum,  Exeter,  and  Bangor 
Pontificals  place  it  at  the  end  of  the  whole  oflice, 
after  the  communion  ;  the  Winchester  Pontifical 
places  it  here. 

15.  The  newly-ordained  presbyter  then  gives 
the  kiss  of  peace  to  the  bishop,  and  to  all  the 
clergy  who  are  present,  Codd.  Mafl".  Suession. 
Camerac.  ;  the  Mainz  Pontif.  places  this  rite 
before  the  benediction,  and  directs  that  the 
bishop  shall  go  round  to  each  of  the  newly- 
ordained  presbyters,  saying,  "  Pax  tibi,  frater, 
ora  pro  me  :"  the  English  ordinals,  except  Pontif 
Winton.,  also  place  it  immediately  before  the 
benediction,  but  transfer  both  rites  to  the  post- 
communion  office. 

1(5.  The  communion  office  then  proceeds :  a 
deacon  reads  the  Gospel;  the  newly-ordained 
presbyters  make  their  offerings_  to  the  bishop, 
and  receive  them  back  from  him  consecrated: 
so  Pontif  Suession.  Camerac,  Cod.  Maft'.  ap. 
Muratori,  vol.  iii.  p.  56,  directs  this  generally  in 
the  case  of  both  presbyter  and  deacon,  but  ibid. 
p.  68,  where  the  ritual  is  of  cardinal  presbyters, 
in  the  later  Roman  sense,  it  directs  specially  that 
they  shall  offer  two  lighted  tapers,  two  loaves, 
and  two  bottles  (amphorae)  of  wine,  and  omits 
the  clause  which  follows  in  the  earlier  rubric, 
'•  et  ab  eo  consecratas  accipiant."  Mabillon's 
Ordo  ix.  directs  that  from  these  oblations  the 
"  novitii  presbyteri "  shall  communicate  for 
eight  ensuing  days.  The  rite  is  an  important 
relic  of  the  primitive  communion,  in  which  the 
■bi-ead  and  wine  were  offered  to  the  bishop,  then 
blessed  by  him,  and  then  distributed.  The  rite 
itself  fell  into  disuse,  but  one  of  its  effects 
survived  in  the  rule  which  is  mentioned  in  the 
Soissons  Pontifical,  and  which  prevailed  in  some 
dioceses,  that  a  presbyter  should  keep  the  bread 
which  was  consecrated  at  the  time  of  his 
ordination  for  forty  days,  taking  a  portion  of  it 
every  day.  The  rite  probably  survived  also  in 
the  rubric  of  the  later  ordinals,  that  the  newly 
consecrated  presbyters  should  receive  the  host 
from  the  hands  of  the  consecrating  bishop. 

17.  A  still  more  important  relic  of  the  primi- 
tive communion  survived,  and  possibly  survives 
still,  in  the  theory  that  in  this  celebration  the 
newly-ordained  presbyters  were  "  concelebrant " 
with  the  bishop.  The  only  other  instance  of  the 
.survival  of  the  same  rite  is  that  which  is  men- 
tioned by  Innocent  III.,  de  Sacramentis,  .c.  25, 
Mignc,  P.  L.  vol.  ccxvii.  873,  of  the  cardinal 
presbyters  at  Rome  being  celebrant  with  the 
pope;  and  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  significance 


ORDINATION 


1515 


of  the  rite  was  appreciated  by  mediaeval  canon- 
ists, e.fj.,  Durandus  in  iv.  Sent.  dist.  13,  qu.  3, 
who,  in  spite  of  the  statement  of  Innocent  III., 
denied  its  existence.  The_  elements  of  the 
historical  consideration  of  tfie  question  will  be 
found  in  Morin  de  Sacr.  Ordin.  pars  iii.  exercit. 
8,  p.  158 ;  Catalani  in  Pontif.  Bom.  p.  1,  tit.  12, 
§17. 

II.  Eastern  Rites.— \.  Greek,  i.  The  rite  which 
is  described  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  is 
simply  this  :  "  In  ordaining  a  presbyter,  O  bishop, 
put  thy  hand  upon  his  head,  the  presbytery  and 
the  deacons  standing  by  thee,  and  in  praying 
say,  .  .  ."  (then  follows  a  prayer  that  he  who 
"  by  the  vote  and  election  of  all  the  clergv  has 
been  advanced  to  the  presbyterate  "  may  be  filled 
with  the  spirit  of  grace  and  counsel ;  with  this 
prayer  the  ritual  euds).  ii.  Dionysius  Areopa- 
gita  says  that  the  ordinand  "  bends  both  knees 
before  the  holy  altar,  and  has  the  hand  of  the 
hierarch  upon  his  head,  and  in  this  way  is  con- 
secrated .by  the  hierarch  with  the  invocations 
which  make  him  a  priest  (jais  Upoiroiots 
iiriKXyitrecn  oyiaferai)."  Then,  as  in  the  case 
of  deacons,  follows  the  sign  of  the  cross,  the 
sacred  proclamation  of  election  {avapp-qcris),  and 
the  consummating  salutation.  iii.  The  later 
rituals  will  be  found  in  the  Euchologium,  ed. 
Goar,  p.  292 ;  ed.  Daniel,  vol.  iv.  p.  556 ;  Codd. 
Bessar.  Barber.  Paris.  Vat.  Allat.  ed.  Morin,  p. 
66,  sqq. ;  ed.  J.  A.  Asseman.  vol.  xi.  p.  108,  sqq. ; 
Sym.  Thessal.  de  Sacr.  Ordin.  c.  179,  ed.  Migne, 
P.  G.  vol.  civ.  386). 

2.  The  Coptic  forms  are  found  in  Morin,  p. 
507  ;  .1.  A.  Asseman,  ap.  Mai,  vol.  v.  pars  ii.  p. 
213  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  p.  11 ;  the  Jacobite  in 
Morin,  p.  482  ;  Renaudot  ap.  Denzinger,  vol.  ii. 
p.  71  ;  Greg.  Barhebr.  vii.  5,  ap.  Mai,  vol.  x. 
pars  ii.  p.  48 ;  the  Maronite  in  Morin,  p.  404  ;  J. 
A.  Asseman,  vol.  ix.  p.  112  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  p. 
148  ;  the  A^estmnan  in  Morin,  p.  452  ;  J.  S.  Asse- 
man, vol.  iii.  pars  ii.  p.  813  ;  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol. 
xiii.  p.  12  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii,  p.  233. 

9.  Other  Orders  AND  Officers. — Other  rites 
of  ordination,  which  it  has  not  been  thought  neces- 
sary to  give  in  detail  here,  will  be  found  as  fol- 
lows :  —  I.  Abbat. — 1.  Latin  :  Cod.  Maff.  ap. 
Muratori,  vol.  iii.  p.  100 ;  Hittorp.  Ord.  Horn. 
p.  139.  2.  Greek:  Morin,  pp.  72,  82,  103,  117. 
3.  Coptic :  Denzinger,  ii.  16.  4.  Nestorian  and 
Jacobite:  J.  S.  Asseman,  Bibl.  Orient,  vol.  iii. 
pars  2,  p.  916.  II.  Abbess. — 1.  Latin:  Cod.  Maff. 
ap.  Muratori,  vol.  iii.  p.  100 ;  Hittorp,   p.    146. 

2.  Jacobite:  Greg.  Barhebr.  Nomocan.  ap.  Mai, 
Script.  Vet.  x.  51 ;  Denzinger,  ii.  71.  III.  Arch- 
DEACOX  (not  in  Western  ordinals). — 1.  Greek : 
Morin,  p.  115,  from  Cod.  Leo  Allat.,  so  also 
Goar,    p.    284.      2.     CojMc :    Morin,    p.    508. 

3.  Jacobite :  Denzinger,  ii.  70.  4.  Maronite : 
Morin,  p.  402;  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  is.  pp. 
Ixxxii.  97,  269;  Denzinger,  ii.  142.  5.  A'cs- 
torian :  J.  S.  Asseman,  vol.  iii.  2,  842 ;  Den- 
zinger, ii.  257.  IV.  Arcii-Presbyter  (not  in 
Western  ordinals). — 1.  Greek:  Morin,  p.  113, 
from  Cod.  Leo  Allat.,  so  also  Goar,  p.  287. 
2.  Coptic:  Denzinger,  ii.  16.  3.  3Iaronite : 
Morin,  p.  410;  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  ix.  pp. 
Ixxxvi.  279.  V.  Chorepiscopus  (not  in  Latin 
or  Greek  ordinals). — 1.  Jacobite:  Denzinger,  ii. 
74.  2.  Maronite :  Morin,  p.  415  ;  J.  A.  Asse- 
man, vol.  ix.  lip.   Ixxxvii.  204,  221.  285;  Den- 

I  zinger,     ii.    178,     184.       3.    .\cstorian :    J.    S. 


1516 


OKDINATION 


Asseman,  iii.  2,  835  ;  J.  A.  Asseman,  xiii.  210  ; 
Denzinger,  ii.  260.  VI.  Cleric  (i.e.  the  first 
tonsure). — 1.  Latin :  Rouen  Pontifical  and  Cod. 
Eatoldi  ap.  Morin,and  J.  A.  Asseman  ;  Salzburg. 
Bee.  JIainz  pontificals,  ap.  Martene ;  English 
pontificals,  ap.  Maskell,  iii.  p.  144 ;  Sacram. 
Gregor.  ap.  Murat.  ii.  p.  783.  2.  Greek :  Cod. 
Barberini,  ap.  Morin,  p.  91.  VII.    Deaconess.— 

1.  Latin:  Sacram.  Gregor.  ed.  Murat.  ii.  p.  918. 

2.  Greek:  Const.  Apost.  viii.  18  ;  Morin,  pp.  69, 
99;  Goar,  p.  262.  3.  Jacobite:  Greg.  Barhebr. 
vii.  7,  ap.  Mai  x.  51 ;  Denzinger,  ii.  71.  4.  Ncs- 
torian :  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  xiii.  p.  218 ;  Den- 
zinger, ii.  261.  VIII.  Monk. — 1.  Latin:  Cod. 
MafF.   ap.    Muratori,  iii.   101  ;  Hittorp,  p.  137. 

2.  Greek:    Morin,  p.   72;  Goar,  pp.  468,   473. 

3.  Jacobite:    Greg.    Barhebr.    ap.    Mai,    x.   60. 

4.  Nestorian :  J.  S.  Asseman,  iii.  2,  900.  IX.  NuN. 
— 1.  Latin :  Sacr.  Gelas.  ap.  Murat.  ii.  222 ; 
Sacr.  Gregor.  id.  ii.  786;  Cod.  Maff.  id.  iii. 
103  ;  Missale  Francorum,  id.  iii.  460 ;  Hittorp, 
pp.    141,    148.     X.    PebiODEUT^s — 1.    Jccobite 

same  as  for  Chorepiscopus,  see  above).  2.  Maro- 
nite:  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  ix.  pp.  Ixxxiv.  167; 
Denzinger,  ii.  165.  3.  Nestorian  (same  as  for 
Chorepiscopus,  see  above).  XI.  Widow. — 1. 
Latin  :  Sacr.  Gelas.  ap.  Muratori,  ii.  380  ;  Cod. 
Maff.  id.  iii.  107  ;  Missale  Francorum,  id.  iii. 
464;  Missale  Gallicum.  id.  iii.  507;  Hittorp, 
p.  149. 

IV.   Time  and  place  of  Ordination. 

I.  Time  of  Ordination. — (1)  Season  of  Ordi- 
nation: There  is  no  evidence  of  the  existence  in 
the  earliest  period  of  any  fixed  rule  as  to  the 
season  of  the  year  at  which  appointments  to 
ecclesiastical  office  might  take  place,  and  there 
is  strong  reason  to  believe  that  entrance  upon 
office  followed  immediately  upon  appointment. 
The  non-existence  of  any  such  rule  is  rendered 
almost  certain  (a)  by  the  fact  that  when  in  the 
Western  church  in  later  times  a  rule  was  laid 
down  it  became  necessary  to  invent  an  early 
authority  (the  decretal  of  Gelasius)  in  order  to 
support  it ;  (6)  by  the  fact  that  in  the  Greek 
church,  even  to  the  present  day,  ordinations 
may  take  place  at  any  time  (except  that  in  Lent 
they  are  limited  to  Saturdays  and  Sundays). 

Several  limitations  of  the  season  of  ordination 
gradually  arose  in  the  Western  church,  and  the 
rule  which  ultimately  became  established  by  the 
canon  law  was  neither  the  earliest  nor  the  only 
one. 

1.  Zeno  of  Verona  (f  380)  speaks  of  Easter 
{i.e.  probably  Easter  Day  and  Easter  Eve)  as 
being  a  special  time  for  the  promotion  of  clerks 
(ministri),  and  the  reconciliation  of  penitents  (S. 
Zenon.  Veron.  lib.  2,  tract  50,  ap.  Migne,  P.  L. 
vol.  xi.  p.  506). 

2.  Leo  the  Great  (Epist.  ix.  (xi.)  ad  Diosc. 
Alexand.  vol.  i.  p.  628)  has  a  passage  which  has 
given  rise  to  some  controversy.  He  says  that 
ordinations  to  the  priesthood  or  the  diaconate 
ought  not  to  take  place  on  any  chance  day,  but 
"  post  diem  sabbati  ejus  noctis  quae  in  prima  sab- 
batislucescit :  "  (a)  According  to  one  view,  these 
words  are  to  be  understood  as  allowing  ordina- 
tions only  at  Easter  (i.e.  on  Easter  Eve  and  Easter 
Day).  In  support  of  this  view  is  the  fact,  that  Leo 
only  allowed  baptisms  to  be  celebrated  at  Easter 
.and  Pentecost  {Epist.  xvi.  c.  3,  i.  p.  719). 
(6)  According  to  another  view,  the  words  allow 


ORDINATION 

ordinations  on  Saturday  night,  or  on  the  morning 
of  any  Lord's  Day.  This  view  is  rendered  almost 
certain  by  another  passage,  in  which  Leo,  writ- 
ing to  Anastasius  of  Thessalonica,  objects  to  the 
practice  of  limiting  the  restriction  to  the  Lord's 
Day  to  the  ordination  of  bishops,  and  of  ordaining 
presbyters  and  deacons  on  any  day  (Epist.  vi. 
(iv.)  i.  p.  610).  A  further  corroboration  of  this 
view  is  the  complaint  which,  in  writing  to  the 
emperor  Marcian,  he  makes  against  Anatolius  ;  it 
is,  that  the  latter  had  ordained  a  presbyter  on  a 
Friday;  but  nothing  whatever  is  said  about  the 
limitation  of  ordinations  to  a  particular  season. 
(Epist.  iii.  ad  Marcian.  Imp.  i.  p.  1185.  On  the 
whole  question  see  the  notes  of  Quesnel,  and  the 
Ballerini  to  the  passage  of  Leo  first  quoted 
above  ;  and  also  Quesnel,  Dissert,  vi.  de  jejumo 
sabbati,  reprinted  by  the  Ballerini  in  their  editioji 
of  Leo,  vol.  ii.  p.  1069,  and  by  Migne,  P.  L.  vol. 
Iv.  p.  627.) 

3.  The  ordinary  practice  of  the  bishops  of 
Eome,  which  however  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  erected  into  a  rule,  and  which  probably 
grew  up  in  the  period  intervening  between  Leo  the 
Great  and  the  establishment  of  the  four  seasons, 
was  to  hold  ordinations  in  December  (see  Ana- 
stasius B'Miothec&rius,  Liber  Fontifcalis,  passim, 
but  especially  Bianchini's  ed.  vol.  iii.  §  72 ; 
Amalarius  de  Div.  Off.  2,  1  ;  but  Mabillon,  Mus. 
Ital.  vol.  ii.  p.  ciii,  Catalani,  Corn,  in  Fontif. 
Bom.  pars  i.  tit.  ii.  §  12,  mention  various  exce])- 
tions  to  the  practice). 

4.  Out  of  the  rule  or  usage  that  both 
ordainers  and  ordained  must  fast  at  the  time  of 
ordination,  arose  the  usage  which  appears  to 
have  become  a  rule  in  the  course  of  the  8th  cen- 
tury, that  ordinations  must  take  place  at  the 
Ember  seasons,  i.e.  at  the  fasts  in  the  first, 
fourth,  seventh,  and  tenth  months.  The  rule  is 
given  in  the  majority  of  ordinals  in  the  form 
"  mensis  primi,  quarti,  septimi,  decimi,  sabba- 
torum  die  in  xii.  lectionibus  ;  "  so  Sacram.  Gelas., 
Pontif.  Rem.  S.  Dimst.  Rodrad.  Vat.  ap.  Murat. 
Elsewhere  the  particular  weeks  are  specified,  as 
being  the  first  week  of  the  first  month,  the 
second  of  the  fourth,  the  third  of  the  seventh, 
the  fourth  of  the  tenth  ;  so  Pontif  Egb.,  Hraban. 
Maur.  do  Instit.  Cler.  ii.  24 ;  Cone.  Mogimt.^ 
A.D.  813,  c.  34,  quoted  as  an  authority  by 
Gratian,  Dist.  76,  c.  2  ;  Mabillon's  Ordo  ix.  agrees 
with  the  preceding,  except  that  it  specifies  the 
Saturday  before  Christmas  ;  so  Amalarius,  deEccl. 
Off.  2,  1.  But  although  it  became  customary 
to  speak  of  four  seasons  only,  it  is  clear  that  ordi- 
nations in  Lent  were  not  limited  to  a  single 
Saturday.  In  probably  the  oldest  existing  MS. 
which  contains  the  rule  (Fragm.  Cod.  Vat.  ap. 
Muratori,  Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  vol.  iii.  p.  17)  auy 
time  "  a  quinquagesima  incipiente  usque  quinto 
decimo  die  ante  pascha,"  appears  to  be  allowed ;. 
and  the  Pseudo-Isidorian  decretal,  upon  which 
subsequent  usage  made  the  rule  to  rest,  specifies 
the  Saturdays  at  the  beginning  and  in  the  middle 
of  Lent  (S.  Gelas.  i.  Epist.  ix.  ad  Episc.  per  LucaUi 
c.  13  =  Decret.  General,  ap.  Hiuschius,  Decret. 
Pseudo-Isid.  p.  652  ;  cf.  Gratian,  Dist.  75,  7 ;. 
D.  Ivon.  Carnot,  Decret.  6,  74).  It  is,  how- 
ever, clear,  that  even  after  the  general  recep- 
tion of  this  decretal  there  was  some  variety 
of  usage  ;  and  the  rule  which  ultimately  pre* 
vailed,  and  which  is  recognised  in  the  modern 
Roman  Pontifical,  appears  to  combine  the  rule 


ORDINATION 

of  the  four  seasons  with  the  earlier  rule  of 
holding  ordinations  at  Easter. 

The  earliest  certain  instance  of  the  observance 
of  the  four  seasons  as  times  of  ordination,  is  in 
Paul  the  Deacon's  account  of  Chrodegang  of 
Metz  (circ.  766)  as  having  ordained  presbyters, 
"  as  is  the  custom  of  the  Koman  church,  on  the 
Saturdays  at  the  four  seasons  "  (Paul.  Diacon. 
de  Ordinu  Episc.  Metcns.  ap.  Mignc,  P.  L.  vol.  xcv. 
p.  710)  ;  but  they  had  been  previously  recognised 
by  the  Roman  Council  of  743,  c.  11,  under  pope 
Zachary ;  and  not  long  afterwards  the  Prankish 
capitularies  gave  them  a  civil  sanction  (Statt. 
Ehispac.  et  Prising,  a.d.  799,  c.  7,  ap.  Pertz, 
Legum,  vol.  i.  p.  78). 

It  may  be  convenient  to  add,  that  the  modern 
Roman  rule  allows  (a)  the  tonsure  to  be  conferred 
at  any  time,  (6)  minor  orders  on  any  Sunday  or 
double  festival,  (c)  major  orders  at  the  times 
stated  in  the  above-mentioned  decretal  of  Alex- 
ander III. 

(2)  Day  of  Ordination. — It  may  be  gathered 
from  what  has  been  said  above,  that  even  before 
ordination  came  to  be  restricted  to  certain 
seasons  of  the  year  they  were  limited  in  the 
Western  church  to  a  certain  day  of  the  week. 
It  is  antecedently  probable  that  the  more  impor- 
tant appointments  and  admissions  to  church 
offices  would  take  place  on  Sundays,  and  there  is 
therefore  reason  to  suppose  that  the  Greek 
practice,  to  which  Leo  the  Great  (see  above) 
bears  witness,  of  ordaining  bishops  on  Sundays, 
is  primitive.  It  is  difficult  to  trace  the  origin 
of  a  similar  limitation  in  the  case  of  presbyters 
and  deacons.  But  it  is  in  entire  harmony  with 
the  general  view  of  the  nature  of  ordination 
which  has  been  given  above,  that  the  evening  of 
Saturday  rather  than  Sunday  should  have  beeii 
the  customary  time.  The  performance  of  the 
sacred  functions  to  which  they  were  called  im- 
mediately succeeded  their  appointment  and  re- 
cognition. If  the  functions  themselves  were 
performed  early  on  Sunday  morning,  the  ap- 
pointment and  recognition  of  the  officers  would 
naturally  take  place  on  Saturday  evening.  Hence 
the  Western  rule,  which  is  embodied  in  the 
Gelasian  expression  "die  Sabbati  circa  vespe- 
ram." 

(3)  Place  of  Ordinations  in  Divine  Service. — 
Inasmuch  as  admissions  to  ecclesiastical  office  in 
primitive  times  consisted  in  a  public  recognition 
of  the  officer  who  had  been  elected  or  appointed, 
followed  by  a  performance  of  the  duties  of  his 
office,  it  was  natviral  that  such  admissions  should 
take  place  under  circumstances  which  admitted 
of  such  performance. 

In  the  Western  church  it  seems  to  have  been 
customary  that  admissions  to  major  orders  should 
take  place  during  divine  service  ;  but  not  even 
the  Pseudo-Isidorian  decretals  give  any  authority 
for  the  custom,  and  according  to  Hallier,  dc 
Sacr.  Elect,  p.  969,  later  canonists  sometimes 
inserted  the  words  "  intra  missam  "  into  a  letter 
of  the  Pseudo-Anacletus  in  order  to  obtain  the 
appearance  of  such  authority.  The  custom  is, 
however,  assumed  by  the  ordinals,  all  of  which 
(but  not  the  Missal.  Franc.)  direct  that  the  decla- 
ration of  election  to  major  orders  shall  be  made 
immediately  after  the  introit  ("  postquam  Anti- 
phonam  ad  Introitum  dixerint ") ;  so  Sacram. 
Gelas.  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat.,  Pontif.  Rem.  Ratold. 
S.    Dunst,    S.    Elig.    Senon.    Noviom.    Caturic. 


ORDINATION 


151' 


Salisb.  Rotom.  The  place  of  the  ceremonies  of  ad- 
mission is  less  precisely  defined  :  (1)  The  oldest 
rubric  (see  above.  Ordination  of  Deacons,  i.) 
appears  to  make  the  benediction  follow  immedi- 
ately upon  the  litany  which  follows  the  declara- 
tion of  election.  (2)  Mabillon's  Ordo,  viii.  and 
almost  all  ordinals  place  the  ceremonies  of  ordi- 
nation between  the  epistle  and  gospel,  before 
the  Alleluia  or  Tract.  (3)  The  Sarum  Pontifical 
expressly  places  the  ordination  of  subdeacons 
before  the  epistle,  which  the  new  subdeacon 
reads.  (4)  The  Pontif.  Ratold.  Casanat.  are 
apparently  alone  in  placing  all  ordinations  before 
the  epistle.  The  majority  of  ordinals  give  no 
directions  as  to  the  time  of  admission  to  minor 
orders.  The  Pontif.  S.  Elig.  places  them  "post 
communionem,"  the  Sarum  Pontifical  during  the 
lessons,  before  the  mass  proper  begins. 

In  the  Greek  church  there  are  early  indications 
that  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist  immediately 
followed  admission  to  major  orders,  c.  g.  Clement. 
Eecogn.  6, 15  ;  Dionys.  Areop.de  Eccl.  Hier.  6,  3, 
5 ;  although  even  so  late  as  the  beginning 
of  the  9th  century  it  is  not  spoken  of  as 
though  it  were  a  universal  rule ;  e.  g.  bv 
S.  Theodor.  Stud.  Epist.  lib.  2,  101.  But 
all  MSS.  of  the  ordinals  agree  in  making  ordina- 
tions to  the  lectorate  and  subdiaconate  take 
place  outside  the  liturgy,  and  in  making  ordi- 
nations to  major  orders  take  place  at  a  definite 
point  in  the  liturgy.  The  ordination  of  deacons 
is  placed  after  the  oblation  and  the  opening  of 
the  doors  ;  that  of  presbyters  after  the  cherubic 
hymn. 

In  the  other  Eastern  churches  there  is  less 
uniformity  of  usage.  The  Nestorian  Ordinal 
expressly  provides  for  the  case  of  ordinations 
(except  those  of  bishops)  which  are  not  accom- 
panied by  a  celebration  of  the  Liturgy.  The 
Coptic  ordinal  places  all  ordinations,  except 
to  the  episcopate,  immediately  before  the  preface 
of  the  anaphora.  The  Jacobite  and  Maronite 
ordinals  place  ordinations  after  the  consecra- 
tion of  the  elements.  (For  a  more  precise 
account  see  Denzinger,  liitus  Orientalium,  vol.  i. 
p.  144.) 

II.  Place  of  Ordination. — There  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  in  the  earliest  times  any 
rule  as  to  the  place  in  which  oi-dination,  in 
the  sense  of  apj)ointment,  might  be  made. 
F'rom  the  nature  of  the  case,  when  appoint- 
ments were  made  by  popular  suffrage,  they 
were  made  in  a  popular  assembly  ;  hence 
Origen  {Horn,  in  Levit.  6,  c.  3,  vol.  ii.  p.  216) 
argues  from  the  public  appointments  of  priests 
by  Moses.  But  when  they  were  made  by  the 
bishop  or  the  Ordo,  they  were  necessarily,  ii\ 
some  cases,  made  under  circumstances  which  did 
not  admit  of  the  gathering  of  an  assembly  in  a 
definite  place.  As,  for  example,  when,  with  the 
tacit  consent  of  the  people  and  the  other  mem- 
bers of  the  Ordo,  Cyprian,  and  those  who  were 
with  him,  appointed  Aurelius  and  Celerinus  (S. 
Cypr.  Epist.  33,  34,  vol.  ii.  p.  320,  324).  Th<; 
stress  which  Cyprian  elsewhere  lays  on  th» 
necessity  of  ordinations  being  made  in  public  (id. 
Epist.  68,  3,  vol.  i.  p.  1026  =  Synodal  letter  of  the 
council  of  Carthage  to  the  clergy  and  people  in- 
Spain),  shews  that  the  freedom  which  existed  as 
to  the  place  of  appointment  was  in  danger  of 
being  abused,  but  it  shews  also  that  such  freedom 
existed.     The    only  conciliar  regulation  on  the 


1518 


ORDINATION 


subject,  which  is  foumi  in  the  first  five  centuries, 
■is  that  of  the  Cone.  Laod.  c.  5,  which  enacts  that 
XeiporSviat  {i.e.  appointments,  according  to  both 
Balsamon  and  Zonaras)  should  not  take  place  in 
the  presence  of  aKpodfievot  (prob.  =  catechumens, 
but  according  to  Hefele,  Councils,  E.  T.  vol.  ii. 
p.  301  =  the  class  of  penitents  so  named.  See  vol. 
j.  p.  151,  AuDiESTEs).  The  reason  for  this  rule 
was,  that  the  faults  of  persons  were  freely  can- 
vassed on  such  occasions ;  and  that  it  was 
inexpedient  that  any,  except  full  members  of  the 
church,  should  take  part  in  the  election.  When 
sjiecial  buildings  came  to  be  set  apart  for 
assembly  and  worship,  ordination  naturally  took 
place  in  them ;  and  Gregory  Nazianzen  is 
indignant  because  the  ordination  of  Ma.ximus  the 
Cynic,  which  was  begun  in  a  church,  was 
finished  in  a  private  house  (S.  Greg.  Nazianz. 
£oem.  da  vit.  sua  v.  909  ;  cf.  Greg.  Presb.  Vit.  S. 
<lreg.  Nazianz.  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  xxxv.  p.  282). 
But  the  point  was  not  the  sacredness  of  a  church, 
but  its  publicity  ;  even  Theophilus  of  Alexandria 
does  not  do  more  than  insist  that  ordinations 
shall  not  be  made  in  secret  {XaSpaicos),  and 
that  when  the  church  is  at  peace  they  shall  con- 
.sequently  be  made  in  church  (S.  Theophil.  Alex, 
can.  7,  ap.  Pitra,  i.  648). 

The  earliest  regulation  as  to  ordinations  in 
the  sense  of  admission  to  office,  and  the  earliest 
positive  enactment  as  to  ordinations  in  any 
sense,  is  that  of  the  civil  law.  Justinian  {Novell. 
6,  c.  i.  9,  and  c.  4,  A.D.  535)  enacts  that  admis- 
sions to  ecclesiastical  office  must  take  place  in 
the  presence  of  all  the  people  as  a  guarantee  of 
the  purity  of  the  election.  The  absence  of  an 
■<;arlier  regulation,  whether  ecclesiastical  or  civil, 
.is  shewn  by  the  fact  that  the  later  canonists  were 
compelled  to  invent  one ;  i.e.  they  inserted  the 
•word  manifesto  in  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  6  (Gratian, 
Decret.  1,  Dist.  70  ;  D.  Ivon.  Carnot.  Fanorni.  o, 
27).  Of  the  very  doubtful  Syrian  council,  which 
is  sometimes  assigned  to  A.D.  405,  and  of  which 
the  canons  are  printed  by  Mansi,  vol.  vii.  1181, 
^no  account  need  be  taken.  When  ordinations 
came  to  take  place  in  a  church,  it  was  uatui-al 
that  they  should,  as  a  rule,  take  place  in  the 
<;athedral  church.  At  the  same  time  there  has 
never  been  any  rule  limiting  them  to  the 
cathedral  church. 

In  later  times,  when  the  ceremonies  of  admis- 
sion to  holy  orders  were  interwoven  with  the 
liturgy,  it  was  enacted  that  they  should  take 
place,  not  merely  in  a  church,  but  before  the 
altar.  There  is  a  probability  that  this  had 
come  to  be  the  rule  in  the  early  part  of  the  7th 
century,  inasmuch  as  4  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  633,  c. 
28,  in  providing  for  the  readmission  to  office  of 
a  clerk  who  had  been  unjustly  deposed,  provides 
that  the  ceremonial  of  his  original  ordination 
shall  be  repeated,  and  this  is  to  take  place 
"  coram  altario."  But  the  first  direct  enactment 
to  this  effect  is  that  of  the  ordinals,  which  are 
probably  at  least  a  century  later. 

The  rule  of  themodern  Roman  Pontifical  is,  that 
the  tonsure  and  minor  orders  may  be  conferred  in 
any  place  whatever  ("  quocunqne  loco,"  "  ubi- 
<:umque,"  Pontit.  Rom.  pars  1,  tit.  2,  §§  13,  14) ; 
but  the  ritual  assumes  throughout  that  the 
place  will  be  a  church.  Ordinations  to  holy 
orders  must  take  place  either  in  the  cathedral, 
or,  if  any  other  place  in  the  diocese,  in  the 
■"  ecclesia  dignior '"  of  the  place  (t6.  §  22). 


OEDINATION 

V.  Minister  of  Ordination. 

In  the  earliest  period  of  church  history  when, 
as  has  been  shewn  above,  the  important  element 
in  ordination  was  not  the  act  of  admission  to 
office  but  the  act  of  appointment  to  it,  the 
question  as  to  who  could  ordain  is  practically 
identical  with  the  question  which  has  been 
already  answered,  as  to  who  could  take  part  in 
an  appointment.  The  presumption  is  that,  at 
least  in  the  three  primitive  offices  of  presbyter, 
deacon,  and  reader,  the  whole  church  acted 
together.  There  was  always  a  nomination,  an 
election,  an  approval,  and  a  declaration  of  elec- 
tion. The  two  latter  of  these  functions,  in  the 
church  as  in  the  empire,  devolved  on  the  pre- 
siding officer,  who,  in  the  church,  as  also  in  the 
empire,  frequently  added  to  them  the  further 
function  of  nomination  or  "  commendatio."  But 
when,  in  course  of  time,  a  church  ceased  to  be 
a  complete,  self-contained  and  organic  unity, 
and  had  outlying  churches  dependent  upon  it, 
or  was  itself  merged  in  a  larger  organization, 
and  when  greater  importance  came  to  be 
attached  to  the  recognition  by  a  church  of  its 
newly-appointed  officer,  and  to  the  prayer  for 
blessing  upon  his  office,  there  grew  up  an 
abundant  crop  of  questions,  partly  as  to  the 
limits  of  the  rights  of  dependent  churches  to 
make  appointments  without  reference  to  the 
mother  church,  and  partly  as  to  the  limits  of 
the  rights  of  independent  churches  to  act  with- 
out reference  to  the  general  confederation  of 
churches,  and  partly  as  to  the  unity  or  the 
plurality  of  the  channels  through  which  divine 
grace  flowed,  some  of  which  questions  are  still 
unsolved,  and  many  of  which  have,  at  various 
times,  been  the  cause  not  only  of  theological 
controversy  but  of  political  disturbance.  It  is, 
of  course,  impossible  here  to  do  more  than  indi- 
cate the  chief  facts  which  must  be  taken  into 
consideration  in  any  general  view  of  the  subject ; 
and,  for  the  sake  of  clearness,  the  word  ordainer 
will  be  used  in  its  narrower  sense  of  one  who 
can  admit  to  ecclesiastical  office,  whether  the 
person  admitted  be  appointed  by  himself  or  by 
others. 

1.  Ordainors  of  Presbyters.  —  i.  The  earliest 
evidence  is  presumably  that  of  1  Tim.  iv.  14, 
where  the  giving  of  the  "gift"  (xaptcr/xa)  to 
Timothy,  is  said  to  have  been  accompanied  with 
(;U6Ta)the  "laying  on  of  hands  of  the  pres- 
bytery." But  the  evidence  is  ambiguous,  inas- 
much as  it  is  uncertain  (1)  what  was  the  precise 
office  which  Timothy  filled ;  (2)  whether  the 
presbytery  acted  alone,  or  whether  the  presence 
of  an  apostle  or  other  president  is  assumed, 
though  it  is  not  mentioned,  ii.  Early  patristic 
evidence  is  for  the  most  part  ambiguous,  on 
account  of  the  ambiguity  of  the  terms  em- 
ployed ;  e.g.  in  Firmilian's  letter  to  Cyprian 
(.S.  Cyprian.  Epist.  75,  7,  vol.  i.  p.  1161), 
"•  majores  natu  qui  et  baptizandi  et  manum  im- 
ponendi  et  ordinandi  possident  potestatem," 
where  manum  imponendi  may  possibly  refer 
only  to  confirmation  after  baptism,  and  ordi- 
nandi only  to  election,  iii.  That  the  bishop  and 
presbyters  acted  together  is  rendered  probable, 
partly  by  the  general  character  of  the  relations 
between  bishops  and  presbyters  [Priest],  and 
partly  by  the  fact  that  the  Western  church, 
which  in  many  similar  respects  has  been  more 


ORDINATIOlsr 

conservative  of  aucient  usages  than  the  Eastern, 
has  to  this  day  retained  the  co-operation  of 
bishops  and  presbyters  in  the  ceremony  of  im- 
position of  hands  (see  above:  Ordination  of 
Presbyters),  iv.  That  the  bishop  could  in  certain 
cases  act  alone,  is  a  probable  but  not  a  proved 
hypothesis.  Its  probability  chiefly  arises  from 
the  fiict  that  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions, 
and  in  all  eastern  ordinals,  though  the  clerg}', 
vind  especiallv  the  archdeacon,  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  clergy,  have  a  place  in  the 
ritiial,  the  bishop  alone  imposes  his  hands. 
V.  Whether  presbyters  could  act  alone  is  a 
keenly  disputed,  but  as  yet  unsolved  question : 
(a)  The  case  of  Ischyras,  who  was  ordained 
presbyter  by  the  presbyter  CoUuthus  of  Alexan- 
dria, and  whose  ordination  was  subsequently 
disallowed,  would  hardly  have  been  possible  if  the 
point  had  previously  been  ruled  in  the  negative 
by  competent  authority.  (For  the  detail  of  the 
controversy,  sec  the  letter  of  the  Mareotic 
clergy  to  the  synod  of  Tyre,  ap.  S.  Athanas. 
Apol.  c.  Arian.  c.  75,  vol.  i.  p.  152) :  (6)  The 
early  canon  (Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  14)  which  forbids 
chorepiscopi  to  ordain  {x^ipoTov^lv)  presbyters 
or  deacons,  also  forbids  city  presbyters  to  do  so, 
except  by  commission  from  the  bishop ;  assum- 
ing that  ordination  is  here  used  in  its  later 
sense,  the  canon  is  a  clear  admission  that  pres- 
byters are  disqualified  from  ordaining  pres- 
byters, not  by  any  defect  inherent  in  their  office, 
but  on  the  ground  which  is  assigned  by  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions,  of  church  order  (outtj 
yap  k(TTi  To|(s  iKK^Tjaiaa-TiKri  /cat  ap/j-opta.  G.  A. 
3,  11).  It  is  interesting  to  compare  with  this  the 
statement  of  the  great  antiquarian  and  canonist 
of  the  West  in  the  seventh  century:  "sola 
propter  auctoritatem  summo  sacerdoti  ordinatio 
et  consecratio  reservata  est,  ne  a  multis  ecclesiae 
disciplina  vendicata  concordiam  solveret,  scan- 
dala  generaret "  (Isidor.  Hispal.  de  Eccl.  Off. 
2,  7):  (c)  In  later  times  presbyters  were  no 
doubt  disqualified,  and  so  far  did  the  notion  of 
their  disqualification  go,  that  2  Cone.  Hispal. 
A.D.  619,  c.  5,  disallows  the  ordination  of  certain 
presbyters  upon  whom  a  bishop  had  laid  his 
hands,  but  to  whom,  at  the  same  time,  a  pres- 
byter and  not  the  bishop  had  given  the  bene- 
diction. In  this  respect  even  the  dispensing 
power  of  the  pope  was  regarded  as  being 
limited :  he  could  commission  a  presbyter  to 
confer  minor  but  not  major  orders,  "  qui  habent 
immediatam  relationem  ad  corpus  Christi"  (St. 
Thom.  Aquin.  in  IV.  Sent.  dist.  25,  qu.  1,  art.  1 
=  Summa  Tlwol.  suppl.  in  p.  iii.  qu.  38,  art.  1). 
vi.  The  question  of  the  right  of  chorepiscopi  to 
oi-dain  presbyters  is  also  one  of  great  difficulty  : 
(a)  In  the  fourth  century  chorepiscopi  are 
found  only  in  the  East,  and  were  probably  no 
more  than  the  parish  priests  of  rural  parishes ; 
they  were  the  first  attempt  at  ecclesiastical 
organization  in  the  direction  which  afterwards 
resulted  in  the  parochial  system ;  their  rights 
in  respect  of  ordination,  which  may,  however, 
in  this  case  mean  only  appointment,  are  strictly 
defined  by  Cone.  Ancyr.  a.d.  314,  c.  8,  1  Cone. 
Antioch.  A.D.  341,  c,  10,  which  give  them  an 
original  right  of  ordaining  readers,  subdeacons, 
and  exorcists,  but  only  a  deputed  right  of 
ordaining  presbyters  and  deacons.  (6)  The 
origin  and  status  of  the  French  choi-episcopi  of 
the    8th   and  9th  centuries  is  much  more  ob- 


ORDINATIOX 


151^ 


scure ;  and  the  question  of  their  right  to- 
ordain  was  probably  the  chief  cause  of  the 
forgery  of  the  Pseudo  Isidorian  decretals. 
The  genuine  writings  of  Isidore  {de  Eccl.  Off. 
lib.  2,  6)  repeat  the  rule  of  the  council 
of  Ancyra,  and  allow  chorepiscopi  to  ordain 
presbyters  with  the  consent  of  the  city  bishop 
on  whom  they  depend.  But  in  the  9th 
century  there  appears  to  have  been  on  the 
one  hand  a  claim  on  the  part  of  certain 
chorepiscopi  to  dispense  with  the  necessity  of 
such  consent,  and  on  the  other  hand  a  conten- 
tion that  not  even  with  such  consent  could  they 
ordain  either  presbyters  or  deacons.  The  con- 
troversy is  one  of  great  intevtist,  because  it 
involves  the  whole  question  of  the  validity  of 
non-episcopal  ordination  ;  but  the  points  in- 
volved are  too  intricate,  and  the  literature  too 
extensive,  to  be  more  than  mentioned  here.  (The 
elements  of  the  controversy  will  be  found  in 
the  spurious  letters  of  Damasus,  da  vana  corepi- 
scoporum  superstitione  vitanda,  ap.  Hinschius, 
Decret.  Pseudo- Isidor.  p.  509,  of  Leo  the  Great, 
ibid.  p.  628  (printed  also  among  St.  Leo's  works 
as  Epist.  88,  ad  Gcrmaniao  et  Galliao  Episc,  on 
which  see  Quesnel's  dissertation,  which  is  re- 
printed by  both  the  Ballerini  and  Migne),  and 
of  John  III.  ibid.  p.  715;  in  the  letter  of 
Leo  III.  in  answer  to  Charles  the  Great's  mission 
of  Arno  of  Salzburg,  ap.  Caroli  Magn.  Capit. 
tit.  iv.  ed.  Mansi,  xiii.  p.  1059 ;  in  the  treatise  of 
Hrabanus  Maurus,  Opusc.  ii.  ed.  Migne,  P.  L. 
vol.  ex.  p.  1195,  Labbe,  Concil.  Append,  ad. 
vol.  viii. ;  in  the  letter  of  Nicholas  I.  to  the 
archbishop  of  Bourges  (S.  Nicol.  Epist.  append, 
i.  ep.  19,  1,  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  xv.  390,  Migne,  vol. 
cxix.  p.  884);  and  in  a  number  of  synodical 
decrees  or  capitularies,  the  most  important  of 
which  is  that  of  the  council  of  Meaux,  A.D.  845, 
c.  44  (Mansi,  vol.  xiv.  p.  829).  The  controversy 
has  been  reviewed  by  most  writers  on  the  clerical 
office,  e.g.  by  Morin,  de  Sacr.  Ordin.  pars  iii. 
exercit.  4,  and  by  Natalis  Alexander,  Append,  ad 
diss,  de  Episcop.  super  Presb.  Eminentia.  The 
best  account  of  its  history  is  in  Weizsacker, 
Der  Kariipf  gegen  den  Chorcpiscopat  des  frUn- 
kischcn  Reiclis,  Tubingen,  1859.  The  ultimate 
result  of  the  controversy  was,  that  in  the 
Western  church  chorepiscopi  ceased  to  exist 
except  in  name,  and  that  the  city  bishops  finally 
established  their  claim  to  be  the  sole  channel 
through  which  the  spiritual  status  of  presbyters 
could  be  conferred. 

2.  Ordainers  of  Deacons. — What  has  been  said 
above  as  to  the  competency  of  others  than 
bishops  to  ordain  presbyters,  applies  also,  for  the 
most  part,  to  the  case  of  deacons.  The  special 
closeness  of  the  connexion  between  the  episco- 
pate and  the  diaconate  gave  an  especially  strong 
claim  to  the  lormer  to  admit  the  latter  to  office. 
The  case  of  Felicissimus,  who  was  made  (•'  con- 
stituit  ")  deacon  by  Novatus  (S.  Cyprian,  Epist. 
49,  vol.  i.  p.  728),  shews  that  the  appointment, 
which,  from  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the 
case,  may  be  held  to  include  the  admission,  of  a 
deacon  by  a  presbyter,  though  viewed  with  great 
disfavour,  was  not  regarded  as  invalid  ;  but  the 
whole  tendency  of  ecclesiastical  discipline  was 
opposed  to  such  ordinations,  and  mediaeval 
canonists  held  that  not  even  a  papal  dispensation 
could  authorise  thnni. 

3.  Ordainers  of  Minor  Orders.— I  The   right 


1520 


OEDINATION 


of  city  or  diocesan  bishops  to  admit  to  minor 
orders  is  undisputed.  ii.  That  chorepiscopi 
could  admit  as  well  as  appoint  to  minor  orders, 
is  a  probable  inference  from  Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  14, 
and  Cone.  Antioch.  c.  10.  It  was  allowed  in  the 
later  controversies  to  which  reference  has  been 
made  above,  iii.  That  presbyters  can  admit 
to  minor  orders  of  their  own  mere  motion 
is  uniformly  denied ;  but  that  they  can  do  so 
by  commission  is  as  uniformly  asserted ;  e.  g. 
by  Gelasius,  Epist.  ad  Episc.  Lucnn.  c.  8  = 
Decret.  General,  ap.  Hinschius,  p.  651 ;  see  S. 
Thom.  Aquin.  Stcmma,  suppl.  in  p.  iii.  qu.  38, 
art.  1,  and  Hallier,  de  Sacr.  Elect,  et  Ordin.  p. 
568.  iv.  Abbats,  provided  (a)  that  they  are 
])resbyters  ;  (6)  that  they  have  received  episcopal 
benediction  as  abbats,  can  ordain  readers  in  their 
own  abbey  according  to  2  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  14— a 
regulation  which  was  adopted  in  Western  canon 
law.  (Gratian,  Decret.  p.  i.  dist.  69,  c.  1  ;  Ivo, 
Decret.  p.  5,  c.  376,  1  ;  see  also  Innocent  III. 
Epist.  ann.  xiii.  127,  Jligne,  P.  L.  vol.  ccxvi.  314.) 
4.  Ordainers  of  Clerks. — The  Apostolical  Con- 
stitutions, dealing  probably  with  the  period  in 
which  each  church  was  complete  in  itself,  do  not 
allow  presbyters  to  ordain  even  clerks  (C.  A.  ii, 
20).  But  in  the  West,  when  the  parochial 
system  established  itself,  and  the  rectors  of  rural 
parishes  came  to  have  a  sphere  of  work  and 
authority  which  was  in  many  respects  inde- 
pendent of  the  bishop,  presbyters  stood  in  a  very 
different  relation  to  the  lower  orders  of  clergy. 
In  the  7th  century  they  were  not  only  allowed 
to  admit  clerks,  but  encouraged  to  do  so  (Cone. 
Emerit.  a.d.  666,  c.  18) ;  and  almost  all  the 
ordinals  of  the  Gregorian  type  agree  with  Statt. 
Eccl.  Ant.  c.  10  in  enacting  that  a  singer  may 
enter  upon  his  office  "absque  scientia  episcopi, 
sola  jussione  presbyteri." 

VI.  Re-ordination, 
It  is  probable  that  in  the  earliest  period  each 
church  defined  for  itself,  in  individual  cases,  the 
conditions  upon  which  a  person  who  had  for- 
feited his  office  should  be  restored  to  it,  or  upon 
which  the  officer  of  another  church  should  have 
his  status  recognised.  It  is  also  probable  that, 
although  the  honorary  rank  which  was  fre- 
quently given  sometimes  became  substantive,  the 
state  of  things  which  is  forbidden  by  Can.  Aposf. 
c.  68,  once  actually  existed,  and  that  an  officer 
of  one  church  who  sought  office  in  another  had 
to  undergo  a  second  election  and  a  second  ad- 
mission to  office.  When  the  age  of  councils 
began,  the  rules  which  were  laid  down,  either 
for  a  group  of  churches  or  for  the  catholic 
church  throughout  the  world,  ordinarily  speci- 
fied the  penalty  which  was  incurred  by  a  viola- 
tion of  them.  The  chief  of  these  penalties  were, 
a  declaration  of  invalidity  (aKvpos  icnw  f)  x^'po- 
Tovia),  and  a  requirement  to  cease  from  office 
(TreTravcrdaj  b  toljvtos  tou  K\rjpov,  Kadaipeiadcc). 
The  offences  to  which  they  were  affixed  were 
chiefly,  (a)  violation  of  rules  of  ecclesiastical 
organisation,  by  having  been  ordained  out  of  the 
proper  church,  or  by  other  than  the  proper 
bishop  ;  (';)  simoniacal  ordination  ;  (c)  ordination 
while  in  a  state  of  lapse  or  heresy.  [For  a  de- 
tailed account  of  the  several  offences,  see  Orders, 
Holy:  Qualijica' ions  for:  Discipline  of.']  A 
person  who  was  so  deposed,  or  whose  ordination 
was  so  declared  to  be  null,  could  not  become  a 


OEDINATION 

church  officer  again  without  again  going  through 
the  processes  which  he  had  gone  through  incom- 
pletely in  the  first  instance :  for  example,  Cone, 
Nicaen.  c.  8  enacts  that  returning  Cathari  shall 
receive  imposition  of  hands  ;  id.  c.  19  enacts 
that  returning  Paulianists  must  be  both  re- 
baptized  and  re-elected  (ava&aTrTicr0evT€s  x^i-po- 
roveiadojffav).  This  continued  to  be  the  practice 
of  the  church.  For  example,  when  some  of  the 
Arian  clergy  wished  to  return  to  the  catholic 
faith,  it  was  enacted  that  they  might  be  ad- 
mitted to  otHce  by  the  bishop  "  cum  impositae 
manus  benedictione  "  (1  Cone.  Aurel.  A.D.  511, 
e.  10;  Cone.  Caesaraug.  a.d.  592,  c.  1):  so  in 
the  following  centur}',  of  those  who  were  or- 
dained "  a  Scottorum  vel  Britonum  episcopis," 
who  held  schismatieal  views  on  the  questions  of 
tonsure  and  Easter  (Poenit.  Theodor.  ii.  9,  1,  ap. 
Haddan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  iii.) :  and  so  also  in  the 
following  century,  of  those  who  were  ordained 
by  "  episcopi  ambulantes  "  (Pippin,  Capit.  Ver- 
mer.  a.d.  753,  §  14,  ap.  Pertz,  Legum,  vol.  i. 
p.  23)  ;  and  for  those  who  had  been  unjustly 
degraded  4  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  633,  c.  28,  pre- 
scribes the  ritual  of  reordination. 

But  early  in  the  history  of  the  church,  there 
had  resulted  from  the  Donatist  controversy  a 
belief  in  the  minds  of  many  theologians  that  the 
grace  which  was  conferred  at  ordination,  like 
that  which  was  conferred  at  baptism,  was  in- 
alienable ;  and  that,  in  spite  of  lapse,  the  one  as 
well  as  the  other  remained  till  death,  and 
might,  moreover,  be  communicated  to  others. 
This  belief  is  expressed  with  some  emphasis 
by  St.  Augustine :  e.g.  de  Baptismo  c.  Donat.  i. 
1,  vol.  ix.  p.  109  ;  contra  Epist.  Farmen.  ii.  28, 
vol.  ix.  p.  70,  and  is  either  stated  or  implied  in 
Cod.  Eccles.  Afric.  i.  27  (on  which  see  Schelstrat 
ap.  Van  Espen,  in  loc.)  ;  id.  c.  48  ;  5  Cone.  Carth. 
c.  11  ;  and  it  was  again  strongly  asserted  by 
Gregory  the  Great,  Epist.  ii.  46  ad  Joann. 
Savenn. ;  see  also  S.  Leo  Magn.  Epist.  18  (14) 
ad  Janmr.  i^.  731.  An  isolated  but  important 
factor  in  the  discussion  is  the  existence  of  a 
Galatian  inscription  of  A.D.  461,  Corpus  Inscr. 
Graec.  No.  9259,  which  gives  a  record  of  one 
who  was  t'Jcice  presbyter  (5is  yevop.evos  ■Kpea-^v- 
repos). 

YII.  Literature. 
The  literature  of  ordination  is  extensive,  but 
the  following  will  be  found  to  be  the  most 
important  references :  1.  The  early  authorities 
and  ordinals,  for  which  see  Ordinal.  2.  The 
early  mediaeval  antiquarians,  Isidore  of  Seville 
(c?e  Ecclesiasticis  Officiis),  Albinus  Flaccus  (Alcuin) 
{de  Divinis  Ofjiciis),  Amalarius  (de  Ecclesias- 
ticis Officiis),  Hrabanus  Maurus  (de  Institutione 
Clericorum)  (which  four  treatises,  with  others, 
will  be  found  printed  together  in  Hittorp.  de 
Divinis  Catholicae  Ecclesiae  Officiis,  Cologne, 
1568).  3.  The  French  liturgical  writers  of 
the  17th  century:  Hallier  (de  Sacris  Electio- 
iiibus  et  Ordinationibus),  Paris,  1636  ;  Morin  (de 
Sacris  Ecclesiae  Ordinationibus),  Paris,  1655 ; 
Thomassin  (Ancienne  et  Nouwlle  Discipline  da 
FEglise),  ed.  i.  Paris,  1677  ;  Martene  (de  Antiquis 
Ecclesiae  Ritibus),  ed.  i.  Rouen,  1700  (quoted 
above  from  the  Bassano  edition  of  1788),  to 
which  may  be  added  Catalani's  notes  to  his  edi- 
tion of  the  Pontificale  Romanum,  Piome,  1751 
(reprinted  at  Paris  in  1851). 


OEDO 

[For  Qualifications  for  Ordination,  Examina- 
tion (in  the  later  sense),  Intervals  between 
Grades  of  Orders  (Interstitia),  Title,  see  under 
Okde;rs,  Holy.]  [E.  H.] 

ORDO.  A  directory  for  the  due  performance 
of  any  sacred  rite.  An  ordo  might  (1)  contain 
directions  only,  or  (2)  it  might  give  the  prayers 
also.     [Liturgical  Books,  p.  1008.] 

For  several  centuries  the  prayers  in  the  sacra- 
mentaries  were  not  accompanied  by  sufficient  direc- 
tions for  their  proper  use.  The  rubrics  in  the  litur- 
gies of  St.  James  and  St.  Mark  are  very  few  and 
brief  compared  with  those  of  the  present  Greek 
office.  The  same  difference  is  observable  when  we 
compare  the  Gelasian  Sacrameutary  and  the  earlier 
copies  of  the  Gregorian  with  the  later  copies  of 
the  latter;  and  so  again  when  we  compare  the 
old  Galilean  missals,  disused  from  the  8th  cen- 
tury, with  the  Hispano-Gothic,  which  was  in  use, 
and  undergoing  changes,  down  to  the  end  of  the 
eleventh.  This  paucity  of  directions  would 
cause  great  inconvenience,  especially  when  cere- 
monies were  multiplied  to  the  degree  of  which 
St.  Augustine  complains  (Ep.  55,  ad  Januar.  19, 
§  35),  and  a  supplementary  book  of  instructions 
in  ceremonial  would  be  found  equally  necessary 
with  that  from  which  the  prayers  were  learnt. 
In  the  West  this  want  was  met  by  the  compila- 
tion of  a  book  to  which,  before  long,  the  con- 
ventional name  of  Ordo  attached  itself.  In 
Gaul,  in  the  8th  century,  each  priest  was 
required  to  describe  his  own  practice  in  writing, 
and  to  present  this  "libellus  ordinis  "  to  the  bishop 
in  Lent  for  his  approbation,  "  rationem  et  or- 
dinem  ministerii  sui,  sive  de  baptismo,  sive  de  fide 
catholica,  sive  de  precibus  et  ordine  missarum  " 
(Capit.  Karlomanni,  A.D.  742,  in  Baluz.  Capit. 
.Reg.  Franc,  i.  824).  In  the  same  age,  about 
730,  as  it  is  supposed,  appeared  the  "  libellus 
ordinis  Romani,"  or  "Ordo  Romanus,"  a  direc- 
tory for  the  use  of  the  bishops  of  Rome  and  its 
Kuburbicarian  dioceses  (OrcZ.  Horn.  i.  §  28  ;  3fics. 
Ital.  ii.  17)  in  the  first  instance,  but  which  be- 
came, in  time,  so  far  as  it  could,  a  guide  to  all  the 
]n-iests  who  used  the  Roman  offices.  Mabillon 
lias  printed  three  libelli  de  Missa  Pontificali 
(^Ord.  i.  ii.  iii.  u.  s.  1-60),  which  may  be  called 
three  editions,  differing  little  in  age,  of  the  same 
directory;  two  others,  de  Missa  Episcopali (v.  vi. 
64-76),  which,  from  the  celebrant  being  called 
episcopus  as  frequently  as  pontifex  and  from 
other  indications,  appear  to  be  intended  for  the 
use  of  any  bishop  ;  one  "  Ordo  Scrutinii  ad  electos, 
qualiter  debeat  celebrari  "  (vii.  77-84)  ;  and  two 
concerning  the  ordination  of  the  clergy  (viii.  ix. 
85-94)  [Ordinal];  all  of  which  were,  in  the  judg- 
ment of  the  editor,  "  written  before  the  9th  or 
10th  century  "  (Comment.  Praev.  ix.).  One  of  the 
libelli  de MissvEpiscopaliahore-mentioned,  speaks 
of  the  strictly  Roman  book  from  which  it  was 
derived  as  Piomanus  Ordo  (0.  vi.  8,  p.  73);  and 
under  this  name  a  directory  authorised  by 
Rome  was  adopted  in  Gaul  towards  the  end 
of  the  8th  century :  "  Unusquisque  presbyter 
missam  ordine  Romano  cum  sandaliis  celebret " 
{Gapitularia  Reg.  Franc,  v.  371).  Penitents  were 
to  bo  reconciled,  "  sicut  in  sacramentario,  et  in 
Ordine  Romano,  continetur "  (!6iC?.  vii.  202,  and 
Canones  Isaaci  Ling.  i.  35).  Amalarius  of  Jletz, 
about  820,  wrote  a  commentary  on  parts  of  Ordo 
ii.    (J/ms.    Ital.    ii.  42-51)   under    the    title    of 


OEDO 


1521 


"  Eglogae  in  Ordinem  Romanum,"  first  printed 
by  Baluze  {Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  ii.  1352);  then  by 
Mabillon  (m.  s.  p.  549),  in  the  body  of  which  he 
also  names  the  libellus  absolutely  "Romanus 
Ordo."  He  also  frequently  refers  to  this,  and  to 
the  apparently  earlier  form  of  it,  Ordo  i.  (ii.  s. 
3-40)  in  his  work  Be  Ecclesiasticis  Officiis, 
There  it  is  "  Libellus  Romanus  "  (i.  17  ;  iii.  27), 
"  Libellus  Romani  Ordinis  "  (i.  30),  or  "  Libellus 
qui  continet  Romanum  Ordinem  "  (i.  21),  In 
his  treatise,  De  Antiphoyiario,  he  again  calls  it 
simply  "  Romanus  Ordo  "  (c.  52).  There  also  he 
recognizes  the  existence  i^f  more  than  one  such 
directory:  "  Scripta  quae  continent  per  diversos 
libellos  Ordinem  Romanum"  (ibid.). 

That  the  Ordo  Romanus  was  later  than  the 
sacramentary,  and  ancillary  to  it,  is  evident 
from  a  reference  to  the  latter  in  Ordo  i.  On 
Wednesday  in  holy  week  the  bishop  "  dicit  ora- 
tiones  solemnes,  sicut  in  sacramentorum  (libro) 
continetur  "  (c.  28,  p.  19).  But  at  length  many 
of  the  directions  of  the  Ordo  were  incorporated 
with  the  sacramentary,  and  thus  became  "  ru- 
brics." Compare,  for  example,  the  rubrics 
peculiar  to  Codex  Eligianus,  from  which  Jlenard 
prints  (0pp.  S.  Greg.  torn.  iii.  62,  64,  Wednes- 
day in  holy  week  ;  65,  Maundy  Thursday,  &c.) 
with  Ord.  Rom.  i.  §  28,  30,  &c.  The  earliest 
Ordo  was  at  least  re-written  after  the  time  of 
Charlemagne,  whom  it  thus  mentions  :  "  Sabbato 
tempore  Adriani  iustitutum  est,  ut  flecleretur 
pro  Carolo  rege  "  (24,  comp.  §  28).  Usher  sup- 
poses that  it  was  originally  compiled  about  730 
(Cave,  Hist.  Lit.  in  v.  Ordo  Rom.). 

(2)  An  office  of  prayer,  with  its  rubrics,  was 
also  called  Ordo.  '  Thus  in  the  BesanQon  sacra- 
mentary of  the  7th  century,  "  Incipit  Ordo 
Baptismi "  (Mus.  Ital.  i.  323);  in  a  Roman 
sacramentary  of  the  9th,  "Ordo  vero  qualiter 
catacizantur  (sic)  est  ita "  (Cod.  Gellon.  in 
Marten.  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  i.  i.  18  ;  Ord.  6);  "Ordo 
ad  infirmum  caticuminum  (sic)  faciendum  vel 
baptizandum  "  (ibid.  Ord.  7)  ;  "  Incipit  Ordo  ad 
poenitentiam  dandam  "  (Exeod.  cod.  u.  s.  i.  vi.  7  ; 
Ord.  6),  etc.  Ratio  was  sometimes  used  in  the 
same  sense  ;  as,  "  Incipit  Ratio  ad  dandam  poeni- 
tentiam "  (ibid.  i.  vi.  3,  Ord.  2 ;  sim.  Ord.  10), 
"  Ratio  qualiter  Domus  Dei  consecrandus  est " 
(Pontificale  Ecgberhti,  26  ;  ed.  Surtees  Soc). 

Literature. — In  1561,  George  Cassander  printed 
at  Cologne  four  ancient  "  Libelli  Ordinis  Ro- 
mani ;"  A.  "  Ordo  Processionis  ad  Ecclesiam  sive 
Missam  secundum  Romanes  ;  "  B.  "  Ordo  Pro- 
cessionis quando  Episcopus  festivis  diebus  Missam 
celebrare  voluerit,"  &c. ;  C.  "In  nomine  Domini 
incipit  Liber  de  Romano  Ordine,  qualiter  cele- 
brandum  sit  Olficium  Missae  ;  "  D.  "  Incipit  Ordo 
Ecclesiasticus  Romanae  Ecclesiae,  vel  qualiter 
Missa  celebratur."  In  1568,  Melchior  Hittorp 
reprinted  these  at  Cologne  in  his  collection  of 
tracts,  De  Divinis  Eccl.  Cath.  Officiis,  in  the  order, 
as  compai-ed  with  that  of  Cassander,  A,  B,  D,  C. 
To  these  he  added  a  very  long  "  Ordo  Romanus 
Antiquus  de  reliquis  Anni  totius  Officiis  ac  Minis- 
teriis,"  compiled  from  several  "  libelli  ordinis  "  of 
very  different  dates,  as  it  appears,  probably  by 
Bernold  of  Constance,  A.d.  1066,  which  was  re- 
published from  another  MS.  with  considerable 
variations  by  Martin  Gerbert,  i/bwMm.  Vet.  Lititr- 
giae  Alemannicae,  P.  III.  p.  186,  typis  San.  Bias. 
1777.  The  libelli  of  Cassander  reappeared  in 
the   Mus.   Ital.  of  Mabillon,  with   two   others 


1522 


OREMUS 


within  our  time,  if  we  mistake  not,  and  many 
later.  His  order  is  that  of  the  apparent  dates  ;  I) 
(much  enlarged);  A;  C;  iv.  "  Fiagmentum  Vet. 
Ord.  Rom.  Missa  Pontiiicali  "  (complete  at  the 
end  of  Amalarius,  Eglorjaa,  Baluz.  Cap.  Rcrj.  Fr. 
ii.  1366  ;  whence  Mabill.  u.  s.  559  and  61);  v. 
•'  Ordo  Rom.  u.  s.  de  Missa  Episcopali  (primus)  ;  " 
B.  L.  A.  Muratori  has  transcribed  the  earliest 
of  these  (Mabill.  i.  Cass.  D)  into  his  Liturgia 
Bomana  Vetus  (torn.  ii.  p.  973)  from  Mabillon. 
Gerbert  also  gives  D  (the  first  part  of  Mab.  i.) 
in  his  Monum.  u.  s.  p.  144,  from  a  MS.  of  the 
9th  century.  [W.  E.  S.] 

OEEMUS  (SeriOcinev).  This  is  the  signal, 
or  invitation,  to  the  people  to  join  in  spirit 
in  the  prayer  which  is  to  follow.  In  the 
West,  e.\cept  in  Spain  and  pei-haps  Gaul,  both 
the  invitation  and  the  prayer  were  uttered 
by  the  priest,  who  was  said  respectively  ora- 
tionem  indicere  and  dare.  In  the  East  it 
belonged  to  the  deacon's  office  to  "bid"  the 
prayers ;  and  the  earlier  and  full  form,  of 
which  the  Clementine  Liturgy  and  that  of  St. 
James  give  several  examples,  consisted  in  the 
deacon  announcing  the  topics  of  prayer  to  the 
people  clause  by  clause,  while  they  responded 
Kvpie  e\4r]ffov,  or  some  corresponding  ejacula- 
tion, at  the  close  of  which  the  priest  summed  up 
the  petitions  in  a  collect.  It  is  possibly  a  trace 
(if  a  similar  custom  that  we  find  in  the  Gelasian 
Sacramentary  for  certain  days  {e.g.  lib.  i.  41, 
Ordo  de  feria  vi.  passione  Domini)  such  directions 
as  these  :  "  Sacerdos  dicit  Oremus,  et  adnuntiat 
diaconus  Flectamus  genua.  Et  post  paululum 
dicit  Levate.  Et  dat  orationem."  Similarly, 
Ordo  Romanus  I.  (Mabillon,  Mus.  Ital.  torn.  ii. 
p.  22,  &c.).  That  in  Africa  the  priest  bade  the 
prayers  may  be  inferred  from  St.  Aug.  Ep.  217, 
ad  Vitalem,  §  2  (Migne,  torn.  ii.  978),  where  he 
says  "quando  audis  sacerdotem  Dei  ad  altare 
exhortantem  populum  Dei  orare  pro  incredulis," 
&c.  In  Spain  and  Gaul  it  appears  that  the 
deacon  gave  the  invitation,  while  the  priest  pro- 
nounced the  prayer  (cf.  Isid.  Hispal.  de  Ecclcs. 
Off.  lib.  ii.  cap.  8  :  "  Ipsi  (sc.  diaconi)  clara  voce 
in  modura  praeconis  admouent  cunctos,  sive  in 
orando,  sive  in  flectendo  genua,  sive  in  psallen- 
do,  sive  in  lectionibus  audiendo";  and  immediately 
afterwards  "  illi  (sacerdoti)  orare,  huic  (diacono) 
psallere  mandatur."  The  sermon  attributed  to 
Caesarius  of  Aries,  among  the  Sermones  Supposit. 
of  St.  Augustine,  torn.  v.  app.  Serm.  286,  §§  1,  7, 
suggests  the  same  conclusion.     [Praeco  ;  Pros- 

PHONESIS.] 

In  the  present  Mozarabic  Liturgy,  "Oremus  " 
is  only  said  twice,  viz.  before  the  ''Agyos,"  and 
before  the  Capitulum,  which  introduces  the 
Lord's  Prayer. 

It  is  worth  while  to  notice  the  occurrence  of 
the  word  in  the  Roman  Missal,  just  before  the 
offertory,  where  no  spoken  prayer  follows  it. 
This  probably  marks  the  place  of  some  variable 
prayer,  answering  (it  may  be)  to  the  Ambrosian 
Oratio  super  sindonem,  which  has  become 
disused.  (See  Pseudo-Alcuin  de  JDiv.  Off.  cap.  '  de 
Celebratione  Missae,'  and  Amal.  de  Eccles.  OtJ. 
lib.  iii.  cap.  19.) 

The  ordinary  nse  of  the  word  in  any  of  the 
offices  is  to  mark  the  beginning  of  a  set  prayer, 
to  be  said  by  the  priest  aloud,  in  which  the 
people  only  concur  by  the  concluding  "Amen," 


ORGAN 

in  contradistinction  to  some  other  form  of  prayer, 
e.g.  by  versicles  and  responses,  or  some  other  act 
of  worship. 

Authorities. — Bona,  Rer.  Liturg.  lib.  ii.  cap. 
V.  §  11  ;  Du  Cange,  s.v.  ;  Zaecaria,  Onomasticon 
Pdtualc,  s.v.  [C.  E.  H.] 

OEEXTIUS  (1),  martyr,  with  six  brothers, 
soldiers,  under  Galorius  ;  commemorated  June  24. 
(Basil.  Menol.  ;  Acta  SS.  Jun.  iv.  859.) 

[C.  H.] 

(2)  "  Of  the  number  of  the  ancient  confessors," 
with  Secundus,  at  Antioch,  Nov.  15.  (Wright's 
Ant.  Syr.  Mart.'). 

OREPSES,  presbyter,  martyr  with  Or  ;  com- 
memorated Aug.  23.     (Basil.  Menol.)      [C.  H.] 

ORESTES  (1),  martyr,  under  Diocletian  i 
commemorated  Nov.  9.     (Basil.  Menol.) 

(2)  Martyr  with  Eustratius  and  others ;  com 
memorated  Dec.  13.  (Basil.  Menol.;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  277.)  [C.  H.} 

ORGAN.  The  name  "  organum "  was  at 
first  not  restricted  to  a  particular  instrument, 
but  appears  to  have  nearly  become  so  by  St.^ 
Augustine's  time.  Commenting  on  Psalm  cl.  he 
says  :  "  Nam  cum  organum  vocabulum  graecum 
sit,  ut  dixi,  generale  omnibus  musicis  instru- 
mentis,  hoc  cui  folles  adhibeutur  alio  Graeci 
nomine  appellant.  Ut  autem  organum  dicatur. 
magis  Latina  et  ea  vulgaris  est  consuetudo." 
And — "Quamvis  jam  obtinuerit  consuetudo  ut 
organa  proprie  dicantur  ea  q-uae  inflantur  fol- 
libus."  So  from  his  enarr.  on  Psalm  Ivi. 
(our  57th),  "non  solum  illud  organum  dicitur 
quod  grande  est  et  inflatur  foUibus,  sad  quic- 
quid  aptatur  ad  cantilenara,"  we  also  learn, 
that  organs  were  of  considerable  size.  In  the 
same  comment  he  applies  the  term  "  organum  " 
to  the  cithara  and  the  psalterium. 

For  a  full  account  of  the  history  of  this 
instrument  the  reader  must  be  referred  to  Dr. 
Rimbault's  portion  of  Hopkins  and  Rimbault's 
excellent  work  on  this  subject.  There  it  is 
conclusively  proved  that  the  first  epoch  which 
distinguishes  the  antique  organ  from  the  medi- 
aeval one,  viz.,  the  invention  of  the  keyboard, 
is  very  nearly  synchronous  with  that  which  dis- 
tinguishes antique  from  mediaeval  music,  the 
invention  of  the  stave,  being  about  the  end  of 
the  11th  century.  Up  to  this  time  it  would 
appear  that  organs  only  differed  in  size  and 
number  of  pipes,  and  in  the  appliances  for  sup- 
plying wind.  The  article  "Hydraula"  in  Smith's 
Diet.  Greek  and  Bom.  Antiq.  gives  the  earliest 
form  of  it. 

Athenaeus  says  that  it  was  invented  by  Ctesi- 
bius,  of  Alexandria,  from  a  contrivance  applied 
to  a  clepsydra,  in  order  to  announce  the  hours 
at  night.  This  contrivance  is  attributed  to 
Plato,  but  it  seems  very  doubtful,  because  it  is 
only  said  of  him  as  a  tradition  (Aeyerai),  and 
Aristoxenus  was  not  acquainted  with  the  thing ; 
he,  being  not  far  removed  from  Plato's  date,  and 
professedly  writing  on  music,  would  be  likely  to 
have  known  of  such  an  invention  of  Plato's  (if 
it  were  so).  The  organ  of  Ctesibius  is  of  course 
much  later  (Athen.  Deipn.  iv.  23). 

The  organ  is  simply  a  development  of  the 
Syrinx  or  Pandean  pipe,  and  in  its  earliest  form 
consisted  of  a  small  box,  into  the  top  of  which  a 


OKGAN 

row  of  pipes  was  inserted ;  the  wind  was  supplied 
from  the  performer's  mouth  by  means  of  a  tube 
at  one  end  ;  and  any  pipe  was  made  to  sound  by 
means  of  drawing  a  slide  which  would  open 
the  hole  in  which  the  pipe  was  placed ;  the  slide 
being  pushed  in  again,  the  hole  was  closed,  and 
the  communication  between  the  pipe  and  the  box 
being  thus  cut  off,  the  sound  immediately  ceased. 
In  modern  organs,  for  these  slides  have  been 
substituted  valves  or  pallets. 

The  first  object  seemed  to  be  to  augment  the 
sound,  by  multiplying  the  number  of  pipes 
which  would  be  in  unison  with  each  otlier ; 
and  Ctesibius  has  the  reputation  of  having 
invented,  or  rendered  practicable,  the  perforated 
slide,  which  enabled  the  performer  to  have  the 
pipes  more  under  command.  This  will  be  best 
understood  by  the  following  figure,  which  repre- 
sents the  holes  in  which  the  pipes  stand. 


ORGAN 


1523 


[This  would  be  now  technically  called  an 
oi-gan  of  three  stops.] 

Each  of  the  slides  mentioned  before  would 
cover  one  of  the  vertical  columns  in  the  above 
figure,  and  Ctesibius's  slides  would  cover  one  of 
the  horizontal  rows ;  the  modern  analogue  of 
the  latter  is  the  "  register  "  or  "  stop."  If  three 
cards  be  taken  pierced  v/ith  holes  exactly  as  in 
the  figure,  and  the  one  be  kept  whole,  and  the 
others  divided  into  sections  containing  respec- 
tively a  vertical  column  and  a  horizontal  row,  so 
as  to  be  movable,  and  the  three  be  placed  over 
each  other,  the  action  will  be  clearly  seen. 

The  increase  in  the  number  of  pipes  required 
also  artificial  methods  for  supplying  wind  ;  the 
bellows  was  adopted,  and  by  the  time  of  the 
emperor  Julian  the  Apostate  had  become  so 
large  as  to  be  made  of  a  bull's  hide.  This 
appears  from  an  epigram  of  his  : 

'AAA.'  viro  Taupet'jjs  irpoBopoiv  CTDjAuyyos  carJTr,'; 
HepBev  evrpiqTiav  KaAdfuov  vno  pC^av  bSevei. 

Thus  the  organ  became  a  complicated  instrument. 
Tertullian  (de  Aninid,  xiv.)  uses  it  as  a  similitude 
for  the  many  members  composing  one  body. 
"  Specta  portentissimam  Archimedis  munificen- 
tiam,  organum  hydrolicum  dico,  tot  membra, 
tot  partes,  tot  compagines,  tot  itinera  vocum, 
tot  compendia  sonorum,  tot  commercia  modorum, 
tot  acies  tibiarum,  et  una  moles  erunt  omnia." 
It  would  seem  from  this  that  the  organ  was 
constructed  so  as  to  be  played  in  the  various 
modes,  Dorian,  Lydian,  &c.,  and  thus  supplied 
with  pipes  all  the  sounds  of  the  complete 
"  system  "  ;  if  the  "  modi  "  here  be  understood 
to  include  the  "  Genera,"  we  should  have  an 
organ  of  a  compass  of  three  octaves  and  a 
tone,  with  some  quarter-tones  in  it ;  but  it 
might  be  much  smaller  than  this.  The  "  com- 
pendia sonorum  "  would  appear  to  be  slides,  to 
cut  off  the  wind  altogether,  or  from  some  of  the 
ranks  of  pipes,  i.e.  our  modern  "  stops "  (the 
horizontal  rows  in  the  figure  given  above) ;  and 
the  "  itinera  vocum  "  would  probably  be  the  row 
of  pipes  belonging  to  the  same  note  (the  vertical 
columns  in  the  figure). 

So  St.  Augustine  (on  Psalm  cl.)  :  "  Quibus  for- 
tasse  ideo  addidit  organum,  nonut  singulae  sonent, 

CHRIST.  A^'T.— VOL.  II. 


sed  ut  diversitate  concordissima  consonent,  sicut 
ordinantur  in  organo."  Thus  the  organ  would 
be  likened  to  a  whole  combination  of  different 
musical  instruments. 

The  wind  was  supplied  either  directly  from  a 
bellows  worked  by  hand  (in  some  cases  worked 
by  the  weight  of  a  man  standing  on  it),  con- 
stituting a  "  pneumatic "  organ  ;  or  the  wind 
from  the  bellows  was  subjected  to  a  water  pres- 
sure to  steady  its  supply,  constituting  an  "  hy- 
draulic "  organ.  The  latter  sort  was  at  first 
considered  the  better,  but  afterwards  it  was 
superseded  by  the  other. 

Vossius  (de  Foemahcm  Cantu)  says  that  the 
use  of  hydraulic  organs  had  ceased  at  the  time 
of  Cassiodorus  (6th  century),  and  this  author  is 
cited  as  mentioning  organs  as  in  common  use. 
He  gives  the  following  quotation  from  Claudian : 

"  Vel  qui,  magna  levi  detrudens  murmura  tactu, 
Innumeras  voces  segetis  modulatur  ahenae, 
Intonat  erranti  digito  penitusquc  trabali 
Vecte  laborantes  in  carmina  concitat  undas." 

From  this  it  appears  that  the  pipes  were 
frequently  made  of  bronze,  and  the  sound  pro- 
duced by  drawing  the  slides. 

This  practice  was  continued  as  late  as  the 
time  of  St.  Dunstan ;  the  pipes  are  then 
described  as  "  aereae  fistulae "  (W.  Malmesb. 
Vita  S.  Aldhelmi). 

Vossius  tells  us  that  the  barbarians  tried  un- 
successfully to  make  hydraulic  organs,  and  so 
usually  they  were  made  pneumatic,  with  leather 
bellows,  but  that  the  hydraulic  ones  were  still 
considered  superior.  He  quotes  Cassiodorus's 
description  of  one :  "  organum  est  quasi  turris 
quaedam  diversis  fistulis  fabricata,  quibus  flatu 
follium  vox  copiosissima  destinatur  [var.  lect. 
distinetur];  et  ut  earn  moduiatio  decora  com- 
ponat.  Unguis  quibusdam  ligneis  ab  interiori 
parte  construitur,  quas  disciplinabiliter  magis- 
trorum  digiti  reprimentes,  grandisonam  effi- 
ciunt  et  suavissimam  cantilenam." 

There  is  a  very  singular  poem  representinp- 
an  organ,  by  Publilius  Porphyrins  Optatianus 
(4th  century);  something  in  the  style  of  the 
"  Altars,"  "  Easter  Wings, '  &c.  of  George  Her- 
bert. One  thing  seems  to  be  clear  from  this 
poem,  that  the  longest  pipe,  and  therefore  the 
bass  of  the  organ,  was  at  the  performer's  right 
hand,  precisely  contrary  to  our  present  arrange- 
ment, but  analogous  to  that  of  the  harp,  so  far 
as  the  right  hand  of  the  performer  is  concerned. 
This  arrangement  was  probably  adopted  as 
corresponding  to  that  of  the  strings  of  the  lyre. 
It  appears  from  the  latter  part  of  this  poem 
that  the  pipes  were  made  of  bronze,  and  arranged 
in  ranks  in  a  quadrangular  form,  as  in  the  figure 
given  above,  and  these  appear  to  have  been 
the  slides  worked  by  the  performer,  to  open  and 
shut  the  holes  in  which  the  pipes  were  placed ; 
the  wind  being  supplied  by  a  number  of  youths 
each  in  charge  of  a  bellows. 

A  representation  preserved  in  Gori's  Thesaurus 
Diptychorum  (said  to  be  from  a  MS.  of  the  time 
of  Charlemagne)  seems  to  agree  with  this  >very 
well.  King  David  on  a  throne,  playing  a  lyre, 
is  accompanied  by  three  men  on  a  trumpet,  a 
sort  of  violin  or  barbiton,  and  a  set  of  bells  (or 
perhaps  cymbals);  and  farther  off  is  a  pneu- 
matic organ,  with  the  performer  (seated  at  the 
extreme  right,  in  the  semicircular  part  of  the 
5  F 


1524 


OEGAN 


drawing)  working  the  slides,  and  another  blowing 
the  bellows.  It  would  seem  most  probable  that 
the  king  is  viewing  one  end  of  the  organ,  so  as 
to  see  both  the  organist  and  the  bellows-blower, 
they  being  on  opposite  sides  of  the  instrument. 
This  would  put  the  longest,  i.e.  the  bass,  pipes  op- 
posite the  organist's  right  hand.  (See  cut  No.  1.) 
At  this  end  of  the  organ  appear  to  be  two 
other  slides,  and  these  would  seem  most  pro- 
bably to  be  registers  or  stops,  running  under  a 
rank  of  pipes  such  as  that  shown  in  the  draw- 
ing ;  there  would,  therefore,  be  another  similar 


ORGAN 

author,  quoted  in  Hawkins,  Hist,  of  Music,  p. 
238),  and  an  hydraulic  one  was  erected  at  Aix- 
la-Chapelle  in  826,  for  Louis  the  Pious,  by  one 
George,  or  rather  Gregory,  a  Venetian,  after  the 
Greek  manner  (Vossius,  de  Poematum  Cantu)  ;  but 
though  the  writers  of  that  age  had  praised  Gre- 
gory's undertaking,  they  did  not  say  whether  it  was 
a  success.  An  organ  was  also  sent  to  Charlemagne, 
by  the  Caliph  Haroun  Alraschid,  and  was  probably 
pkced  in  one  of  the  churches  of  Aix-la-Chapelle. 
S.  Aldhelm  (de  Lauda  Virginum)  is  quoted  in 
proof  that  the  external  pipes  of  organs  in  Saxon 


Organ.    From  Gori's  Tliesaurus  Diptych 


rank  behind  these  ;  this  organ  would  be  of  two 
stops,  unless  some  more  were  understood.  The 
slides  worked  by  the  performer  would  run  trans- 
versely to  the  ranks  of  pipes,  and  each  slide 
would  open  two  (or  perhaps  more)  pipes  of  the 
same  sound.  The  performer  seems  to  be  pulling 
one  slide  out  and  pushing  another  in,  thus  pass- 
ing from  one  note  of  his  tune  to  the  following 
note.  He  had,  previously  to  his  performance,  it 
would  seem,  gone  to  the  bass  end  of  the  instru- 
ment, and  drawn  out  two  stops. 

The  use  of  organs  in  churches  is,  on  the  autho- 
rity of  Platina  and  others,  ascribed  to  pope 
Vitalian  (658-672);  but  Lorinus  gives  it  a 
higher  antiquity.  "  Julianus,  unus  de  auctoribus 
catenae  in  Job  multo  antiquior  Vitaliano  et 
Gregorio  magno,  ait  cum  pietate  organa  usurpari 
posse,  et  jam  in  templis  usum  illorum  fuisse 
cum  scriberet."  "  In  Concilio  Coloniensi  praecipi- 
tur  sic  adhiberi  organorum  in  templis  melodiam, 
ut  non  lasciviam  magis  quam  devotionem  excitet, 
et  ut  praeter  hymnos  divinos  canticaque  spiri- 
tualia,  quidquam  resonet  ac  repraesentet.  Ponti- 
fex  in  Capella,  et  graves  quidam  relligiosi,  eorum 
abstinent  usu."  But  in  England  the  contrary 
practice  obtained,  as  the  monastic  churches  were 
generally  provided  with  organs,  as  appears  from 
the  account  of  the  death  of  king  Edgar  (Sir  H. 
Spelman,  Glossar;/,  s.  v.  Organ) :  but  it  does  not 
appear  that  they  were  in  use  in  any  other 
churches.    (Compare  Music,  p.  1346.) 

In  797  an  organ  was  sent  to  king  Pepin,  by 
the  emseror  Constantine  (tract  by  an  unknown 


times  were  gilded.  The  quotation  hitherto  given 
consists  of  the  last  three  lines  of  the  following 
extract : — 

"Si  vero  quisquam  cbordarum  respiiit  odas 
Et  potiora  cupit  quam  pulset  pectine  chordas 
Quis  Psaliiiista  pius  psallebat  caiitibus  olini, 
Ac  mentem  magno  gestit  modulamine  pasci 
Et  cantu  gracili  refugit  contentus  adesse, 
Maxima  millenis  auscultans  organa  flabris. 
Ululceat  auditum  ventosis  foUibus  iste, 
Quamlibet  auratis  fulgescant  caetera  capsis." 

It  appears  to  the  writer  of  this  article  that 
the  contrary  is  rather  proved — that  the  beautiful 
appearance  arising  from  gilding,  &c.,  refers  to 
other  instruments,  and  that  the  organ  had  to 
appeal  for  its  adoption  to  considerations  of  sound 
only,  and  had  the  disadvantage  of  an  unpleasing 
appearance.  Certainly  the  representations  of  it 
are  not  very  attractive  to  the  sight.  But  this 
passage  does  prove  that  organs  in  the  7th  and 
8th  centuries  were  large,  although  "  millenis  " 
must  be  considered  somewhat  indefinite.  So  St. 
Augustine,  "  quod  grande  est  "  above.  Not  much 
later  than  our  period  an  organ  was  erected  at 
Winchester,  with  fourteen  bellows  and  400  pipes, 
40  to  each  key.  This  also  had  the  "  lyric  semi- 
tone," and  it  would  seem  most  probable  that  its 
compass  was 


It  was  blown  by  70  (?)  men,  and  played  on  by 


ORGAN 

two  monks :  "  Et  regit  alphabetuni  rector 
uterque  suiim,"  which  apparently  means  that 
one  managed  the  slides  that  caused  the  pipes  to 
speak,  and  the  other  managed  the  ranks  of  pipes 
to  be  used  ;  in  modern  parlance,  one  playing  on 
the  keyboard,  the  other  shifting  the  stops  ;  only 
these  were  later  improvements  (see  AVolstan's 
poem,  quoted  in  Hopkins  and  Rimbault,  p.  16)  ; 
or  it  might  possibly  mean  that  the  set  of  slides 
was  distributed  between  these  two  men  to 
manage,  the  one,  perhaps,  taking  the  lower 
portion,  and  the  other  the  upper,  making,  in 
tact,  a  duet    performance,   which   might   be    a 


ORGAN 


1525 


in  Hopkins  and  Rimbault's  Book  on  the  Organ, 
p.  18."    (See  cut  No.  3.) 

It  is  there  described  as  a  pneumatic  organ  ; 
but  the  writer  cannot  help  thinking  that  the 
cylinders  in  the  basement  are  intended  to  hold 
water,  and  thus  make  it  an  hydraulic  organ. 

The  smaller  of  these  contains  eight  pipes, 
apparently  arranged  in  two  tetrachords,  to 
each  of  which  is  assigned  an  organist ;  which 
somewhat  bears  out  the  supposition  of  a  duet 
performance  mentioned  just  above ;  the  most 
plausible  supposition  ior  the  compass  seems  to 
be— 


1.    From  3IS.  I'salicr  of  Eadwiiic,  in  Trinity  Cullege  Library. 


veiy  considerable  advantage  in  accompanying 
the  plain-song,  when  we  remember  that  every 
sound  produced  involved  the  drawing  of  a  slide 
and  pushing  it  in  again. 

The  accompanying  engraving  (No.  2)  from  the 
Utrecht  psalter  represents  an  organ  of  the  Sth 
century  ;  a  better  and  larger  instrument  is  repre- 
sented in  an  Anglo-Saxon  MS.  now  in  the  Library 
of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  and  is  engraved 


»  The  earliest  known  representation  of  this  instrument 
seems  to  be  that  on  the  south  bas-relief  of  the  podostal  of 
the  obelisk  of  Thothmes,  still  standinR  in  the  Atmeidan 
or  Hippodrome  of  Constantinople.  It  dates  from  A.n. 
380.     See  Tcxicr  and  Pullan,  Byzantine  Architecture., 

J  8  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

p.  5    J,  o 


1626 


OKIENS 


the  synemmenon  and  diernymenon  tetrachords. 
The  other  has  ten  pipes,  which  might  be 
imagined  to  be — • 


If  this  be  true,  the  bass  pipes  had  got  placed  at 
the  performer's  left  hand,  as  we  hare  got  them 
now.  It  is  not  at  all  evident  how  these  men 
were  conceived  as  playing ;  they  are  placed 
behind  the  organ,  and  of  course  the  slides  they 
had  to  manipulate  are  out  of  sight ;  possibly 
the  artist  may  be  representing  them  as  about  to 
commence,  and  giving  directions  to  their  four 
bellows-blowers  to  give  them  plenty  of  wind  to 
start  with.  [J.  R.  L.] 

OEIENS,  bishop  of  Auscium,  commemorated 
May  1.  (Usuard.  Mart.)  ;  Omentius  (Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  i.  61.)  [C.  H.] 

ORIENTATION.  A  term  applied  to  the 
situation  of  churches,  with  the  sanctuary,  or  part 
containing  the  altar,  towards  the  east. 

One  of  the  earliest  traces  of  orientation  is  found 
in  the  AjMstoUc  Constitutions  (ii.  57),  "  And  first 
let  the  house  be  oblong,  turned  towards  the 
east,  the  pastophoria  on  either  side  towards 
the  east."  It  is  asserted,  indeed,  by  ilabillon  (de 
Liturgia  GaUicana,  i.  8),  when  speaking  of  the 
ancient  churches,  that  "  they  all  used  to  end  in 
an  apsis  or  bow,  and  used  to  look  towards  the 
east."  This  statement,  however,  needs  some 
qualification.  For  the  church  of  Antioch  is 
described  by  Socrates  {Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  v.  cap.  22), 
who  says  that  "  it  had  its  position  inverted  ;  for 
its  altar  looks  not  towards  the  East,  but  towards 
the  West."  Paulinus  speaks  of  the  orientation 
of  a  church,  not  as  the  universal  or  obligatory 
usage,  but  only  as  "  morem  usitatiorem."  On 
the  whole,  it  appears  that  the  eastern  position 
of  the  altar  was  the  rule,  but  that  there  were 
exceptions  to  it  from  very  early  times.  For  the 
origin  of  this  usage,  see  East,  p.  586. 

In  the  attempt  to  form  an  opinion  upon  the 
subject  we  must  not  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that 
others  besides  Christians  have  had  a  rule  of  the 
kind.  There  is  an  elaborate  discussion  of  the 
point  in  the  Lexicon  Universale  of  Hofmann 
(s.  V.  Occidens).  He  shews,  upon  the  authority 
of  Josephus,  that  both  in  the  tabernacle  and 
in  the  temple  the  arrangements  of  the  struc- 
ture were  such  as  to  cause  the  Jewish  wor- 
shippers to  face,  not  towards  the  east,  but  to- 
wards the  west,  in  the  functions  of  religion. 
Maimonidcs  {On  Prayer,  cap.  xi.  1,  2)  traces  the 
usage  to  a  still  higher  antiquity,  finding 
evidence  in  Scripture  itself  that  such  was  the 
position  adopted  by  Abraham  upon  Mount 
Moriah — a  position  which  amongst  the  Jews 
was  not  confined  to  tabernacle  and  temple,  but 
extended  likewise  to  synagogue  and  prayer- 
house.  He  adds  a  reason  of  the  usage — that 
inasmuch  as  the  gentile  heathen  faced  toward 
the  east,  it  was  proper  that  the  people  of  God 
should  adopt  the  opposite  position.  Under  this 
head  the  following  passage  from  a  vision  of 
Ezekiel  is  relevant :  "  And  he  brought  me  into 
the  inner  court  of  the  Lord's  house,  and,  behold, 
at  the  door  of  the  temple  of  the  Lord,  between 
the   porch  and  the  altar,  were  about  five  and 


ORLEANS,  COUNCILS  OF 

twenty  men,  with  their  backs  toward  the 
temple  of  the  Lord  and  their  faces  toward  the 
east ;  and  they  worshipped  the  sun  toward  the 
east  "  (Ezek.  viii.  16).  There  is  some  difficulty 
in  harmonizing  the  statements  of  Vitruvius  and 
other  pagan  writers  of  authority  as  to  the 
orientation  of  the  altar,  the  sacred  image,  and 
the  worshipper  in  the  temples  of  the  heathen. 
But  the  following  passage  of  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria may  perhaps  be  taken  as  giving  a  clear 
and  accurate  account  of  their  usage  :  "  The  most 
ancient  temples  (of  the  pagans)  looked  towards 
the  west  (i.e.  had  their  entrance  towards  the 
west),  that  those  who  stood  with  their  face  to- 
wards the  image  might  be  taught  to  turn  towards 
the  east "  {Strom,  vii.  7,  §  43).  Hence  the 
practice  of  orientating  a  church  may  be,  in  its 
origin,  one  of  those  many  customs  which  Chris- 
tianity found  current  in  the  pagan  world,  and 
which  by  a  wise  economy  it  took  up  and  turned 
to  its  own  purpose.  A  long  discourse  on  the 
entire  subject  will  be  found  by  those  who  wish 
to  pursue  it  farther  in  the  Annals  of  cardinal 
Baronius  {Ann.  58,  c.  105).  [H.  T.  A.] 

ORION,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria, Aug.  16.  (Wright's  Ant.  Syr.  Mart,  in 
Journ.  Sac.  Lit.  1866,  428  ;  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  iii.  289.)  [C.  H.] 

ORLEANS,  COUNCILS  OF  (Aurelia- 
NENSiA  Concilia).  (1)  a.d.  511,  by  order  of 
Clovis ;  on  the  tenth  day  of  the  fifth  month 
according  to  some  MSS.  which  the  rest  make 
July  (shewing  that  the  Galilean  year  began 
then  in  March),  as  the  authors  of  L'Art 
de  verif.  les  Dates  observe,  presided  over  by 
Cyprian,  metropolitan  of  Bordeaux,  who  sub- 
scribed first,  with  thirty-one  bishops,  all  of  whose 
sees  are  given,  after  him,  the  bishop  of  Orleans 
as  low  down  as  last  but  two.  The  Isidoriau 
collection,  however,  may  be  thought  to  discredit 
this  order.  The  number  of  canons  passed  was 
likewise  thirty-one  ;  "  dont  quelques  uns,"  say 
the  same  authorities,  "  entreprennent  sur  la 
jurisdiction  civile.  Tel  est  le  quatrieme  qui 
ordonne  que  les  fils,  les  petits-fils,  et  les  arrifere- 
petits-fils  de  ceux  qui  ont  vecu  dans  la  cldri- 
cature,  demeureront  sous  le  pouvoir  et  la. 
jurisdiction  de  I'dveque.  Les  peres  de  I'assem- 
blee  dans  le  cinquieme  reconnaissent  que  toutes 
les  eglises  tiennent  du  Eoi  les  fonds  dont  elles 
sont  dotees  ;  c'est  la,  si  Ton  croit  un  moderne,  le 
fondement  de  la  Eegale.  On  ne  pouvait  gufere 
la  tirer  de  plus  loin."  In  the  earlier  part  of 
the  fourth,  which  they  inadvertently  call  the 
sixth  canon,  it  is  ordained  that  no  secular  person 
shall  be  taken  for  any  clerical  office,  except  by 
command  of  the  king  or  with  consent  of  the 
judge.  Of  the  rest,  the  first  three  prescribe 
rules  for  difterent  persons  who  have  taken 
sanctuary.  By  the  eighth,  any  bishop  knowingly 
ordaining  a  slave  unknown  to  his  master  is 
mulcted  to  his  master  of  twice  his  price.  By 
the  ninth,  a  deacon  or  presbyter  committiug  a 
capital  crime,  is  to  be  removed  from  his  office  and 
from  communion.  By  the  sixteenth,  bishops  are 
bound  to  relieve  the  poor,  sick,  and  disabled,  to 
the  utmost  of  their  power.  By  the  eighteenth, 
no  brother  may  marry  the  widow  of  his  deceased 
brother.  By  the  nineteenth,  monks  are  to  obey 
their  abbat,  and  abbats  the  bishops.  The  twenty- 
si-xth    says:    "cum    ad    celebrandas 


OKLEANS,  COUNCILS  OF 

Dei  nomine  conyenitur,  populus  non  ante  discedat 
quam  missao  solennitas  compleatur;  et,  ubi 
episcopus  fuerit,  benedictionem  accipiat  sacer- 
dotis."  The  twenty-seventh :  "  rogationes,  id 
est,  litanias  ante  ascensionem  Domini  ab  omnibus 
ecclesiis  placuit  celebrari ;  ita  ut  praemissum 
triduanum  jejunium  in  Dominicae  asceosionis 
festivitate  solvatur."  .  .  The  last :  "  episcopus, 
si  infirmitate  non  fuerit  impeditus,  ecclesiae  cui 
lirosimus  fuerit  die  Domiuico  deesse  non  liceat." 
A  short  letter  from  these  bishops  to  the  king  is 
preserved,  begging  him  to  confirm  what  they 
had  decreed,  if  it  mgt  with  his  approval.  JIany 
more  canons  are  given  to  this  council  by  Bur- 
chard  and  others.     (Mansi,  viii.  347-72.) 

(2)  A.D.  533,  or  536  according  to  Mansi,  June 
23;  by  order  of  the  kings  of  France,  when 
twenty-one  canons  on  discipline  were  passed,  to 
which  Honoratus,  bishop  of  Bourges,  subscribed 
first,  Leontius,  bishop  of  Orleans,  second,  with 
twenty-four  bishops  and  five  representatives  of 
absent  bishops  after  them.  As  regards  their 
matter,  the  seven  first  relate  to  bishops,  metro- 
politans, and  councils ;  the  eighth  and  ninth  to 
deacons  and  presbyters ;  the  tenth  and  eleventh 
to  marriage.  By  the  thirteenth,  abbats,  guar- 
dians of  shrines  (martyrarii),  recluses,  and 
presbyters,  are  inhibited  from  giving  letters  of 
peace  (epistolia :  which  is,  however,  the  correc- 
tion of  Du  Cange,  for  apostolia,  which  he  cannot 
explain).  "  Presbyter,  vel  diaconus  sine  literis," 
cays  the  sixteenth,  "  vel  si  baptizandi  ordinem 
uesciat,  nullatenus  ordinetur."  The  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  are  directed  against  deaconesses, 
of  whom  no  more  are  to  be  ordained.  By  the 
nineteenth,  Jews  and  Christians  may  not  inter- 
marry. By  the  twentieth,  Catholics  who  go 
back  to  idolatry,  or  partake  of  meats  offered  to 
idols,  are  to  be  excluded  from  church-assemblies. 
By  the  twenty-first,  abbats  refusing  to  obey 
bishops  are  to  be  excluded  from  communion. 
This  council  is  not  given  in  the  Isidorian  col- 
lection.    (Mansi,  viii.  835-40.) 

(3)  A.D.  538,  May  7,  the  preface  to  which 
seems  hardly  consistent  with  so  short  an  interval 
between  this  and  the  last  council ;  and  this,  on 
the  other  hand,  is  given  in  the  Isidorian  collec- 
tion. It  was  attended  by  nineteen  bishops,  of 
whom  the  metropolitan  of  Lyons  subscribed 
first,  and  the  bishop  of  Orleans  last,  and  by  the 
representatives  of  seven  absent  bishops.  Thirty- 
three  canons  on  discipline  were  passed,  most  of 
them  testifying  to  a  general  neglect  of  the  canons 
from  the  metropolitan  downwards,  and  some  of 
them  not  easy  to  understand.  [Communion, 
Holy,  p.  419.]  The  thirtieth  forbids  Jews  to 
mix  with  Christians  from  Maundy  Thursday 
till  Easter  Monday.  The  thirty-first  threatens 
the  civil  judge  with  excommunication  who 
permits  heretics  to  rebaptize  Catholics  with 
impunity,  because,  say  the  bishops,  "It  is  cer- 
tain that  we  have  Catholic  kings."  (Mansi,  ix. 
9-22.)  ^ 

(4)  A.D.  541,  when  the  metropolitan  of  Bor- 
deaux presided  and  subscribed  first  of  thirty- 
eight  bishops,  the  last  being  the  bishop  of 
Orleans,  and  the  twelve  following  him  the 
representatives  of  absent  bishops.  Thirty-eight 
canons  were  passed  ;  but  it  is  to  be  observed 
that  neither  this  nor  the  next  council  is  included 
in  the  Isidorian  collection.  The  first  and 
second   canons   relate   to  Easter.     The  fifteenth 


ORPHANAGE 


1527 


and  sixteenth  shew  that  paganism  was  not 
yet  extinct  in  France ;  the  sevente«nth  that 
there  were  priests  and  deacons  who  were  married 
men,  though  it  prohibits  their  living  as  such  ; 
the  twentieth  decrees  :  "  Ut  nullus  saecularium 
personarum,  praetermisso  pontifice,  seu  prae- 
posito  ecclesiae,  quemquam  clericorum  pro  sua 
potestate  constringere,  discutere  audeat,  vel 
damnare  .  .  ."  The  twenty-seventh  renews  the 
tenth  canon  of  the  preceding  council  of  Orleans 
"  three  years  before,"  and  likewiso  the  thirtieth 
of  that  of  Epaune  A.D.  517,  against  incestuous 
marriages.     (Mansi,  ix.  111-22). 

(5)  A.D.  549,  Oct.  28,  convened  by  king 
Childebert,  when,  according  to  some  manuscripts, 
the  bishop  of  Lyons,  according  to  others,  the 
bishop  of  Aries  subscribed  first,  and  the  other 
second  ;  forty-eight  more  bishops  and  twenty- 
one  representatives  of  absent  bishops  complete 
the  list ;  but  the  bishop  of  Orleans  was 
not  among  them,  having  been  unjustly  ban- 
ished, though  he  was  restored  here.  Twenty- 
four  canons  were  passed,  the  first  of  which  is 
somewhat  after  date,  directed  against  the  fol- 
lowers of  Eutyches  and  Nestorius.  The  second 
ordains,  "  Ut  nullus  sacerdotum  quemquam 
rectae  fidei  hominem  pro  parvis  et  levibus  can  sis 
a  commuuione  suspendat  .  .  .";  the  ninth, 
"  Nullus  ex  laicis  absque  anni  conversione  prae- 
missa  episcopus  ordinetur.  .  .",  and  the  twelfth, 
"  Nulli  viventi  episcopo  alius  superpouatur  aut 
superordinetur  episcopus  ;  nisi  forsitan  in  ejus 
locum,  quem  capitalis  culpa  dejecerit."  The 
fifteenth  relates  to  a  hosjjice  (xenodochium) 
founded  at  Lyons  by  the  king  and  his  consort 
(Mansi.   ix.   127-40). 

(6)  A.D.  638,  "  ou  environ,"  say  the  authors  of 
L'Art  de  verif.  les  Dates,  but  it  is  variously  fixed, 
and  the  sole  authority  for  it  is  a  vague  statement 
by  Audoenus,  archbishop  of  Rouen,  in  his  Life  of 
St.  Eligius,  to  the  effect  that  an  un-named  heretic 
was  confuted  in  a  meeting  of  bishops  at  Orleans, 
due  to  the  exertions  of  that  saint  previously 
to  his  being  made  bishop.  It  can  hardly  pass, 
therefore,  for  a  sixth  council.  (Mansi,  x.  759-62.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 
OENATURA.  A  kind  of  fringe  going  round 
the  edge  of  a  robe,  sometimes  woven  of  gold 
thread  and  sewn  on.  It  is  mentioned  by  Caesarius 
of  Aries,  among  the  things  which  he  forbids  to 
be  introduced  into  convents,  "  plumaria  et 
acupictura  et  omne  polymitum  vel  stragula,  sive 
ornaturae  "  {Beg.  ad  Virg.  c.  42  ;  Patrol  Ixvii. 
1116  ;  cf.  Recap,  c.  11,  *.  1118).  See  Ducange, 
Glossarium,  s.  v.  [R.  S.] 

OEONTIUS,  martyr  with  Vinceutius  and 
Victor,  at  Embrun ;  commemorated  June  22. 
(Usuard.  Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

ORPHANAGE  (6p(pavoTpo(pe7oi',  orpJiano- 
trophium).  From  the  very  first  the  duty  of 
assisting  the  orphan,  among  the  other  classes  of 
destitute  and  helpless  persons,  was  recognised  as 
incumbent  on  the  Christian.  St.  Ignatius  ^Ep. 
ad.  Smyrn.  cap.  vi.)  mentions  it  as  one  of  the 
marks  of  the  heterodox  that  "  they  care  not  for 
the  widow,  the  orphan,  or  the  distressed." 
Again  and  again  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions 
exhortations  are  given  concerning  them  to  the 
bishop  to  protect  them,  to  individual  Christians 
to  remember  them  in  their  charity  and,  if  pes- 


1528 


OETIIRON 


sible,  to  adopt  tliem.  The  way  in  whicli  they 
are  enumerated  in  the  Clementine  Liturgy  in  the 
Deacon's  Litany,  along  with  "  Readers,  singers, 
virgins  and  widows,"  suggests  that  perhaps  there 
may  have  been  some  sort  of  formal  "  church  roll  " 
kept  of  them,  and  it  is  obvious  that  so  long  as 
the  church  was  a  proscribed  and  persecuted  reli- 
gious body,  her  provision  for  them  could  not 
have  gone  beyond  some  such  institution  as  this. 
With  the  time  of  Constantine  came  endowments 
for  this  and  similar  purposes,  which  he  formally 
permitted,  and  himself  set  the  example  of  giving. 
(Euseb.  //.  E.  s.  6,  and  Vit.  Const,  iv.  28).  It 
was  looked  upon  as  a  fitting  duty  for  a  cleric  to 
undertake  the  guardianship  of  orphans,  and  in 
managing  their  affairs  even  to  mingle  in  secular 
business  {Cone.  Chalccd.  c.  3).  Clerics  seem 
commonly  to  have  been  at  the  head  of  orphan- 
ages and  hospitals  (Zonaras  in  can.  8,  Cone.  Ghal- 
ced.).  At  Constantinople  the  orphanotrophus, 
who  was  necessarily  a  priest,  and  who  was  a 
public  guardian  of  the  orphans,  was  an  official  of 
high  rank.     [Hospitals.] 

By  a  Prankish  capitulary  (^Conc.  Germ.  ii.  29) 
immunities  are  granted  to  orphanages  expressly, 
along  with  other  charitable  foundations  ;  shewing 
that  by  the  beginning  of  the  9th  century  such 
institutions  were  widely  recognised. 

Both  at  Rome  and  Constantinople  orphans 
from  the  orphanage  were  employed  as  choristers  ; 
so  that  in  some  Greek  rituals  (see  Goar,  p.  359) 
the  word  up(pavot  is  used  for  ''  choir-boys,"  and 
at  Rome  (see  Anast.  Biblioth.  mi  Vita  Scrgii  IT.) 
the  orphanotrophiura  came  to  be  used  as  the 
Schola  Cantorum.  [C.  E.  H.] 

ORTHEON.    [HocRS  of  Prayer,  p.  794.] 

ORUS  (?),  bishop,  martyr,  commemorated 
Sept.  14,  with  the  presbyter  Serapion.  (Wright's 
Ant.  Sijr.  Mart,  in  Journal  of  Sac.  Lit.  1866, 
429.)  [C.  H.] 

OSCENSE  CONCILIUM.   [Huesca,  Coux- 

CIL  OF.] 

OSCULATOEIUM.     [Kiss,  p.  903.] 

OSEA  (Hosea),  prophet,  commemorated  with 
Haggai,  July  4.  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom. 
Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  ii.  5);  Oct.  17 
(Basil.  Menol.)  ;  Feb.  21  (Cal.  Ethiop.)    [C.  H.] 

OSTIANUS,  presbyter  and  confessor  in 
Yivarois ;  commemorated  June  30.  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  v.  378.)        [C.  H.] 

OSTIAKIUS  (flupoipbs,  TrvXoophs,  oariapios). 
It  is  argued  by  Bingham  (Antiq.  iii.  6)  that  the 
order  of  ostiarii  was  introduced  at  Rome  in  a  time 
of  persecution,  the  earliest  mention  of  them  being 
in  a  letter  of  Cornelius,  bishop  of  Rome,  in 
the  3rd  century  (Euseb.  Hist.  vi.  43).  The  order 
has  been  laid  aside  in  the  Greek  church  from 
the  time  of  the  Trullan  council  (a.d.  692).  But 
whatever  may  have  been  the  date  of  the  intro- 
duction of  the  ostiarius  as  a  functionary  of  the 
church,  the  word  was  certainly  used  in  a  very 
similar  sense  in  pagan  times.  For  not  only  was 
there  an  ostiarius  (the  modern  concierge)  at 
the  entrance  of  a  private  house  under  the  Roman 
empire  ;  but  while  the  basilica  was  still  a  court 
of  justice  it  had  an  officer  (ostiarius)  whose 
duty  it  was  to   regulate  the  approach  of  the 


OSTIAEIUS 

litigants  to  the  judge,  and  whose  nanif-  still 
survives  in  the  French  term  huissicr,  and  the 
English  usher,  applied  to  officials  who  are  charged 
with  similar  duties.  (See  Hofmann,  Lex  Vniv. 
s.  V.)    [Compare  Doorkeeper.] 

The  definition  of  his  duties  given  by  Charle- 
magne (Fragm.  de  Ritih.  Vet.  Eccl.)  is  as  follows  : 
"  Ostiarius  ab  ostio  ecclesiae  dicitur,  quod  ita 
debet  praevidere,  ne  ullo  modo  paganus  ingrc- 
diatur  ecclesiam,  quia  suo  introitu  polluit  earn. 
Debet  ctiam  custodire  ea  quae  intra  ecclesiam 
sunt,  ut  salva  sint."  The  first  diity  then  of  the 
ostiarius  was  to  keep  the  door  of  the  church, 
but  only  that  one  through  which  the  men 
entered.  The  door  through  which  the  women 
passed  was  kept  by  a  deaconess  {Constit.  Aposf. 
ii.  61,  quoted  by  Mede,  0pp.  p.  327).  The 
object  of  this  guardianship  was  to  prevent 
the  entry  of  improper  persons.  Martene  observes 
from  St.  Augustine  that  the  ostiarii  of  the 
Donatists  would  admit  no  one  to  their  churches 
till  they  had  enquired  of  him  to  which  com- 
munion (sc.  orthodox  or  Donatist)  he  belonged 
(de  Eccl.  Bit.  i.  viii.  8,  10).  In  the  ancient 
Roman  church  a  ciistom  prevailed  of  the 
ostiarius  asking  every  one  for  a  certificate  of 
faith  (libellum  fidei)  before  admitting  him  into 
St.  Peter's.  To  the  great  church  of  Constanti- 
nople there  were  attached  no  fewer  than  seventy- 
five  ostiarii  (Suicer,  Thesaurus,  1417). 

In  the  fragment  of  the  letter  of  pope  Cor- 
nelius to  Fabius  of  Antioch,  the  Ostiarii  arc 
spoken  of  with  exorcists  and  lectors  as  amount- 
ing to  fifty-two.  (Migne,  p.  743.) 

The  ostiarii  were  termed  an  ordo,  the  word 
used  of  their  appointment  was  ordinarc ;  and 
this  '•  ordination  "  was  solemnly  performed  by 
the  bishop,  with  a  service  which  appears  to  have 
been  substantially  the  same  in  all  the  ancient 
Rituals  and  Pontificals.  See  Ordination,  III. 
ii.  1,  p.  1510. 

By  the  synod  of  Laodicea  (cent.  4)  the  ostiarii 
were  forbidden,  in  common  with  all  other  clerics, 
to  enter  a  public  house  (can.  24).  From  another 
canon  (22)  of  the  same  council,  it  might  be  in- 
ferred that  the  duties  of  the  ostiarius  \ievQ.  at 
times  performed  by  other  orders.  "  The  minister 
(subdeacon  :  Hefele)  may  not  leave  his  place  at 
the  door."     [Sec  Doorkeepers,  p.  574.] 

[H.  T.  A.] 

OSTIAEIUS  (Monastic),  the  porter  of  the 
monastery  ;  sometimes  called  "janitor,"  or  "  por- 
tarius." 

The  gatekeeper  or  doorkeeper  was  an  im- 
portant personage  in  the  monastery,  entrusted  as 
he  was  with  the  twofold  responsibility  of  keeping 
the  monks  from  going  out,  unless  with  the 
abbat's  permission,  and  of  allowing  strangers  to 
come  in.  Being  thus  the  medium  of  communi- 
cation between  the  monastery  and  the  world  out- 
side, it  was  imperative  that  he  should  be  a  man 
of  trustworthiness  and  discrimination.  The  very 
lowliness,  in  one  sense,  of  the  office  made  it  all 
the  more  honourable  among  those  whose  professed 
aim  and  object  in  life  was  self-abasement  (Rufin. 
Hist.  Monach.  c.  17). 

The  importance  of  keeping  the  members  of  the 
monastery  within  its  walls  was  admitted  gene- 
rally, in  accordance  with  the  old  Benedictine  rule 
that  each  monastery  ought,  if  possible,  to  have- 
its  garden,  mill,  bakery,  supply  of  water,  and 


OSTIARIUS 


necessary  trades  within  its  precincts  (Bened.  ' 
Beg.  c.  QQ).  Only  one  way  of  egress  was  per- 
mitted, or  at  most  two.  Much  depended  on  the 
porter  being  discreet  (Bened.  Reg.  c.  66).  He  was 
to  be  a  man  not  only  advanced  in  years  but  grave 
and  sedate  in  character,  dead  to  the  world  ;  with 
a  younger  and  more  nimble  monk  to  carry  mes- 
sages for  him  if  necessary  {lb.).  By  the  rule  of 
Magister  there  were  to  be  two  porters,  both  aged 
men,  one  to  relieve  the  other  {Reg.  Mag.  c.  xcv.). 
In  the  Thebaid  in  such  esteem  was  the  office  held 
that  the  porter  was  to  be  a  presbyter  (Pallad. 
Hist.  Laus.  c.  Ixxi.).  Sometimes,  in  earlier  days, 
when  visitors  were  not  so  numerous,  the  poi'ter 
had  also  the  superintendence  of  the  guest-cham- 
ber (hospitium)  and  of  the  outer  cloisters,  as 
well  as  of  the  abbat's  kitchen.  (Martene,  Reg. 
Ben.  Comm.  c.  66.) 

Sometimes,  indeed,  the  porter  was  promoted 
to  be  abbat  (Martene,  ic.  s.).  Benedict  gives  an 
especial  emphasis  to  the  chapter  in  his  rule  ("  De 
Ostiario"),  by  ordering  it  to  be  read  aloud 
repeatedly,  that  ignorance  might  never  be 
pleaded  for  its  infraction. 

The  porter's  cell  was  to  be  close  to  the  gate- 
way {11}.).  He  was  to  inspect  all  comers  through 
a  small  barred  window  or  grating  in  the  door, 
bidding  those  whom  he  thought  worthy  to  wait 
Avithin  the  door,  and  the  rest  without,  till  he 
could  learn  the  abbat's  pleasure.  Every  night 
at  the  hour  of  compline  he  was  to  take  his 
keys  to  the  abbat  or  prior.  When  called  away 
to  chapel,  to  refectory,  or  to  lection,  he  was 
to  leave  the  gate  locked,  neither  ingress  nor 
egress  being  allowed  at  those  times.  It  was  part 
of  his  duty  to  distribute  the  broken  meat  and 
other  scraps  of  food  after  meals  to  the  mendi- 
cants waiting  outside  the  door,  and  to  see  that 
the  horses,  dogs,  &c.,  of  strangers  were  duly 
attended  to.  (lb.) 

Benedict  speaks  of  visitors  knocking^  at 
the  door  or  crying  out  to  be  let  in.  Some 
commentators  have  imagined  that  he  speaks 
severally  of  the  rich  and  the  poor  (lb.). 
His  direction  that  the  porter  is  to  reply  "  Deo 
Gratias,"  or  "  Benedic,"  has  been  similarly  ex- 
plained as  meant  for  these  two  classes  re- 
spectively. Another  reading  is  "Benedicat." 
"  Benedic  "  or  "  Benedicat  "  is  supposed  to  be  in- 
tended for  a  priest-porter,  "  Deo  Gratias  "  for  a 
layman ;  or  the  latter  to  be  used  on  first  hearing 
the  knock  or  cry,  the  former  on  accosting  the 
applicant  {lb.  ;  cf.  Augustin.  Etiarmt.  in  Pss. 
cxxxii.).  Anyhow,  this  curious  trait  of  monastic 
manners  recalls  the  primitive  salutation  of  Boaz 
and  his  reapers  in  the  story  of  Ruth  in  the  Old 
Testament.  The  words  were  to  be  spoken  gently, 
reverently,  aifectionately. 

It  was  one  of  the  laxities  of  later  ages  that  this 
important  office  was  not  unfrequently  delegated 
to  a  lay-brother,  technically  styled  a  "  conversus," 
or  sometimes  to  a  mere  layman.  Even  so  strict 
an  order  as  the  Cistercians  allowed  one  of  tlie 
two  porters  in  their  larger  abbeys  to  be  a  lay- 
brother.     (Martene,  u.  s.) 

There  was  an  official  in  nunneries  whose  duties 
corresponded  very  closely  with  those  of  the 
"ostiarius."  It  was  specially  enacted  in  the 
anonymous  Kule,  ascribed  by  some  to  Columba, 
that  the  "  ostiaria "  or  porteress  should  be  not 
only  aged  and  discreet,  but  not  given  to  gos- 
sippiug.     {Reg.  Cujusdam,  c.  iii.)         [I.  G.  S.] 


PADERBORX,  COUNCILS  OF    1529 

OSWALD,  king  of  Northumbria,  martyr ; 
commemorated  Aug.  5.  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii.  83.)  [C.  H.] 

OTHONE  {6e6vri).     [Stole.] 


PACHOMIUS  (1),  martyr  with  Papyrinus  ; 
commemorated  Jan.  13.  {Cal.  Bijzant. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  767.)  [C.  H.] 

(2)  Commemorated  May  9.     {Cal.  Ethiop.) 
[C.  H.] 

(3)  The  Great,  abbat  in  Egypt;  commemo- 
rated May  14  (Usuard.,  Wand.,  Bed.  Mart.  ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Mai.  iii.  295);  May  15  {Gal.  Byzant. , 
Daniel.  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  259).  Pachomius  is 
briefly  mentioned  in  Basil.  Mcnol.  May  6  as 
founder  of  the  solitary  life.  Some  Greek  MSS. 
of  Turin  and  Jlilan  mention  a  Pachomius  under 
May  6  with  Hilarion,  Mamas,  and  Patricius. 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  ii.  104.)  [C.  H.] 

(4)  Bishop,  commemorated  with  bishop  Bartho- 
lomew, Dec.  7.     {Cal.  Ethiop.)  [C.  H.] 

PACIANUS,  bishop  of  Barcelona,  commemo- 
rated Mar.  9.  (  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Mart.  ii.  4.)  [C  H.] 

PACIFICAE.  (1)  The  name  by  which  the 
missal  Litany  [p.  1001]  was  anciently  known 
in  the  West,  as  containing  prayers  for  peace 
(Neale,  Eastern  Ch.  Int.  p.  360).  Comp.  Preces. 
(2)  "  Letters  of  peace "  {elpTjviKal  iiriaroKau 
epistolae  pacificae).  The  council  of  Chalcedon 
(c.  xi.)  ordered  that  those  who  were  poor  and 
needed  assistance  should  travel  with  certificates 
founded  on  investigation,  or  with  letters  of  peace 
from  the  church  (^era  SoKinacrias  iiriffroXlots 
elrow  elprjviKois  iKK\7](na<jTiKo7s  fiovois).  The 
context  seems  to  indicate  that  this  canon  refers 
to  the  clergy.  Similarly  the  council  of  Antioch 
(c.  vii.)  desires  that  no  one  should  entertain 
strangers  without  letters  of  peace  {eiprjviKoov). 
Zonaras,  commenting  on  the  11th  canon  of 
Chalcedon,  says  (p.  104)  that  eipTiviKol  iivKTToKa). 
are  those  which  are  given  to  bishops  by  their 
metropolitans,  and  to  metropolitans  by  their 
patriarchs,  when  they  have  occasion  to  go  to  the 
court  of  the  emperor-,  and  also  those  which  are 
given  by  their  own  bishops  to  clerics  who  wish 
to  remove  to  another  city  and  to  be  entered  on 
the  roll  of  the  clergy  there,  in  accordance  with 
the  17th  canon  of  the  TruUan  council.  The 
term  used  in  this  canon  is,  however,  k-KoKvTiKoi, 
dimissory.  See  COMMENDATORY  Letters  ;  Dimis- 
SORY  Letters.  (Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.v.  EiprjviKd.) 

[C] 
PACRATUS.    [Pancratius.] 

PADEEBORN,  COUNCILS  OF  (1),  a.d. 

777,  or  the  ninth  year  of  king  Charles,  when 
nvimbers  of  the  conquered  Saxons  were  baptized, 
pledging  themselves  to  remain  true  to  their  pro- 
fession. Three  Saracen  princes  arrived  likewise 
from  Spain  to  make  their  submission.  (Mansi, 
xii.  889-892,  and  Hartzheim,  Cone.  Germ.  i.  238.) 
(2)  Or  Lipstadt  {Lippiensc  Concilium),  A.d. 
780,  when  the  Saxon  churches 


ed    their 


1530 


PADUINUS 


organisation,  and  the  sees  of  Minden,  Halbersted, 
Ferden,  Munster  and  Paderborn  itself  were 
founded.     (Hartzheim,  ih.  243.) 

(3)  A.D.  782,  on  the  same  matters  :  but  of 
which  no  records  exist.     (Hartzheim,  ib.  245.) 

(4)  A.D.  785,  attended  by  all  the  bishops  of 
the  newly  made  sees ;  when  the  Saxon  laws 
in  their  amended  form  were  sanctioned. 
(Hartzheim,  ib.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

PADUINUS,    abbat    of  Le    Mans,  cir.  A.D. 

590  ;  commemorated  Nov.  15.    (Mabill.  Ada  SS. 

0.  S.  B.  saec.  i.  256,  ed.  1733,  from  a  MS.  of  the 

church  of  St.  Paduin  in  the  diocese  of  Le  Mans.) 

[C.  H.] 

PAENULA.  1.  Etymolog!j.  —  A\i\io\\g\i  it 
would  seem  that  this  word  is  not  used  at  all  in 
ecclesiastical  Latin'  as  the  name  of  a  Christian 
vestment,  still  the  corresponding  Greek  word, 
variously  spelt,  is  the  recognised  name  in  the 
Greek  church  for  the  vestment  known  in  the 
west  as  a  chasuble  [Casula],  and  the  same 
thing  is  denoted  in  the  Syrian  churches  by  a 
word  directly  formed  from  the  Greek.  More- 
over, although  the  word  paenula  is  not  used  in 
this  way,  yet  apparently  the  paenula  itself 
resembled  in  shape,  even  if  it  was  not  quite 
identical  with,  the  casula  and  planeta.  We  shall 
therefore  briefly  discuss  in  our  article  the  history 
of  the  Latin  word  itself. 

It  iirst,  however,  becomes  a  question  whether 
the  Latin  word  is  derived  from  the  Greek,  or  the 
Greek  from  the  Latin,  or  whether  both  are  to  be 
referred  for  their  origin  to  a  third  language,  as  the 
Phoenician.  The  absence  of  any  very  satisfactory  I 
derivation  in  either  Greek  or  Latin  would  be, 
as  far  as  it  goes,  in  favour  of  the  third  view, 
were  anything  reasonable  forihcoming.  We  do, 
indeed,  find  in  Hebrew  fl^vB,  for  a  kind  of 
outer  garment  (Talm.  Jer.,  Kelim,  c.  29  ;  cited 
by  Buxtorf,  Lexicon  Chaldaicum,  col.  1742),  but 
this  is  most  probably  merely  a  reproduction  of 
Pallium  ;  and  in  any  case  there  is  no  evidence  to 
justify  us  in  including  it  in  the  list  of  words 
that  passed  from  Phoenician  into  Greek  and 
thence  into  Latin. 

It  has  been  very  commonly  asserted,  with 
reference  to  St.  Paul's  use  of  the  word  in  2  Tim. 
iv.  13,  a  passage  to  which  we  shall  refer  at  length 
presently,  that  it  is  to  be  taken  as  one  of  the 
many  Latin  words  occurring  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment. This  view  seems  to  us  to  be  entirely  un- 
tenable, from  the  fact  that  the  Greek  word  can 
be  traced  back  nearly  to  the  time  of  Alexander 


»  We  find  in  Isidore  of  Seville  {Orig.  six.  24 ;  Patrol. 
Ixxxii.  691),  "  Penula  est  pallium  [here  evidently  a  mere 
general  term  for  an  outer  garment,  like  t|u.aTtoi']  cum 
fimbrils  longis ; "  but  here  the  word  is  of  course  not  used 
by  him  as  an  ecclesiastical  term,  but  merely  in  its  ordinary 
sense.  Also  in  an  old  Latin  version  of  the  letter  of  the 
Patriarch  Nicephorus  cited  below,  which  is  given  by 
Baronius  (Annales,  ad  ann.  811),  we  find  (^atvoAiov  ren- 
dered by  penula.  The  translator  (probably  Anastasius 
Bibliothecarius)  was  doubtless  influenced  by  the  simi- 
larity of  the  word,  but  the  instance  cannot  be  supposed 
to  afford  the  least  support  to  the  belief  that  i'he  paenula 
was  the  name  of  an  ecclesiastical  vestment  in  the  AVest- 
ern  Church.  Binterim  {Denkw.  iv.  1.  208)  remarlis  that 
'the  planeta  vi'as  also  called  paenula  by  the  ancients," 
but  be  gives  no  evidence  for  this  assertion,  and  it  does 
not  seem  very  likely  that  jiny  is  adducible. 


PAENULA 

the  Great,  a  period  at  which  it  cannot  be  fancied 
that  Greek  adopted  any  words  from  Latin.  The 
word  occurs  in  a  fragment  of  the  Iphigenia  in 
Tauris  of  Rhinthon,  a  writer  of  comedies,  or 
rather  burlesque  tragedies,  in  the  time  '  of 
Ptolemy  I.  As  this  seems  the  earliest  adducible 
instance  of  the  use  of  the  word,  we  shall  cite 
the  passage  with  its  context  from  the  Onomas- 
ticoa  of  Julius  Pollux  (vii.  60;  p.  288,  ed. 
Bekker) ;  i]  Se  /u-ai'Siiri  oixoiSv  ti  tijJ  KaAovfitvcp 
(paivoKri  •  riuoov  Se  iarw,  ws  /.(.ri  TrepiepX'^M*^"' 
Kprjras  ^  Xlfpaas,  AtVxi^Aos  ipe7  • 

AL^vpviKrj<;  fj.Lfj.rjiJ.a.  /xav5urj9  ;^tTwr, 

Kal  avrhs  Se  6  (paLv6\T]s  iff-riv  iv  "Pivdoivos 
'IcpLy^veia  rfj  iv  TavpOLS, 

eX^co-  Kttii'ai'  <j>aLv6\av  KairapTLUi. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  citation  is  in 
Doric  Greek,  Rhinthon  being  a  native  of  either 
Tarentum  or  Syracuse.'' 

The  word  (paivSKri^  continued  to  e.xist  in 
Greek  in  its  ordinary  sense,  quite  apart  from 
Christianity.  It  occurs  in  the  digest  of  Epictetus 
given  by  Arrian  (lib.  iv.  c.  8 ;  vol.  i.  p.  637,  ed. 
Schweighaeuser).  Again,  we  find  in  the  Oneiro- 
critica  of  Artemidorus,  a  work  Avritten  about 
the  time  of  Antoninus  Pius,  that  the  6  Xeyoixevos 
(patvSA-rjs  is  associated  with  the  x'^a/xvs  or 
IxavSvas  as  to  its  significance  in  dreams  (lib.  ii. 
c.  3 ;  p.  135,  ed.  Reifif).  About  the  same  time, 
or  a  little  later,  Athenaeus  uses  the  v,-oYd  : — ol> 
(TV  e!  6  Kal  rhv  Kaivov  koI  ovdewco  iv  XP^'?  yevo- 
fxevov  (paiv6K7)v,  f'iprjTai  yap,  S>  jSeATttrre,  Kal 
6  <l)aiv6Aris,  eiVo!?',  "  Tlai  AetJKe,  56s  jj-Ol  rdv 
'dxpVO'rov  <paiv6K7)v  "  {Deipn.  lib.  iii.  c.  5). 

We  shall  next  cite  from  the  Greek  lexico- 
graphers. Here,  it  will  be  observed,  we  meet 
with  a  diversity  both  in  form  and  meaning  ;  for, 
besides  its  use  for  an  outer  garment,  it  is  also 
stated  to  mean  a  roll  of  parchment,  and  a  case  or 
coffer.  Whether  this  difference  is  to  be  ex- 
plained by  assuming  the  existence  of  two  origin- 
ally distinct  words,  cpaiv6\r]s  and  ^ai\6v7]s,  does 
not  appear,  nor  does  it  matter  for  our  present 
purpose."^  As  far  as  we  are  concerned,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  from  the  spelling  consistently  found 
in  the  above  cited  examples,  and  from  the  un- 
varying form  of  the  Latin,  that  the  original  and 
proper  spelling  of  our  word  is  (paLv6\r}s  ;  the 
other  spelling  being  either  that  of  another  word, 
or  a  mere  metathesis  for  the  former.  It  will  be 
observed  that  the  lexicographers  give  some  sup- 
port to  the  former  hypothesis.  Thus  Hesychius 
gives  (paiASvns'  ij  KTjTdpiov  [leg.  eiArjrapior] 
fie/x^paivov,  ?j  yAooffa6Kofji,ov :  and  cpatv6\a.-  to 
v(paaij.a,  ovtus  [here  probably  the  name  of  Rhin- 
thon has  dropped  out  before  the  citation  from 
him]  exoutra  H-oij'a;' ^aij'dAav.'i  Suidas  gives  three 

•>  Tertullian  asserts  (_Apol.  c.  6)  that  the  Lacedae- 
monians invented  the  paenula,  so  as  to  be  able  to  enjoy 
the  public  games  in  cold  weather.  This  statement, 
though  probably  not  worth  much,  is  interesting  as  con- 
necting with  a  Dorian  people  a  word  which  first  meets 
us  in  a  Dorian  poet. 

■=  Some  have  connected  the  former  with  ^aCvo/jLai  (e.  g. 
Etym.  Magn.  [irapa.  to  ^aivsaeai.  oAoi'],  Salmasius  [note 
in  Spartian.,  i??/ra,  "  translucens  et  perlucida  tunica"!, 
Suidas  s.  v. ;  and  it  may  be  added  that  we  have  <^atvoA.t's 
in  Sappho  [eo-Trepe  navTo.  <#)e'pet5,  ocra  cfiaivoAis  iaxeSaa' 
auu)s]),  deriving  the  latter  from  (^eXAd;. 

d  It  may  be  noted  here,  that  we  find  the  word  m  another 
passage  of  Hesychius :  aju^ii-ajToi/s  ■  xiTwras  v  ^eAAwcas  • 


PAENULA 

forms,  <paiXti>vr]S'  dXi^rhv  rofidptou  fMefiPpdl'vov, 
^  y\ai(T(T6KOfj.ov  f)  x'-'^'^vwv  : — (paiv6\-r]s'  x'''"'^''- 
•iffKOSi  01  Se  iraKatol  icpearpiSa :  and  (pevSx-qs- 
'Pcofia'iKY]  cTToArj.  Similarly,  the  Etymologicum 
Magnum  defines  ^i\6vi]s  in  almost  the  same 
-words  as  the  first  of  the  above  three,  and 
(paw6\i]s  also  as  Suidas  had  done.  It  is  perhaps 
^vorth  noting,  that  while  spellings  in   which  the 

V  precedes  the  A  are  always  defined  in  the  sense 
of  garment,  those  in  which  the  A.  precedes  the 

V  have  either  no  mention  of  garment,  or  have 
it  at  the  end,  as  if  a  subsequent  addition. 
It  is  of  course  quite  possible  to  assume  the 
existence  of  two  originally  distinct  words,  and 
yet  explain  each  as  the  name  of  some  kind  of 
•ganient  (so  Salmasius,  I.  c).  In  any  case,  how- 
ever, the  latter  spelling,  as  well  as  the  former, 
with  various  modifications  of  the  vowels,  occurs 
for  the  Greek  name  of  the  Christian  vestment. 
Again,  passing  this  point,  it  seems  doubtful 
whether  the  word  is  6  <paiv6\ris  or  ?;  (paiv6\rj. 
The  lineof  Rhinthon  makes  it  the  feminine,  and  the 
Latin,  it  is  true,  is  feminine  [but  the  termination 
in  7?s  would  naturally  be  replaced  by  one  in  a, 
which  would  be  feminine,  if  there  were  no  special 
reason  for  making  it  masculine  ;  so,  e.g.  xi^pTTis, 
KoxAias,  yavcrdTras,  all  masculine,  are  replaced 
by  the  feminine  charta,  cochlea,  f/ausapa],  but  our 
later  Greek  citations  make  it  masculine. 
Whether  there  is  a  misreading  in  Rhinthon  for 
Kaiv6v,  which  misreading  has  been  reproduced 
in  Hesychius,  or  whether  the  old  termination 
was  in  17,  and  the  later  one  in  77s,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  say.  As  regards  the  variation  in 
spelling  of  the  first  syllable  between  ai  and  e, 
we  can  hardly  doubt  that  the  e  is  a  >mere  cor- 
ruption, especially  when  the  Latin  spelling  is 
considered,  where,  whether  we  write  the  diph- 
thong ae  or  the  vowel  e,  the  first  syllable  is  uni- 
formly long. 

2.  Use  of  the  word  in  Latin. — We  shall  next, 
before  considering  the  Christian  usage  of  the 
word,  examine  its  use  in  Latin.  Here  we  find  it 
fi-eely  used  from  the  time  of  Plautus  onwards,  to 
indicate  a  warm,  heavy  outer  garment,  for 
travelling  or  cold  weather.  This  covered  the 
whole  person,  having  merely  a  hole  for  the  head  to 
pass  through  ;  and  thus  it  did  not  require  sleeves, 
but  fell  over  the  arms.  The  general  impression 
left  from  a  considerable  series  of  passages  (see 
Forcellini,  s.  v.)  is  that  the  garment  was  one 
which  would  not  be  worn  by  a  person  in  the 
higher  ranks  of  life,  save  under  the  special  cir- 
cumstances given  above,  though  it  would  be 
worn  as  an  ordinary  dress  by  slaves  and  the  like. 
Our  earliest  instance  is  from  Plautus  (^Mostellaria, 
iv.  2.  74),  where  a  slave  is  told  that  it  is  only 
his  paenula  that  saves  his  back  from  a  beating. 
Considering  the  source  whence  Plautus's  come- 
dies were  drawn,  the  fact  that  the  Latin  word  is 
first  traced  to  him  is  not  without  significance. 
Our  next  trace  is  found  in  one  of  the  fragments 
of  the  Satires  of  Lucilius  (lib.  xv.  frag.  6  ;  cited, 
as  also  the  two  following  instances,  by  Nonius 
Marcellus,  xiv.  3).  In  one  of  the  farces  (fabulae 
Atellanae)  of  Pomponius  Bononiensis,  one  cha- 
racter bids  another,  "  paenulam  in  caput  induce, 


PAENULA 


1531 


KpjJTc?  ^e\\u>vr\v  \iyov<ri.  There  is  perhaps  something 
wrong  with  the  text,  but  it  seems  hardly  safe  with 
this  reading  to  conclude  that  (^eXAwfrjs  is  a  Cretan  word. 
Sec  Alberti's  note,  in  loc.,  and  Suicer  s.  v. 


ue  te  noscat,"  referring  presumably  to  the 
hood,  with  which  the  paenula,  like  most  other 
similar  dresses,  was  furnished  [Hood].  Varro 
again  is  cited,  "  non  quaerenda  est  homini,  qui 
habet  virtutem,  paenula  in  imbri." 

In  Cicero  the  word  is  used  several  times.  In 
his  speech  ^ro  Milone  (c.  10;  cf.  c.  20),  he  tells 
how  Milo,  when  on  his  way  from  Rome  in  a  car- 
riage, having  his  wife  with  him,  and  wearing  a 
piaenula  (^paenulatus),  on  being  attacked,  springs 
from  the  carriage  and  casts  aside  his  paenula, 
which  would  only  fetter  his  arms.  In  his  speech 
pro  Sextio  (c.  38),  he  speaks  of  the  paenula  as  a 
garment  worn  by  mule-drivers.  Cicero  also  uses 
the  phrases  scindere  paenulam,  attingere  paenulam 
alicujus,  to  indicate  respectively  over-urgent 
civility,  and  "  taking  a  man  by  the  button-hole  " 
{Epp.  ad  Atticum,  lib.  xiii.  33).  We  have  said 
that  the  paenula  was  a  warm,  heavy  garment, 
and  thus  Horace  (JEpist.  i.  11.  18)  speaks  jokingly 
of  it  as  a  thing  which  no  one  would  dream  of 
wearing  in  hot  weather.  It  was  generally  made 
of  wool  {paenula  gausapina :  Martial,  Epig.  xiv. 
14-5),  but  sometimes  of  leather  {paenula  scortea : « 
i!j.  130).  Martial  (v.  27)  contrasts paenulaf us  with 
togatus,  as  indicating  a  lower  rank  in  society. 
Juvenal  {Sat.  v.  79)  makes  the  parasite,  when 
on  his  way  to  dinner  with  his  patron  on  a  stormy 
night,  complain  of  his  dripping  paenula.  It 
seems  also  to  have  been  used  as  a  soldier's  over- 
coat (Suetonius,  Galba,  c.  6 ;  Tertullian,  de  Cor. 
Mil.  c.  1).  In  travelling,  indeed,  the  paenula 
might  be  made  to  serve  the  purpose  of  a  blanket 
by  night,  as  well  as  a  cloak  by  day  (Seneca,  Epist. 
Isxxvii.  2). 

The  Historiae  Augustae  Scriptores  furnish  us 
with  several  instances  of  an  interesting  kind. 
Spartianus  tells  of  Hadrian  that,  when  tribune, 
he  lost  his  paenula,  which  he  took  as  an  omen 
of  his  future  imperial  dignity,  since  tribunes 
wore  a  paenula  to  keep  off  the  rain,  but  emperors 
never  (c.  3,  where  see  the  notes  of  Salmasius  and 
Casaubon).  Again,  Lampridius  mentions  that 
Commodus  (c.  16),  after  the  death  of  a  certain 
gladiator,  ordered  the  senators '  to  come  to  the 
spectacle,  not  in  the  toga,  which  was  white,  but 
in  ih.Q paenula,vf\\\ch.  was,  as  a  rule,  dark-coloured. 
Lampridius  remarks  that  this  was  "  contra  con- 
suetudinem,"  that  is,  doubtless  the  wearing  of 
the  paenula  was  still  not  common  among  the 
better  classes,  except  under  special  conditions. 
Indeed  of  this  a  further  proof  is  given  by  Lam- 
pridius, in  the  life  of  Alexander  Severus  (c.  27), 
in  that  this  emperor  gave  special  permission  to 
senators  to  wear  the  paenula  in  Rome,  as  a  pro- 
tection against  cold,  but  did  not  extend  this  per- 
mission to  matrons,  who  were  only  allowed  to 
use  it  on  a  journey.  This  need  not  be  assumed 
to  contradict  the  remark  of  Spartianus  given 
above,  for  we  may  suppose  Alexander  to  be  per- 
mitting the  wearing  of  this  dress  as  a  warm 
cloak  at  the  discretion  of  the  wearer,  whereas 
before  it  needed  bad  weather  to  justify  its  use, 
and  was  thought  to  be  a  kind  of  undress,  so  that 
emperors  never  used  it.  Lampridius,  in  his  life 
of  Diadumenus,  the  poor  little  son  of  Macrinus, 


=  Seneca  {Nat.  Quaest.  Iv.  6)  seems  to  distinguish  the 
paenula  from  the  scortea,  but  this  probably  only  implies 
that  wool  was  the  ordinary  material. 

f  It  seems  desirable  to  substitute  senatores  for  spec- 
tatores,  the  reading  of  the  MSS. 


1532 


TAENULA 


who  was  Augustus  before  he  was  ten  years  old, 
tells  (c.  2)  how,  on  the  child's  assumption  of  the 
name  Antoninus,  the  father  had  prepared  for  dis- 
tribution to  the  people  "  paenulas  coloris  rosei  " 
[here  probably  equivalent  to  russei ;  cf  Trebell. 
Vit.  Claudii,  c.  14],  which  were  to  be  called 
Antoninianae. 

We  pass  over  here  a  passage  of  Tertullian,  till 
we  have  spoken  of  the  use  of  the  word  by  St. 
Paul,  and  shall  next  refer  to  a  law  in  the  Theo- 
dosiau  code,  published  in  A.D.  382,  as  to  the 
dress  to  be  worn  by  senators  and  others.  In  this 
senators  are  forbidden  to  assume  the  warlilie 
garb  of  the  chlamus,  but  are  ordered  to  wear  the 
peaceful  dress  of  colobium  and  paenula.  It  is 
added  that  officials  "  per  quos  statuta  complentur 
ac  necessaria  peraguntur "  are  also  to  use  the 
paenula.  Penalties  are  provided  in  case  of  dis- 
obedience {Cod.  Thcodos.  lib.  xiv.  tit.  10,  I.  1, 
where  see  Gothofredus's  note). 
t  3.  Use  of  the  icord  by  St.  Paul — We  must  now 
consider  the  use  of  the  word  by  St.  Paul  (2  Tim. 
iv.  13),  "The  cloke  that  I  left  at  Troas  with 
Carpus,  when  thou  comest,  bring  with  thee,  and 
the  books,  but  especially  the  parchments."  The 
word  here  translated  '•  cloke  "  by  the  E.  V.  is 
found  variously  spelt  in  the  MSS.  as  (peXovns, 
<paiK6u-qs,  (paiXwvns,  and  (pe\uvT)s,  the  first  being 
undoubtedly  the  true  reading.  It  will  be  ob- 
served that  in  all  these  cases  the  \  precedes  the  v. 
The  old  Latin  version  (Sabatier,  in  he. ;  cf.  also 
Tertullian,  de  Orat.  15;  de  Cor.  Mil.  8)  and  the 
Vulgate  render  the  word  by  paenula,  evidently 
thinking  it  the  same  word  ;  but  the  Peshito  trans- 
lates it  by  iLJIijLo  iv.xri  (a  case  for  books).? 
Again,  Chrysostom  {Horn,  in  loc.  ;  vol.  xi.  p.  780, 
ed.  Gaume)  mentions  this  view,  "  by  <piX6vr\s 
here  he  means  the  outer  garment  (IfiaTtov).  But 
some  think  it  means  the  case  (yAuffcroKoixov) 
where  the  books  lay."  Jerome,  too  {Epist.  36 
nd  Bamasum,  §  13,  vol.  i.  167),  says,  "volumen 
Hebraeum  replico,  quod  Paulus  <p€\6v7]v  juxta 
quosdam  vocat."  It  is  impossible,  however,  to 
speak  here  with  any  great  degree  of  certainty. 
The  only  independent  evidence,  apart,  that  is, 
from  this  passage,  for  the  meaning  of  "  case," 
is  apparently  that  of  the  Greek  lexicographers, 
but  possibly  these  have  only  cited  Chr3'sostom. 
Then,  too,  it  may  be  said  that  the  notion  of  the 
"  case  "  may  have  been  suggested  merely  by  the 
contest,  still,  it  might  have  been  thought,  if  the 
word  were  merely  the  name  of  a  well-known 
garment,  it  would  be  a  somewhat  unlikely  mis- 
take for  a  translator  to  make.  Further,  the 
rendering  of  the  Peshito  is  the  more  worthy  of 
notice,  seeing   that   in  ecclesiastical  Syriac  the 

word    "phaino"    (  )  i  tc>  J    has    been    directly 

derived  from  the  Greek  as  the  name  of  the  vest- 
ment. 

If  we  assume  that  the  apostle  is  using  the 
■word  in  the  sense  of  a  garment,  then  increased 
point  will  be  given  to  the  urgent  wish  (v.  21) 
that  Timothy  should  come  before  winter,  the 
aged  apostle  "feeling  the  need  of  extra  warm  pro- 


S  Another  very  important  version,  the  Memphltic.is 
practically  of  no  avail  to  us  here,  inasmuch  as  it  merely 
reproduces  the  Greek  word,  and  there  is  no  independent 
evidence  as  to  the  sense  in  which  it  uses  it. 


PAENULA 

tection  agamst  the  cold.  Here  the  matter  might 
have  been  allowed  to  rest,  as  one  incapable  of 
positive  solution,  seeing  that  there  is  much  to  be 
said  for  either  view,  were  it  not  that  some 
writers  (Cardinal  Bona  \_Ecr.  Liturg.  i.  24-8]  and 
others)  have  gravely  argued  that  the  apostle 
here  desires  Timothy  to  bring  the  chasuble  he 
had  left  behind  him.  We  have  seen  that  there 
is  a  respectable  amount  of  evidence  for  explaining 
the  word  as  not  meaning  a  garment  at  all,  but, 
waiving  this,  positively  the  only  direct  evidence 
for  the  above  theory  is  that  this  word  in  a  modi- 
fied spelling  ((paiyoXiov,  &c.)  is  the  technical 
Greek  word  for  a  chasuble.  Chi-ysostom,  how- 
ever, took  it  for  an  ordinary  outer  garment ;  and 
this  is  significant,  when  taken  in  connexion  with 
the  so-called  Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom,  where 
the  word  <pa.iv6\iov  occurs  for  the  ecclesiastical 
vestment,  shewing,  as  it  does,  that  at  the  end  of 
the  4th  century  the  word  had  not  been  restricted 
into  its  special  eucharistic  meaning,  otherwise 
St.  Chrysostom  would  hardly  have  expressed 
himself  as  he  does.  Again,  nearly  two  hundred 
years  before  the  time  of  St.  Chrysostom,  we 
find  Tertullian  shewing  very  distinctly  the  views 
of  his  time  (de  Oratione,  c.  15).  He  has  been 
speaking  of  certain  practices  as  belonging  to 
superstition  rather  than  to  religion,  and  thus 
mentions  that  it  was  the  custom  of  some  to  lay 
aside  their  p)acnula  before  engaging  in  prayer,  as 
the  heathen  did  in  their  idol  temples.  But  for 
this  there  is  no  authority,  "  unless,"  he  adds 
ironically,  "  anyone  thinks  that  Paul,  from  hav- 
ing engaged  in  prayer  at  the  house  of  Carpus, 
had  thus  left  his  paenula  behind  him.  God,  I 
suppose,  does  not  hear  men  clad  in  a  paenula, 
Who  yet  heard  elTectually  the  three  saints  in  the 
furnace  of  the  king  of  Babylon,  as  they  prayed 
in  their  saraharae  and  turbans."  Tertullian  here 
laughs  at  the  idea  of  St.  Paul's  having  taken  off 
his  paenula  to  pray.  The  notion  of  this  garment 
having  been  one  specially  put  on  for  the  eucha- 
ristic service  is  evidently  utterly  foreign  to  the 
sense  of  the  passage.  The  gist  of  Tertullian's 
remark  is  merely,  "  What  a  foolish  notion  it  is 
of  these  people  to  think  it  unseemly  to  go  to 
church  in  a  paenula ! "  He  could  hardly  have 
spoken  in  this  way,  had  he  thought,  or  had 
people  generally  in  his  time  thought,  that  St. 
Paul's  paenula  was  really  a  sacrificial  vestment.'' 
It  may  be  added  here  that  in  a  commentary  on 
the  2nd  Epistle  to  Timothy  appended  to  the 
works  of  Jerome,  but  apparently  spurious,  the 
theory  is  broached  that  this  paenula  was  au 
offering  from  some  convert,  which  was  to  be 
sold  for  the  apostle's  benefit  (Comm.  in  loc.  vol. 
xi.  429).  This  too  is  utterly  foreign  to  any 
notion  of  a  chasuble.  Of  course  the  spuriousness 
or  genuineness  of  this  document  makes  little- 
matter  to  our  present  purpose,  which  is  to  show 
the  general  way  in  which  the  passage  was 
anciently  understood. 

Again,  as  regards  the  identity  of  the  term 
with  the  word  in  later  Greek,  this  of  itself 
will  not  count  for  much,  when  we  consider  of 
how  many  other  vestments  this  might  be  said, 

i>  It  is  amazing  to  find  that  Sala,  the  editor  of  Cardinal 
Bona,  can  gravely  remark  (vol.  ii.  238,  ed.  Turin,  1749), 
"  fuerunt  itaque  TertuUiani  aevo  qui  Pauli  penulam  ora- 
tioiiis  vestem  seu  sacrificalem  putarent."  Comment  on 
such  perversity  is  superfluous. 


PAENULA 

where  yet  the  use  was  certainly  not  iden- 
tical, the  word  casula  itself  being  a  very 
marked  instance ;  and  further,  it  does  not  seem 
that  there  is  a  certain  case  of  the  use  of  the 
term  in  its  technical  sense  before  the  time  of 
Germanus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople  in  the  8th 
century.  In  the  absence  of  direct  evidence  for 
the  early  use  of  the  word  in  its  special  sense,  the 
testimony  derivable  from  liturgies  of  uncertain 
date  cannot,  it  is  evident,  be  allowed  to  count 
for  much.  If,  on  so  feeble  a  case  as  the  above, 
some  are  disposed  to  believe  that  St.  Paul  refers 
to  his  chasuble,  we  must  allow  that  their  credu- 
lity has  been  developed  at  the  expense  of  their 
judgment. 

4.  Ecclesiastical  use  of  the  word. — The  name 
of  the  vestment  appears  in  later  Greek  under 
various  spellings,  (pawoKwv,  <pev6\iov,  <pevw\iov, 
(peKouiov,  (peAdovLOV,  (paiXwviov,  &c.  From  this 
has  been  formed, as  we  have  already  remarked,  the 
ordinary  Syriac  term  for  the  vestment,  phaino. 
[We  may  take  this  opportunity  of  remarking 
that  perhaps  in  Syriac  too,  as  well  as  in  Greek, 
the  word  was  not  strictly  confined  to  its  tech- 
nical ecclesiastical  sense.  We  find  it  in  one  of 
the  poems  of  Ephraem  Syrus,  used  metaphorically 
for  the  body,  our  '  mortal  coil '  wherewith  we  are 
clothed  (Bickell,  S.  Ephraemi  Carmina  Nisihena, 
XXXV.  79).  Here  Hades  is  represented  as  saying 
of  the  Saviour,  "as  at  the  wedding  feast  He 
changed  water  into  wine,  so  has  He  changed  the 


PAENULA 


153S 


(j>tvX::o»   )~L^?) 


into 


garment  of  the  dead 

life."]  In  Sclavonic  the  Greek  word  occurs  as 
phdoiii.  In  the  Arabic  versions  of  the  Coptic 
liturgies  the  name  for  this  vestment  is  generally 
al-bornos,  a  word  familiar  to  us  from  Eastern 
■books  of  travels,  and  perhaps  sometimes  also 
tilsam  (Renaudot,  Liturg.  Orient.  C(Ml.  i.  161, 
162,  ed.  Francof.  1847),  though  the  former 
word  appears  to  be  used  sometimes  in  the  sense 
of  an  alb,  and  the  latter  probably  stands  as  a 
rule  for  something  akin  to  an  amice.  In  the 
Armenian  church  the  eucharistic  vestment  now 
is  to  all  intents  and  purposes  a  cope,  save  that 
it  has  no  hood.  Its  native  name  is  shoochar 
(Fortescue,  Armenian  Church,  p.  134).  The 
Armenians  are  attacked  by  Isaac,  catholicos  of 
Armenia  in  the  12th  century,  in  the  second  of 
two  bitter  invectives,  in  that  they  do  not  use  the 
fpiXdviov,  making  no  distinction  of  vestments  in 
the  Eucharist '  (Orat.  2,  §  25  ;  Patrol.  Gr.  cxxxii. 
1236). 

We  have  previously  remarked  that  there  is 
no  certain  direct  mention  of  the  (pevoXiov  before 
the  time  of  Germanus.  We  do  not  mean  by  this 
that  there  is  no  evidence  for  the  use  of  this 
vestment  in  the  Greek  church  before  that  time, 
for  we  shall  presently  mention  some  art-remains 
which  figure  it  at  a  much  earlier  period,  but 
that  the  literary  notices  are  not  trustworthy.  Dr. 
Neale  (/.  c.)  quotes  in  proof  of  its  i.ntiquity  from 
the  life  of  St.  Marcian,i  priest  and  oeconomus  of 


■  Keale  (^Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p.  309  n.)  seems  to 
imply  that  Isaac  censures  tlie  Armenians  for  having 
changed  the  shape  of  the  eucharistic  vestment  from  what 
we  should  call  a  chasuble  into  what  we  should  call  a 
cope.  Any  one  who  will  look  at  the  passage  itself  will 
see  that  he  finds  fault  with  them  for  not  using  a  eucha- 
ristic vestment  at  all. 

Acta  Sanctorum,  Jan.,  vol.  i.  p.  612. 


the  Great  Church  (Constantinople),  who  is  said 
to  have  lived  in  the  time  of  his  namesake, 
emperor  of  Rome  (ob.  457  A.D.),  but  he  omits  to 
state  that  this  life  is  written  by  Symeon  Meta- 
phrastes  (ob.  after  975  A.D.).  Again,  Theo- 
phylact  Simocatta,  writing  early  in  the  7th 
century,  says  (^Hist.  vii.  6  ;  p.  280,  ed.  Bekker) 
that  after  the  death  of  John,  patriarch  of 
Constantinople,  they  only  found  a*  his  effects 
ffKlfiTToSa  ^vAivov  Kol  (Ticrvpav  e|  ipiov  is  to. 
^aKiara  evreXfi  <paiKtl)vriu  re  aKaWrj.  Con- 
sidering the  context  here,  it  seems  much  more 
likely  that  the  <pai\wvr\s  was  merely  the 
patriarch's  outdoor  cloak.'' 

We  next  refer  to  Germanus  (appointed  patri- 
arch of  Constantinople  in  715  a.d).  He  describes 
(^Hist.  Ecclcs.  et  Mystica  T/ieoria ;  Patrol.  Gr. 
xcviii.  394)  the  ungirdled  phelonion  as  meta- 
phorical of  Christ  bearing  His  cross.  From  a 
remark  a  few  lines  lower  down,  in  which  he 
compares  it  to  the  purple  robe  put  on  our  Lord 
(^ifKpaivei  ttiv  airh  kokkivov  Ttopcpvpav),  we  may 
infer  that  this  was  the  colour  of  the  vestment. 
A  century  later,  Nicephorus  (patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople, 806-815  A.D.,  when  he  was  deposed), 
when  writing  to  pope  Leo  III.,  sends  as  a  present 
a  pectoral  cross,  a  seamless  white  sticharion,  and 
chestnut-coloured  phenolion  '  (^ffTtx<^P^ov  AevKhv 
Koi  (paivoXwv  KacTTdvov  &pf>a.<f>a),  and  an  cpitra- 
chelion  and  enchirion  {Patrol.  Gr.  c.  200). 

As  regards  early  Eastern  pictures  of  this  dress 
(for  the  West  is  not  now  in  question,  for  there 
the  corresponding  vestment  appears  first  as 
planeta  and  then  as  casula),  we  may  refer  first 
to  mosaics  existing  in  the  vault  of  the  church  of 
St.  George  at  Thessalonica.  These  have  been 
figured  from  coloured  drawings  taken  on  the 
spot,  in  Texier  and  PuUan's  Byzantine  Architec- 
ture (reproduced  in  Marriott's  Vestiarium  Chris- 
tianum,  plates  xviii.-xxi.),  who  give  arguments 
to  show  that  the  church  was  built  by  Constan- 
tine  himself  during  his  first  stay  at  Thessalonica. 
In  the  first  three  of  these,  at  any  rate,  the  figures 
are  clad  in  what  seems  to  be  a  (paiudXris  of  a 
reddish  or  purplish  colour.  One  figure  represents 
Philip,  bishop  and  martyr,  and  another  a  pres- 
byter Romanus,  but  there  are  also,  with  but 
slight  differences  of  garb,  the  well-known 
brother  physicians,  SS.  Cosmas  and  Damian^ 
and  Eucarpion,  soldier  and  martyr.  This  fact  has 
an  important  bearing  on  the  question  of  the 
early  use  of  a  special  eucharistic  vestment  in  the 
East,  if  the  garment  afterwards  specially  used 
was  in  the  4th  century  worn  by  laymen.  Among 
the  surviving  mosaics  of  the  church  of  St. 
Sophia  at  Constantinople  are  some  believed  to 
be  of  the  6th  century  representing  4th  century 
bishops.  These  are  clad  in  white  sticharia  and 
phenolia,  with  omophoria  (Marriott,  p.  Ixxv.). 
As  an  example  of  a  different  type,  we  may  refer 
to  an  illustration  figured  by  Assemani  from  a 
Syriac  MS.  of  the  Gospels  dated  586  a.d.  (Bibl. 
Med.  plate  lii.,  and  cf.  p.  2;  reproduced  by 
Marriott,  plate  xxviii.).  This  represents  Eusebius 
of  Caesarea  and  Ammonius  of  Alexandria,  the 
former   wearing   a   garment   which   may   be  a. 


k  This  too  is  Hefele's  view  (op.  cit.  p.  196). 

I  Hefele  (p.  196)  justly  points  to  this  as  evidence  that 
at  this  time  the  vestments  of  the  Roman  and  Greek 
churches  were  much  more  similar  than  they  afterwards 
became. 


1534 


PAGANISM 


phenolion,  but  whether  we  are  to  view  this  as 
representing  the  every-day  dress  or  the  dress  of 
official  ministration,  there  is  nothing  to  shew. 

The  form  said  on  the  putting  on  of  the 
phenolion  before  celebrating  the  Eucharist  runs, 
in  the  Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom,  ol  hpels  ffov, 
Kvp'.e,  ivSvaovrat  SiKaioffvvnv,  Kal  oi  '6cnoi  ffov 
ayaWidmi  ayaWLdaovrai,  irdvTOTe,  vvv  .  .  . 
(Goar,  Euchologion,  p.  60).  The  word  phenolion 
is  also  used  in  the  Greek  church  as  the  name  of 
the  special  vestment  of  a  "  reader,"  who,  on  being 
made  a  sub-deacon,  has  it  replaced  by  the 
sticharion  {ih.  236,  244.)  A  phenolion  was  also 
worn  as  a  special  privilege  by  the  ai-chdeacon  of 
the  clergy  attached  to  the  palace  of  Constanti- 
nople, on  the  Sunday  of  the  Adoration  of  the 
Cross  (see  the  article),  but  only  on  that  one  occa- 
sion (Codinus  Curopalata,  c.  9). 

5.  Literature. — For  the  materials  of  the  fore- 
going article,  we  are  largely  indebted  to  the 
various  lexicons  cited,  especially  Ducange,  Glos- 
sarium  Graecum,  s.  vv. ;  Suicer,  Thesaurus  Eccle- 
siasticus,  and  Forcellini.  The  examples  in  the 
last  are  given  in  chronological  order  by  Marriott 
{Vestiarium  C'hristianum,  App.  C).  Reference 
may  further  be  made  to  Hefele's  learned  and 
temperate  essay,  Die  liturgischen  Geti-iinder,  in 
his  Beitrdgo  zur  Kirchengeschichte,  Archdologie 
und  Liturgik,  vol.  ii.  pp.  195,  sqq.  See  also 
Wolf,  Curae  Philol.  [in  2  Tim.  iv.  131;  Masius, 
Diss,  de  Pallio  Pauli,  Hafniae,  1698  ;  Bartho- 
linus  de  Paenula,  in  Graevius,  Antiq.  Rom.  vi. 
1167,  sqq. ;  Ferrarius  de  Ee  Vesiiaria,  ih.  vi. 
682,  sqq.  [R.  S.] 

PAGANISM  (in  Christian  Art).  In  a 
former  article  [Fresco]  attention  has  been 
called  to  the  intimate  connexion  between  early 
Christian  art  and  that  of  the  pagan  community 
in  which  the  church  arose,  and  from  which  its 
first  members  were  gathered.  It  will  be  un- 
necessary to  repeat  what  has  been  there  said 
of  the  absence  of  any  strict  line  of  demarcation 
between  the  system  of  decoration  adopted  by  the 
adherents  of  the  new  faith,  and  those  to  which 
they  had  been  accustomed  as  members  of  a 
heathen  society,  and  the  rarity  of  anything  in 
their  earliest  pictorial  and  sculptural  repre- 
sentations distinctive  of  the  religion  they  had 
embraced,  which  rendered  primitive  Christian  art 
little  more  than  the  continuation  of  that  which 
they  found  already  existing,  purified  and  elevated 
by  the  influences  of  their  new  faith. 

In  the  same  article  reference  has  been  made 
to  the  manner  in  which  distinctly  mythological 
personages  were  pressed  into  the  service  of  the 
church,  and,  a  new  spirit  being  breathed  into  old 
forms,  objects,  persons,  and  scenes,  to  which  the 
mind  was  familiarised  in  connexion  with  pagan 
myths,  were  made  the  channels  of  conveying  to 
the  initiated  the  higher  truths  of  which  they 
became  the  symbols,  and  "all  that  was  true 
and  beautiful  in  the  old  legends  found  its  ful- 
filment in  Christ,  and  was  but  a  symbol  of 
His  life  and  work." — (Farrar.) 

It  remains  now  briefly  to  shew  how  this 
principle  was  carried  out  in  detail,  and  mytho- 
logical types  and  classical  forms  were  made  the 
exponents  of  Christian  doctrine. 

We  have  at  the  outset  to  distinguish 
between  (1)  that  class  of  subjects  which  con- 
tained   a    fundamental    religious    idea    common 


PAGANISM 

to  Paganism  and  Christianity,  which,  dimly 
shadowed  forth  in  the  one,  received  its  full 
development  in  the  other;  and  (2)  those  in 
which  the  resemblance  is  merely  formal  and 
external,  the  mythological  representations  sup- 
plying a  vehicle  for  Christian  ideas.  To  these 
we  may  add  (3)  the  still  more  abundant  class  in 
which  classical  forms  and  ideas  are  used  simply 
as  ornamental  accessories,  without  any  symbolical 
reference. 

I.  The  first  class  in  which  a  subject  from 
pagan  mythology  is  used  typically  to  depict 
some  Christian  truth  is  a  very  small  one.  The 
deep-seated  foulness  of  the  myths  of  classical 
antiquity,  on  which  the  early  Christian  writers 
were  never  weary  of  enlarging,  caused  a  natural 
revulsion  of  the  Christian  mind  from  them,  and 
rendered  them,  generally  through  their  associa- 
tions, quite  unsuited  for  conveying  sacred  truths. 

(1)  The  only  subject  borrowed  from  Pagan 
mythology  which  gained  any  general  acceptance 
in  Christian  art,  is  that  of  Orpheus  taming  the 
wild  animals  by  the  notes  of  his  lyre.  Almost 
from  the  beginning,  the  power  of  Orpheus  in 
subduing  the  ferocity  of  savage  beasts  and 
gathering  them  round  him  in  mutual  harmony, 
was  regarded  as  typical  of  the  all-conquering 
influence  of  Christ's  Gospel  in  taming  the  fierce 
fiassions  of  the  human  heart,  and  uniting  war- 
ring and  discordant  tribes  in  one  common  homage 
to  their  universally-acknowledged  Master.  (De 
Rossi,  Rom.  Sott.  ii.  p.  357,  c.  14.)  The  myth 
of  Orpheus  was  thus  regarded  as  an  adumbration 
of  the  words  of  Christ  (John  xii.  32),  "  I,  if  I  be 
lifted  up  from  the  earth,  will  draw  all  men  unto 
me,"  and  a  parallel  to  the  well-known  prophecies 
of  Isaiah,  in  which  the  same  symbolism  is 
adopted  (Is.  xi.  6-9,  Ixv.  25).  In  this  reference 
the  Orphic  myth  is  not  unfrequently  alluded  to 
by  the  writers  of  the  early  church  (Clem.  Ales- 
andr.  Cohort,  ad  Gentes,  c.  1 ;  Euseb.  de  Laud. 
Constant,  c.  xiv. ;  Greg.  Nyss.  in  Hexaem.  c.  7 ; 
Chrysost.  Homil.  xii.  c.  ii.,  Genes.  Homil.  xxiii. 
in  c.  vi. ;  Homil.  xix.  in  c.  ix. ;  Cassiod.  in  Ps. 
xix. ;  cf.  Lactant.  Inst.  vii.  24).  Orpheus  is 
still  more  often  alluded  to  by  the  Fathers,  and 
the  writings  ascribed  to  him,  in  common  with 
the  Sibylline  verses,  quoted  as  aftbrding  testimony 
to  the  unity  of  God  and  other  points  of  Chris- 
tian truth  (Theophil.  Autol.  iii.  2;  Just.  Mart. 
Cohort,  ad  Graec.  c.  15,  de  Monarch,  c.  2 ;  Clem. 
Alexandr.  Strom,  v.  12,  14;  Lactant.  Instit.  i. 
5,  6  ;  Aug.  Contr.  Faust,  xiii.  15,  &c.)  We  can- 
not, therefore,  be  surprised  that  he  should 
become  a  favourite  subject  of  early  Christian 
art.  The  most  remarkable  representation  of 
Orpheus  is  that  from  the  ceiling  of  a  cubiculum 
in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Callistus,  of  which  a 
woodcut  is  given,  YoL  I.  p.  696  (Bosio,  p.  239; 
Bottari,  ii.  tav.  Ixiii.  ;  Aringhi,  i.  547  ;  Garrucci, 
Pitture,  tav.  25  ;  Ferret,  i.  pl.  xxxiv.  bis,  p.  35). 
The  subject  occupies  the  central  octagonal  panel 
of  the  ceiling,  the  surrounding  panels  containing 
alternately  landscapes  and  scenes  from  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments.  Orpheus  displays  the 
hieratic  type  of  a  young  man  in  a  high  Phrygian 
bonnet,  and  loose  frock,  his  legs  clothed  with 
ananyridcs,  embroidered  with  a  chlamys.  He  sits 
among  trees,  holds  his  lyre  in  his  left  hand,  and 
beats  time  with  his  riglit  foot.  A  lion,  tiger, 
horse,  peacock,  and  other  birds  and  beasts  stand 
round    him.      An    arcosolium    from   the   same 


PAGANISM 

cemetery  presents  the  same  subject  with  very 
slight  variations  (Bosio,  255  ;  Aringhi,  i.  563  ; 
Bottari,  ii.  tav.  Ixx.- ;  Garrucci,  Pitturc,  tav.  30 ; 
Ferret,  vol.  i.  pi.  xx.  p.  30).  The  subject  has 
been  only  once  found  in  marble ;  on  a  sar- 
cophagus discovered  at  Ostia,  the  correspond- 
ing panel  containing  Tobias,  or  a  fisherman 
(Northcote,  pi.  xx.  ;  Martigny,  sub  voc.  from 
Visconti).  It  occurs  also  on  a  lamp  (Ferret, 
vol.  iv.  pi.  xvii.  No.  1,  p.  118),  and  on  a  gem 
given  by  Mamachi  (Orig.  iii.  81,  note  ^),  from 
the  Museo  Vettori,  and  others  specified  by 
Fiper  {Mythologio  mid  Syniholik.  i.  123).  No 
example  of  the  subject  is  found  in  mosaic  or  in 
miniatures. 

(2)  The  Sirens  were  introduced  into  Christian 
typology  as  emblems  of  temptations  to  sensual 
indulgence,  to  which  the  man  of  God,  symbolised 
by  Ulysses,  was  exposed  as  he  traversed  the 
waves  of  the  troublesome  world  on  his  way  to  the 
shore  of  everlasting  rest  (Maxim.  Turin.  Ilornil.  i. 
de  pass,  et  cruce  Domini ;  Hippolyt.  Philosophum. 
viii.  1),  and  which  he  was  enabled  to  overcome 
by  the  cross  of  Christ,  as  Ulysses  fastened  him- 
self to  the  mast.  One  such  representation  only 
has  come  down  to  us,  and  that  not  certainly 
Christian.  It  is  a  fragment  of  a  sarcophagus 
discovered  by  De  Rossi  in  the  cemetery  of  St. 
Callistus,  assigned  to  the  3rd  century,  and 
described  by  him  {Bulletino,  1863,  p.  35  ;  Iio7na 
Sott.  i.  tav.  XXX.  p.  5 ;  Martigny,  Dictionn.  art. 
Ulysse ;  Northcote,  pp.  232,  298).  Ulysses  sits 
weeping  in  his  vessel  with  two  companions. 
The  three  sirens  stand  around,  in  the  form 
described  by  Isidore  {Orig.  xi.  3,  30),  half  woman, 
half  bird,  with  wings  and  claws  ;  one  holding 
a  lyre,  one  a  flute,  and  the  third  singing  from  a 
roll  of  music.  The  cruciform  arrangement  of 
the  monogram  Tyranio  suggests,  but  does  not 
prove,  the  Christian  origin  of  the  sculpture. 

(3)  The  Hermes  Kriophorus  of  pagan  art 
certainly  supplied  the  original  type  of  the  Good 
Sliepherd  in  its  countless  repetitions.  [Shepherd, 
Good.]  The  syrinx,  or  Pandean  pipes,  which  is 
one  of  the  most  frequent  accessories  of  the  figure 
in  Christian  as  in  pagan  art,  was  regarded  as 
typifying  the  music  of  the  Gospel,  which  recalls 
the  wanderers  and  guides  the  sheep  in  the  right 
way.  (See  the  quotations  given  by  Garrucci, 
Vetri,  p.  63.)  The  face  and  form  of  the  Good 
Shepherd,  as  of  other  representations  of  Christ, 
appear  often  to  be  borrowed  from  those  of  the 
young  beardless  Apollo  (Fiper,  u.  s.  pp.  79, 
iOO-105  ;  Munter,  Sinnbilder,  i.  64,  ii.  7  ;  Pvaoul- 
Rochette,  Tableau  des  CatacomJjes,  p.  161  ftV) 

II.  As  examples  of  the  second  class  of  subjects 
•where  pagan  mythology  only  supplies  the  form 
of  the  representation  as  a  vehicle  for  Christian 
ideas,  and  the  ■  resemblance  is  external  only, 
the  most  remarkable  are  Hercules  carrying  oft' 
the  apples  of  the  Hesperides,  and  the  chariot  of 
the  Sun  God,  as  respectively  furnishing  formal 
types  of  the  Fall,  and  of  the  ascent  of  Elijah.  The 
resemblance  between  the  Hercules  subject  and 
its  Christian  correlative  is  too  striking  to  allow 
any  doubt  that  the  one  was  borrowed  from  the 
other  (Piper,  i.  66  fF.).  Another  part  of  the 
same  myth,  Hercules  feeding  the  fabled  dragon 
with  cakes  of  poppy-seed,  appears  to  have 
furnished  the  motive  for  the  representation  of 
.the  apocryphal  story  of  Daniel  killing  the 
dragon  at  Babylon  (see  woodcut,  Vol.  I.  p.  579). 


PAGANISM 


1535 


Equally  marked  is  the  resemblance  between  the 
fire-horsed  chai'iot  in  which  Elijah  is  represented 
ascending  to  heaven,  and  the  ordinary  repre- 
sentations of  Apollo,  or  Phoebus,  as  the  Sun  God 
in  his  rising.  In  the  absence  of  distinctive 
accessories  it  is  hardly  possible  to  determine 
which  of  the  two  subjects  is  intended.  This 
difficulty  is  sometimes  increased  by  the  intro- 
duction of  the  Jordan  as  a  river  god,  with  his- 
urn,  in  the  Scriptural  event  (Piper,  u.  s.  pp.  75- 
77).  The  correspondence  of  the  two  has  also 
been  confirmed  by  the  accidental  resemblance 
of  the  words  Elias  and  Helios  (ijAios).  (Sedul. 
Carm.  Fasch.  lib.  i.  v.  184).  This  symbolical 
representation  of  the  Jordan  by  a  river  god  with 
his  urn  occurs  also  elsewhere.  There  are 
remarkable  instances  in  the  mosaics  of  the  bap- 
tism of  Christ  in  the  baptisteries  at  Ravenna. 

III.  Little  need  be  said  upon  the  use  of  orna- 
mental accessories,  derived  from  heathen  art, 
such  as  wiiiged  genii,  victories,  armed  females, 
centaurs,  caryatides,  telamoncs,  pegasi,  hippo- 
campji,  and  the  like.  It  would  be  misapplied 
ingenuity  to  endeavour,  as  has  been  sometimes 
done,  to  affix  an  allegorical  meaning  to  each  of 
these  objects,  the  introduction  of  which  may  be 
satisfactorily  attributed  to  the  fancy  of  the 
painter  or  sculptor,  who  being  perhaps  still  a 
pagan,  and  certainly  one  who  had  learnt  the 
principles  and  piractice  of  his  art  in  pagan 
schools,  found  it  impossible  to  divest  himself  of 
its  traditions,  and  satisfied  both  himself  and  his 
employers  by  discarding  everything  that  was 
essentially  profane,  or  which  could  give  rise  to 
an  impure  imagination.  As  Raoul-Rochette  has 
remarked  (^Tableau,  &c.,  p.  214),  "  it  is  no  cause 
of  surprise  if  in  the  design  of  these  monuments, 
the  thoughts  of  the  early  Christian  artists  went 
back  to  the  traditions  of  paganism,  so  that  in 
the  execution  of  subjects  drawn  from  Holy 
Scripture,  their  hand,  by  the  blind  force  of 
habit,  reproduced  a  large  number  of  the  details 
of  profane  art,  especially  in  costume,  furniture, 
ornament,  and  architecture,  which  were  indif- 
ferent in  themselves,  and  to  which  they  had  been 
so  long  accustomed."  Thus,  in  the  words  of 
Kugler,  "  many  modes  of  expression  of  an  inno- 
cent nature  belonging  to  ancient  art,  though 
closely  associated  with  the  old  idolatry,  long 
maintained  their  position  for  purposes  of  deco- 
ration," and  that  with  so  little  individuality  of 
character  that  in  many  cases  by  nothing  but  the 
occurrence  in  some  part  of  the  design  of  some 
decidedly  Christian  symbol,  its  non-pagan  origin 
can  be  ascertained  (Raoul-Rochette,  Tableau 
des  Catacomhes,  pp.  120-122  ;  Pelliccia  de  Christ. 
Eccl.  Polit.  tom.  iii.  pp.  230-234,  ed.  Neapol. 
1779 ;  Northcote,  Rom.  Sott.  p.  196).  There  is 
not  one  of  these  decorative  forms  of  such  fre- 
quent occurrence  in  early  Christian  art  as  the 
vine,  together  with  scenes  connected  with  its 
cultivation,  and  the  ingathering  of  the  grapes. 
The  examples  are  too  common  to  particularize  ; 
but  We  may  refer  to  the  very  lovely  vine  of  the 
Callistine  catacomb,  "of  an  antique  style  of 
beauty  "  (Kugler)  [of  which  there  is  a  woodcut 
Fresco,  Vol.  I.  p.  695] ;  and  the  vintage  scenes 
from  the  baptistery  of  St.  Costanza  [MOSAICS, 
Vol.  II.  p.  1322].  In  this  we  have  an  instance  of 
the  way  in  which  a  purely  conventional  mode  of 
ornamentation  was  adopted  by  Christians,  and 
clothed  with   a   religious  signification,    full   of 


1536 


PAGANISM 


spiritual  teaching  to  the  initiated,  of  Christ 
the  "  True  Vine,"  and  believers  as  fruitful 
"  branches  "  in  Him. 

We  have  yet  to  speak  of  the  cases  in  which 
direct  pagan  subjects  occur,  to  which  it  is  diffi- 
cult if  not  impossible  to  assign  any  esoteric 
Christian  meaning.  The  fact  that  these  are 
found  entirely  on  sarcophagi  and  gilded  drinking 
glasses,  never  in  mosaics  or  the  wall-paintings  of 
the  catacombs,  suggests  the  probable  conclusion 
that  the  articles  on  which  they  occur  are  of 
heathen  origin,  and  were  used  by  Christians  from 
the  absence,  in  the  early  period  of  the  church,  of 
artists  of  their  own  faith  capable  of  fabricating 
them.  This  must  have  been  especially  the  case 
with  sarcophagi.  Those  who  needed  them  were 
compelled  to  resort  to  heathen  sculptors'  work- 
shops, and  to  content  themselves  with  selecting 
those  which  did  the  least  violence  to  the  new 
faith.  In  this  way  we  may  account  for  the 
occurrence  of  pagan  sarcophagi  in  Christian 
burial-places.  "  We  have  abundant  evidence," 
writes  Professor  Westwood  (Parker,  Archaeo- 
logy of  Some ;  Tombs,  p.  39),  "  not  only  that 
pagan  sarcophagi  were  used  for  the  burial  of 
Christians,  but  also  that  subjects  of  a  pastoral 
or  pagan  character  were  adopted  on  the  sarco- 
phagi of  the  earlier  Christians,  to  which  symbo- 
lical meanings  were  attached,  whereby  in  the 
minds  of  the  uninitiated  their  Christian  destina- 
tion w^ould  never  be  suspected.  In  the  words  of 
Mabillon  (Iter.  Ital  §  10,  p.  81),  "Sic  profanis 
tumulis  Christiani  non  raro  quasi  propriis  usi 
sunt.' "  As  examples,  we  may  name  one  found 
in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes,  bearing  the  epitaph 
of  a  Christian  virgin  named  Aurelia  Agapetilla, 
designated  "  ancilla  Dei,"  which  is  ornamented 
with  a  figure  of  Bacchus,  surrounded  with  naked 
Cupids,  and  the  genii  of  the  seasons  (Boldetti, 
J).  466),  and  two  given  by  Millin  (Voyage  au 
Midi  de  la  France,  iii.  156,  158,  pi.  sxvi.  4, 
xxxvii.  3),  on  one  of  which  is  carved  the  Forge 
of  Vulcan.  On  another,  given  by  Northcote 
(p.  261),  Cupid  and  Psyche  are  represented  side 
by  side  with  a  Good  Shepherd,  who  is  overturning 
a  basket  of  fruit.  The  conversion  of  ancient 
carved  marbles  into  articles  for  the  use  of  the 
Christian  church,  such  as  fonts,  holy  water 
basins,  alms-boxes,  which  at  one  time  largely 
prevailed,  has  proved  rather  misleading  from  its 
having  been  supposed  that  their  present  use 
was  necessarily  contemporaneous  with  their  first 
execution. 

Some  of  the  gilded  glasses  extracted  from  the 
catacombs  bear  scenes  from  pagan  mythology, 
<and  the  figures  of  heathen  deities,  Hercules, 
Minerva,  Achilles,  Serapis,  &c.  On  others  are 
depicted  subjects  which  are  incapable  of  a  Chris- 
tian interpretation,  and  which  it  is  difficult  to 
conceive  could  have  been  executed  by  a  Christian 
artist.  One,  given  by  Perret  (iv.  pi.  xxx.  no.  82), 
represents  a  naked  female  waited  on  by  winged 
genii,  one  of  whom  holds  a  mirror.  Others  have 
the  genius  of  death  winged,  either  leaning  on  an 
inverted  torch  (Garrucci,  201,  5;  Buonarruoti, 
xxviii.  2),  or  arrested  in  full  career  by  the  meta 
or  goal,  indicating  the  end  of  life  {ibid.).  The  pro- 
nounced pagan  character  of  these  glasses  renders 
it  difficult  to  assign  them  a  Christian  origin,  and 
though  both  Garrucci  and  Wiseman  are  of  opinion 
that  this  art  was  confined  to  the  Christians  alone, 
they  bring  forward  no  grounds  for  this  view, 


PAGANISM 

which  is  prima  facie  improbable,  such  as  to  forbid 
us  to  regard  tliem  as  the  work  of  pagan  artists 
for  the  use  of  their  co-religionists. 

The  very  curious  wall-paintings  of  a  decidedly 
pagan  character,  in  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus, 
first  published  by  Bottari  (torn.  ii.  preface,  p.  v. 
pp.  192,  218)  and  given  by  Perret  (vol.  i.  pi. 
Ixx.-lxxiv.)  and  by  Parker  (Archaeology  of  Bom. 
Catacombs),  to  which  a  Christian  origin  was 
assigned  by  Eaoul-Rochette  and  other  writers, 
are  now  proved  to  belong  to  one  of  the  Gnostic 
sects.  The  sepulcliral  chamber  they  decorate  is 
that  of  Vincentius,  a  priest  of  a  deity  named 
Sabasis  or  Sabasus,  and  his  wife  Vibia,  whose 
death  preceded  his  own.  They  embrace  four 
scenes : — (1)  Abreptio  Vibies,  the  soul  of  Vibia 
carried  oil"  by  Pluto  in  his  quadriga,  and  the 
dcscensio,  her  descent  to  Hades.  (2)  Her  judg- 
ment before  the  throne  of  Pluto  (D  is  pater),  seated 
with  his  wife  Abracura  (a^pa  KovpTj),  the  three 
Fates  (Fata  Divina).  Vibia  is  introduced  by 
Mercury,  and  accompanied  by  Alcestis.  (3) 
Inductio  Vibies,  her  introduction  to  the  mystic 
banquet  by  the  Angelus  bonus,  a  youth  crowned 
with  flowers,  and  her  taking  her  place  with  the 
other  guests  at  a  sigma-shaped  table  (Bonorum 
judicio  judicati).  (4)  The  funeral  banquet  given 
by  Vincentius  in  her  honour  to  the  priests  of 
Sebasius  (septeljii]  'pii  saccrdotes).  The  pagan 
character  of  the  whole  is  so  pronounced  that  it 
is  difficult  to  understand  how  these  paintings 
could  have  been  supposed  to  have  a  Christian 
origin. 

(Piper,  Mythologie  und  Symbolik  der  Christliclien 
Kunst;  Munter,  Sinnbilder :  Macarius,  Hagio- 
glypta ;  Garrucci,  Arti  Cristiane ;  Kaoul- 
Rochette,  Tableau  des  Catacombes ;  Perret,  Les 
Catacombes ;  De  Rossi,  Eoma  Sotterranea ;  Bullet- 
tino  ;  Northcote  and  Brownlow,  Roma  Sotter- 
xraiiea  ;  Parker,  Archaeology  of  Eome.  [Tomb  ; 
Sarcophagus.]  [E.  V.] 

PAGANISM,  SUEVIVAL  OF.  Enquiry 
in  connexion  with  this  subject  may  be  simijli- 
fied  by  treating  it  under  three  heads:  (I.) 
Paganism  as  a  form  of  public  worshi}}  supported, 
recognised,  or  tolerated  by  the  civil  power.  (II.) 
As  a  popular  belief  existing  in  open  contravention 
of  state  authority  and  in  avowed  antagonism  to 
Christianity.  (III.)  As  interwoven  with  the  reli- 
gion, discipline,  and  ceremonial  of  Christian  com- 
munities, or  discernible  in  their  everyday  life  and 
practice.  [For  pagan  influences  on  education,  see 
Schools.] 

Some  of  the  principal  facts  relating  to  (I.)  are 
given  under  Idolatry,  but  it  will  be  of  service 
here  to  pass  under  review,  somewhat  moi'e  gene- 
rally, the  influences  that  successively  determined 
the  relations  of  paganism  to  the  ruling  power 
under  the  empire — a  part  of  the  subject  inti- 
mately connected  wuth  (II.)  and  (HI.). 

(I.)  The  earliest  sentiments  of  paganism 
with  respect  to  Christianity  appear  to  have 
been  those  of  indifferent  tolerance.  When, 
however,  the  true  character  of  Christianity 
began  to  be  better  understood,  as  that  of  an 
avowedly  aggressive  and  intolerant  creed — 
aggressive,  that  is  to  say,  in  that  all  other  beliefs 
were  regarded  by  its  followers  as  hostile,  and 
intolerant  in  that  it  professedly  aimed  at  the 
overthrow  of  all  other  religions — the  attitude  of 
the  civil  power  altogether  changed.    [Martyr.] 


PAGANISM 

The  conversion  of  Constantine  and  the  edict  of 
Milan  (October  28,  313),  extending  state  recogni- 
tion to  Christianity,  materially  modified  all  the 
pre-existing  conditions  of  paganism,  which  from 
this  time  presents  itself  under  a  different  aspect. 
A  considerable  difference  is  also  now  discernible 
in  the  conditions  under  which  it  continued  to 
exist  in  the  East  and  those  which  surrounded 
it  in  the  West — a  distinction  of  no  little  import- 
ance in  the  later  history  of  paganism,  and  one  to 
■which  we  shall  have  occasion  again  to  refer. 

The  edict  of  Milan  =»  marks  the  inauguration 
of  the  principle  of  universal  toleration ;  everyone 
was  thereby  permitted  publicly  to  profess  what- 
-ever  religion  he  chose.  It  gave  to  the  Christians 
and  to  all  alike,  "  et  Christianis  et  omnibus,"  full 
and  open  freedom,  "  potestatem  liberam  et 
apertam,"  "  sequendi  religionem  quam  quisque 
voluisset  "  (Euseb.  Hist.  Ecclcs.  x.  5).  Con- 
stantine, though  protecting  Christianity,  at 
the  same  time  maintained  the  priests  of  the 
ancient  religion  in  the  enjoyment  of  their 
customary  privileges  (Cod.  'Iheod.  XII.  i.  21, 
A.D.  335  ;  XII.  V.  2,  a.d.  337  ;  Haenel,  1204, 
1278).  When  his  palace  was  struck  by  light- 
ning, he  sent  to  consult  the  pagan  augurs ; 
he  himself  continued  to  be  saluted  by  the 
title  and  represented  in  the  attire  of  Pontifex 
Maximus  (Mionnet,  Me'dailles  romaincs,  ii.  236)  ; 
and  the  statement  of  Zosimus  (iv.  36),  that  the 
same  honour  was  accepted  by  his  successors 
until  the  time  of  Gratian,  proves  that  the  title 
still  carried  with  it,  in  the  eyes  of  many,  a  cer- 
tain amount  of  prestige.  Other  facts  point  with 
-equal  force  to  the  tenacity  with  which  the  forms 
and  fashions  of  paganism  continued  to  pervade 
official  and  ceremonial  observance.  A  panegyric 
addressed  to  Constantine  in  the  year  321,  h>y 
Nazarius,  is  full  of  allusions  to  the  pagan  mytho- 
logy." A  law  enacted  in  the  same  year,  while 
condemning  magical  rites,  nevertheless  gives 
direct  sanction  to  the  use  of  charms  and  incanta- 
tions against  snow  or  hail  {Cod.  Theod.  IX.  xvi. 
3  ;  Haenel,  p.  868).  In  the  year  331,  a  date 
which  has  been  assigned  as  marking  the  decisive 
overthrow  of  pagan  worship  (Beugnot,  Hist,  de 
la  Destruction  du  Pag.  i.  175),  from  the  fact  that 
it  witnessed  the  almost  complete  destruction  of 
the  temples  in  Africa,  we  find  Anicius  Paulinus, 
the  prefect  of  Rome,  restoring  the  temple  of 
Concord  (Gruter,  Insc.  totlus  Orbis  Romani,  i. 
100).  Constantine,  after  his  death,  received  the 
honours  of  apotheosis  and  the  appellation  of 
"Divus  "  (Eutropius,  x.  10). 

A  politic  regard  for  popular  feeling,  as  asso- 
ciated with  time-hallowed  observances,  appears 
to  have  led  the  civil  authorities  still  to  sanction 
or  permit  many  of  the  traditional  formalities 
and  solemnities  of  paganism,  but  in  the  mean- 
time public  sentiment  itself  was  undergoing 
a  great  change.  Of  this  a  remarkable  proof 
is  afforded  in  the  fact  that  the  tombs  of  the  dead 
(which  among  purely  pagan  communities  were 
always  regarded  with  superstitious  veneration 
and  invested  with  a  peculiar  sanctity)  now 
began  to  be  frequently  plundered  and  desecrated. 
The  symbols  and  adornments  of  these  structures, 


PAGANISM 


1537 


a  This  edict  has  not  descended  to  us  as  a  state  docu- 
ment ;  but  the  copy  sent  by  the  emperor  Licinius  to  the 
prefect  of  Bithynia  has  been  preserved  by  Lactantius 
(Migne,  Patrol,  vii.  267). 


which  reflected  the  ancient  religious  belief, 
appear  to  have  excited  at  once  the  contempt  and 
cupidity  of  the  Christians,  who  converted  the 
materials  to  the  commonest  uses,  even  carrying 
them  away  for  building  purposes.  An  edict  of 
Constantius  II.  promulgated  A.D.  340,  enacts 
that  those  guilty  of  such  sacrilege,  without  the 
cognisance  of  the  proprietor,  shall  be  condemned 
to  work  in  the  mines  {Cod.  Thcod.  IX.  xvii.  1  ; 
Haenel,  p.  874).  A  subsequent  law  prescribed 
the  punishment  of  death  ;  but  in  the  year  349 
{ib.  IX.  xvii.  2)  this  was  mitigated  to  the  im- 
position of  a  fine. 

Legislation  now  appears  as  largely  dictated 
by  a  twofold  regard  :  (1)  for  the  responsibilities 
involved  in  the  profession  of  the  Christian  faith 
by  the  state,  (2)  for  the  feelings  of  the  Christiap 
majority  among  the  people  ;  while,  on  the  other 
hand,  there  is  ample  evidence,  especially  in  the 
West,  that  respect  for  the  prejudices  of  what 
was  still  a  powerful  minority  often  caused  suc- 
cessive enactments  to  remain  almost  a  dead 
letter.  It  would  accordingly  appear  probable 
that,  for  a  lengthened  period,  repressive  legis- 
lation was  virtually  inoperative.  Thus,  in  the 
year  341,  we  find  that  pagan  sacrifices  were  for- 
mally forbidden — "  cesset  superstitio,  sacrificio- 
rum  aboleatur  insania  "  {Cod.  Ilieod.  XVI.  x.  2  ; 
Haenel,  p.  1612).  The  proof,  however,  that 
such  sacrifices  were  still  publicly  offered  is  so 
incontrovertible  that  Labastie  conjectures  that 
reference  is  here  intended  only  to  private  sacri- 
fices and  the  magical  rites  with  which  they  were 
frequently  associated.  But  such  an  hypothesis 
is  rendered  highly  improbable  by  the  language 
of  an  edict  promulgated  in  346,  which,  while 
directing  that  the  temples  without  the  city  walls 
shall  be  permitted  to  remain  uninjured,  distinctly 
implies  that  those  within  the  city  precincts  were 
marked  out  for  destruction ;  and  even  the  reser- 
vation in  favour  of  the  former  is  justified  solely 
on  the  ground  that  the  public  games  and  Cir- 
censes  had  originated  with  the  worship  that  was 
associated  with  certain  temples,  and  that  it  was 
"  not  fitting  that  those  should  be  overthrown 
from  whence  the  Roman  people  derived  the 
celebration  of  ancient  festivities  "  {Cod.  Theod. 
XVI.  X.  2,  3;  Haenel,  p.  1612). 

A  similar  difficulty  attaches  to  two  enact- 
ments, purporting 'to  belong  to  the  years  353 
and  356,  forbidding  sacrifices  of  every  kind  under 
penalty  of  death  ;  for  here  again  Beugnot  proves, 
from  the  evidence  of  inscriptions,  that  through- 
out the  reign  of  Constantius  II.  the  temples  were 
open  and  sacrifices  offered,  not  only  in  Rome, 
but  throughout  the  Western  empire.  Of  this 
contradiction,  Beugnot  can  find  no  other  expla- 
nation than  that  afforded  by  the  supposition  of 
Labastie,  that  the  above  laws,  though  probably 
drawn  up  during  the  reign  of  Constantius,  re- 
mained unpromulgated,  and,  being  subsequently 
found  by  Theodosius  among  the  state  papers, 
were  inserted  by  him  in  the  code  with  conjectural 
dates. 

During  the  reiens  of  Julian  (361-363),  Jovian 
(363-364),  and  of  Valentinian  in  the  West  (364- 
375),  and  Valens  in  the  East  (364-378),  the  state 
theory  appears  to  have  been  that  of  general 
tolerance  and  strict  impartiality  with  respect 
to  religious  belief  (Gieseler,  Kirchcrujeschichte,  I. 
ii.  21,  22);  but  we  have  evidence  that  the  im- 
perial power  still  cherished  a  certain  sympathy 


1538 


PAGANISM 


with  many  pagan  practices  [Magic,  VI.  2).  The 
coins  and  medals  of  the  period  bear  the  figures 
of  many  of  the  pagan  deities,  especially  those  of 
Egypt  (Beugnot,  i.  271,  272).  It  is  stated  by 
Anastasius  Bibliothecarius  that  in  the  reign  of 
Valentinian,  an  emperor  whose  Arian  sympathies 
divided  and  weakened  the  Christian  party,  pa- 
ganism assumed  so  aggressive  a  demeanour  that 
the  clergy  were  afraid  to  enter  the  churches  or 
the  public  baths — "neque  in  ecclesias  neque  in 
balnea  haberent  introitum"  (Vitae Horn.  I'ontif.; 
Migne,  Patrol,  cxxviii.  31).  It  is,  however,  not 
a  little  remarkable  that  an  edict  of  the  same 
emperor,  of  the  year  368  {Cod.  Thcod.  XVI.  ii. 
18)  presents  us,  for  the  first  time,  with  the 
term  "  pagani  "  as  applied  to  the  adherents  of 
the  old  religion.  At  Rome,  we  have  abundant 
evidence  that  this  party  was  still  powerful. 
Prudeutius  (cont.  Symmach.  i.  v.  545)  can  con- 
gratulate only  six  families  of  senatorial  rank 
on  having  embraced  the  new  faith  (the  Anicii, 
the  Probi,  the  Paulini,  the  Bassi,  the  Olybrii, 
and  the  Gracchi),  and  Augustine  (Conf.  viii.  2) 
distinctly  implies  that  in  the  time  of  Simpli- 
cianus,  the  teacher  of  St.  Ambrose,  the  majority 
of  the  Roman  nobility  were  strongly  opposed  to 
Christianity.  Even  Gratian  (367-383)  appears 
to  have  proclaimed  almost  perfect  liberty  of  con- 
science, except  with  regard  to  some  minor  sects, 
whose  tenets  were  supposed  to  involve  obliga- 
tions incompatible  with  fidelity  to  the  state 
(Soz.  //.  B.  vii.  1 ;  Migne,  Series  Grcteca,  Ixvii. 
1.418).  But  in  the  year  382  he  ordered  that 
the  statue  of  Victory,  "  custos  imperii  virgo," 
should  be  removed  from  the  Curia;  he  also 
forbade  the  ofl'ering  of  the  "  hostiae  consulta- 
toriae  "  {Cod.  Tlieod.  XVI.  x.  7),  and  refused, 
for  himself,  the  title  of  Pontifex  Maximus.  It 
is  evident  from  the  language  of  Zosimus  (iv. 
36)  that  this  last  act  was  interpreted  by  the 
pagan  party  itself  as  a  formal  renunciation  of 
the  ancient  union  between  the  supreme  spiritual 
and  the  supreme  temporal  power,  and  as  inti- 
mating the  imperial  repudiation  of  all  claims  of 
paganism  on  the  latter. 

The  enactments  of  Theodosius  (378-395)  may 
be  considered  to  mark  the  real  commencement 
of  the  downfall  of  paganism,  but  their  influence 
was  still  almost  entirely  limited  to  the  East. 
The  emperor  had  the  sagacity  to  perceive  how 
largely  unity  in  religion  might  be  made  to 
conduce  to  the  object  towards  which  his  whole 
policy  was  directed— the  establishment  of  the 
unity  of  the  empire.  "  We  will,"  says  the  edict 
of  April  27,  380,  "that  all  the  nations  subject 
to  our  sway  be  of  that  religion  which  the  divide 
apostle  Peter  (as  the  faith  introduced  by  him 
and  preserved  to  the  present  time  declares) 
handed  down  to  the  Romans"  {Cod.  Theod.X.Vl. 
i.  2  ;  Haenel,  p.  1476).  A  law  of  the  year  381 
(Jb.  XVI.  vii.  1)  enacted  that  those  who  had 
relapsed  into  paganism  should  forfeit  the  right 
to  dispose  of  their  property  by  will ;  this  enact- 
ment was  confirmed  two  years  later  {ib.  XVI. 
vii.  2) ;  in  the  year  385  the  inspection  of 
entrails  and  all  magical  rites  were  forbidden 
under  pain  of  death  ;  a  law  of  February  391,  pro- 
mulgated in  the  first  instance  at  Milan,  forbade 
sacrifice  to  idols,  or  even  to  enter  the  temples 
{ib.  XVI.  X.  10^  Zosimus,  IV.  xxxiii.  8);  while 
■Vhe  same  law,  as  promulgated  at  Constantinople 
n  the  November  of  the  following  year,  visited 


PAGANISM 

such  practices  with  the  penalty  of  death  {Cod. 
Theod.  XVI.  x.  12  ;  see  also  Idolatry).  It  is 
stated  by  Theodoret  {Eccl.  Hist.  v.  20 ;  Migne, 
Series  Graeca,  Ixxxii.  1055)  that  Theodosius  also 
decreed  the  demolition  of  the  temples,  but  no 
such  law  is  extant,  and  the  assertion  must  at 
least  be  looked  upon  as  of  doubtful  authority. 
We  have  it,  however,  on  the  authority  of 
Libanius  that  the  prefect  Cynegius  was  in- 
structed to  close  the  temples  in  Egypt,  wheie 
both  the  Greek  and  the  Egyptian  worship  still 
numbered  many  adherents  {Orat.  pro  Templis, 
p.  194). 

The  distinction,  above  referred  to,  between 
East  and  West  now  becomes  of  primary  im- 
portance. Generally  speaking,  the  evidence 
would  seem  to  shew  that  legislation  which 
was  severely  enforced  in  the  former  division  of 
the  empire  was  practically  inoperative  in  the 
latter.  In  the  East,  paganism,  being  unidenti- 
fied with  any  political  party,  and  possessing  no 
influence  over  the  executive  power,  was  in- 
capable of  any  organised  resistance.  Instances, 
indeed,  are  to  be  found,  even  so  late  as  the  5th 
century,  of  pagans  occufiying  posts  of  high 
office — as,  for  example,  that  of  Optatus,  who 
was  prefect  of  Constantinople  in  the  year  404 
(Socrates,  JI.  E.  vi.  18 ;  Migne,  Series  Graeca, 
Ixvii.  337);  but  these  are  of  rare  occurrence, 
and  whatever  influence  the  pagan  party  still 
possessed  was  mainly  limited  to  the  schools. 
Hence,  even  so  early  as  the  commencement 
of  the  4th  century,  Lucian,  the  celebrated 
teacher  of  Antioch,  who  suffered  martyrdom 
under  Maximin,  affirms  that  "  whole  cities  and 
the  greater  part  of  the  world  "  are  already  of 
the  Christian  faith  (Milman,  Hist,  of  Chr.  ii. 
276),  a  statement  which,  the  evidence  already 
adduced  shews,  could  have  been  even  approxi- 
mately true  only  with  reference  to  the  Eastern 
provinces.  In  the  West,  on  the  other  hand,  and 
especially  in  Rome,  where  the  hereditary  dig- 
nities and  offices,  and  the  whole  historical  asso- 
ciations of  the  city,  were  closely  interwoven 
with  the  ancient  religion,  paganism  maintained 
its  ground  with  remarkable  tenacity.  Theodosius 
himself  evidently  recognized  this  broad  distinc- 
tion;  for  though  he  is  accused  by  Zosimus  (v. 
38)  of  persecuting  the  ancient  ritual,  he  neither 
closed  the  temples  nor  proscribed  the  pontiffs  in 
the  West.  Finlay  {Greeks  imder  the  Empire, 
p.  160)  considers  that  the  attachment  of  the 
Roman  aristocracy  to  paganism  proved  the  ruin 
of  the  Latin  provinces  ;  while  those  of  the  East- 
were  saved  by  the  unity  of  their  religious  faith. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  reign  of  Honorius 
(395-423),  temples  to  Jupiter,  Mercury,  Saturn, 
the  Mater  Deiim,  Apollo,  Diana,  Minerva,  Spes 
and  Fortuna,  and  Concord,  were  still  standing  in 
Rome,  and  many  of  the  old  religious  ceremonies 
and  festivals  continued  to  be  observed.  An 
edict  of  the  year  399,  promulgated  at  Ravenna, 
while  forbidding  the  pagan  worship,  prohibited 
the  destruction  of  the  temples  ;  it  was  the  im- 
perial pleasure,  it  stated,  that  edifices  which 
gave  so  much  adornment  to  the  public  thorough- 
fares should  be  preserved — "  publicorum  operum 
ornamenta  servari "  {Cod.  Theod.  XVI.  x.  15). 

It  is  not  accordingly  until  the  year  408  that 
paganism  can  be  regarded  as  having  been 
rigorously  suppresse(^  in  the  AVest.  In  the 
December  of  that  year  an   edict  of  Honorius, 


PAGANISM 

addressed  to  Curtius,  prefect  of  Italy,  forbade 
all  payments  ("annonae")  to  the  maintenance 
of  the'  ancient  worship,  enjoined  that  all  images 
in  the  temples,  if  any  still  remained,  should  be 
removed,  and  that  the  temjiles  themselves  should 
be  converted  to  secular  uses  and  the  altars 
destroyed  (ib.  XVI.  x.  20). 

lu  Africa  this  legislation  appears  to  have 
been  put  in  force  with  exceptional  severity,  and 
three  out  of  the  five  edicts  directed  in  the  reign 
of  Honorius  against  paganism  relate  to  that 
province.  Augustine  (de  Civ.  Del,  sviii.  54) 
testifies  to  the  actual  execution,  by  the  imperial 
officers,  Gaudentius  and  Jovius,  of  these  enact- 
ments :  pagan  priests  who  had  failed  to  quit 
Carthage  by  a  certain  day,  were  compelled  to 
retire  to  their  native  towns  or  villages,  and  all 
property  devoted  to  the  support  of  the  pagan 
worship  was  confiscated. 

The  testimony  of  contemporary  writers  to  the 
general  overthrow  of  paganism  now  becomes 
explicit  and  unanimous.  Zeno,  bishop  of  Verona 
towards  the  close  of  the  4th  century,  speaks 
of  "  nearly  the  whole  world  "  as  alreadv  Chris- 
tian (ad  Cor.  I.  vii.  29  ;  Migne,  si".  304) ; 
Jerome,  writing  a  few  years  later  (a.d.  403), 
says  "  the  golden  Capitol  is  dishonoured  ;  all  the 
temples  of  Rome  stand  begrimed  with  smoke 
and  covered  with  cobwebs ;  the  city  is  stirred 
to  its  foundations,  and  the  populace  stream  past 
the  half-demolished  shrines  on  their  way  to  the 
tombs  of  the  martyrs  "  {Epist.  cvii.).  Augustine, 
in  Africa,  declares  that  God  has  willed  the  over- 
throw of  Gentile  superstition,  and  that  He  has 
already  to  a  great  extent  completed  His  pur- 
pose. "  Ye  behold,"  he  says,  in  one  of  his 
epistles,  "  the  temples,  some  fallen  into  ruin, 
some  overthrown,  some  closed,  some  converted 
to  other  uses ;  and  the  idols  themselves 
broken,  burnt,  shut  up  fi-om  view,  or  actually 
destroyed "  {Epist.  ccxxxii.).  The  language 
of  Theodoretus  in  the  East  is  still  more  em- 
phatic ;  he  avers,  with  something  of  Oriental 
exaggeration,  that  the  temples  had  been  so 
utterly  destroyed,  that  their  very  fashion  had 
faded  from  memory,  and  men  no  longer  knew 
how  to  construct  au  altar,  while  their  materials 
had  been  consecrated  by  being  used  for  the 
tombs  of  the  martyrs  (Senno  de  Martijr. ;  Migne, 
Series  Graeccf,  Ixxxiii.  1034).  An  edict  of 
Theodosius  II.  of  the  year  423,  assumes  that 
paganism  is  virtually  extinct — "paganos  qui 
supersunt,  quamquam  jam  nullos  esse  credamus, 
promulgatarum  legum  jamdudum  praescripta 
compescant "  (God.  Theod.  XVI.  x.  22) ;  but  the 
appearance  of  subsequent  repressive  enactments, 
e.g.  one  of  the  year  425  (Append,  to  Cod.  Theod. 
p.  17),  forbidding  that  pagans  should  practise 
at  the  bar,  exercise  military  functions,  or  own 
Christian  slaves,  proves  that  the  exceptions  were 
still  numerous. 

Even  after  this  time  not  a  few  traces  of  pagan 
practices  are  discernible  in  a  form  that  directly 
challenged  the  attention  of  the  state,  and  are 
perhaps  to  be  explained  as  existing  by  sufferance, 
the  Christian  legislator  deeming  that  conces- 
sions like  these  might  be  made  to  the  prejudices 
of  the  vanquished  party  without  detriment  to 
the  security  of  the  true  "faith.  Instances  of  this 
kind  are  the  public  festivals  and  rejoicings  on 
the  kalends  of  January,  practices  especially  con- 
demned by  Maximus  of  Turin,  and  by  Chrysoloras, 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.   II. 


PAGANISM 


1539 


bishop  of  Ravenna  in  430.  The  former  ex- 
pressly complains,  that  though  Christian  rulers 
enacted  salutary  laws  for  the  protection  of 
religion,  the  magistrates  gave  themsekes  no  trouble 
to  see  that  these  laws  were  carried  out  (Migne, 
Patrol.  Ivii.  610).  The  watching  of  the  flight 
of  birds,  and  the  shaking  of  the  lots  in  the  urn 
at  the  election  of  consuls,  were  still  practised 
under  Valentinian  III.  ;  and  even  so  late  as  the 
reign  of  Anthemius  (a.d.  467-472)  representations 
of  pagan  deities  appear  on  the  coinage  of  the 
empire  (Vaillant,  Numismata  Impp.  Romanorum, 
iii.  629). 

An  edict  of  Theodoric,  of  the  year  500  (Lin- 
denbrog.  Cod.  Leg.  Ant.  p.  255),  directing  that 
all  persons  found  sacrificing  according  to  the 
rites  of  paganism  shall  be  put  to  death,  marks 
the  culminating  point  of  repressive  legislation 
in  the  West ;  although,  when  taken  in  con- 
junction with  undeniable  evidence  of  the  con- 
tinued existence  of  paganism,  even  this  enactment 
is  regarded  by  Beugnot  as  a  menace,  rather  than 
designed  to  be  really  carried  into  execution  ;  and 
he  adduces  in  support  of  this  view  the  complete 
absence  of  any  trace  of  judicial  proceedings  in 
Italy  against  the  supporters  of  the  ancient 
religion  {Hist,  de  la  Destruct.  de  Faganisme,  ii. 
282). 

On  the  whole,  the  commencement  of  the  6th 
century  must  be  looked  upon  as  the  period  when 
the  severance  between  the  civil  power  in  the 
empire  and  the  pagan  faith  was  first  really 
carried  into  complete  effect,  and  the  closing  of 
the  schools  of  Athens  by  Justinian,  in  the  year 
529,  marks  the  formal  repression  of  the  old 
philosophy,  between  which  and  Christian  doc- 
trine it  had  at  one  time  seemed  possible  that  a 
reconciliation  might  be  effected.  The  destruc- 
tion at  nearly  the  same  time  of  a  temple  to 
Apollo  that  had  long  stood  on  Monte  Cassiuo,  to 
make  way  for  St.  Benedict's  celebrated  monas- 
tery, tyi^iiies  a  corresponding  revolution  in  the 
religious  life. 

II.  The  swvival  of  paganism  as  a  popular 
belief,  in  open  contravention  of  state  authority  and 
in  avowed  antagonism  to  Christianity. — This, 
again,  requires  to  be  distinguished  according  as 
it  presents  itself  (i)  as  a  survival  of  the  ancient 
Greek  or  Roman  mythology  ;  (ii)  as  the  religion 
of  Teutonic  or  other  barbarous  nations. 

(i)  Paganism  bemg,  as  the  word  denotes,  the 
faith  of  the  villager,  its  later  history  is  to  be 
traced  almost  exclusively  in  districts  compara- 
tively isolated  from  intercourse  with  the  great 
centres  of  civilisation.  The  force  of  the  term  is 
illustrated  by  the  observation  of  Orosius,  that 
"  as  aliens  from  the  city  of  God,  living  near 
cross  roads  and  villages  in  country  districts,  they 
are  called  villagers  or  gentiles  " — "  qui  alieni  a 
civitate  Dei  ex  locorum  agrestium  compitis  et 
pagis  pagani  vocantur  sive  gentiles  "  (Migne, 
xxxi.  3).  Similarly  Prudentius  (contra  Sym- 
machum,  iv.  620)  speaks  of  the  defenders  of  the 
ancient  faith  as  "pago  implicitos."  Of  its  per- 
sistence and  reappearance  in  such  localities,  long 
after  the  civil  power  had  pronounced  it  extinct, 
we  have  frequent,  and  often  startling,  evidence. 
The  triumph  of  Christianity  was  very  far  from 
being  a  continuously  progressive  overthrow  of 
the  old  superstitions.  Not  to  advert  to  those 
cases  in  which  the  new  faith  itself  became  alto- 
gether extinct,  as  in  Africa  before  the  advance 
5  G 


1540 


PAGANISM 


of  Mahometanism,  there  are  not  a  few  instances 
of  its  temporary  disappearance  in  comparatively 
limited  districts,  through  the  relapse  of  the 
population  into  paganism.  Generally  speaking 
the  following  conclusions  are  probably  sound : 
(1)  That  where  a  break  in  the  recorded  epis- 
copal succession  presents  itself,  paganism  re- 
gained the  ascendancy  during  the  period  repre- 
sented by  this  vacancy.  "  If,"  says  Gregory  of 
Tours,  when  referring  to  the  succession  in  his 
own  diocese,  "  any  one  should  inquire  why  only 
one  bishop,  namelj-,  Litorius,  is  to  be  found 
in  the  period  extending  from  the  death  of 
bishop  Gatianus  to  St.  Martin,  let  him  know 
that,  owing  to  the  resistance  of  the  pagans,  the 
city  of  Tours  was  long  deprived  of  all  priestly 
benediction  "  {Hist.  Fi:  i.  43).  (2)  That  where, 
in  the  history  of  a  community  or  of  a  city,  we 
find  no  trace  of  a  bishopric  or  of  a  monastery, 
paganism  probably  continued  to  hold  its  ground. 

The  language  of  St.  Augustine,  who  speaks 
of  the  faith  as  "  toto  terrarum  orbe  diffusa, 
exceptis  Romanis  et  adhuc  paucis  Occiden- 
talibus,"  points  to  a  distinction  which  may  be 
regarded  as  valid  during  the  greater  part  of 
our  period.  In  the  6th  century  the  pagan  party 
in  the  East  (the  iraTSes  "EK\-i)va>v,  as  they  were 
termed)  became  subject  to  persecutions  scarcely 
less  cruel  than  those  which  the  Christians 
encountered  under  Diocletian.  John  Malalas 
[Chronographia  ;  ]\Iigne  (S.  G.),  xcvii.  449]  states 
that  in  the  year  561  there  was  a  great  persecu- 
tion (Sjcoy^bs  'E.\\i]vo3V  (.Ujas),  and  that  the 
property  of  many  adherents  of  paganism  was 
confiscated  ;  while  a  decree  forbade  them  to 
exercise  their  political  rights  as  citizens.  He 
also  tells  how  certain  gamblers  (rives  tS>v 
KOTTLffTS>v)  who  had  been  guilty  of  blasphemy 
(I3\afr(priixlas  Sftvals  tavTOVs  Trepi^aXSfres)  were 
sentenced  to  have  their  h.inds  and  feet  cut  off, 
and  in  this  state  were  paraded  naked  on  camels 
through  the  streets  of  Constantinople,  while 
their  books  and  the  images  of  their  gods  were 
burnt  at  the  Cynegium. 

In  the  Italian  prefecture,  on  the  other  hand, 
where  the  presence  of  the  barbarian  conqueror 
(still  either  pagan  or  Arian)  secured  for  the 
Koman  paganism  a  certain  toleration,  the  ancient 
religion  was  long  cherished  and  its  rites  prac- 
tised. At  Rome  it  found  support  in  the  political 
traditions  and  associations  of  the  aristocratic 
party,  and  in  the  rural  districts  of  Italy  was 
protected  by  a  genuine,  though  bigoted,  devotion 
to  the  national  worship.  Even  Christian  his- 
torians admit  that  in  these  latter  regions  idolatry 
still  reigned  in  the  4th  century,  and  that  the 
work  of  evangelization  was  attended  with  con- 
siderable peril.  In  the  mountainous  districts  of 
the  north,  Saturn  and  Diana  continued  to  receive 
the  homage  of  the  peasantry,  and  the  first 
preachers  of  Christianity  encountered  a  martyr's 
fate  (Beugnot,  i.  284).  The  inhabitants  of 'the 
valleys  of  Piedmont  stubbornly  defended  the 
faith  of  their  ancestors  ;  Valens  and  Valentinian 
were  saluted  by  the  Venetians  as  the  "  divini 
patres  "  (Muratori,  i.  264,  no.  4).  At  Turin  and 
13rescello,  statues  were  erected  to  Julian  (Mar- 
mora Taurinen.  i.  249).  At  Milan,  where  the 
influence  of  St.  Ambrose  was  jiaramount  pagan- 
ism almost  disappeared ;  but  a  tractate  of 
Maximus  of  Turin  (Jligne,  Patrol.  Ivii.  721), 
written  nearly    half  a  century  later,  "  Contra 


PAGANISM 

Paganos,"  proves  the  extent  to  which  it  pre- 
vailed in  the  surrounding  districts.  Etruria, 
which  Christian  historians  have  represented  as 
completely  converted  during  the  reign  of  Con- 
stantine,  appears  by  the  testimony  of  Ammianus 
Marcellinus  (b.  xxvii.  c.  3)  and  that  of  Zosimus 
(v.  xli.)  to  have  been  a  stronghold  of  the  an  of 
divination  in  their  time,  and  to  have  supplied 
all  Italy  with  diviners.  At  Florence,  distin- 
guished by  its  worship  of  Mars,  a  tradition 
prevailed  that  if  the  statue  of  that  deity  were 
dishonoured  evil  would  befall  the  city  (Villani, 
i.  Ix.) ;  and,  out  of  deference  to  superstitious 
feeling,  the  statue  was  placed  on  the  bank  of  the 
Arno,  where  it  long  continued  to  receive  the 
homage  of  the  citizens.  At  Volaterra  the 
pagan  worship,  protected  by  the  powerful  family 
of  the  Caecinae,  maintained  its  ground,  and  was 
professed  with  impunity  (Rutilius  Numat.  i.  v. 
453).  In  the  central  poi-tion  of  the  peninsula, 
the  evidence  of  inscriptions  and  of  pagan 
writers  reveals  the  existence  of  the  pagan 
element  at  Sestinum,  Rimini,  Spoleto,  Alba, 
Ostia,  Praeneste,  &c.  (Symmachus,  Epist.  i.  43  ; 
Ammian.  Marc.  b.  xix.  c.  10 ;  Macrobius,  Sat.  i. 
23).  The  south,  owing  in  a  great  measure  to 
the  inaccessible  nature  of  the  country,  long  re- 
mained pagan.  Naples  was  distinguished  by  its 
adherence  to  the  national  faith  (Benevent.  Ant. 
Thes.  i.  118).  The  insularity  of  Sicily  exercised 
a  similar  influence,  and  inscriptions  at  Dre- 
panum  and  Marsala  shew  that  these  cities  were 
still  unchristianized  so  late  as  the  reign  of 
Valens  and  Valentinian  (Siciliac  Inscript.  Collect. 
pp.  27,  36).  Beugnot  (i.  289)  considers  that 
paganism  continued  to  be  dominant  in  the  island 
imtil  supplanted  towards  the  end  of  the  5th 
century  by  the  worship  of  the  Virgin,  which, 
after  the  third  general  council  at  Ephesus,  was 
largely  introduced  (Gronologia  univ.  della  Sicilia, 
p.  601). 

The  islands  of  the  Western  Mediterranean 
long  remained  altogether  pagan.  Rutilius  (i.  v. 
375)  speaks  of  the  worship  of  Osiris  as  pre- 
vailing in  ILlba,  while  that  of  Hercules  appears 
to  have  predominated  in  Sardinia  (Graevius, 
Thesaur.  xv.  58). 

In  the  province  of  Africa,  where  the  intimate 
relations  with  Rome  gave  rise  to  a  similar  state 
of  religious  feeling,  a  spirit  of  indifference  seems 
long  to  have  tolerated  the  ancient  worship  of 
the  country.  The  deities  to  whom  special 
reverence  was  paid  were  the  Tyrian  god, 
Melcarth  (identified  by  some  writers  with  the 
Libyan  Hercules),  together  with  Saturn  and 
Celeste.  Salvian  {de  Gub.  Dei,  Migne,  liii.  178) 
represents  even  Christians  of  his  time  as  uniting 
with  pagans  in  ceremonies  instituted  in  honour 
of  this  goddess.  In  Mauritania  and  Numidia, 
we  meet  with  other  names,  probably  those  of 
the  legendary  heroes  of  the  country.  At  Utica, 
Apollo  ;  at  Carthage,  Ceres  and  Proserpine,  were 
principally  worshipped.  But  the  niost  notice- 
able feature  of  these  provinces,  and  one  which 
long  survived  the  open  worship  of  pagan  deities, 
was  the  devotion  of  the  people  to  superstitious 
arts,  such  as  magic,  sortilegy,  augury,  &c.  At 
the  same  time  paganism  itself  exhibited  a  bold 
front — a  fact  partly  attributable  to  intercourse 
with  Rome,  partly  to  the  Donatist  schism, 
whereby  the  influence  of  the  Christian  party 
was    seriously    impaired.      Tho    spirit    of   the 


PAGANISM 

Donatists  is  illustrated  by  their  admiratioii  of 
the  character  and  policy  of  Julian,  who,  they 
asserted,  was  the  only  emperor  who  had  ex- 
hibited the  impartiality  that  became  the  civil 
power  (August,  cont.  Epist.  Farm.  i.  12  ;  Migne, 
xliii.  47).  But  even  so  late  as  the  year  408, 
we  find  the  pagan  party  at  Calama,  in  Xumidia, 
celebrating  the  kalends  of  June,  "  contra  recen- 
tissiraas  leges ;"  "  tam  insolent!  usu,"  says 
Augustine,  "  ut  quod  nee  Juliani  temporibus  fac- 
tum est."  They  finally  betook  themselves  to 
plundering  a  neighbouring  church,  and  mur- 
dered a  monk — conduct  which  Augustine  admits 
appeared  to  have  the  secret  sympathy  of  the 
principal  inhabitants  of  the  place  {Epist.  91 ; 
Mirne,  xxxiii.  ol6-7). 

In  Spain  the  resistance  to  Christianity  appears 
to  have  been  feeble.  The  absence  of  a  distinct 
national  religion  probably  favoured  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  new  faith,  the  previously  existing  wor- 
ship having  included  the  deities  of  different  lands, 
the  gods  of  the  capitol  together  with  those  of 
Phoenicia,  Greece,  and  Carthage.  We  find,  however, 
evidence  of  a  strong  Roman  element.''  From  the 
reign  of  Constantine  to  that  of  Valentinian,  the 
list  of  the  magistrates  of  the  province  is  notice- 
able, is  presenting  us  with  the  names  of  families 
distinguished  by  their  adherence  to  paganism 
(Masdeu,  v.  507).  St.  Pacian,  bishop  of  Barce- 
lona, who  died  towards  the  end  of  the  4th  cen- 
turv,  declares  that  many  of  the  inhabitants  of 
his  diocese  are  still  given  to  idolatry  (Migne, 
xiii.  1084) ;  and  Macrobius  speaks  of  the  Occi- 
tani,  a  people  near  Cadiz,  as  worshipping  in  the 
same  century,  "  cum  maxima  relligione,"  a  statue 
of  Mars,  whom  they  adored  under  the  name  of 
Neton  (i.  ix.).  Beugnot,  who  differs  from  Mas- 
deu and  Milman  on  this  question,  considers  the 
early  conversion  of  the  province  to  have  been 
little  more  than  nominal,  and  calls  attention  to 
the  articles  of  the  council  of  Elvira  as  indi- 
cating the  existence  of  many  pagan  usages  and, 
at  best,  but  a  very  impure  form  of  Christianity 
(i.  313-4). 

In  the  Gauls,  the  language  of  St.  Jerome, 
"  Gallia  monstra  non  habuit,"  implying  the 
absence  of  idolatry,  must  be  understood  as 
applicable  only  to  the  southern  portion  of  Trans- 
alpine Gaul ;  and  even  in  this  region,  where 
Uoman  institutions  and  Roman  civilization  long 
held  their  ground  after  they  had  been  over- 
thrown ou  the  parent  soil,  the  ancient  faith  was 
cherished  with  remarkable  tenacity.  In  Brit- 
tany, the  place  of  these  traditions  was  supplied 
by  Druidism,  and  in  the  north-east  by  Teutonic 
paganism.  St.  Martin,  in  the  4th  century, 
appears  to  have  been  the  first  whose  efforts  at 
evangelization  were  crowned  by  any  substantial 
success.  "Before  his  arrival,"  says  Sulpicius 
Severus,  "none,  or  scarcely  any,  worshipped  the 
true  God ;  where  he  overthrew  temples,  he  im- 
mediately erected  monasteries  or  churches" 
(Migne,    Patrol,   xv.    167).     Gregory   of  Tours, 


PAGANISil 


1541 


b  An  inscription  at  Tera,  in  Castille,  of  the  time  of 
Diocletian,  quoted  by  ^lasdeu  (^Hist.  de  Efpana,  v.  372) 
on  the  autliority  of  Velasco  Perez  de  la  Torre  (who 
speaks  of  having  both  seen  and  carefully  examined  it), 
purporting  to  record  the  sacrifice  of  a  white  cow  by 
imperial  autliority,  to  celebrate  the  suppression  of  the 
Christian  faith,  is  given  by  Htibner  (,Inscr.  Ilifj}.  Lat. 
p.  26*),  but  rejected  by  him  as  spurious. 


in  his  life  of  Simplicius,  bishop  of  Autun,  nar- 
rates how  the  worship  of  Cybele  still  reigned  in 
the  bishop's  diocese,  and  that  it  was  customarv 
to  carry  her  statue  round  the  fields  and  vine- 
yards in  order  to  render  them  productive.  In 
the  north,  his  friend  Wulfiliach  describes  the 
destruction  of  a  statue  of  Diana,  worshipped 
by  the  inhabitants  of  Treves,  in  the  last  quarter 
of  the  6th  century  (Hist.  Eranc.  viii.  xv.) ;  and 
St.  Ki'ian,  in  the  year  G89,  found  that  at  the 
court  of  Dagobert  II.,  king  of  East  Francia,  the 
same  golden  image,  "in  summa  veneratione 
habebatur  "  {Act.  SS.  Boll.  Juill.  p.  GIG).  Mer- 
cury was  an  object  of  special  veneration  in 
Elsass  (Mone,  ii.  343).  Temples  to  Jupiter, 
Mercury,  and  Apollo  existed  at  Rouen  in  the  7th 
century,  and  were  still  visited  by  worshippers 
(Martene,  Thes.  Nov.  iii.  1656,  b.).  The  con- 
version of  the  Franks  to  Christianity  was  a  far 
more  gradual  process  than  the  example  of  Clovis 
may  appear  to  suggest.  The  superstitions  of  the 
nation  were  widely  spread  by  them  in  Gaul,  and 
a  kind  of  fusion  seems  to  have  taken  place 
between  the  religion  of  the  conqueror  and  that 
of  the  conquered.  Beugnot  considers  that  in  no 
part  of  Europe  were  idolatrous  rites  and  prac- 
tices more  prevalent  subsequent  to  the  introduc- 
tion and  partial  acceptance  of  Christianity. 
HmcxaM- (cid  Episc.  de  Jure  Mctrop.  Migne,  cxxvi. 
200)  states  that  in  the  time  of  Charles  Martel  tiie 
Christian  foith  had  almost  died  out,  both  in 
Austrasia  and  Xeustria,  large  numbers  of  the 
eastern  Franks  never  having  received  baptism. 
The  worship  of  the  Teutonic  gods  was  main- 
tained under  the  names  of  Greek  or  Roman 
divinities  ;  Odin  became  Mercury  ;  Thor,  Jupiter  ; 
Frigga,  Venus.  To  this  practice  we  may  at- 
tribute the  singular  error  of  Gregory  of  Tours, 
who  represents  Clotilda,  when  endeavouring  to 
convert  Clovis,  as  referring  to  the  objects  of  her 
husband's  worship  under  the  names  of  the  deities 
of  the  Greek  mythology.  In  the  year  743,  the 
council  of  Lestines,  in  condemning  many  pagan 
superstitions  still  rife,  refers  to  "  sacra  Jovis  et 
Mercurii  "  (Mansi,  xii.  385)  ;  but  here  the  de- 
sign appears  to  have  been  simply  to  denote, 
under  classical  names,  the  Teutonic  deities,  for 
a  form  of  abjuration  drawn  up  for  the  people  in 
the  vernacular  substitutes  the  names  "  Thunaer 
ende  Uuoden." 

In  England,  where  Celtic  Christianity  was 
driven,  with  the  native  population,  into  Wales, 
the  different  kingdoms  were  indebted  for  their 
evangelization  each  to  a  difl'erent  source  ;  and  the 
work  of  conversion  to  even  nominal  Christianity 
was  not  completed  until  nearly  a  century  from 
the  time  of  the  landing  of  Augustine.  Kent  and 
Essex  relapsed  into  paganism.  Mercia,  under 
Penda,  remained  pagan  until  633.  Bede  states 
that  up  to  the  time  of  Wilfrid's  mission  in  681, 
"  all  in  the  province  of  the  South  Saxons  were 
strangers  to  the  name  and  faith  of  God  "  {Eccl. 
Hist.'w.  12). 

It  is  observed  by  Mone  (Gesch.  dcs  Heidcn- 
thiims,  ii.  51)  that  it  was  the  policy  of  the 
evangelizers  of  northern  Europe  to  choose, 
as  a  centre  of  their  operations,  districts  where 
the  worship  of  the  pagan  gods  was  maintained 
with  greatest  vigour;  a  policy  imitated  by 
Charles  the  Great  in  relation  to  the  Saxons. 
The  see  of  Paderborn,  like  Boniface's  monas- 
tery at   Fulda,  was   erected   among   an  almost 

■^  5  G  2 


1542 


PAGANISM 


entirely  heathen  population.  The  provisions 
of  the  Caiiitulary  of  Paderboru,  a.d.  785 
{da  Partibns  Saxoniac),  bear  witness  to  this 
fact;  and  it  is  inferred  by  Beugnot  that  the 
stringent  character  of  these  enactments,  when 
compared  with  the  milder  legislation  relating  to 
similar  superstitions  in  Gaul,  proves  the  more 
stubborn  adherence  of  the  Saxons  to  their 
national  faith.  It  may  be  observed  that  these 
provisions  were  again  promulgated  as  late  as  the 
year  1035,  by  Conrad  II.  against  the  pagan 
practices  of  the  Wends. 

III.  Faganisni  (i)  as  interwoven  with  the  reli- 
gious rites,  discipline,  and  ceremonial  of  Chris- 
tianity ;  or  (ii)  as  discernible  in  the  every  day  life 
and  practices  of  professedly  Christian  communities. 

This  part  of  the  subject  belongs  mainly  to  the 
period  distinguished  by  Beugnot  as  the  third  and 
concluding  stage  of  the  fall  of  paganism  in  the 
West,  commencing  with  the  reign  of  Valentinian 
III.  and  terminating  with  that  of  Charles  the 
Great.  After  the  fall  of  Rome  before  Alaric,  in 
410,  the  attitude  of  the  state  in  relation  to 
paganism  was  little  altered ;  but  great  conces- 
sions appear  to  have  been  made  by  the  church 
Avith  the  design  of  facilitating  the  work  of  con- 
version. The  policy  which  dictated  these  con- 
cessions may  be  referred  to  a  threefold  senti- 
ment : — (1)'  the  desire  to  mitigate  the  resent- 
ment of  those  who  asserted  that  the  fall  of 
Rome  was  attributable  to  the  neglect  of  the 
worship  of  her  ancient  gods  ;  (2)  to  a  sense  of 
the  common  danger  to  Christianity  and  pagan 
civilization  alike,  presented  in  the  triumph  of 
the  barbaric  invader ;  (3)  to  a  belief  in  the 
approaching  end  of  the  world — an  event  which, 
as  we  learn  from  Tertullian  {Apol.  42)  and  other 
writers,  was  believed  by  the  Christians  them- 
selves to  be  destined  to  follow  on  the  fall  of 
Rome,  and  which  rendered  them  doubly  anxious 
to  waive  such  points  of  diffei-ence  as,  although 
of  small  doctrinal  importance,  still  constituted 
serious  obstacles  to  pagan  conversion. 

(i)  The  observation  of  Chrysostom,  that  the 
devil,  "  finding  himself  unable  to  win  the  Chris- 
tians to  idolatry,  took  a  round-about  way  to 
seduce  them,"  points  to  the  existence  of  many 
pagan  practices  among  Christians  even  in  that 
father's  time  ;  but  a  large  number  of  usages  in 
the  ritual  and  observances  of  the  church  cannot 
be  traced  farther  back  than  the  5tli  century. 
The  language  of  some  of  the  fathers  seems,  it 
is  true,  often  to  imply  a  spirit  of  unsparing 
extermination;  but  it  is  certain  that  a  much 
larger  amount  of  compromise  actually  prevailed 
than  theory  countenanced.  Among  the  Teutonic 
nations  especially,  there  was  a  disposition  on  the 
part  of  the  earliest  evangelisers  to  be  satisfied — 
at  least  in  the  first  instance — with  a  series  of 
conversions  little  more  genuine  than  those 
effected  in  India  and  Ceylou  in  the  15tla  century 
by  Francis  Xavier  and  the  Jesuits  ;  and  even 
where  more  real  results  were  gained,  it  was 
often  found  expedient  to  leave  many  distinctly 
pagan  usages  unchallenged  for  a  time.  It  is 
perhaps  in  harmony  with,  the  distinction  above 
indicated,  as  observable  in  the  Christian  policy 
prior  and  subsequent  to  A.D.  410,  that  the  line 
of  conduct  authorised  by  Gregory  the  Great  in 
his  instructions  to  Mellitus  [Idolatry,  p.  811], 
and  that  recommended  by  bisliop  Daniel  to  Boni- 
face in  Frankland  {Epist.  xiv. ;    Migae,  Ixxxix. 


PAGANISM 

707-710),  is  in  strong  contrast  to  that  already 
referred  to  as  pursued  by  St.  Martin  in  Gaui. 
Heathen  temples  with  their  surrounding  pre- 
cincts were  often  permitted  to  stand  uninjured, 
the  idols  being  removed,  and  the  buildings  con- 
secrated to  Christian  uses ;  while  minor  observ- 
ances were  suifei'ed,  either  by  connivance  or 
tacit  assent,  to  continue,  which,  with  the  lapse 
of  time,  were  regarded  as  having  gained  the 
direct  sanction  of  the  church. 

Among  the  Latin  races,  the  worship  of  Mithra, 
the  Sun-god,  appears  to  have  survived  that  of 
nearly  all  the  other  gods  of  the  Roman  mytho- 
logy. M.  Gaston  Boissier  {La  Religion  romainc, 
ii.  417)  considers  that,  at  the  time  of  the  fall  of 
the  empire,  paganism,  as  it  existed  in  Italy, 
recognised  scarcely  any  other  deity.  Pope  Leo 
the  Great  states  that  many  Christians  in  his  time 
adored  the  rising  sun  from  lofty  heights,  '•  partim 
vitio  ignorantiae,  partim  paganitatis  spiritu;" 
and  that  some  Christians  did  this  under  so  mis- 
taken a  notion  of  religion,  that  even  when 
ascending  the  steps  of  St.  Peter's  at  Rome  they 
were  wont  to  turn  and  make  their  obeisance  to 
the  sun  (Migne,  Patrol,  liv.  94).  Maximus  of 
Turin  reproaches  those  whom  he  addresses  with 
culpable  indifference  to  idolatry  as  practised  by 
others.  He  says  that  if  their  attention  were 
drawn  to  an  idol,  they  would  say  it  was  no  con- 
cern of  theii-s,  "catisa  mea  non  est,  non  me 
tangit "  (Migne,  Ivii.  610).  Pope  Gregory, 
writing  to  queen  Brunehaut,  urges  her  to  put  a 
stop  to  idolatry  and  the  worship  of  trees  ;  for 
he  hears,  he  says,  that  Christians  who  go  to 
church  still  worship  daemons  (ibid.  Ixxvii.  939). 
Agila,  ambassador  from  the  Gothic  monarch 
Leuvichildus  to  king  Chilperic,  informed  Gre- 
gory of  Tours  that  his  people  held  the  worship 
of  idols  to  be  perfectly  compatible  with  that 
of  the  God  of  the  Christians  {Hist.  Franc,  v. 
44 ;  Migne,  Ixxi.  256).  Grimm  indeed  observes 
that  both  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  and  the 
Northmen  the  same  idea  prevailed  {Deutsche 
Mythol.  p.  7)  :  and  Bede  {Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  15)  states 
that  Redwald,  king  of  East  Anglia,  had  in  the 
same  temple  an  altar  on  which  to  offer  Christian 
sacrifice,  and  another,  a  smaller  one,  on  which 
to  offer  victims  to  devils.  The  canon  of  the 
council  of  Elvira  (a.d.  325)  forbidding  all  who 
have  received  baptism,  and  are  of  years  of  dis- 
cretion, to  enter  a  temple  in  order  to  participate 
in  idolatrous  worship,  under  penalty  of  being 
refused  the  sacrament  of  communion  at  death, 
is,  however,  sufficient  proof  that  the  action  of 
the  church  was  very  early  directed  against  such 
gross  misconceptions,  which  appear  to  have  been, 
for  the  most  part,  confined  to  semi-barbarous 
nations. 

A  more  interesting  and  instructive  inquiry  is 
that  which  relates  to  those  pagan  elements 
which  became  permanently  interwoven  with 
Christian  belief  and  practice,  and  were  even 
defended  by  many  of  the  great  teachers  of  the 
church.  The  controversy  between  Jerome  and 
Vigilantius,  and  that  between  Augustine  and  the 
Manichaean  Faustus,  offer  valuable  illustration 
of  this  portion  of  the  subject.  Vigilantius  at- 
tacked the  adoration  of  saints,  the  veneration 
paid  to  martyrs  and  their  relics,  and  the  custom 
of  placing  lamps  before  their  shrines.  Faustus 
declared  that  the  Christians  had  really  in  no 
way  abandoned  the  pagan  mode  of  life.     They 


PAGANISM 

had  merely  substituted  their  Agapae  for  the 
Pagan  sacrifices ;  their  martyrs  for  idols  ;  they 
stifl  appeased  the  shades  of  the  dead  with  wine 
and  meat  ofierings,  and  celebrated  along  with 
the  pagans  the  ancient  festal  days — the  Kalends 
and  the  Solstitiae.  It  appears  unquestionable 
that  both  Jerome  and  Augustine  admitted  the 
pagan  origin  of  these  customs,  but  maintained 
their  utility,  and  especially  vindicated  their 
retention  on  the  ground  of  expediency;  but 
both  Augustine  and  Theodoret  disclaimed  the 
notion  that  it  was  the  design  of  the  church  in 
any  way  to  deifij  the  martyrs,  whom  it  honoured 
and  revered  solely  as  instruments  of  the  divine 
power.  (Milman,  Hist,  of  Christianity,  bk.  iii. 
c.  Ai. ;  bk.  iv.  c.  ii. ;  Neander,  Chitrch  Historxj 
(in  Clark's  series),  iii.  452-3 ;  Gieseler,  Kirchen- 
ijesch.  (ed.  1845),  i.  ii.  333-5.) 

It  is  the  opinion  of  Baur  (Kirchengescli.  i. 
526-7)  that  the  veneration  of  martyrs  and  their 
relics  (from  whence  he  derives  the  invocation  of 
.saints)  is  to  be  traced  to  the  hero-worship  of 
pre-Christian  times;  Neander,  on  the  other 
hand,  claims  for  the  celebration  of  the  memory 
of  the  great  lights  of  the  church  "a  purely 
Christian  root,"  but  holds  that  it  received  a 
different  character  by  becoming  "  estranged  and 
diverted  from  the  original  Christian  spirit "  {u.  s. 
iii.  448).  The  earliest  instance  of  the  practice 
is  probably  the  celebration  of  the  anniversary  of 
Polycarp's  passion  at  Smyrna  (Ruinart,  Act.  sine. 
JLo'ti/r.  pp.  35,  43).  The  dove  which,  it  was 
-nil,  had  been  seen  to  rise  from  the  martyr's 
iKiily  is  compared  by  Baur  to  the  mounting  eagle 
which  proclaimed  the  apotheosis  of  the  Roman 
-mperors.  Tertullian  (tfe  Cor.  c.  3)  speaks  of 
'■  oblationes  pro  defunctis,  pro  nataliciis  "^  anmia 
die  ;  "  and  Cyprian  (i>.  34)  of  the  "  martyrum 
passiones "  and  their  "  anniversaria  comraemo- 
ratio."  See,  on  the  whole  subject,  3Iartye, 
p.  1127;  Patron  Saint;  PvELics. 

The  •  worship  of  Mary,  as  practised  by  the 
Collyridians,  is  looked  upon  by  Neander  (u.  s. 
iii.  458)  as  directly  traceable  to  that  of  Ceres. 
This  sect,  which  was  represented  by  a  number 
of  women  who  emigrated  from  Thrace  and  settled 
in  Arabia,  were  wont,  on  a  certain  day,  to  carry 
about  in  cars  {5i(ppoi),  similar  to  those  used  in 
pagan  processions,  cakes  or  wafers  consecrated 
to  the  Virgin,  which  they  first  presented  as 
offerings,  and  subsequently  ate.  This  practice 
Xeander  derives  from  the  customary  cake-ofl'er- 
ings  at  the  heathen  feast  of  the  harvest,  the 
Qffffj.o<p6pta. 

Direct  participation  in  pagan  festivals  seems 
to  have  been  not  uncommon  under  the  pretext 
of  a  semi-religious  observance,  though  fre- 
quently condemned  by  the  Fathers.  '•  I  have," 
says  St.  Ambrose,  "  a  grave  complaint  against 
you,  brethren.  1  speak  of  those  who,  though 
celebrants  along  with  us  of  Christ's  birth, 
join  in  the  festivals  of  the  Gentiles;  and,  after 
that  heavenly  banquet,  have  prepared  for  them- 
selves  a   feast  of  superstition He    who 

■seeks  to  share  in  divine  things  must  not  asso- 
ciate with  idols."  (Scrm.  vii. ;  Migne,  xvii. 
399).  Augustine,  when  reproving  the  Chris- 
tians of  Carthage  for  joining  in  like  festivals, 
represents  the  pagan   party  as    asking,  "Why 


PAGANISM 


1543 


"=  The  day  of  tbe  martyr's  death  being  regarded  as  that 
of  his  birtli,  to  iiiimoruility. 


should  we  abandon  our  gods  whom  the  Chris- 
tians worship  as  well  as  ourselves?"  (Opera, 
ed.  1577,  X.  9  6).  A  discourse  of  Petrus  Chry- 
sologus,  bishop  of  Kavenna  in  the  year  430, 
implies  that  participants  in  these  festivals  some- 
times endeavoured  to  exculpate  themselves  by 
denying  the  affinities  of  such  celebrations  to 
pagan  practices.  They  pleaded  that  their  obser- 
vance of  the  Kalends,  for  instance,  was  "  a  new 
mode  of  rejoicing,  not  an  ancient  erroi-,"  "  novi- 
tatis  laetitia  non  vetustatis  error,"  and  that  it 
was  "  anni  principium,  non  gentilitatis  offeusa  " 
(//om.  155;  Migne,  Iii.  611).  Pope  Gelasius, 
towards  the  close  of  the  5th  century,  expressly 
stigmatised  this  combination  of  Christian  and 
pagan  customs  as  "  adulterous,"  and,  in  con- 
demning all  participation  in  the  Lupercalia, 
seriously  remonstrates  with  those  who  imagine 
that  such  observances  are  of  any  real  efficacy  in 
securing  the  favour  of  the  gods  (Baronius,  Annal. 
vi.  522).  The  change  of  the  commencement  of 
the  year  from  January  to  Easter  is  asserted  by 
Beugnot  to  have  been  the  result  of  the  church's 
desire  to  break  with  such  pagan  traditions.  In 
the  year  567,  at  the  second  council  of  Tours, 
it  was  forbidden  to  celebrate  the  Kalends,  the 
Feralia,  or  the  Terminalia  (Mansi,  ix.  865 ; 
Hefele,  iii.  27).  But  even  so  late  as  the  9th 
century,  Piabanus  jMaurus,  who  speaks  of  Chris- 
tianity as  covering  the  whole  earth,  "  in  toto 
orbe  dilatatam  "  (Opera,  vi.  172),  asks  in  a  homily 
"  Contra  Paganicos  Errores,"  how  they  can  hope 
to  rejoice  at  the  eternal  banquet  of  the  saints, 
who  do  not  here  loathe  the  unlawful  feasts  of 
the  pagans  ?  How  shall  they  sing  with  angels 
the  praises  of  God  in  eternal  light  who  here  keep 
evil  sport  ("  funestos  ludos  ")  in  honour  of  idols  .' 
(ibid.  V.  606).  Modern  fairs  and  feasts  ("  feriae  " 
and  "festa")  bear  witness  to  the  tenacity  of 
these  traditions. 

In  Christian  ritual  itself  not  a  few  observances 
have  been  referred  with  considerable  probability 
to  a  pagan  origin.  The  custom  of  facing  the 
east  in  worship,  derived  in  the  first  instance  from 
Persian  notions  of  sun  worship  (see  supra  1542), 
appears  to  have  been  borrowed  from  Greek  and 
Roman  practice  (Aeschylus,  Agamemnon,  502 ; 
Vergil,  Aeneid.  viii.  68 ;  Ovid,  Fasti,  iv.  777, 
with  ]\Ir.  Paley's  note).  The  "  ter  injectus 
pulvis "  has  passed  into  the  Christian  burial 
service  ;  while  the  letters  D.  M.  on  the  tombs  of 
the  early  Christians  point  to  the  tenacity  of  pagan 
traditions  in  connexion  with  the  state  of  the 
departed  (Northcote  and  Brownlow,  Roma  Sot- 
terrcmen,  p.  26).  Lacerda,  in  commenting  on  the 
line,  "  Spargens  rore  levi  et  ramo  felicis  olivae  " 
(Verg.  Aeneid,  vi.  230)  considers  that  the  act 
therein  denoted  represents  the  origin  of  sprinkling 
with  holy  water,  a  practice  which  Justin  Martvr 
(Apol.  i.  62  ;  Migne  (S.  G.),  vi.  80)  declares  to 
have  been  introduced,  at  the  instigation  of 
daemons,  into  the  Christian  ritual  in  imitation 
of  the  true  baptism  proclaimed  by  the  prophets. 
"  Epitaphia,"  or  funeral  orations  over  the  dead, 
such  as  we  frequently  meet  with  in  the  writings 
of  the  Fathers,  are  distinctly  traceable  to  pagan 
precedent.     [Funeral  Serjions.] 

Among  those  observances  which  distinguish 
Roman  Catholic  ritual  from  Lutheran  or  Protes- 
tant, a  large  number  are  undoubtedly  of  pagan 
origin — a  connexion  which  Conyers  Middleton's 
celebrated  Letter  from  Borne  was  especially  de- 


1544 


PAGANISM 


signed  to  point  out.  The  use  of  incense  is  con- 
demned by  Tertullian  and  other  early  writers  as 
a  pagan  practice  [Incexse].  We  learn  from 
different  writers  (Origen,  cont.  Cels.  viii.  17  ; 
Min.  Felix,  Octav.  c.  10 ;  Arnobius,  bk.  vi.)  that 
the  absence  of  images  in  their  churches  was 
made  a  reproach  by  paganism  against  the  Chris- 
tians, and  Augustine  expressly  states  that  the 
introduction  of  these  visible  objects  of  adoration 
was  regarded  as  unlawful  in  his  day,  and  speaks 
of  the  adoration  paid  to  them  as  a  kind  of  in- 
sanity (acZ  Ps.  cxiii.;  Migne,  xxxvii.  1183-1185). 
The  earliest  mention  of  pictures  in  churches  has 
reference  to  the  4th  century,  and  their  introduc- 
tion is  expressly  forbidden  by  the  o8th  canon  of 
the  council  of  Elvira,  A.D.  324.  Epiphanius,  in 
the  same  century,  tells  us  (ap.  Jerome,  Epist. 
51  ;  Migne,  Patrol,  xxii.  253)  that  he  felt  it  to 
be  his  duty  to  destroy  a  hanging  "  velum  tinc- 
tum  atque  depictum,"  which  he  found  suspended 
in  a  church  in  Palestine,  representing  Christ  or 
one  of  the  saints.  Theodoretus  Cyrensis  {Grace. 
Affect.  Curatio,  Migne  (S.  G.),  Ixxxiii.  922)  refers 
with  express  approval  to  the  practice,  prevalent 
in  his  day,  of  suspending  votive  oflerings  {ava- 
S-iilxara)  in  the  churches  over  the  tombs  of  the 
martyrs,  on  escape  from  danger  or  recovery  from 
sickness ;  similarly,  those  who  were  childless 
presented  such  offerings  in  the  hope  of  being 
blessed  with  offspring  ;  those  already  parents,  to 
secure  the  divine  blessing  on  their  children. 

Tlie  little  chapels  with  images  of  the  Virgin 
that  so  frequently  meet  the  eye  of  the  tourist  in 
Southern  Germany  or  Italy  cannot  but  recall  to 
recollection  the  ''  Compitales "  or  deities  who 
presided  over  cross-roads,  and  whose  statues  and 
shrines  adorned  the  points  of  junction.  The 
asylum  afforded  by  pagan  temples  to  fugitives 
from  justice  or  from  their  foes  offers  perhaps  too 
vague  and  general  a  resemblance  to  the  right  of 
sanctuary  to  be  regarded  as  necessarily  the 
origin  of  the  latter,  which  may  with  equal  or 
greater  probability  be  referred  to  Jewish  prece- 
dents. 

(ii)  Among  the  vestiges  of  pagan  belief  dis- 
cernible in  the  everyday  life  and  practice  of 
Christian  communities  may  be  included  many 
observances  of  a  harmless  character  and  little 
moral  significance.  The  Roman  custom  of  pre- 
senting gifts  at  the  commencement  of  the  new 
year  is  still  observed,  and  the  expression  of 
good  wishes  on  the  same  occasion  is  alike  a 
pagan  and  a  Christian  usage  (Ovid,  Fasti,  i. 
175).  The  use  of  bridecakes  at  weddings  (the 
Eoman  confarreatio),  the  palatine  bay  and  oak 
on  our  coinage,  the  names  of  the  months,  which 
even  the  decree  of  Charles  the  Great  could  not 
permanently  alter,  all  distinctly  recall  a  like 
origin. 

Of  such  customs,  one,  the  "  strenae  "  (modern 
"etrennes")  degenerated  into  a  serious  abuse, 
which  the  church  did  its  best  to  suppress. 
[New  Year's  Gifts,  p.  1381."] 

As  proof  that  the  great  majority  of  the  super- 
stitions of  the  age  were  a  direct  inheritance 
from  paganism,  we  may  cite  the  following  illus- 
tration. Amid  the  loss  of  much  that  the  ancient 
astronomers  had  bequeathed  to  posterity,  the 
discovery  of  the  real  cause  of  eclipses  appears  to 
have  been  faithfully  preserved ;  and  in  his 
Natural  History,  Pliny  takes  occasion  to  extol 
this  triumph  of  science  over  superstition,  and 


PAGANISM 

warmly  urges  philosophers  to  like  achievements. 
As  his  writings  continued  to  be  studied  through- 
out the  greater  part  of  the  middle  ages,  this 
philosophical  solution  of  a  constantly  recurring 
phenomenon  was  never  lost  sight  of  by  the  edu- 
cated few,  and  hence  the  teachers  of  the  churck 
are  frequently  to  be  found  rebuking  the  vulgar 
superstition  which  led  the  common  people  to 
assemble  and  utter  cries  on  the  occasion  of  a 
lunar  or  solar  eclipse,  in  order  to  prevent  ths- 
moon  or  sun  from  being  totally  devoured. 
Discourses  directly  levelled  against  this  practice 
are  to  be  found  in  the  writings  of  Maximus  of 
Turin  (Migne,  vii.  337),  and  of  Kabanus  Maurus 
{Opera,  ed.  Colv.  v.  606),  with  which  compare 
Tacitus  {Annal.  i.  28).  On  the  other  hand,  as 
Pliny  expressly  states  that  earthquakes  portend 
calamity  {Hist.  Nat.  ii.  81-86)  so  the  Fathers 
shared  this  belief  with  the  multitude.  St. 
Ambrose  declares  that  the  death  of  Theodosius 
was  foretold  by  earthquakes,  by  "  mountains  of 
rain  and  an  unwonted  darliening  of  tha  sky" 
(Migne,  xvi.  1386).  The  pages  of  Gregory  of 
Tours  are  in  this  respect  as  superstitious  as 
those  of  Livy.  Four  suns  portended  a  great 
defeat  in  Auvergne  {Hist.  Franc,  iv.  31)  ;  blood 
flowed  from  broken  bread  {Ibid.  v.  34)  ;  it  rained 
blood  near  Paris  until  men  threw  aside  their 
stained  garments  in  horror  {ib.  vi.  14) ;  a  bright 
body  resembling  a  lofty  beacon  appeared  in  the 
heav^ens  to  foretell  the  death  of  Gondebald  (vii. 
11).  (See  also  de  Mirac.  St.  Martin,  Bouquet, 
Script,  ii.  469.)  The  belief  in  astrology  [As- 
TROLOGEKS],  which  Pliny  {Nat.  Hist.  ii.  5)  notices 
as  fast  gaining  ground  in  his  time,  could  never 
be  entirely  eradicated  throughout  the  period 
here  treated. 

It  must  nevertheless  be'  admitted  that  the 
voice  of  the  church  was  generally  strongly  pro- 
nounced against  the  more  childish  and  irrational 
forms  of  the  belief  in  omens.  "  Thou  seest," 
says  St.  Basil,  "  how  wrong  a  thing  it  is  to 
look  for  omens ;  yet  many  Christians  deem  it  no 
harm  {a^idpopov)  to  listen  for  sounds  and  to  give 
heed  to  signs  "  {Comment,  in  Isai.  c.  ii. ;  Migne, 
Series  Graeca,  xxx.  247).  He  instances  such 
trivial  circumstances  as  striking  one's  foot 
against  some  object  on  leaving  the  house,  or 
finding  one's  garment  caught,  and  admonishes 
Christians  rather  to  take  note  of  the  proofs  of 
divine  wisdom  and  goodness  exhibited  in  the 
natural  world.  St.  Chrysostom  refers  to  the 
belief  that  to  meet  a  cripple  or  a  one-eyed  person, 
when  starting  on  a  journey,  was  a  bad  omen 
(Hom.  ad  Pop.  Antioch.)  ;  St.  Eligius,  in  the  7th 
century,  enumerates  a  large  number  of  similar 
superstitions,  such  as  the  belief  that  to  allow 
one's  flocks  to  pass  by  hollow  trees  or  near  pits 
gave  them  over  to  the  power  of  evil  spirits.  He 
dissuades  women  from  wearing  amber  about  their 
necks,  and  from  invoking  Minerva,  and  rebukes 
the  folly  of  hesitating  to  set  about  new  under- 
takings at  the  time  of  full  moon  (Migne,  Ixxxvii. 
528).  ^     ^ 

Trial  by  the  ordeal  of  heated  iron  [Ordeal] 
was  probably  a  survival  of  the  custom  adverted 
to  in  the  lines — 

"  .  .  .  .  et  medium,  freti  pletate,  per  ignem 
Cultores  multa  premimus  vestigia  pruna." 

(Verg.  Aen.  xi.  7S7,  788.) 
The    following   Indicithcs    Superstitionum    et 
Paganiarum,  or  list  of  superstitions  and  pagan. 


PAGANISM 

observances  condemned  at  the  council  of  Lestines,"^ 
ill  the  year  743,  is  probably  a  fairly  complete 
enumeration  of  the  practices  prevalent  at  that 
time,  which  the  church  condemned  either  as 
pagan  or  Christian  superstitions  or  as  abuses 
connected  with  religious  worship. 

(1)  "  De  sacrilegio  ad  se{)ulchra  mortuorum." 
(2)  "  De  sacrilegio  super  defunctos,  id  est,  dad- 
sisas."  The  first  article  appears  to  have  reference 
lo  the  desecration  of  tombs  in  the  search  for 
hidden  treasure,  and  to  unlawful  rites  over  the 
places  of  interment;  the  second  to  pagan  ob- 
servances, such  as  drinking  and  riotous  banquet- 
ing, and  throwing  into  the  fire  whatever  the 
deceased  had  been  accustomed  to  hold  most  dear 
(cf  Mansi,  xii.  340).  (3)  "  De  spurcalibus  in 
Februario."  It  was  a  common  practice  among 
Teutonic  nations  to  celebrate  the  lengthening  of 
the  days  in  February  by  feasts  at  which  si'jine 
were  offered.  These  feasts  were  called  "  Spur- 
calia,"  and  in  Holland  and  Lower  Germany  the 
month  of  February  is  still  known  as  "  Sporkel- 
maend  "  (Hefele,  Conciliengesck.  iii.  506).  (4) 
De  casulis,  id  est,  flmis."  Probably  small  temples 
in  country  districts,  constructed  of  wood,  and  often 
converted  to  purposes  of  debauchery.  (5)  "  De 
sacrilegiis  per  ecclesias."  Hefele  compares  a 
statute  of  St.  Boniface  (Mansi,  xii.  385)  forbid- 
ding the  introduction  of  seculars  and  young 
women  into  the  churches  as  singers  and  also  the 
holding  of  feasts  within  the  walls.  (6)  "  De  sacris 
syl  varum,  quae  nimidas  vocant."  Here  Wurdt- 
wein,  in  Jligne  (Ixxxix.  810)  explains  "  quasi 
Xympharum  sacra."  Eckhard,  however,  thinks 
that  we  have  here  A  reference  to  sacrifices  at 
which  nine  heads  of  horses  were  offered,  and  prefers 
to  read  "nuinhedas."  A  capitulary  of  Charles  the 
Great,  of  the  year  794,  directs  that  "  sacred  " 
groves  and  trees  shall  be  hewn  down.  (7)  "  De  his 
quae  faciunt  super  petras."  To  offer  sacrifices  on 
rocks  was  a  frequent  practice,  and  is  forbidden 
by  numerous  synods  ;  St.  Eligius,  we  are  told  by 
St.  Audoen  (FjY«,  ii.  15)  enjoined,  "  Nullus 
Ohristianus  ad  fana,  vel  ad  petras,  vel  ad 
foutes,  vel  ad  arbores  .  .  .  vota  reddere  prae- 
sumat."  (8)  "  De  sacris  Mercurii  vel  Jovis." 
On  the  occurrence  of  the  names  of  gods  of  the 
Pioman  mythology  as  objects  of  veneration 
among  the  Germans,  see  observations  in  II.  ii. 
We  may,  however,  compare  Tacitus  (Germ.  c.  9), 
'•  Deorum  maxime  Mercuriwn  colunt."  (9) 
"  De  sacrificio  quod  fit  alicui  sanctorum."  The 
newly-converted  Germans  appear  to  have  often 
substituted  saints  and  martyrs  for  their  own 
gods  as  objects  of  veneration.  See  capitulary  5 
of  Germanic  council  of  742  (Mansi,  xii.  313). 
(10)  "De  phylacteriis  et  ligaturis"  [see  LiGA- 
tueae].  Alcuin,  some  fifty  years  later,  appears 
to  have  found  it  necessary  to  remonstrate  against 
the  wearing  of  relics  by  way  of  charms  (Epist. 
ed.  Dummler,  pp.  719,  721).  (11)  "  De  fontibus 
sacrificiorum."  Offerings  to  the  supposed  divini- 
ties of  fountains  and  streams  were  a  common 
practice.  Mone  (Gesch.  d.  Heidenthums,  ii.  270) 
states  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  districts 
watered  by  the  Elbe  and  the  Main  were  accus- 


PAGANISM 


1545 


ii  Lcstines  or  Liftinae  wag  the  site  of  a  royal  villa  in 
the  district  now  represented  by  the  province  of  Hennegau 
in  Belgium.  It  would  appear,  however,  that  most  of  tJie 
above  enactments  had  reference  to  TUuringia,  in  which 
Boniface's  labours  were  chiefly  carried  on. 


tonied  to  worship  the  genii  of  those  rivers,  and, 
whenever  the  year  gave  promise  of  a  season  of 
fertility,  would  cast  wheat,  oats,  and  barley 
into  the  stream  in  acknowledgment  of  the  favour 
shewn  by  the  river-god.  (12)  "  De  incantationi- 
bus."  The  formulae  or  mystic  sentences  uttered 
by  the  pretenders  to  magic.  (13)  "  De  auguriis 
vel  avium  vel  equorum  vel  bovum  stercora  vel 
sternutationes."  Tacitus  (^Gcrm.  c.  20)  says  that 
it  was  peculiar  to  the  race  to  observe  the  prog- 
nostications and  warnings  given  by  horses.  (14) 
"  De  divinis  vel  sortilegis.''  The  "  divini  "  fore- 
told events  from  signs  over  which  they  had  nf> 
control ;  the  "  sortilegi,"  from  objects  which 
they  carried  with  them,  e.g.  sticks  and  straws 
[Sortilegy].  "Auspicia  sortesque,  ut  qui 
maxime,  observant "  (Tac.  Germ.  c.  10).  (15) 
"  De  igne  fricato  de  ligno,  id  est,  nodfyr."  "  Nod- 
fyr  "  (Germ.  "  Nothen  ")  was  fire  produced  by 
friction,  and  was  held  to  possess  mysterious 
virtues.  To  jump  over  it  was  thought  to  be  a 
preservative  against  misfortune ;  garments 
placed  in  its  smoke  were  supposed  to  secure  the 
wearer  from  fever.  This  superstition  was 
especially  condemned  by  Boniface  at  the  Ger- 
manic council  of  A.D.  842  (Mansi,  xii.  315 ; 
Biuterim,  Denkwilrdigheiton,  II.  ii.  564).  (16) 
"  De  cerebro  animalium."  The  council  of 
Orleans  (a.d.  541)  forbade  that  oaths  should  be 
sworn  over  the  head  of  any  animal.  (17)  "  De 
observatione  paganorum  in  foco  vel  in  incoatione 
rei  alicujus."  The  embers  on  the  hearth  and 
the  ascending  smoke  were  supposed  to  give  indi- 
cations of  future  events.  Artists,  in  representing 
the  sacrifice  of  Cain  and  of  Abel,  were  wont  to 
represent  the  smoke  from  the  former  as  blown 
about  by  different  currents,  while  that  of  the 
latter  ascended  undisturbed  in  a  spiral  column 
(Migne,  Patrol.  Ixxxix.  810).  (18)  "De  incertis 
locis  quae  colunt  pro  Sanctis."  Besides  places 
generally  recognised  as  holy,  there  were  sup- 
posed to  be  many  others  of  a  like  character 
(Germ.  "  Unstiitte  ")  of  which  the  knowledge 
was  withheld  from  mortals,  but  by  passing  over 
which  unadvisedly  they  would  be  liable  to  be 
punished  by  the  infliction  of  some  malady.  (19) 
"  De  petendo,  quod  boni  vocant  sanctae  Mariae." 
Eckhard  (^Rerum  Franc,  bk.  xxiii.)  reads  "  peten- 
stro,"  "  bedstraw,"  and  understands  by  "  boni  ho- 
mines "  simple-minded  people.  Thyme  and  the 
yellow  lady's  bedstraw  are  still  termed  in  Germany 
"  Mother  of  God's  bedstraw."  Hefele  considers 
that  the  superstitious  use  of  the  plant  may  be 
traced  in  the  custom  still  prevalent  in  Catholic 
countries  of  offering  bunches  of  herbs  on  the 
Ascension  of  the  Virgin.  (20)  "  De  feriis,  quae 
faciunt  Jovi  vel  Mercurio."  Seiters  supposes 
that  Boniface  here  intended  to  forbid  the  naming 
of  the  days  of  the  week  after  the  heathen  gods  : 
e.g.  Thunaer  (Donnerstag),  Thursday ;  Woden 
(\Voenstag),  Wednesday;  Freja  (Freitag),  Friday. 
Binterim  suggests  a  more  probable  explanation 
by  quoting  Tacitus :  "  Deorum  maxime  Mer- 
curium  (Woden)  colunt,  cui  ccrtis  diehus  humanis 
quoque  Jiostiis  litare  fas  habent "  (Germ.  c.  9).  "  De 
lunae  defectione,  quod  dicunt  vince  lima."  We 
find  in  Maximus  of  Turin  (Migne,  Ivii.  334),  in 
St.  Eligius  (ibid.  Ixxxvii.  528),  and  Rabanus 
Maurus  (C;)em,  v.  606),  discourses  designed  to 
dissuade  their  hearers  from  the  folly  of  uttering 
outcries  on  the  occasion  of  a  lunar  eclipse.  It  was 
supposed  that  by  these  demonstrations  the  moon 


1546 


PAGANISM 


was  assisted  in  escaping  from  being  altogether 
devoured.  (22)  "  De  tempestatibus  et  cornibus 
et  cocleis."  Referring  apparently  to  the  belief 
in  "  weather-makers,"  and  to  superstitions  prac- 
tised with  drinking  vessels  and  spoons.  (23) 
"  De  sulcis  circa  villas."  Hefele  observes  that  a 
trench  round  a  house  was  supposed  to  be  a  pro- 
tection against  witches  ;  the  annotator  in  Migne 
(Ixxxix.  810)  supposes  that  allusion  is  designed 
to  superstitious  rites  observed  on  the  occasion  of 
making  such  trenches.  (24)  "  De  pagano  cursu 
quem  yrias  nominant  scissis  pannis  vel  calcia- 
mentis."  Eckhard  here  reads,  "  Scyrias,"  from 
Ecy  =  Scu  =  Schuh.  There  is  probably  allusion 
intended  to  a  pagan  custom  of  running  about  on 
the  first  of  January  with  torn  garments  and  shoes. 
(25)  "  De  eo,  quod  sibi  sanctos  finguut  quoslibet 
mortuos."  Much  as  the  Germans  ascribed  at 
pleasure  a  place  in  their  Walhalla  to  departed 
heroes,  so  they  appear  to  have  assumed  the 
right  to  canonise  departed  Christians.  This  as- 
sumption we  find  again  forbidden  at  the  council 
of  Frankfort  in  the  year  794.  (26)  "  De  simul- 
acro  de  consparsa  farina."  On  certain  days  the 
Germans  were  accustomed  to  make  honey  cakes 
representing  figures  of  their  gods.  Hefele  states 
that  in  Westphalia  the  cakes  made  at  the  time 
of  Carnival  are  still  known  as  "  Heidenwecke." 
(27)  "De  simulacris  de  pannis  factis."  Little 
figures  of  the  gods  cut  from  mandrake  and  then 
dressed  up  in  rags.  (28)  "  De  simulacro  quod 
per  campos  portant."  A  ceremony  probably 
resembling  the  Latin  Ambarvalia.  (29)  "  De 
ligneis  pedibus  vel  manibus  pagano  ritu."  The 
custom  of  oflering  in  the  churches  wooden  models 
of  feet  and  hands  by  those  who,  in  answer  to 
their  prayers,  had  been  cured  of  any  affection  of 
those  parts.  Theodoretus  Cyrensis  (u.  s.)  speaks 
of  the  custom  of  offering  gold  and  silver  eyes, 
feet,  and  hands,  though  without  condemning  the 
practice.  (30)  "De  eo  quod  credunt  quia 
feminae  lunam  commendent,  quod  possint  corda 
luminura  toUere  juxta  paganos."  Here  some 
read  "  comedant,"  and  consider  that  allusion  is 
designed  to  a  belief  similar  to  that  referred  to 
in  Tibullus,  "  Hanc  ego  de  coelo  ducentem  sidera 
vidi."  Maximus  of  Turin,  in  his  101st  homily 
(Migne,  Ivii.  337),  remonstrates  with  those  "qui 
putarent  lunam  de  coelo  magorum  carminibus 
posse  deduci,"  and  implores  them  that,  putting 
aside  this  pagan  error,  "  praetermisso  errore 
gentili,"  they  will  accept  a  view  more  consonant 
with  Christian  enlightenment. 

Similarly,  a  capitulary  of  Charles  the  Great, 
of  the  year  768,  requires  "  ut  populus  Dei 
paganias  non  faciat,"  and  enumerates  as  "  spur- 
citiae  gentilitatis  "  profane  sacrifices  to  the  dead, 
sortilegy  and  divining,  phylacteries,  auguries, 
incantations,  and  offerings  of  victims,  which  last, 
it  states,  "  foolish  men  are  wont  to  offer  close  to 
churches,  in  pagan  fashion,  in  the  name  of  the 
holy  martyrs  and  confessors  of  the  Lord  "  (Pertz, 
Legg.  i.  33). 

Features  of  a  more  general  character,  pointing 
to  a  low  conception  of  Christian  morality,  such 
as  the  settlement  of  disputes  by  duelling, 
authorised  by  the  code  of  Gondebaid,  king  of 
Burgundy  in  the  6th  century  (see  Okdeal),  the 
avenging  of  murder  by  murder,  as  recorded  on 
the  part  of  bishop  Gewelib  in  the  8th  century,  and 
facts  of  a  like  nature,  are  often  more  justly  to 
be  i-egarded  as  distinct  traditions  of  paganism 


PALLIUM 

than  merely  as  evidence  of  a  corrupt  or  imper- 
fect Christianity. 

Authorities : — Baur,  F.  C,  Geschichte  der 
christUchen  Kirche,  vol.  i.  (ed.  18G3)  ;  Beugnot, 
A.,  Histoiro  de  la  Destruction  dii  Paganisme  en 
Occident,  2  vols.,  Paris,  1835  ;  Blunt,  Rev.  J.  J., 
Vestiges  of  Ancient  Manners  and  Customs  disco- 
verable in  Modern  Italy  and  Sicily,  1823  ;  Boissier, 
G.,  La  li'eligion  romaine  d'Auguste  aux  Antonins, 
2  vols.,  1874 ;  Grimm,  Jacob,  Deutsche  Myihologic, 
1843 ;  Kellner,  Hellenismus  und  Christcntlium, 
Koln,  1866  ;  Lasaulx,  Der  Untergang  des  Hellenis- 
mus, Miinchen,  1854 ;  Marangoni,  Delle  Cose  gen- 
tilcsche  e profane trasportate  ad  Usoead  Ornamento 
dclla  Chiesa,  Roma,  1844 ;  Middleton,  Conyers, 
Letter  from  Borne;  Gieseler;  Gibbon;  Milman ; 
Keander ;  &c.  [J.  B.  M.] 

PAINTING.     [Fresco;  Miniature.] 

PALLA  ALTAEIS.     [Altar  Cloth.] 

PALLADIUS,  anchoret  in  Syria,  4th  cen- 
tury ;  commemorated  Jan.  28.  (_C'al.  Byzant.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  841.)  [C.  H.] 

PALLAIEE,  POLAIEE,POOLIRE.  When 
books  were  few  in  the  ancient  Celtic  church, 
and  required  careful  preservation  in  accompany- 
ing their  owners  from  place  to  place,  they 
appear  to  have  been  deposited  in  leathern  satchels 
or  wallets  which  could  be  attached  to  the  back 
by  thongs  in  travelling,  and  hung  upon  pegs  on 
the  wall  (Todd,  Obits  Ch.  Ch.  Dubl.  p.  Ixxi.)  when 
a  house  was  reached.  For  these  the  two  dis- 
tinctive names  of  Polaire  {Pallaire,  Foolire)  and 
Tiag  (tiagha)  were  used,  apparently  according  to 
the  size.  The  former  was  comparatively  small, 
often  a  case  for  manuscripts  or  for  only  one 
book,  like  the  case  in  which  the  Book  of  Armagh 
now  lies,  and  which  is  very  richly  embossed  and 
covered  with  figures  and  the  usual  Irish  inter- 
lacing patterns.  The  latter  was  of  coarser 
material  (as  of  sealskins,  Colgan,  Tr.  Tkaum. 
86,  c.  93,  130,  c.  9,  calling  it  saccidus  and 
2yera)  and  of  greater  capacity,  a  wallet  to  hold 
not  only  several  books,  but  relics  also  and  sacred 
utensils.  Evidently  the  writer  of  the  Tripartite 
Life  of  St.  Fatricli  (Colgau,  Tr.  Thaum.  123, 
c.  38)  is  in  error  when  he  says  St.  Patrick  left 
at  the  church  he  had  uewly  founded  at  Kellfiue, 
"  libros,  una  cum  scrinio  in  quo  SS.  Petri  et 
Pauli  reliquiae  asseruabantur,  et  tabulis  in 
quibus  scribere  solebat  vulgo  Pallaire  appel- 
latis  "  (Reeves,  S.  Adamnan.  Ixiii.  n.'',  115-117, 
359  ;  Petrie,  Bound  Towers  of  Ireland,  332-340  ; 
O'Curry,  Lecf.  Man.  and  'Cust.  Anc.  Irish,  i. 
pp.  ccclvii.-viii.,  iii.  113-117).  [J.  G.] 

PALLIUM.  We  find  this  word  in  a  great 
variety  of  uses  in  ecclesiastical  Latin.  Before 
proceeding  to  these,  however,  we  shall  first  note 
its  classical  acceptance  as  equivalent  to  i^aTiov, 
a  term  for  an  outer  article  of  dress  similar  to, 
but  not  the  same  as,  the  toga.^  We  may  describe 
it  as  being,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  a  square 
or  oblong  blanket ;  i'or  though  it  was  occa- 
sionally found  of  linen  and  other  materials,  wool 
was  by  far  the  most  common.     These  blankets 


a  It  sboulii  be  remembered  that  in  contradistinction  to 
the  pallium,  the  toga  was  in  some  sense  rouQd,  perhaps 
making  a  segment  of  a  circle. 


PALLIUM 

"were,  as  a  rule,  manufactured  in  their  natural 
state,  and  so  were  usually  white,  or  the  ordinary 
colour  of  the  raw  material,  though  sometimes 
dj-ed  into  special  tints. 

Such  an  article  of  dress  would,  of  course,  be 
inconvenient  if  the  wearer  had  to  run  or  to  en- 
gage in  active  work,  and  therefore  he  would 
throw  it  over  his  shoulders.  Thus  we  find  one 
of  Plautus's  characters,  a  parasite,  saying  {Cap- 
tivi,  V.  1.  12):  "Conjiciam  in  collum  pallium, 
primo  ex  me  hanc  rem  ut  audiat,"  that  is,  I  will 
throw  back  my  ]palUiun  to  be  able  to  run  quickly 
Avith  the  news.  Accordingly,  in  the  next  scene 
(1.  9),  he  is  observed  coming  "conlecto  pallio  " 
(cf.  also  Terence,  Fhormio,  v.  6.  4).  In  connex- 
ion with  this,  a  curious  mistake  has  been  made 
by  St.  Isidore  (Etymol.  xix.  24. 1) :  "  Pallium  est 
quo  ministrantium  scapulae  conteguntur,  ut 
dum  ministrant  exjiediti  discurrant."  Plautus  : 
'  Si  quid  facturus  es  appende  in  hunieris  pallium, 
et  purgat,  quantem  valet,  tuorum  pedum  perni- 
citiis.'  Dictum  autem  pallium  a  pellibus,  quia 
prius  super  indumenta  jjellicia  veteres  utebantur, 
quasi  pellea  sive  a  palla  per  derivationem  (leg. 
diminutionem").  Here  it  will  be  seen  that 
Isidore  treats  as  the  normal  state  of  things  that 
which  was  exceptional. 

Besides  this  special  sense  of  the  word  pallium, 
it  is  used  by  Isidore  in  the  same  chapter  quite  as 
ii  general  term  for  a  garment,  e.g.  the  toga  is 
pallium  purum  forma  rotunda  (§  3)  ;  the  paluda- 
inenium  is  insigne  pallium  and  p.  bellicimi  (§  9)  ; 
-the  paenula  is  p.  cum  fimhriis  longis  (§  14) ;  the 
lacerna  is  p.  fimhriatum  (ib.)  ;  and  the  praetexta 
p).  puerile  (§  16). 

A  third  use  of  the  word  in  patristic  Latin  is 
to  designate  the  coarse  outer  garment  of  monks 
and  of  others  Avho  affected  to  imitate  the  austeri- 
ties of  monastic  life.  Thus  pope  Celestinus 
I.  (ob.  432  A.D.),  speaks  of  such  as  being 
"  amicti  pallio  "  seemed  thereby  to  claim  a  sanc- 
tity not  rightly  theirs  (Epist.  4  ad  Episc.  Vicn. 
et  Narh.  c.  2;  Patrol.  1.  431).  Salvianus  again 
says  to  an  unworthy  monk,  "  licet  sanctitatem 
pallio  mentiaris  "  {adv.  Avaritiam  iv.  5  ;  Patrol. 
liii.  232).  To  take  a  different  type  of  example, 
when  Fulgentius  became  bishop  of  Ruspe,  he 
retained  his  former  monastic  habit.  His 
biographer  tells  us  that  "  subtus  casulam  nigello 
vel  lactineo  pallio  circumdatus  incessit,"  and 
ihat,  when  the  weather  permitted,  he  wore  a 
pallium  alone  within  the  monastery  (Vita,  c.  37  ; 
Patrol.  Ixv.  136. 

Again  we  meet  with  the  word  pallium  in  the 
Ithrnse pallitcm  linostimum,  which  we  have  already 
<liscussed  [Maniplk]. 

We  come  now  to  the  most  important  use  of 
the  word  as  a  special  vestment  of  archbishops, 
bestowed  upon  them  as  a  mark  of  increased 
dignity  by  the  Roman  see,  indicative  of  vicarial 
powers  (vices  apostolicae  sedis)  thereby  bestowed. 
The  discussion  on  the  history  of  this  privilege  in 
detail  will  be  found  under  the  article  PoPE ;  our 
business  here  is  merely  to  describe  the  vestment 
<-ind  to  give  a  slight  general  sketch  of  the 
history. 

The  pallium  consists  of  a  narrow  band,  which 
surrounds  the  neck  like  a  ring,  and  hangs 
down  before  and  behind.  The  appearance, 
therefore,  presented,  would  be  that  of  the  letter 

y. 

This  band  has  long  been  made  of  white  wool. 


PALLIUM 


1547 


j  ornamented  with  dark  crosses.*"  It  is  thus  kin- 
dred with  the  MiJLo<p6piov  worn  by  Greek  prelates 
[Omophoiuon],  in  reference  to  which  we  cited 
an  allusion  from  Isidore  of  Pelusium,  as  early  as 
the  beginning  of  the  5th  century.  It  may  be 
noted  that  the  wool  for  the  p)airmm  is,  and  has 
long  been,  furnished  by  the  lambs  which  are 
reared  in  the  convent  of  St.  Agnes  at  Rome.  In 
the  Life  of  Gregory  the  Great,  however,  by  John 
the  Deacon,  reference  is  made  on  the  occasion  of 
the  translation  of  his  body  to  his  jxdlium  as 
being  "  bijsso  candeute  contextum  "  (lib.  iv.  80). 
Whether  this  is  exceptional,  or  is  to  be  taken  as 
indicating  a  difference  in  Gregory's  time,  does 
not  appear,  probably  the  latter. 

A  little  further  on  (c.  84),  the  same  writer,  in 
minutely  describing  the  ancient  picture  of 
Gregory,  says  of  the  present  vestment :  "  Pallio 
mediocri,  a  dextro  videlicet  humero  sub  pectore 
super  stomachum  circulatim  deducto :  deinde 
sursum  |per  sinistrum  humerum  post  tergum 
deposito,  cujus  pars  altera  super  eundem 
humerum  veniens  propria  rectitudine,  non  per 
medium  corporis,  sed  ex  latere  pendet."  This 
description  would  give  a  result  pretty  similar  to 
the  Greek  omophorion.  This  similarity  may  be 
seen  from  a  comparison  of  Plates  25  and  41  in 
Marriott's  Vestiarium  Christianum.  Further,  it 
may  be  inferred  from  John's  language  that 
between  the  age  of  the  picture  and  his  own,  the 
pallium  had  undergone  a  slight  change  of  shape. 
We  may  gather  a  notion  of  what  the  pallium  was 
like  in  the  9th  century  from  the  notice  by 
Amalarius  (de  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  23  ;  Patrol,  cv.  1098), 
from  which  we  should  conclude  that  it  had  then 
assumed,  or  was  assuming,  its  later  shape.  Illus- 
trations of  the  varying  shape  of  the  pallium  at 
different  epochs  are  given  in  Marriott's  work. 
Thus  we  have  the  famous  6th  century  mosaic  in 
the  church  of  St.  Vitalis  at  Ravenna  (Plate  28, 
figured  in  this  Dictionary  under  Dalmatic  '•) ;  a 
figure  of  St.  Peter,  with  a  pallium  in  a  9th  cen- 
tury mosaic  (Plate  33)  ;  for  the  10th  century, 
we  may  refer  to  the  figure  of  Egbert  of  Treves 
(Plate  42);  for  the  lUh,  to  a  fresco  represent- 
ing St.  Clement  of  Rome  (Plate  43),  and  to  a 
picture  of  Dunstan,  from  a  MS.  in  the  British 
Jluseum  (Plate  44).  De  Rossi  has  figured  in  his 
Roma  Sotterranea  two  eight-century  frescoes  from 
the  Roman  catacombs  (copied  by  Marriott, 
Plates  30,  31).  Here  are  represented  early 
prelates  (e.g.  Xystus  and  Cornelius,  bishops  of 
Rome),  wearing  planetae,  over  which  are  white 
oraria  [Stole],  passing  over  the  left  hand  which, 
so  covered,  holds  the  book  of  the  gospels.  It 
must  be  considered  doubtful,  however,  how  far 
these  are  to  be  considered  instances  of  pallia  or 
mere  oraria. 

We  shall  now  mention  very  briefly  a  few  in- 
stances of  the  bestowal  of  the  papal  ^x(///«ot. 
The  earliest  example  which  is  adduced  is, 
perhaps,  one  recorded  by  Anastasius  Bibliothe- 


•>  These  are  now  four  in  number,  but  formerly  were 
as  a  rule  more  numerous.  Millin,  however  (Voyage  en 
Italie,  i.  108;  cited  by  Martigny,  Diet,  dcs  Ant.  chrk. 
s.  V.  Pallium),  mentions  a  figure  of  Cclsus,  archbishop  of 
Milan,  on  his  sarcophagus,  in  which  the  pallium  has  but. 
a  single  cross.  The  same  holds  also  for  the  pallium,  if 
it  be  a  pallium  in  the  Ravenna  mosaic  wo  have  referred 
to  below. 

<^  It  may  be  considered  open  to  doubt,  perhaps,  whether 
this  is  really  a  pallium. 


1548 


PALLIUM 


carius  of  Marcus,  bishop  of  Rome  (ob.  336  A.D.), 
though  it  is  possible  that  the  reference  is  of  a 
different  kind — "hie  constituit  ut  episcopus 
Ostiensis,  qui  consecrat  episcopum  urbis  [^i.e. 
Eome],  pallio  uteretur,  et  ab  eodem  episcopo  [%. 
episcopus]  urbis  Roma  consecraretur"  (Vitae 
Pontif.  49).  It  will  be  observed  that  we  have 
here  got  the  case  of  a  bishop,  not  an  archbishop  ; 
but  the  honour  may  at  first  have  been  given  with 
rather  more  latitude,  for  we  find  Gregory  the 
Great  bestowing  the  pallium  on  Syagrius,  bishop 
of  Autun.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  in  the  letter 
in  which  Gregory  sets  this  forth,  he  distinctly 
calls  attention  to  the  permission  of  the  emperor 
— "serenissimi  domini  imperatoris  [Maurice] 
.  .  .  prona  voluntas  est,  et  concedi  hoc  omnino 
desiderat"  {Epist.  lib.  ix.  11;  cf.  ib.  108:  vol. 
iii.  936,  1013). 

Saving  the  rather  doubtful  case  of  the  bishop 
of  Ostia,  the  earliest  instance  of  the  bestowal  of 
the  piallium  is  that  granted  by  Symmachus  (ob. 
514  A.D.)  to  Theodore,  archbishop  and  metropo- 
litan of  Laureacus  in  Pannonia  {Epist.  12 ; 
Patrol.  Ixii.  72).  In  this  case  no  mention  is 
made  of  the  imperial  authority.  On  the  other 
hand  we  have  a  letter  written  by  pope  Vigilius 
in  543  A.D.  to  Auxanius,  archbishop  of  Aries,  in 
which  he  defers  granting  the  pallium  till  the 
pleasure  of  the  emperor  shall  have  been  ascer- 
tained. In  a  subsequent  letter,  written  two 
years  later,  the  imperial  sanction  having  been 
given  (•'  pro  gloriosissimi  filii  nostri  regis  Childe- 
berti  Christiani  devotione  mandatis  "),  the  honour 
is  granted  {Epp.  6,  7 ;  Patrol.  Ixix.  26).  Other 
instances  are  those  of  Caesarius,  archbishop  of 
Aries,  on  whom  the  pallium  was  bestowed  by 
Symmachus  (  Vita  Caes.  lib.  i.  30  ;  Patrol.  Ixvii. 
1016),  and  Virgilius,  also  of  Aries,  to  whom  it 
was  granted  by  Gregory  the  Great  {Ejnst.  lib.  v. 
53 ;  Patrol.  Ixsvii.  782).  Into  the  famous  dis- 
pute as  to  the  rescript  of  Valentinian  in  con- 
nexion with  the  pallium  of  the  bishops  of 
Ravenna,  it  is  not  our  intention  to  enter. 

In  several  of  these  cases  the  recipient  had 
been  some  time  in  possession  of  his  see  on 
receiving  the  pallium,  which  thus  became  an 
exceptional  distinction,  conferred  when  the 
Roman  see  wished  to  bestow  such.  As  this  was 
one  of  the  countless  ways  which  went  to  the 
building  up  of  the  papal  power,  we  need  feel  no 
surprise  at  the  new  phase  of  things  which  meets 
ns  in  the  8th  century.  The  pallium  is  now  no 
longer  an  exceptional  honour,  granted  to  this  or 
that  archbishop,  but  a  badge,  the  acceptance 
of  which  implied  the  acknowledgment  by 
the  wearer  of  the  supremacy  of  the  apostolic 
see.  Thus  we  find  in  a  letter  written  by 
St.  Boniface  in  745  A.D.  to  Cuthbert,  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  the  declaration  on 
his  part  of  willingness  to  obey  the  see  of 
Rome,  and  that  "  meti-opolitanos  pallia  ab  ilia 
sede  quaerere  "  (Epist.  63  ;  Patrol.  Ixxxix.  763). 
Indeed  we  find  from  some  letters  of  pope  Zacha- 
rias  to  Boniface  (743  A.D.)  that  the  latter  had 
already  made  application  for  pallia  for  several  of 
the  metropolitans  under  him.  {E2?p.  5,  6  ;  ib.  925.) 

One  step  more  alone  remains.  Pope  Nicholas 
I.,  in  his  Responsa  ad  consulta  Bulgarorum  (866 
A.D.),  orders  (c.  73  ;  Labbe,  viii.  541)  that  no 
archbishop  may  be  enthroned  or  may  consecrate 
the  eucharist  till  he  shall  have  received  the 
pallium  from  the  Roman  see. 


PALM 

Another  point  may  be  briefly  touched  upon, 
namely,  the  question  of  the  pallium  Gallicanum 
as  distinct  from  the  pallium  Pomanum.  It  has 
been  seen  that  under  whatever  conditions  the 
pallium  was  bestowed,  it  distinctly  took  the  form 
of  a  gift  vouchsafed  at  the  will  of  the  Roman 
see.  This  being  the  case,  it  is  not  easy  to 
understand  the  order  of  the  council  of  Macon 
(581  A.D.)  that  no  archbishop  shall  presume  ti>. 
say  mass  sine  pallio  (can.  6  ;  Labbe,  v.  968).  Tn 
suppose  that  this  means  that  archbishops  are 
prohibited  from  celebrating  mass  till  their  posi- 
tion is,  as  it  were,  ratified  by  Some,  is,  consider- 
ing time  and  place,  an  anachronism,  and  the 
language  of  the  canon  taken  per  se  would  never 
lead  to  such  a  conclusion.  Hence  many  have 
held  (e.//.  Hefele,  infra,  p.  217),  and  it  would 
seem  with  much  justice,  that  this  Galilean  use  is 
distinct  from,  and  exists  side  by  side  with,  the 
special  papal ^;aWmm;  that  it  was  simply  a  mark 
of  archiepiscopal  rank,  which  was  to  be  specially 
worn  at  mass,  just  as  each  other  order  would  be 
required  to  wear  its  own  peculiar  badge.  A 
possible  illustration  of  this  may  be  found  in  v. 
fragment,  edited  by  Martene  and  Durand,  which 
dwells  on  the  vestments  in  use  in  the  Gallicau 
church,  including  the  pallium  (^Thes.  Anecd.  v. 
99  ;    cited  by  Marriott,  p.  204). 

Literature. — For  further  details  on  the  whole 
subject  reference  may  be  made  to  Hefele,  Dio 
Liturgischen  Gewcinder  (in  his  Beitriige  zu  Eir- 
chengeschichte,  Archdologie  undLiturgik,  vol.  ii.  pp. 
214  sqq.);  Marriott's  Vestiarium  Christianum, 
App.  E,  &c. ;  Ruinart,  Dissertatio  de  Palliis  Arcki- 
cpiscoporum  (in  Ouvrages  posthumes  de  J.  Mdbillon 
et  de  Thierri  Ruinart,  Paris,  1724)  ;  Thomassinus 
de  Beneficiis,  part  2,  lib.  2,  c.  543,  Paris,  1688; 
Papebroch  de  forma  pallii  medio  aevo  mutata 
(in  the  separately  published  Prefaces,  &c.  of  the 
Acta  Sanctorum,  Venice,  1749) ;  Vespasiani  de 
Sacri  Pallii  Origine,  Roma,  1856.  [R.  S.] 

PALM.  The  great  beauty  of  the  date-palm 
in  all  stages  of  growth,  and  under  all  circum- 
stances of  background  and  association,  has 
made  it,  like  the  vine  or  the  corn-ears,  one  of 
the  natural  symbols  of  Divine  blessing.  The 
righteous  shall  flourish  as  a  palm-tree  (Ps.  xci. 
13)  may  be  taken  as  a  typically  Eastern  use  of 
the  tree  as  an  emblem. 

As  may  be  supposed,  the  palm  branch  is  found 
most  frequently  in  sepulchral  monuments  and 
inscriptions,  and  is  frequently  added  to  the 
monogram  or  chrisma  as  an  emblem  of  the  vic- 
tory of  the  faith  (Bosio,  p.  436,  and  Martigny's 
Woodcuts,  p.  498).  In  Bottari,  pi.  xxii.  (Aringhi, 
vol.  i.  p.  289),  it  is  beautifully  used  as  a  pillar  to 
divide  the  surface  of  a  sarcophagus  into  com- 
partments or  panels.  Also  Aringhi,  i.  pp.  295, 
297,  301  (where  the  fruit  is  indicated,  see  infra), 
and,  perhaps,  at  p.  307.  At  p.  321  the  heads  of 
two  apostles,  probably  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul, 
are  ornamented  each  with  the  whole  crown  or 
foliage  of  a  palm.  It  is  unquestionably  the  sign 
of  martyrdom  in  the  widest  sense  of  the  word — 
that  of  persistent  testimony  borne  to  Christ,  and 
consummated  by  death.  It  is  admitted  on  all 
hands,  that,  though  the  palm  accompanies  the 
martyr,  it  does  not  indicate  that  the  bearer 
actually  suffered  violent  death  in  will  and  deed 
(see  Rev.  vii.  9,  and  Gregory  the  Great  in  Ezech. 
bk.  ii.  hom.  xvii.,  where  the  palm  branches  ar« 


PALM 

spoken  of  generally  as  praemia  victoriae).  For 
inscriptions,  see  De  Rossi,  Inscript.  Christ.  Urbis 
Eomac,  vol.  i.  pars  prima,  p.  38,  no.  39,  anno 
331  ;  also  p.  9G,  no.  176,  177,  p.  204,  no.  230  ; 
Parker,  Phot.  2949  ;  Epitaph  of  Flavia  Jovina, 
Lateran  Museum,  no.  21,  and  2953,  no.  45 ;  also, 
for  France,  see  Le  Blant's  Inscript.  chre't.  dc  la 
Gaule,  vol.  i.  pi.  7,  32,  C2,  no.  56,  and  27,  no. 
166  ;  ii.  pi.  81,  no.  491. 

The  palm  or  palm  branch  appears  frequently 
in  Christian  mosaics  and  wall-paintings.  The 
most  beautiful  decorative  use  is  made  of  the 
whole  tree  at  Ravenna,  in  the  church  of  S.  Apol- 
linare  Nuova,  where  a  long  procession  of  male 
and  female  saints  is  represented  along  the  wall 
above  the  columns  of  the  central  aisle,  in  the 
richest  mosaic,  white  figures  on  gold  ground, 
shod  with  scarlet  and  bearing  small  crowns  in 
their  hands  lined  with  the  same  colour.  They 
are  separated  by  palms,  with  scarlet  bunches  of 
dates  hanging  from  beneath  their  crowns  like 
barbaric  earrings,  exactly  as  in  nature ;  and  the 
purity  and  brilliancy  of  the  effect  may  be 
imagined  (see  Ricci's  series  of  photographs). 
The  Augustan  frescoes  of  the  Doria  Pamphili  Villa 
(Parker,  Photographs,  no.  2696-2705)  contain  a 
palm  tree  admirably  drawn  from  nature,  with 
graphic  and  exact  resemblance.  It  is  found  in 
mosaics  in  St.  Cecilia's  at  Rome,  and  SS. 
Cosmas  and  Damian.  It  is  used  as  an  arcosolium 
picture  in  Marchi,  tav.  sli.  The  phoenix,  as  a 
symbol  of  the  resurrection,  and,  perhaps,  with 
a  certain  plaij  on  its  name,  often  appears  with 
the  palm,  as  in  the  mosaic  of  St.  Cecilia,  and 
on  the  sarcophagus  in  Bottari,  tav.  sxviii.  xxii. 
(see  woodcut).     Martigny  says  that  both  sym- 


PALM  SUNDAY 


1549 


Palm  Artade.    Bottari, 


bols  are  used  with  the  portrait  of  St.  Paul 
because  he  was  a  special  preacher  of  the 
Resurrection.  It  seems  simply  as  if  the  name 
phoenix  conveyed  ideas  of  both  objects  at 
once  to  the  painter  or  carver,  and  he  naturally 
put  both  into  his  work.  For  the  Palm  on 
Lamps,  see  Bottari,  t.  ccviii.  ;  on  vessels  sup- 
posed to  contain  the  blood  of  martyrs,  see 
Aringhi,  ii.  642  (found  in  the  confessio  of  St. 
Cecilia's  chui'ch),  Bottari,  tav.  cc.  cci.  ccii. 
With  the  Good  Shepherd  Bottari,  vol.  ii.  pi. 
Ixxviii.,    fresco   from   the   Callixtine    cemeterv. 


For  the  palms  of  the  Entry  [p.  613]  into  Jeru- 
salem, and  Bottari,  tav.  xxxix. 

On  the  uncertainty  of  the  palm-branch 
symbol  on  a  grave  as  indicating  the  martyrdom 
of  the  occupant,  see  Catacomks,  p.  308. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 

PALMARE  CONCILIUM.  [Rome,  Coun- 
cils OF,  No.  48.] 

PALMATIUS,  consul,  martyr  with  his  wife 
and  children  under  Alexander  Severus  ;  comme- 
morated May  10  (Bed.  Mart.  ;  Usuard.  Mart.). 
[C.  H.] 

PALM  SUNDAY.  [See  Holy  Week,  p. 
780.]  The  feast  of  palms  {^diwv  eopr-f])  was 
celebrated  in  the  East  as  early  as  the  5th  cen- 
tury, for  it  is  twice  mentioned  in  the  life  of 
Euthymius,  who  died  A.D.  472  {Vita  Euth.  auct. 
Cyrill.  Scythop.  11,  103 ;  Mmum.  Grace.  Cotel. 
210,  287),  but  no  mention  of  a  procession  with 
palms  occurs  until  we  enter  a  much  later  period. 
In  the  West  Isidore  of  Seville  (610)  speaks 
as  if  Palm  Sunday  were  a  great  day,  but  he 
mentions  no  use  of  palm  branches  on  it.  He 
merely  explains  that  "the  day  is  celebrated" 
on  account  of  the  event  recorded  in  St.  Slatthew 
xxi.  8-11,  &c.  {Do  Offic.  1.  28).  The  next  Latin 
writer  who  refers  to  the  feast  is  our  countryman 
Adhelm  (A.D.  709),  but  he  merely  tells  us  that 
in  his  church  the  Osanna  was  sung  by  a  double 
choir  {De  Laud.  Virginit.  30).  A  manuscript 
Ordo  Officii,  which  Mabillon,  from  the  character, 
supposes  to  have  been  written  about  800,  speaks 
of  a  "  Letania,  et  cum  ipsa  intrant  ad  missam 
majorem  {Annal.  Vet.  151,  ed.  2).  This  order 
was  observed  in  a  German  monastery.  It 
describes  a  procession,  but  its  antiquity  is  prob- 
ably less  than  Mabillon  supposed.  Amalarius 
(A.D.  812)  speaks  of  olive  branches  being  carried, 
but  does  not  say  in  procession  {De  EccL  Off.  i. 
10).  If  he  means  a  procession,  he  probably 
alludes  to  some  of  the  churches  only  of  his  pro- 
vince. For  there  is  no  reference  to  any  such 
custom  in  the  earlier  forms  of  the  Ordo  Pomanus 
(see  especially  Ordo  i.  in  Mus.  Ital.  ii.  18,  30),, 
nor  in  the  early  sacramentaries,  some  of  which 
do  not  even  recognise  a  benediction  of  the 
branches,  or  flowers  (so  Missale  Gothicum,  Liturg. 
Gall.  235 ;  Miss.  Gall.  Vet.  346  ;  Sacr.  Gelas.  in 
Liturgia  Rom.  Vet.  Murat.  i.  546 ;  Sacr.  Greg, 
ibid.  ii.  51 ;  0pp.  Greg.  v.  101,  ed.  1615 ;  but  one 
is  given  in  the  Besan9on  rite,  Mus.  Ital.  i.  390  ' 
in  the  Codex  Othobon.  of  the  Greg.  Sacr.  Jlur.  ?f.  s. 
&c.).  Rabanus  of  Mentz,  A.D.  847  {De  Instil. 
Cleri.  ii.  35)  merely  repeats  Isidore  ;  nor  do  we 
find  any  certain  mention  of  a  procession  after 
the  Ordo  Ojficii  above  mentioned,  until  we  come 
to  Pseudo-Alcuin  in  the  10th  century. 

A  similar  rite  is  observed  among  the  Greeks 
but  at  their  matins.  Codinus :  "  On  the  Feast  of 
Palms,  while  the  matins  are  yet  being  sung,  a 
procession  {irepiwaros)  takes  place,  and  there  must 
be  a  litany  (Aitti),  according  to  custom,  and  the 
emperor  must  Avalk  with  the  procession "  {De 
Offic.  xi.  4).  The  lampadarius  leads  the  way  with 
a  burning  torch ;  a  deacon  bearing  the  gospels 
follows  ;  then  come  the  bishop  and  priests  carry- 
ing icons;  and  some  of  the  people  walk  after 
them  {Codin.  x.  5).  During  the  procession  an 
idiomelon  is  sung,  which  is  said  to  have  been 
composed  by  the  emperor  Theophilus,  829-842 
(Cedrenus,  Hist.  Compctid.  ii.  118,  ed.  Nieb.),  via. 


a550 


PAMPHALO 


•"  Come  forth  ye  nations,  come  forth  also  )-e 
people  ;  look  upon  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  The 
gospel  comes  as  a  figure  of  Christ."  The  pro- 
cession ended,  matins  are  resumed,  but  the  palms 
■</3a(a)  are  retained  through  the  service  (Goar, 
745).  Prayers  used  at  the  distribution  of  the 
palms  before  the  procession  may  be  seen  in  the 
Euchologion  (744).  [W.  E.  S.] 

PAMPHALO     and      PAMPHAIMERUS, 

Egpytiau  soldiers,  martyrs  at  Chalcedon  under 
ilaximiau  ;  commemorated  May  17.  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Mai.  iv.  25,  from  the  Greek  Fasti.)  [C.  H.] 

PAIMPHILUS  (1),  martyr  under  Diocletian  ; 
■  commemorated  Feb.  16  (Hieron.  Hart,  with 
Valens,  deacon,  and  others ;  Wright's  Si/rian 
Mart,  with  Pamphilus,  at  Caes.  Pal. ;  Col. 
Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  253) ;  June  1. 
(Usuard.  Mart,  presbyter,  martyr  at  Caesarea, 
under  Masiminus,  his  Life  by  Eusebius  of  Cae- 
.sarea ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Wand. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jun.  i.  62.) 

(2)  ^lartyr  at  Eome;  commemorated  Sept.  21. 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  vi.  236.) 

(3)  Martyr  under  Maximinus ;  commemorated 
Nov.  5.     (Basil,  il/eno/.)  [C.  H.] 

PAMPHIUS,  martyr  at  Caesarea  in  Pales- 
tine, with  Pamphilus ;  commemorated  Feb.  16. 
(Wright,  Auct.  Syr.  Mart. ;  Basil.  31enol.  with 
Valens,  &c.)  [C.  H.] 

PANAGIA  {Tlavayia).  One  of  the  ordinary 
titles  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  in  the  Greek  church. 
It  probably  came  into  use  some  time  in  the  7th 
century.  In  the  discussions  about  the  word 
©eoTOKos,  in  the  5th  century,  she  is  styled 
h  ayia  ivdpQivos.  So  too  in  the  sermon  of  an 
uncertain  author,  Pseudo-Chrysost.  Horn,  de 
Legislatorc,  p.  416  (Migne,  tom.  vi.  410),  which 
is  probably  assignable  to  the  6th  centviry,  she 
is  still  only  t)  ayia,  as  in  the  words  exofifv  r^v 
Secnroiuau  Tj/xwif  rrjv  ©eoTOKoy,  ri^y  ayiav  aenrdp- 
Bevov  Mapiav.  But  in  the  letter  of  Sophronius, 
patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  read  at  the  sixth  general 
council,  C.  Constant.  III.  a.d.  680  (Hardouin, 
tom.  iii.  col.  1268),  the  title  iravayia.  occurs 
several  times.  It  is  true  that  the  same  epithet 
is  found  repeatedly  in  a  set  of  eleven  pravers  to 
the  Virgin,  in  Greek,  attributed  to  St.  Ephrem 
i,Op.  Gr.  iii.  pp.  542,  &c.),  but  the  whole  cast 
of  these  prayers  obviously  belongs  to  a  time  f;ir 
later  than  that  of  St.  Ephrem. 

There  is  also  a  monastic  ceremony  called 
Panagia,  at  which  a  triangular  shaped  piece  of 
blessed  bread  is  elevated,  and  partaken  of,  after 
a  meal  with  certain  prayers,  by  all  present ;  and 
a  cup  of  wine  is  likewise  distributed  to  all  with 
a  thanksgiving  and  special  invocation  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  whence  the  name  of  the 
ceremony  is  said  to  be  derived  (Du  Cange,  Gr. 
Gloss,  s.  V.  and  Symeon  of  Thessal.  quoted  by 
Goar,  Etichol.  pp.  867,  868).  Although  in  this 
exact  shape  the  ceremony  belongs  to  a  time  later 
than  our  limits,  it  is  very  likely  a  relic  of  some 
primitive  observance,  some  memorial  of  the 
original  institution,  into  which  a  new  signi- 
licance  has  become  imported.  [C.  E.  H.] 

PANCEATIUS  (1),  bishop  of  Tauromenium, 
■said  to  have  been  a  disciple  of  St.   Peter   and 


PAPHNUTIUS 

to  have  seen  our  Lord ;  commemorated  Feb.  9 
(Basil.  Menol.)  ;  Ap.  3  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  i. 
237)  ;  July  9  (Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel.  Cod.  Liturq. 
iv.  262).  [C.  H.i 

(2)  Youth,  beheaded  under  Diocletian ;  com- 
memorated at  Home  on  the  Via  Aurelia,  May  12 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.,  Wand.,  Usuard.  3Iart. ; 
Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  iii.  17). 
In  the  Sacramentary  of  Gregory  the  natale  of 
Pancratius  is  observed  on  May"  12,  and  he  is 
named  in  the  collect.  In  the  Sacramentary  of 
Gelasius  he  is  commemorated  on  the  same  day, 
with  Nei-eus  and  Achilleus,  but  only  these  last 
two  are  named  in  the  collects.  (Murat.  Lititrq. 
Bom.  Vet.  i.  646,  ii.  84.)  [C.  H.] 

PANES YRICON  (naj/rj-yupu^V).  One  oi' 
the  Greek  office-books,  containing  '-Readings" 
appropriate  to  the  various  festivals,  collected  out 
of  the  writings  of  approved  authors,  generally 
recording  the  acts  and  virtues  of  the  saints, 
whence  its  name.  It  is  therefore  not  unlike  the 
Western  "Legenda."  There  is  no  authorized 
collection,  therefore  the  book  is  not  printed  ; 
but  different  copies  are  found  in  manuscript  in 
different  churches,  varying  considerably  in  their 
contents  according  to  the  diligence  or  piety  of 
the  collector.  [C.  E.  H.] 

PANNUTIA  (Pannucea).     This  is  a  name 
for  a  garment  covered  with  patches  Qxinnl),  and 
is  so  used   by   Isidore   (Etym.  xix.  22;  Batrol. 
Ixxxii.  687),  "quod  sit  diversis  pannis  obsita." 
[R.  S.] 

PANSOPHIUS,  martyr  at  Alexandria  under 
Decius ;  commemorated  Jan.  15  (^Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  996);  Jan.  16  (Basil. 
MenoL).  [C.  H.] 

PANTAENUS,  commemorated  at  Alexan- 
dria July  7.  (Usuard.,  Wand.,  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  ii.  457.)  [C.  H.] 

PANTALEON  (1),  martyr  under  Maxi- 
mian ;  commemorated  July  28  {Hieron.  2Iart. ; 
Usuard.,  Wand.,  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Florus,  ap. 
Bed.  Mart.);  celebrated  by  the  Greeks  under 
the  name  of  Panteleemon,  martyr  and  lihysician, 
the  unmercenary,  July  27  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal. 
Byzant. ;  Boll.  'Acta  SS.  Jul.  vi.  397  ;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  264) ;  Oct.  10  {Cal.  Armen.). 

(2)  One  of  the  nine  national  saints  of  Ethiopia  ; 
commemorated  Oct.  3  {Cal.  Ethiop.).       [C.  H.] 

PANTHERIUS,  martyr  in  Thrace  under 
Diocletian ;  commemorated  Aug  23.  (Basil. 
Menol.)  [C.  H.] 

PAPA.    [Pope.] 

PAPAS  (1),  martyr  at  Laranda  in  Lycaouia 
under  Maximian  ;  commemorated  Mar.  16  in  the 
Roman  Martyrology.  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  ii. 
424.) 

(2)  Egyptian  martyr  with  Sabriuus  under 
Diocletian;  commemorated  Mar.  16.  (Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  255.)  [C  H.] 

PAPHNUTIUS,    holy   martyr,    commemo- 
rated  by  the    Greeks  Ap.   19.     {Cal.  Byzant. 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii.  623.)  [C.  H.] 


PAPIAS 

PAPIAS  (1),  soldier,  martyr  under  Diocle- 
tian; commemorated  at  Rome  on  the  Via 
Nomentana,  Jan.  29.  (Usuard.,  Wand. ;  Bed. 
3Iart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  3fart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii. 
948  ;  see  also  Bed.  3fart.  Nov.  29.) 

(2)  Martyr  in  Egypt  with  Victorinus  and 
others  ;  commemorated  Jan.  31  (Basil.  Jfcnol.)  ; 
Feb.  25  (Usuard.  Mart.  "  under  Numerian "; 
Vet.  Horn.  Mart.).  In  the  Hicron.  Mart,  a 
Papias  with  the  same  companions  occurs  on 
Mar.  6.  In  the  Cal.  Byzant.  Ap.  5,  the  name 
occurs  as  Pappius. 

(3)  Martyr  with  Diodorus  and  Claudiauus 
under  Decius ;  commemorated  Feb.  4  (Basil. 
McnoL).  The  Ilieron.  Mart,  has  a  Papias  with 
some  of  the  same  companions  on  Mar.  6,  as  also 
hare  the  Roman  Martyrology  and  the  Bol- 
landists  (Feb.  iii.  627)  on  Feb.  2G. 

(4)  Bishop  of  Hierapolis,  friend  of  Polycarp, 
the  disciple  of  St.  John  ;  commemorated  Feb. 
22.  (Usuard.  3fart. ;  Vet.  Horn.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  .y.?.  Feb.  iii.  285.) 

(5)  (Papas,  Pappus),  martyr  with  Chrestus 
at  Tomi ;  commemorated  Ap.  5.  (Wright,  Syr. 
Mart.) 

(6)  Martyr  with  Peregrinus  and  others ; 
commemorated  July  7.     (Basil.  Jlenol.) 

[C.  H.] 
PAPINIUS,  bishop  and  martyr  in  Africa  in 
the  Vandalic  persecution ;  commemorated  Nor. 
28.     (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.) 

[C.  H.] 
PAPIRIUS,  deacon,  martyr  with  his  sister 
Agathouica  and  Carpus,  bishop  of  Thyatira, 
under  Antoninus ;  commemorated  at  Pergamus 
Ap.  13  (Usuard.  Mart.);  Papyrius  (Vet.  Bom. 
Mart.)  ;  Papylus,  Oct.  13  (Basil.  Meiiol. ;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  ir.  271).  [C.  H.] 

PAPPIUS.    [Papias  (2).] 

PAEABOLANI,  an  inferior  order  of  church 
officers  who  fulfilled  the  duty  of  hospital  atten- 
dants and  nurses  to  the  sick  poor,  whom  they 
relieved  from  the  alms  of  the  faithful,  "  dejra- 
tantur  ad  curanda  debilium  aegra  corpora" 
(Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xvi.  Tit.  ii.  de  Episc.  et  Gler. 
leg.  43).  Binterim  attributes  the  establishment 
of  these  functionaries  as  a  distinct  order  to  the 
peace  of  the  church  under  Constantine  (Dcnk- 
tourdirjkoit.  ri.  o,  26).  Previous  to  this  time 
the  care  of  the  sick  and  the  burial  of  the  dead, 
as  we  see  from  Diouysius's  graphic  account  of 
the  plague  at  Alexandria  (Euseb.  H.  E.  rii.  22), 
was  fulfilled  by  the  brethren  generally  as  a  duty 
of  Christian  love,  without  any  enrolment  into  a 
separate  body.  It  is  evident,  from  the  laws  of 
the  Theodosian  code,  that  the  "  parabolani "  were 
ranked  among  the  "  clerici,"  but  in  a  very  sub- 
ordinate capacity.  They  were  to  be  chosen  from 
the  poorer  classes,  and  there  was  an  express  pro- 
hibition against  men  of  rank  being  admitted 
into  the  confraternity.  The  name  was  pi-obably 
derived  from  Tvapa^dWeo-ea  (periclitari),  from  the 
courage  with  which  they  hazarded  their  lives  in 
time  of  plague  and  contagious  sickness,  like  the 
7rapoj3oXoi,  or  bcsiiarii,  who  exposed  themselves 
to  the  risk  of  death  in  fighting  with  wild  beasts 
ill  the  amphitheatre  (cf.  Socr.  //.  E.  rii.  22,  and 
^'alesius'  notes ;  Xiceph.  If.  E.  xiv.  3  ;  Acta  SS. 


PARABOLANI 


1551 


Ahdon.  et  Scnnen  apud  Suicer).  The  idea  that  it 
was  a  satirical  name  (from  ^am6o?ae  =  mere  talk), 
given  to  physicians  and  those  who  undertook  the 
care  of  the  sick,  because  they  promised  much 
and  performed  little,  if  seriously  proposed,  needs 
no  refutation  (Du  Cange,  sub  toe. ;  Bingham,  iii. 
ix.  3).  However  excellent  the  original  purpose 
of  this  order,  too  soon,  in  the  words  of  Baronius, 
"  ex  charitate  officium  transirit  in  factionem," 
and  the  parabolani  appear  as  a  factious  and 
turbulent  body,  taking  a  noisy  and  prominent 
part  in  all  religious  controversies,  and  causing 
so  much  trouble  to  the  civil  power,  that  special 
laws  had  to  be  passed  to  restrain  and  regulate 
them.  In  the  quarrel  between  Cyril  and  Orestes, 
A.D.  416,  the  parabolani,  zealously  espousing  the 
cause  of  their  bishop,  threw  the  city  of  Alexan- 
dria into  such  confusion  that  the  inhabitants 
despatched  an  envoy  to  Theodosius  II.,  begging 
him  to  issue  a  prohibition  for  the  bishop  tu 
leave  Alexandria,  as  his  was  the  only  authority 
by  which  their  violence  could  be  checked. 
In  consequence  of  this  petition,  Theodosius 
issued  an  edict  addressed  to  Monaxius,  the 
prefect  of  the  pretorium,  Sept.  28,  410  a.d., 
removing  this  turbulent  body  from  the  autho- 
rity of  the  bishop,  and  placing  them  directly 
under  the  prefect,  giving  him  the  power  of 
dismissing  them  for  riotous  conduct,  and  of 
filling  up  all  vacancies  caused  by  death.  The 
number  was  at  the  same  time  limited  to  500,  and 
they  were  to  be  selected  from  the  poorer  classes. 
The  interruptions  to  public  business  caused  by 
their  obstreperous  behaviour,  and  their  intimi- 
dation of  witnesses  and  jurors,  were  guarded 
against  by  an  inhibition  against  their  attending 
the  law  courts  at  all.  Any  judicial  complaint 
or  legal  business  they  might  have  was  to  be 
transacted  for  them  by  their  "syndic"  or  at- 
torney. They  were  also  prohibited  from 
attending,  as  a  body,  the  games  and  shows 
and  appearing  on  any  public  occasions,  as  being 
disturbers  of  the  peace  of  the  community.  This 
measure  proved  exceedingly  distasteful  to  the 
clerical  party  at  Alexandria,  whose  influ- 
ence with  the  feeble  emperor  proved  powerful 
enough  to  induce  him,  in  seventeen  months' 
time,  to  repeal  the  chief  provisions  of  his 
former  enactment  by  a  fresh  edict,  dated  Feb.  3, 
418  A.D.  In  this  the  number  was  raised  from 
500  to  600,  they  were  again  placed  under  the 
bishop's  jurisdiction,  and  the  ranks  wore  to  bo 
filled  from  those  who  had  previously  filled  the 
office  but  had  been  disbanded  by  the  prefect,  or 
who  were  known  to  be  skilful  in  their  care  of 
the  sick.  Their  rank  was  at  the  same  time 
somewhat  raised.  They  might  be  selected  from 
any  class,  excepting  the  "  honorati  "  and  "  cu- 
riales."  At  the  same  time  the  clause  prohibiting 
their  appearance  in  the  circus,  the  courts,  and 
on  public  occasions  was  confirmed  (Cod.  Thcod. 
u.  s.  leg.  42,  43,  vol.  vi.  p.  82,  with  Gothofrcd's 
notes).  We  find  the  parabolani  again  as  a  body 
of  noisy  fanatics,  ready  for  any  acts  of  violence, 
at  the  "Latrocinium"  of  Ephesus,  449  A.D., 
where  six  hundred  of  them  appeared  as  the  tools 
of  the  brutal  Barsumas  to  coerce  malcontents 
to  support  his  measures  (Labbe,  iv.  251).  The 
reputation  of  the  parabolani  as  a  dangerous 
class,  formidable  to  the  civil  magistrates,  how- 
ever useful  when  restricting  themselves  to  their 
appropriate  duties,  is  evidenced  by  the  legisla- 


1562 


PAEACLETICE 


tion  of  Justiniau,  which  confirms  the  prohibi- 
tion to  their  appearing  as  a  body  on  public 
occasions.  {Cod.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  iii.  de  Episc. 
ct  Cleric,  leg.  18 ;  Binterim,  Denkwiirdigkeitcn, 
vi.  3,  26  ff. ;  Bingham,  Origines,  bk.  iii.  ch.  ix. 
§  1_4  ;  Gothofred,  Annotat.  in  Cod.  Tlieod.  vol.  vi. 
.v.  82  ;  Baronius,  Appeiid.  ad  torn.  v.  p.  G91.) 

[E.V.] 

PAEACLETICE  (napaK\y)TiK)),  fiifixiou 
TraporeATjTiKoV).  One  of  the  principal  and  most 
necessary  of  the  Greek  office-books.  It  is 
arranged  on  the  principle  of  the  Octoiichos,  but 
extended  so  as  to  contain  the  Troparia  of  the 
whole  Ferial  office  for  the  year.  By  some 
writers  it  is  attributed  to  Joseph  of  the  Studium 
(died  A.D.  883);  by  others  to  another  Joseph, 
surnamed  Melodus  (see  Leo  Allat.  de  Libris 
Eccles.  Graec.  p.  283).  Two  derivations  are 
given  for  the  name :  viz.  either  quasi  conso- 
latorius,  because  its  contents  tend  to  the  con- 
solation of  the  penitent ;  or  quasi  invitatorius, 
because  they  largely  consist  of  invocations. 

The  course  of  the  Ferial  office  depends  not  so 
much  upon  the  season  of  the  year  as  upon  the 
Tones  (^X"');  of  which  there  are  eight,  arranged 
to  follow  one  another  in  regular  sequence,  begin- 
ning with  the  week  after  Easter  week,  after 
which  they  recur  again,  and  so  on.  Each  Tone 
has  its  own  Troparia,  and  governs  the  service  at 
all  the  Hours  for  its  week.  Thus  the  entire  set 
of  variations  of  the  service  is  finished  in  a  period 
of  eight  weeks.  There  are  proper  tables  to  shew 
how  these  periods  of  eight  weeks,  with  their 
Tones,  fall  in  different  years,  according  to  the 
date  of  Easter.  By  i-eferriug  to  these  tables 
the  proper  Tone  for  the  week  in  which  any 
given  day  falls  may  be  found ;  and  then  the 
paracletice  gives  the  proper  Troparia  for  the 
different  offices  of  the  day.  [C.  E.  H.] 

PAEADISE  (TrapdSejtros,  from  a  Persian 
word  meaning  a  park  or  pleasure-ground)  is 
used  (1)  in  inscriptions  to  designate  the  place  in 
which  the  dead  in  Christ  wait  the  final  judg- 
ment. It  is  said  (Martigny,  Diet.  p.  577,  2nd 
ed.)  not  to  occur  earlier  than  the  end  of  the 
4th  century,  when  (a.D.  382)  it  is  found  in  the 
epitaph  of  Theodoi-a  (De  Rossi,  Roma  Sott.  i.  141, 
No.  317).  But,  without  the  actual  use  of  the 
Avord  "  Paradise,"  the  dwelling  of  a  soul  in  bliss 
is  often  indicated  by  pictures  or  symbols  of  the 
last  resting-places  of  the  faithful.  An  arcoso- 
lium  of  the  cemetery  of  Cyriaca  shews  an  oranti 
standing  between  two  figures,  who  draw  back  the 
curtains  on  each  side  ;  this  is  supposed  to  typify 
the  entrance  of  a  soul  into  the  rest  of  paradise 
(De  Rossi,  Bidlet.  1863,  p.  76),  A  painting  in 
the  cemetery  of  Petronilla  (Martigny,  p.  639)  is 
thought  to  represent  the  reception  of  a  soul  into 
Paradise  by  Petronilla.  The  soul  admitted  to 
the  joys  of  Paradise  is  sometimes  represented  as 
a  female  figure  standing  between  two  trees  in  an 
attitude  of  contemplation  (Perret,  Cafacombes,  v. 
pi.  V. ;  De  Rossi,  lioina  Sott.  i.  95),  often  accom- 
panied by  the  words  IN  pace.  This  inscription 
appears  in  the  representation  of  Dionysas  (said  to 
be  of  the  3rd  century)  in  the  cemetery  of  Soter 
(De  Rossi,  Iloma  Sott.  iii.  tav.  i.),  where  the  de- 
parted appears  in  the  midst  of  a  garden  full  of 
fruits  and  flowers,  where  birds  seem  to  flit  from 
branch  to  branch.  On  some  sarcophaguses  (as  in 
Bottari,  Sculture,  six. ;  Millin,  Midi  de  la  France, 


PAEALYTIC  MAN 

Ixv.  Ixviii.)  trees  or  vines  form  columns  sepa- 
rating the  different  groups ;  these  are  thought 
by  some  to  typify  Paradise.  Occasionally  the 
promised  land  is  typified  by  the  two  spies  bearing 
a  great  bunch  of  grapes  between  them  on  a  pole 
(Millin,  lix.  3 ;  Garrucci,  Vctri,  ii.  9).  And 
again  the  soul  is  typified  by  a  bird  sitting  on  a 
tree  (Lupi,  Severae  Epitaphiwn,  tav.  xvii.  p.  137), 
or  in  the  midst  of  flowers.  See  the  epitaph  of 
Sabiniauus  (Martigny,  p.  576).  The  flowers  and 
leaves,  which  often  enclose  representations  of  the 
Lord  in  glory,  as  in  some  of  the  ancient  mosaics 
of  Rome  and  Ravenna,  are  thought  to  refer  to 
Paradise  [Mosaics,  p.  1337];  and  figures  of 
saints  in  basilicas  are  frequently  placed  in  the 
midst  of  a  Paradise  indicated  in  the  same  manner. 
The  same  kind  of  symbolism  is  found  in  gilded 
glass  (Buonarroti,  Osservazione  sopra  alcuni 
Frammcnti  di  Vetro,  xviii.  xxi.  ;  Garrucci,  ix.  8). 
The  rich  dress  in  which  many  female  figures  are 
represented  on  sepulchral  monuments  is  thought 
by  many  to  indicate  the  "  splendour  of  Paradise  " 
(rpucpT)  Tov  irapaSeLffov)  of  which  the  liturgies 
speak.  The  banquets  which  are  so  often  repre- 
sented on  the  walls  of  sepulchral  chambers  are 
also  very  commonly  supposed  to  typify  Paradi- 
siacal joys  (Polidori,  Conviti  Effigiati,  in  the  Milan 
Arnica  cattolico)  (Martigny,  Diet,  dcs  Antiq.  chre't. 
s.  V.  Faradis). 

(2)  The  word  Paradise  is  sometimes  used  to 
designate  the  quadrangular  space  enclosed  by  a 
cloister,  often  used  as  a  burial-ground.  Comp. 
Narthex,  p.  1379.  [C] 

PAEAGAUDA,    PARAGAUDIS     d-rrapa- 

yavSis).  This  is  a  species  of  ornamental  fringe 
attached  to  a  dress.  We  find  in  the  Theodosian 
Code  (lib.  x.  tit.  21,  1.  1)  a  law  of  Valens  pro- 
hibiting the  use  of  "  auratae  ac  sericae  paragaudae 
auro  intextae "  to  private  persons.  A  law  of 
Theodosius  the  Great  (ib.  1.  2)  repeats  the  pro- 
hibition in  stronger  terms.  The  word  is  also 
used,  by  a  natural  extension,  for  the  dress  so 
ornamented  (see  Gothofredus's  note  in  loc.).  As 
there  is  no  special  Christian  connexion  of  the 
word,  it  is  needless  to  give  further  instances. 
It  is  apparently  oriental,  but  the  derivation  is 
unknown.  [R.  S.] 

PAEALYTIC  MAN.  Two  cures  of  the 
palsy  (besides  that  of  the  centurion's  servant)  arc 
circumstantially  narrated  in  the  gospels — one  of 
the  sufferers  at  the  Pool  of  Bethesda  (John  v. 
2-17),  the  other  of  him  whom  his  friends  lowered 
through  the  roof  in  the  crowded  assembly  of 
Capernaum  (Matt.  ix.  1-8  ;  Mark  v.  21  ;  Luke 
viii.  40,  V.  17-26).  The  former  is  by  far  the 
more  frequently  represented— almost  always  in 
the  act  of  carrying  away  his  bed,  or  '•  that 
whereon  he  lay,"  which  is  sometimes  a  Greek 
couch,  sometimes  a  somewhat  modern  ^stump- 
bedstead.  See  Rohault  de  Fleury,  L'Evangile, 
pi.  li.  figs.  1-5,  Bottari,  tav.  xxxix.,  and  Be- 
thesda, p.  201,  for  a  cut  from  a  Vatican  sarco- 
phagus. See  also  Rohault  de  Fleury,  pi.  Iii.  for 
many  varieties  of  the  grabatum,  two  from  ivories 
at  Ravenna  and  at  Clunj'.  A  scribe  or  apostle  is 
sometimes  present  (Bottari,  xxxi.).  The  other 
paralytic  sufferer  is  seen  as  lowered  through  the 
roof  by  cords  in  a  sarcophagus  photographed  by 
Mr.  Parker  (2906),  and  engraved  in  Bottari,  i. 
pi.  39.  See  Westwood,  Early  Christian  Sculpitures, 


PARAMENTA 

p.  23.  But  the  most  graphic  and  excellent  repre- 
sentation is  in  the  upper  course  of  mosaics  in  St. 
ApoUinare  Nuova  at  Ravenna  (Rohault  de  Fleury, 
L'Evangile,  pi.  xliii.).  De  Fleury  gives  two 
other  examples  from  9th  and  11th  century  MSS. 
nos.  510  and  70  in  the  Bibliothc-que  nouvelle. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 
PARAMENTA.  A  general  word  signifying 
■oi-naments,  or  decorations;  from  ^xtrare.  It 
might  be  applied  to  the  tapestry  with  which  a 
church  is  adorned  for  a  festival ;  to  the  coverings 
of  the  altar ;  to  the  sacerdotal  vestments ;  or 
(in  a  still  narrower  sense)  to  the  orphreys,  or 
apparels,  of  a  vestment.  The  authorities  for  its 
use  all  seem  to  be  late.  [C.  E.  H.] 

PARAMONARIUS,  an  ecclesiastical  official, 
the  nature  of  whose  duties  seems  to  have  been 
different  at  different  times  and  places.  The  word 
occui's  but  rarel)',  and  there  is  little  in  the 
context  of  the  passages  where  it  is  found  to 
indicate  the  position  occupied.  The  first  place 
where  it  occurs  is  in  the  second  canon  of  the 
council  of  Chalcedon,  where  the  "  paramonarius" 
(or,  according  to  another  reading,  "  prosmon- 
arius  ")  is  ranked  with  the  "  oeconomus  "  and 
"  ecdicus  "  (church  advocate)  as  one  of  the  sub- 
ordinate ofHcers  of  the  church,  whose  post  was 
sometimes  the  object  of  a  simoniacal  bargain. 
In  this  passage  it  is  considered  by  the  best 
authorities  to  mean  a  "  villicus  "  or  bailiff,  who 
managed  the  estates  of  a  monastery  or  church. 
"Monasterii  administer."  (Bevereg.  Pandect. 
Can.  torn.  i.  p.  112  ;  ii.  p.  109 ;  annotat. ;  Justellus, 
Bibl.  Jur.  Canon^  tom.  i.  p.  91 ;  Suicer,  sii])  voc.) 
It  is  also  explained  in  the  same  manner  by 
Gothofred  in  his  annotations  on  a  law  of  the 
Justinian  code  {da  Episc.  et  Cleriais,  1.  46,  sect.  3), 
where  the  paramonarii  are  associated  with  the 
s:enodochi,  ptochotrophi,  nosocomi,  &c.,  as  adminis- 
trators of  church  property.  Du  Cange,  on  the 
other  hand,  considers  the  office  to  be  one  of 
lower  grade,  identical  with  that  of  the  mansio- 
narius  in  the  Western  church,  concerned  with 
lighting  the  candles,  opening  and  shutting  the 
doors,  and  other  servile  duties.  The  word  is  so 
rendered  by  Dionysius  Exiguus,  and  explained  in 
the  margin  by  ostiarius,  and  the  quotations 
given  by  Du  Cange  (sub  voc.)  prove  that  it  was 
used  in  this  inferior  sense  in  the  West  in 
mediaeval  times  (Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl.  bk.  iii. 
ch.  xiii.  §  1  ;  Bevereg.  Pandectae,  u.  s. ;  Justellus, 
u.  s.).  [E.  v.] 

PARAMONUS  and  370  martyrs  under 
Decius  ;  commemorated  Nov.  29.  (C'a/.  Byzant). 
[C.  H.] 

PARAPHONISTA.  This  word  occurs  fre- 
quently in  the  early  Ordines  Eomani  published 
by  Hittorp,  and  by  Mabillon,  Museum  Ital. 
tom.  ii.  The  four  principal  singers  in  the  Schola 
Cantorum  at  Rome  were  named  paraphonistae. 
The  first  in  number  of  these  (prior  scholae)  pre- 
sented the  anthem.  It  was  the  duty  of  the 
fourth,  who  Avas  called  archiparaphonista,  to 
keep  the  pope  informed  of  any  matter  that  con- 
cerned the  choir,  what  anthems  were  to  be  sung, 
&c.  The  choir-boys  were  sometimes  called 
infantes  paraphonistae.  [C.  E.  H.] 

PARASCEUE.    [Good  Friday.] 

PARASCEVE,    martyr     at     Rome     under 


PARIS,  COUNCILS  OF 


1553 


Antoninus ;    commemorated    July    26.       (CiK 
Byzant.)  [C.  H.]  ' 

PARATORIUM,  a  designation  of  the  pro- 
thesis  or  credence  table  in  the  Ordo  Eoman'js, 
also  called  oblationarium,  "  because  when  the 
offerings  were  received  preparation  was  made 
out  of  them  for  the  Eucharist "  (Bingham,  viii. 
vi.  22).  [Protiiesis.]  It  also  stood  for  the 
Secretarium  Ecclesiae  or  Sacristy.  "  Calicem 
subdiaconus  dat  acolyto  et  ilia  revocat  in  Para- 
torium."  Ordo  Romanus,  "Reponitur  liber  ia 
paratorio  quodam  sive  in  secretario  "  (ibid.).  See 
Ducange,  Const.  Christ.  S.  Soph.  cc.  67,  68. 
[DiACONICUM.]  [E.  v.] 

PARENTS.     [Family.] 

PARIS,  COUNCILS  OF  (1),  a.d.  360  (al. 
362),  where  the  Arian  formula,  concocted  at 
Rimini,  published  at  Nice,  and  reaffirmed  at  Con- 
stantinople, from  which  the  word  "  Homoousios  " 
had  been  eliminated,  was  condemned  in  a  synodical 
letter  addressed  to  the  Easterns,  and  preserved 
in  the  11th  Fragm.  of  St.  Hilary.  (Mansi,  iii. 
357-359.) 

(2)  A.D.  555  (ixl.  551),  at  which  Saffaracus, 
who  subscribed  to  the  5th  council  of  Orleans  as 
bishop  of  Paris,  being  convicted  of  various  crimes 
by  his  own  confession,  was  deposed.  (Mansi,  ix. 
739-742.) 

(3)  A.D.  557,  in  the  pontificate  of  Pelagius  I., 
like  the  former  one,  when  ten  canons  were  passed, 
all  relating  to  church  discipline,  and  most  of 
them  re-enactments ;  e.  g.  the  eighth,  which 
says,  "  Let  no  bishop  be  ordained  against  the 
will  of  the  citizens ;  but  him  only  who  has  been 
elected  with  fullest  choice  of  the  people  and 
clergy.  Neither  let  any  see  be  filled  up  by  the 
powerofthe  prince,  nor  any  potentate  whatsoever, 
against  the  will  of  the  bishop  of  the  metropolis, 
or  his  suffragans."  Six  more  canons  are  given  to 
this  council  by  Gratian  and  others,  which,  as 
Mansi  shews,  embody  rules  of  the  ninth  and 
following  centuries.     (lb.  752.) 

(4)  A.D.  573,  when  Pappolus,  bishop  of 
Chartres,  complained  of  the  consecration  of 
Promotus  to  the  see  of  Chateauduninhis  diocese, 
by  Aegidius,  bishop  of  Rheims,  who  was  therefore 
called  upon,  in  the  name  of  the  council,  to  with- 
draw his  nominee.  The  council  also  addressed  a 
letter  to  king  Sigebert,  begging  of  him  not  to 
interpose  in  his  favour.     (76.  865-872.) 

(5)  A.D.  577,  when  Praetextatus,  bishop  of 
Rouen,  was  accused  by  king  Chilperic  of  having 
encouraged  the  revolt  of  his  son  Jleroveus,  which 
the  bishop  denied.  Forty-five  bishops,  among 
whom  was  Gregory  of  Tours,  the  historian,  heard 
his  defence.  But  in  the  end,  having  been  induced 
to  become  his  own  accuser,  he  was  carried  oif 
forciblv,  thrown  into  prison,  and  then  exiled. 
(lb.  875-880.) 

(6)  A.D.  615,  the  most  considerable  that  had 
yet  met  there  ;  said  to  have  been  attended  by 
seventy-nine  bishops,  and  even  called  general  in 
a  council  of  Rheims  ten  years  later.  Its  preface 
deposes  to  its  having  been  summoned  by  king 
Clotaire,  who  confirmed  its  canons  afterwards  in 
a  special  edict.  They  were  fifteen  in  number,  all 
disciplinary.  By  the  second  of  them,  no  bishop  may 
choose  or  have  one  chosen  to  succeed  him  during 


1554 


PARISH 


his  lifetime,  unless  he  should  have  become,  for 
some  reason,  in(i|i;iMe  of  administering  his  diocese. 
By  the  thinl  all  nianmiiitted  slaves  (liberti)  are 
to  be  defendcil  Ijy  priests,  and  not  reduced  again 
to  their  former  state.  And  by  the  fifteenth  no 
Jew  may  hold  or  apply  for  any  public  office 
giving  him  power  over  Christians.  Any  Jew 
endeavouring  to  compass  this  is  to  receive 
baptism  at  the  hands  of  the  bishop  of  the  place, 
with  all  his  family.  The  rest  are  less  new,  than 
old  canons  revived.  (Mansi,  x.  539-546.)  Ten 
more  canons  (Mansi  makes  them  fifteen)  are  pre- 
sei-ved  of  a  nameless  council  (Delaland,  Suppl. 
ad  Sirmond,  p.  62,  has  invented  a  name  for  it), 
by  the  first  of  which  these  fifteen  are  confirmed, 
as  being  in  no  way  contrary  to  the  Catholic 
faith  or  church  law,  while  by  the  eighth  priests 
and  deacons  are  forbidden,  under  pain  of  depri- 
vation, ever  to  marry,     (ft.  546-548.) 

(7)  A.D.  638.  When  the  exemption  of  the 
abbey  of  St.  Denis  is  stated  to  have  been  renewed, 
"  in  universali  nostrd  synodo  Parisiis  congregata," 
as  king  Dagobert,  who  subscribes  first,  is  made 
to  say.  But  if  so,  why  should  it  have  formed 
the  subject  of  a  grant  afterwards,  A.D.  658,  by 
bishop  Landeric  ?  (Mansi,  s.  659  and  xi.  61.) 
[E.  S.  Ff.] 

PARISH.  I.  J^am^s  for.— The  Greek  word 
TrapoiKia,  from  which  the  English  parish  is  de- 
rived, through  the  Latin  paroecia,  parochia,  the 
Norman-French  2Mroisse  (Lois  de  Guillaume  le 
Conquerant,  1),  and  the  early  English  parocJic, 
jxo-oshe,  parcsche  (Stratmanu,  s.  v.),  appears 
to  have  had  two  meanings.  (1)  In  Greek 
inscriptions  it  is  not  uncommon  to  find  the 
inhabitants  of  a  town  divided  into  those 
Avho  have  and  those  who  have  not  full  civil 
rights,  and  described  collectively  as  o'l  re  -KoKirai 
icaX  ol  irdpoiKoi  travres,  e.g.  Corpus  Tnscr.  Gr. 
No.  1631  at  Thespiae,  No.  2906  at  Priene, 
No.  3049  at  Teos,  No.  3595  at  Ilium  Novum ; 
hence,  in  the  first  use  of  the  term  and  its  cog- 
nate terms  in  Biblical  and  ecclesiastical  Greek, 
they  are  found  in  this  literal  sense  of  a  "  so- 
journer "  and  "  sojourning,"  e.^r.  in  the  LXX.  Exod. 
ii.  22  ;  Deut.  v.  14;  2  Kings  viii.  l,in  the  N.  T. 
Acts  vii.  29  ;  Ephes.  ii.  19  ;  Heb.  si.  9  ;  in  Philo, 
e.g.  vol.  i.  pp.  161,  511,  ed.  Mangey  ;  in  Josejjhus, 
e.g.  Antt.  Jud.  viii.  2,  9.  It  is  probable  that  the 
term  came  thus  to  be  ordinarily  applied  to  the 
colonies  of  Jews  in  the  great  cities  of  the  East, 
who  were  not  absorbed  in  the  ordinary  citizens, 
biit  kept  their  nationality  distinct ;  e.g.  at  Cyrene, 
where  Strabo  ap.  Joseph.  Antt.  Jud.  xiv.  7,  2, 
says  that  there  were  four  divisions  of  the  popu- 
lation— citizens,  farmers,  fxiroiKOL,  and  Jews. 
It  was  probably  continued  or  adopted  by  the 
colonies  of  Christians  in  the  same  cities,  who 
stood  in  a  similar  relation  to  the  rest  of  the 
population  :  hence,  in  Clem.  Eom.  i.  c.  1,  the 
church  of  Rome  describes  itself  as  tj  iKKATjaia 
Tov  @eov  7]  irapoiKovaa  ['Pi^/xrji'],  so  Polyc.  ad 
Philipp.  1 ;  Martijr.  Pohjc.  1.  With  this  mingled 
the  metaphorical  sense  of  the  word  in  which 
this  "  sojourning "  upon  earth  was  contrasted 
with  the  "  abiding  city  "  in  heaven,  e.g.  1  Pet. 
i.  17 ;  Clem.  Rom.  ii.  c.  5 ;  Corpus  Inscr.  Grace. 
No.  9474,  9683. 

(2)  It  was  used,  in  a  sense  which  continued 
its  earlier  sense  of  "  dwelling  near  a  city,"  as 
equivalent  to  a  rural  commune  or  a  detached 
suburb.     This  meaning  is  rare,  and  the  editors 


PARISH 

of  the  Corpius  Inscr.  Grace,  treat  tlie  use  of 
■irdpoiKos  in  the  sense  of  "  colonus,"  as  a  proof 
that  the  inscription  on  which  it  occurs.  No.  8656,. 
is  not  earlier  than  the  4th  century,  A.D.  In  the 
later  civil  law  wapoiKia  was  applied  to  villeins 
or  peasant-farmers  ;  e.g.  in  the  Practica,  tit.  15, 
c.  2,  ap.  Yon  Lingenthal,  Jus  Graeco-Eomanum, 
pars  i.  p.  42. 

In  the  ecclesiastical  use  of  the  words  these 
two  meanings  were  confounded — the  former 
meaning  predominates  in  the  earlier  period,  the 
latter  in  the  later;  nor  does  the  confusion 
disappear  until  far  on  in  the  middle  ages  ;  i.e. 
irapoiKla,  paroecia  were  i;sed  (i.)  of  the  whole 
colony  of  Christians  in  a  given  city  or  district, 
i.e.  of  the  "diocese,"  in  its  modern  sense  of 
the  district  over  which  a  bishop  came  to 
have  jurisdiction  ;  (ii.)  of  the  rural  or  suburban 
communities  which  were  more  or  less  depen- 
dent on  another  church — i.e.  of  the  "  parish  " 
in  its  modern  sense.  Between  these  two  uses 
of  the  words  it  is  not  always  easy  to  distin- 
guish. The  following  must  be  taken  as  being 
only  an  approximate  classification  of  some 
leading  instances : — i.  =:  the  modern  "  diocese  ": 
S.  Iren.  Ep.  ad  Florin,  ap.  Euseb.  //.  E.  v.  20 ; 
Apollon.  Ephes.  ap.  Euseb.  //.  E.  v.  18  ;  Alexand. 
Alexandrin.  Ep.  ap.  Theodoret.  H.  E.  i.  3 ; 
Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  18;  Nicaen.  c.  16  ;  Const.  Apost. 
ii.  1 ;  viii.  10 ;  St.  Cyrill.  Hierosol.  Catech.  xiv. 
21;  St.  Athanas.  Apol.  c.  Arian,  c.  49,  vol.  i. 
p.  131,  id.  Hist.  Arian.  c.  17,  vol.  i.  p.  279,  id. 
Tom.  ad  Antioch.  vol.  i.  p.  616 ;  St.  Greg.  M. 
Ep.  vi.  11 ;  xiv.  7  ;  in  Galilean  documents  from 
the  6th  century  onwards — e.g.  in  the  instrument 
of  foundation  of  the  abbey  of  St.  Mesmin  ap. 
D'Achery,  Sjjicileg.  vol.  iii.  p.  307 ;  in  England, 
Gone.  Clovesh.  c.  3,  Cone.  Cealcyth.  c.  3  ;  in  the 
probably  genuine  writings  of  popes — e.g.  Epit. 
Hadrian.  Can.  Apost.  40,  Hormisd.  Ep.  117,  ad 
Episc.  Ilispian.  c.  3 ;  in  the  Carolingian  Capitu- 
laries— e.g.  Karlomauui  Capit.  A.D.  742,  c.  3, 
Pippini  Cap)it.  Suession.  c.  iv.  1,  Capit.  Vern.  c.  3, 
Karoli  M.  CajM.  General.  A.D.  769,  c.  8 ;  in  the 
Liber  Pontificalis,  Vit.  3.  Si.vti,  p.  8 ;  in  the 
Pseudo-Isidorian  decretals — e.g.  Epist.  Clem.  i.  c. 
36,  70,  Epist.  Calixt.  ii.  c.  13,  Epist.  Lucii.  c.  5 ; 
and  even  in  the  12th  century — e.g.  Legenda  S. 
Ilugon.  Lincoln,  ap.  Giraldus  Cambrensis,  ed. 
Dimock,  vol.  vii.  p.  176.  So  far  did  this  wider 
sense  oi  paroecia  prevail  that  a  distinction  some- 
times apjsears  between  the  paroecia  of  a  simple 
bishop,  and  the  diocesis  or  provincia  of  a  metro- 
I)olitan — e.g.  S.  Bonifac.  Mogunt.  Epist.  49,  cal 
Zachariam,  A.D.  742,  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol.  Ixxxix. 
714,  "  tres  ordinavimus  episcopos  et  provinciam 
in  tres  parochias  discrevimus ;  so  S.  Zachar. 
I^'pist.  3,  ad  Burchard,  Migne,  vol.  Ixxxix.  822. 
ii.  It  =  the  modern  "  parish  "  :  S.  Basil.  Epist. 
240  (192) ;  Const.  Apost.  ii.  58  ;  Cone.  Chalc. 
c.  17  ;  3  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  ix.  20,  Emerit.  c.  19,. 
2  Hispal.  c.  2,  Agath.  c.  21,  Rem.  c.  19,  Cabillon, 
c.  5 ;  Sidon.  Apollin.  Ep>ist.  vii.  6,  p.  183  ;  S. 
Greg.  M.  Epist.  i.  16 ;  Vit.  S.  Elig.  ii.  25,  ap. 
D'Achery,  Spicil.  vol.  ii.  ;  in  the  Pseudo-Isido- 
rian decretals,  Epist.  Clem.  iii.  c.  70  (from 
Lulli  Epist.  ad  Pontif.  Max.  in  S.  Bonifac.  Epist. 
112,  p.  290);  Hincmar  Rem.  Cajyit.  Synod.  4,. 
c.  1,  ed.  Sirmond.  p.  732,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  cxxv. 
p.  795.  Conversely  dioecesis  is  frequently  used, 
probably  by  a  survival  of  one  of  its  classical 
uses  (for  which  see  Marquardt,  Edmische  Staats- 


PARISH 

venmltung,  BJ.  i.  p.  5)  as  equivalent  to  the 
modern  parish — e.g.  Sidon.  ApoUin.  Epist.  ix. 
16,  p.  283  ;  S.  Greg.  Turon.  H.  F.  iv.  13,  p.  152, 
id.  vi.  38,  p.  315,  uses  "  parochiae  "  and  "  dio- 
ceses "  synonymonsly  in  the  same  chapter ; 
Cone.  Agath.  a.d.  506,  c.  54,  Tarracon.  a.d.  516, 
c.  8,  4  Aurel.  A.D.  541,  c.  33,  3  Brae.  A.D.  572, 
c.  2,  4  Tolet.  A.D.  633,  c.  34,  36.  This  use  of 
dioecesis  (and  the  concurrent  absence  of  the  use 
of  paroecia)  is  especially  found  in  Italy — e.g. 
in  the  long  dispute  between  the  bishops  of  Arezzo 
and  Siena,  the  documents  relating  to  which  are 
given  by  Muratori,  Antiquit.  Ital.  vol.  vi.,  where 
2)arochia  does  not  appear  to  occur  until  the 
decree  of  the  Roman  council  respecting  the  case 
in  A.D.  853. 

(The  mediaeval  spelling  parocMa,  which  is 
a  constant  variant  for  paroecia,  seems  to  have 
arisen  from'  a  derivation  from  the  classical 
parochiis,  which  has  been  revived  in  modern 
times  by  Baur,  iiber  der  Ursprung  des  Episcopats, 
p.  78,  but  is  altogether  untenable.) 

ii.  Origin  of  Parishes. — The  origin  of  parishes, 
in  the  modern  sense  of  the  word,  is  to  be  found 
in  the  suburban  and  rural  organization  of  the 
Roman  empire.  In  the  more  civilized  countries 
of  that  empire,  each  important  city  had  a  dis- 
trict surrounding  it,  within  which  its  magis- 
trates might  exercise  jurisdiction  (_  =  regio,  Sicul. 
Flacc.  in  Gromat.  Vett.  ed.  Lachmann,  p.  135  ; 
tcrritorium,  Digest,  50,  16,  239,  §  8 ;  StoiK7]<ns 
Cic.  ad  Fam.  13,  15).  This  district  might  con- 
tain within  it  vici,  castella,  pagi,  Kc^ixai,  (ppovpia, 
which  formed  dependencies  of  the  city  (Isidor. 
Hispal.  Origin,  xv.  2,  11 ;  cf.  Marquardt,  Eomi- 
sche  Staatsvenoaltung,  Bd.  i.  pp.  7  sq.).  In  addi- 
tion to  these  large  cities,  with  their  surrounding 
territory  and  their  dependent  villages  and  ham- 
Jets,  there  were  independent  communities  in 
rural  districts,  which  had  their  own  officers,  and 
sometimes  also  their  own  territory  (Marquardt, 
ibid. ;  Kuhn  iiber  die  Entstehung  der  Stddte  der 
Alien,  Komenverfassung  u.  Synoikismos,  Leipzig, 
1878).  By  the  end  of  the  3rd  century,  Christi- 
.anity  had  penetrated  to  the  majority  of  these 
suburban  and  rural  organizations,  and  provision 
had  to  be  made  for  them  in  the  general  organi- 
zation. The  provision  varied  considerably  at 
different  times  and  in  different  countries ;  and 
the  modern  parish  is  the  survivor  of  many  earlier 
experiments. 

(1.)  In  Syria  it  was  sometimes  the  practice  to 
attach  a  small  town  for  ecclesiastical  purposes  to 
a  neighbouring  larger  town ,  for  example,  Beth- 
lehem was  attached  to  Jerusalem  (Sulp.  Sever. 
Dial.  i.  8,  ed.  Halm,  p.  159,  writing  of  St.  Jerome, 
says,  "  ecclesiam  loci  illius  (Bethlehem)  Hierony- 
mus  presbyter  regit ;  nam  paroecia  est  episcopi 
qui  Hierosolymam  tenet  ").  But  more  commonly 
in  Syria,  and  some  parts  of  Asia  Minor,  it  appears 
to  have  become  the  practice,  as  early  as  the  4th 
century,  to  appoint  presbyters  and  deacons  for 
small  towns  and  country  districts,  who  were  in 
some  respects  on  a  lower  footing  than  the  pi-es- 
byters  and  deacons  of  city  churches  (Cone.  Neo- 
caes.  c.  13 ;  Antioch,  c.  8),  and  who  were  super- 
intended by  rural  bishops,  x'^P^'^'^°''^o^oh  o^" 
itinerant  bishops,  ireptoSevTai,  who  were  them- 
selves in  some  respects  subordinate  to  the  city 
bishops  (Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  13;  Neocaes.  c.  13; 
Antioch,  c.  10  ;  S.  Basil.  Episf.  54  (181).  The 
eoutroversy  to  which  this  fact  gave  rise  in  the 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II. 


PARISH 


1555 


West,  in  the  8th  and  9th  centuries,  is  referred  to 
under  Orders,  Holy,  III.).  An  interesting 
example  of  the  ecclesiastical  organization  of  a 
small  Syrian  town  in  the  4th  century,  a.d.  354, 
is  afforded  by  an  inscription  at  Eitha  (El-hit) 
in  Batanea,  printed  in  Le  Bas  et  Waddington, 
Inscriptions  Grecques,  cfc.  No.  2124  (=  Corpus 
Inscr.  Grace.  No.  8819),  where  the  clergy  con- 
sisted of  two  presbyters,  one  of  whom  was  also 
archimandrite  of  the  local  monastery,  and  two 
deacons,  one  of  whom  acted  as  oiKovSfxos,  or 
'  bursar."  (2.)  In  North  Africa,  the  system  of 
rural  or  itinerant  bishops,  with  jurisdiction  over 
detached  towns  or  villages,  does  not  seem  to  have 
existed.  It  is  clear,  both  from  the  large  number 
of  bishoprics  which  are  known  to  have  existed, 
and  from  the  taunts  which  were  thrown  out  on 
both  sides  in  the  course  of  the  Donatist  contro- 
versy, that  bishops  of  full  rank  were  ordinarily  ap- 
pointed, wherever  a  Christian  community  existed ; 
but  at  the  same  time  there  are  traces  of  the 
system  which  afterwards  came  more  generally  to 
prevail,  e.g.  in  St.  Augustine,  Epist.  209,  where 
he  speaks  of  a  "castellum"  which  formed  an 
outlying  dependency  of  the  church  of  Hippo : 
"antea  ibi  nunquam  ejMscopus  fuit,  sed  simul 
cum  contigua  sibi  regione  ad  paroeciam  Hippo- 
nensis  ecclesiae  pertinebat."  (3.)  In  the  district 
round  Alexandria,  r]  Mapedrrjs  x^P'^y  the  villages 
were  entrusted  to  presbyters,  under  the  super- 
intendence of  the  bishop  of  Alexandria.  Atha- 
nasius  mentions  upwards  of  ten  such  villages,  and 
also  speaks  of  the  bishop  visiting  them  (Treptepxo' 
fitvcp).  The  dispute  with  Ischyras,  which  occu- 
pies a  prominent  place  in  his  controversy  with 
the  Arians,  seems  to  have  arisen  out  of  the 
attempt  of  Ischyras  to  have  himself  appointed 
bishop  of  one  of  these  villages,  which  Athanasius 
resists  on  the  ground  of  its  being  contrary  to 
local  practice  (S.  Athanas.  Apol.  c.  Avian,  c.  63, 
vol.  i.  p.  143  ;  c.  85,  vol.  i.  p.  158).  (4.)  In  Gaul 
and  Spain,  the  circumstances  under  which  Christi- 
anity spread,  and  the  elaborate  civil  organization 
with  which  it  found  itself  in  contact,  led  to  the 
growth  and  consolidation  of  the  system  which 
has  since  become  permanent  in  the  Western 
church.  It  is  probable  that  in  those  countries 
it  did  not  penetrate  to  the  counti-y  districts  and 
rural  communes  until  long  after  its  complete 
organization  in  the  chief  towns.  Those  towns 
consequently  became  missionary  centres.  Pres- 
byters and  deacons  were  sent  into  the  castella 
and  vici,  partly  to  preach  and  partly  to  minister 
to  the  scattered  Christians  who  were  to  be  found 
there.  That  they  did  not  go  far  from  the  towns, 
and  that  they  did  not  give  to  the  Christians  the 
full  advantages  of  Christian  worship,  is  shewn 
by  their  having  to  return  to  the  city  church 
every  Saturday,  in  order  to  assist  in  the  services 
of  the  Sunday  (Cone.  Tarrac.  a.d.  516,  c.  7).  By 
degrees  the  Christians  of  these  country  districts 
became  more  numerous;  but  by  that  time  the 
tendency  had  arisen  to  limit  the  number  of 
bishops.  The  episcopate  had  become  more  im- 
portant. Its  dignity  was  not  to  be  impaired  by 
creating  a  bishop,  as  in  primitive  times,  for  every 
new  community.  Presbyters  and  deacons  were 
detached  from  the  staff  of  the  city  church,  and 
deputed  to  serve  country  churches.  They  were 
sent  not  merely  "ad  praedicandum,"  but  "  aa 
regendum,"  i.e.  to  exercise  ecclesiastical  disci- 
pline. At  first  they  were  still  nominally  on  the 
5  H 


1556 


PAKISH 


roll  of  the  city  clergy.  They  received  their  al- 
lowances, as  before,  from  the  common  fund.  They 
could  be  recalled  by  the  bishop,  and  re-attached 
to  the  city  church  (so  late  as  Cone.  Enierit.  a.d. 
666,  c.  12).  But  gradually  they  became  fixed 
in  their  several  districts,  or  "  paroeoiae."  As 
such  they  were  at  first  called  "  cardinales,"*  a 
term  which  was  also  applied  to  the  permanent 
chaplains  of  endowed  oratories  (e.g.  by  S.  Greg. 
M.  Epist.  xii.  11),  and  was  ultimately  superseded 
in  the  case  of  almost  all  parishes,  except  the 
Roman  tituli,  by  the  terms  diocesani,  e.g.  Cone. 
Agath.  0.  22  ;  Tarracon.  c.  13,  jMrochitani,  paroe- 
ciani,  parochiales,  Cone.  Emerit.  c.  18;  3  Tolet. 
c.  4 ;  7  Tolet.  c.  4 ;  9  Tolet.  c.  2  ;  locales,-^  Tolet. 
c.  20 ;  forastici.  Can.  Martin.  Brae.  c.  15  (trans- 
lating the  iTnx<ipioi  Trpecrfiiirepoi  of  Cone.  Neocaes. 
c.  13). 

Such  is  in  outline  the  history  of  the  origin  of 
the  parochial  system.  When  it  finally  came  to 
prevail,  it  tended  to  absorb  into  itself  the  other 
systems  upon  which  Christian  communities  had 
been  organized,  and,  although  only  after  struggles 
which  stretch  far  into  the  middle  ages,  and  not 
without  the  co-operation  of  the  civil  power  for 
the  purposes  of  political  convenience,  to  spread 
the  network  of  its  elaborate  organization  over 
the  whole  of  Western  Christendom.  But  it  will 
be  noted  that  the  history  which  has  been  given 
takes  account  only  of  rural  or  suburban  districts, 
and  of  towns  which  were  included  in  such  dis- 
tricts. It  is  necessary  to  explain  briefly  the 
extension  of  the  system — i.  to  episcopal  cities ; 
ii.  to  privately  founded  churches. 

(i.)  In  the  larger  cities,  some  kind  of  subdivi- 
sion soon  became  necessary,  not  only  because 
a  single  building  became  too  small  for  wor- 
ship, but  also  because  a  singly  organization 
became  too  cumbrous  to  discharge  effectively 
the  various  functions  of  discipline  and  of 
charity  which  the  church  assumed  to  itself. 
But  instead  of  subdividing  the  church  into 
separate  communities,  each  complete  in  itself, 
the  theory  of  the  unity  of  the  church  was  pre- 
served by  assigning  to  each  community  one  or 
more  presbyters,  and  regarding  these  presbyters 
as  forming  collectively  a  single  crvveSpiop,  or 
consilium,  under  the  presidency  of  a  single  bishop. 
This  was  the  case  at  Alexandria ;  each  district 
and  quarter  (\avpa)  of  the  city  had  its  own 
church  and  its  own  presbyter  (S.  Epiphan.  adv. 
Baeres.  68,  4  ;  69,  1 ;  Sozom.  H.  E.  i.  15).  This 
was  also  the  case  at  Rome.  The  earliest  certain 
evidence  which  we  possess  on  the  point  is  the 
letter  of  Cornelius  in  Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  43,  which 
says  that  there  were  at  that  time  forty-six  pres- 
byters at  Rome.  A  few  years  later  Optatus  (cfc 
Schism.  Donat.  ii.  4)  mentions  that  there  were 
more  than   forty  basilicas;  it  is  inferred  that 


a  That  cardiiialiB  in  this  use,  which  was  transferred 
from  certain  civil  offices  under  the  empire,  means  "  fixed  " 
is  rightly  maintained  by  Gothofred,  ad  Cod.  Theodos, 
12,  6,  7,  Bockiug,  Notitia  Dign.  Orient,  c.  5,  2,  vol.  i. 
pp.  24,  205  ;  it  is  shewn,  e.g.  by  a  letter  of  pope  Zacliary 
to  Pippin  (^Epist.  S,  c.  15,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixxxix.  935) 
who  will  not  allow,  a  "presbyter  cardinalis"  to  be 
appointed  on  a  private  estate,  but  rules  that  whenever 
masses  are  required  in  private  oratories  a  presbyter  must 
be  specially  asked  for  from  the  bishop.  The  other  late 
liatin  meaning  of  "  cardinalis  "  {i.e.  praecipuus,  accord- 
ing to  Serv.  ad  Virg.  Aen.  i.  135),  is  less  applicable  to 
either  its  civil  or  its  ecclesiastical  use. 


TAKISH 

there  was  one  presbyter  for  each  basilica,  and 
probably  a  larger  number  for  the  bishop's  basi- 
lica. The  Liber  Pontificcdis  is  of  less  authority 
as  to  the  early  period,  but  is  more  precise  in  its 
details.  The  earliest  account  which  it  gives  is 
that  St.  Evaristus  assigned  churches  and  their 
revenues  in  Rome  to  presbyters  ("  titidos  in  arbi 
Roma  divisit  presbyteris."  Vit.  S.  Evarist.  p. 
6).  The  next  account  is  that  St.  Dionysius 
assigned  churches  to  presbyters,  and  instituted 
cemeteries  and  parishes  (the  text  is  partly  un- 
certain :  Bianchini  reads  ^'^  parochias  dioceses 
instituit,"  but  probably  the  second  of  these 
words  is  a  gloss  of  the  first,  as  parochia  was  a 
comparatively  rare  word  in  Italy,  and  also  as 
Hincmar  of  Rlieims  Opusc.  in  cans.  Ilincm.  Lau- 
dun.  c.  15  ap.  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  -vol.  cxxvi.  330 
and  the  Pseudo-Isidore,  Epist.  ii.  Dionys.  c.  3 ; 
Hinschius,  p.  196,  evidently  read  "parochias" 
only).  A  few  years  afterwards,  pope  Marcellus  is 
said  by  the  same  authority  to  have  instituted 
twenty-five  "tituli"  at  Rome,  "quasi  dioceses 
propter  baptismum  et  poenitentiam  multorum 
qui  convertebantur  e  paganis  "  (  Yit.  S.  Marcell.  p. 
31).  It  may  be  inferred  from  these  three  accounts 
that  in  the  first  instance  the  presbyters  of  tlie 
several  Roman  churches  had  no  special  district 
assigned  to  them,  and  that  probably  they  were 
not  even  attached  to  any  particular  church. 
After  the  time  of  pope  Dionysius,  each  church 
had  its  own  clergy,  its  own  proper  district,  and 
its  own  revenues.  The  presbyters,  deacon,  and 
sub-deacon  of  each  church  were  "  cardinales," 
i.e.  fixed  to  the  given  church ;  but  collectively, 
as  at  Alexandria,  they  formed  a  single  body, 
which,  by  corporate  continuity,  with  changes  of 
detail  but  not  of  principle,  remains  to  this  day 
as  the  "  collegium  sanctae  Romanae  ecclesiae 
cardinalium." 

But  the  questions  of  the  relation  of  these 
"  tituli,"  "  parochiae,"  or  "  dioceses,"  to  the 
"  regiones  "  into  which  the  city  was  also  divided 
for  ecclesiastical  purposes,  and  also  of  the  degree 
to  which  they  were  analogous  to  the  parishes  of 
other  parts  of  Christendom,  are  questions  which 
do  not  seem  to  admit,  upon  extant  evidence,  of 
any  certain  answer  (some  help  towards  the  solu- 
tion of  the  first  of  these  questions  will  be  found 
in  the  treatises  of  the  learned  16th-century 
antiquar}',  Onuphrio  Panvino,  ap.  Mai,  Spicile- 
giwn  Bomanimi,  vol.  vi.,  and  in  Mabillon,  Mtu>. 
Ital.  vol.  ii.  Comm.  praev.  in  Ord.  Bom.  c.  3). 

(2)  Co-ordinate  with  the  normal  formation  of 
Christian  communities  by  the  aggregation  of  the 
Christians  of  a  city  or  district,  and  their  organi- 
zation, whether  under  presbyters  or  bishops, 
was  the  custom  of  erecting  places  of  worship 
upon  the  estates  of  landed  proprietors.  In  the 
first  instance  there  appears  to  have  been  no 
restriction  upon  the  erection  of  such  places  of 
worship ;  the  civil  law,  for  fiscal  reasons, 
required  the  officers  of  such  churches  to  be 
taken  from  the  estate  (law  of  Arcadius  and 
Honorius,  A.D.  398,  Cod.  Theodos.  16,  2,  33  = 
Cod.  Justin.  1,  3,  11),  but  otherwise  until  the 
middle  of  the  6t]i  century  left  them  practically 
free.  It  is  not  clear  whether  Cone.  Chalced. 
c.  4,  which  forbids  tlie  erection  of  jj.ovacrr'ijpiov 
^  evKT'r]piov  oTkov  without  the  consent  of  the 
bishop  of  the  city,  refers  to  these  churches ;  if, 
as  appears  most  probable  from  the  general  tenor 
of  the   canon,   it  does  not  refer  to  them,  the 


PARISH 

earliest  restriction  upon  their  erection  will  be 
Justin,  Novell.  67,  circ.  A.D.  540,  which  requii-es 
both  the  consent  of  the  bishop,  as  a  safeguard 
against  the  multiplication  of  heretical  churches, 
and  a  sufficient  endowment.  In  the  West  there 
are  few  traces  of  them  until  the  6th  century ; 
from  that  time  onwards  they  became  numerous. 
In  some  cases  they  Avere  merely  "  pi'ivate 
chapels,"  erected  for  the  convenience  of  the 
owners  of  country  estates,  and  the  regulation 
was  made  that  although  divine  service  might 
for  the  sake  of  convenience  ("  propter  fitiga- 
tionem  familiae")  be  performed  in  tlieni  on 
ordinary  days,  yet  on  the  greater  festivals  resort 
must  be  had  to  the  church  of  the  parish  or  the 
city  (Cone.  Agath.  A.D.  506,  c.  21 ;  1  Arvern. 
A.D.  535,  c.  15).  In  other  cases  they  appear  to 
have  had  districts  assigned  to  them  and  so  to 
have  become  country  parishes;  hence,  4  Cone. 
Aurel.  A.D.  541,  c.  26,  speaks  of  '^parochiae  in 
potentum  domibus  ;"  and  c.  33,  "  Si  quis  in  agro 
sue  aut  habet  aut  postulat  habere  dioecesim ;" 
and  9  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  655,  c.  2,  deals  with  the 
case  of  "  ecclesiae  parochiales  "  which  have  been 
founded  by  private  persons.  The  two  points 
which  were  mainly  insisted  upon  in  regard  to 
both  classes  of  privately-founded  churches  were 
(1)  That  they  should  be  under  the  bishop's  con- 
trol ;  and  (2)  That  they  should  be  sufficiently 
fudowed.  The  former  of  these  rules  probably 
appears  first  in  1  Cone.  Aurel.  A.D.  511,  c.  17  ; 
the  latter  was  enacted  by  4  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d. 
541,  c.  33.  A  good  example  of  the  kind  of 
endowment  which  was  required  is  afforded  by  S. 
Greg.  M.Episf.  12,  11,  which  recites  that  Anio, 
*'  comes  Aprutianus,"  had  founded  an  oratory 
within  his  "  castellum,"  and  that  he  wished  to 
have  it  consecrated  in  honour  of  St.  Peter.  St. 
Gregory,  writing  to  the  bishop  of  Fermo,  allows 
this  to  be  done  if  the  proper  endowment  is 
given,  namely,  a  farm  with  its  homestead,  a 
yoke  of  oxen,  two  cows,  four  pounds  of  silver,  a 
bed,  fifteen  head  of  sheep,  and  the  proper  imple- 
ments of  a  farm.  But  the  freedom  with  which 
in  early  times  churches  could  be  founded  in 
country  districts,  without  interfering  with  the 
rights  of  any  other  church,  came  to  be  restricted 
when  the  greater  part  of  the  Christianized  West 
came  to  be  covered  with  the  network  of  not  only 
diocesan  but  also  parochial  organization.  After 
a  country  district  had  been  constituted  into  a 
parish,  and  especially  after  the  payment  of 
tithes  and  fees  by  the  people  of  such  a  district 
to  the  church  of  that  parish  had  become  a 
matter  not  of  voluntary  offering,  but  of  legal 
obligation,  the  foundation  of  a  new  church 
within  the  limits  or  on  the  borders  of  such  a 
parish  tended  to  be  regarded  with  disfavour. 
Pope  Zachary,  writing  to  Pippin,  circ.  A.D.  741, 
will  not  allow  churches  or  private  estates  to 
have,  even  when  endowed,  baptisteries  or  "  car- 
dinal presbyters ;"  the  bishop  is  to  consecrate 
them  without  the  usual  solemn  masses,  and  to 
send  a  priest  to  perform  service  as  occasion 
requires  (S.  Zachar.  Eplst.  7,  ad  Pippin,  c.  15 ; 
jMigne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixxxix.  935).  The  Carolingian 
capitularies  allow  the  erection  of  churches  by 
private  persons,  with  the  consent  of  the  bishop, 
but  they  are  careful  to  provide  that  the  former 
dues  to  the  original  church  of  the  district  shall 
not  be  interfered  with  (Karoli  M.  Capit.  ad  Salz. 
A.T).  803,  c.  3,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  124;  id.  Excerpt. 


PARISH 


1557 


Canon,  c.  19,  Pertz,  i.  190;  Cone.  Mogunt.  a.d. 
813,  c.  41 ;  Hludowic.  et  Hlothar.  Capit.  c.  tj, 
Pertz,  i.  254 ;  Ansegisi,  Capit.  lib.  2,  45,  Pertz, 
i.  299).  The  subdivision  of  the  territory  and 
revenues  of  a  parish,  which  was  only  allowable 
in  cases  of  necessity,  was  entrusted  to  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  bishop,  by  Karoli  II.  St/nod.  Tolos. 
A.D.  844,  c.  7  ;  Pertz,  i.  379. 

iii.  Relation  of  Parishes  to  Biskops.  —  The 
jurisdiction  of  bishops  over  parishes,  and  over 
the  privately-founded  churches  which,  whether 
within  or  without  the  limits  of  parishes,  were 
within  the  district  over  which  a  bishop's 
authority  was  ultimately  assumed  to  extend, 
was  not  established  without  many  struggles. 
In  early  times  presbyters  had  claimed  the  right 
to  detach  themselves  from  the  church  of  which 
they  were  presbyters,  and  to  set  up  altars 
where  they  pleased.  The  attempt  was  crushed 
partly  by  the  dominance  of  the  Roman  instinct 
for  organization,  and  partly  by  the  overpowering 
necessity  for  preserving  the  unity  of  the  church. 
A  presbyter  who  set  up  an  altar  without  the 
consent  of  his  bishop  was,  ipso  facto,  excommuni- 
cated ;  and  if  this  separation  from  the  rest  of 
the  Christian  community  failed  to  deter  him, 
resort  was  had,  probably  for  the  first  time  in 
ecclesiastical  history,  to  the  power  of  the  secular 
arm  (Cone.  Antioch,  A.D.  341,  c.  5  ;  Can.  Apost. 
c.  31 ;  2  Cone.  Carth.  c.  5).  The  theory  which, 
from  the  first,  seems  to  have  governed  all  inter- 
pretations of  the  relations  of  the  original  city 
church  to  subsequently-formed  communities  in 
the  same  city,  and  to  suburban  or  rural  com- 
munities, was  that  the  officers  of  those  communi- 
ties were  still  part  of  the  one  original  organiza- 
tion. The  concilium  of  the  bishop  was  formed 
not  only  of  those  presbyters  who  assisted  him  in 
the  ordinary  administration  of  his  own  church, 
but  of  all  presbyters  who  were  in  the  same  juris- 
diction. In  course  of  time,  no  doubt,  a  distinc- 
tion between  these  two  classes  of  presbyters  was 
formed,  and  in  the  middle  ages  the  presbyters  of 
the  cathedral  came  to  assume  not  only  the  functions 
which  had  originally  belonged  to  all  the  presby- 
ters of  the  diocese,  but  also  in  some  cases  those 
of  the  bishop  himself.  But  so  late  as  the  8th 
and  9th  centuries  the  extra-cathedral  presbyters 
of  a  diocese  were  not  only  allowed  but  compelled 
by  penalties  to  assist  the  bishop,  as  members  of 
his  concilium,  at  least  once  or  twice  a  year 
(Pippini  Capit.  Vermcr.  a.d.  753,  c.  8,  Pertz, 
M.  H.  G.,  vol.  i.  p.  25  ;  id.  Capit.  Compcnd.  a.d. 
757,  c.  24;  Benedictus  Levita,  Capit.  i.  11,  60). 
The  organization  of  the  city  church  originally 
sufficed  for  all  the  clergy  of  the  district  or  dis- 
tricts which  were  attached  to  it.  When  the 
population  increased  without  a  corresponding 
increase  in  the  number  of  dioceses,  the  extra- 
cathedral  clergy  were  organized  separately  ;  but 
the  original  type  was  preserved.  The  bishop 
stood  at  the  head  of  two  organizations,  each  of 
which  was  the  counterpart  of  the  other. 
Parallel  with  the  archipresb;iter  iirbanus  was  tlie 
archipresbijtcr  ruralis  or  vicanus:  the  former 
became  known  in  time  as  the  decanus  or  dean  of 
the  cathedral,  the  latter  as  the  decanus  vicanus  or 
rural  dean.  Parallel  with  the  arcMdiaconus  nrhanns 
was  the  archldiaconus  ruralis,  and  the  struggle 
for  supremacy  between  the  archdeacon  and  the 
archpresbyter  in  the  cathedral  was  repeated  in 
the  diocese  with  different  results,  inasmuch  a* 
5  H  2 


1558 


PAEISH 


in  the  one  case  the  archpresbyter  and  iu  the 
other  the  archdeacon  succeeded  in  establishing 
his  claim. 

Conversely,  the  bishop  was  theoretically  an 
integral  part  of  the  parishes  which  came  to  be 
detached  from  the  church  in  which  he  personally 
presided.  The  parish  presbyter  had  not  at  first, 
as  he  came  practically  to  have  in  later  times,  the 
full  powers  of  the  ministry  in  his  parish.  In 
Rome  the  presbyters  of  the  several  tituH  had  not 
even  the  power  of  consecrating  the  eucharist ; 
the  consecrated  bread  was  sent  round  to  them 
every  Sunday  from  the  bishop's  church  (S.  Inno- 
cent. S2^ist.  ad  Decent,  c.  5 ;  Liber  Pontificalis, 
Vit.  S.  Melchiad.  p.  33) :  there  is  a  trace  of  an 
attempt  having  been  made  to  make  this  the  rule 
for  all  presbyters  (cf.  Liber  Pontif.  Vit.  S.  Siric. 
p.  55),  but  Innocent,  I.  c.,  expressly  disallows  the 
practice  in  regard  to  parishes  which  were  remote 
from  the  bishop's  church,  on  the  ground  that 
"  non  longe  portauda  sunt  sacramenta,"  and  that 
presbyters  have  the  right  of  consecration.  In 
regard  to  baptism,  the  co-operation  of  the  bishop 
became  necessary  in  two  respects,  (a)  the  parish 
presbyter  could  only  vise  chrism  which  the 
bishop  had  consecrated,  and  for  which  he  had  to 
send  to  the  bishop  once  a  year ;  (6)  the  baptism 
was  incomplete  until,  as  in  baptisms  in  the 
bishop's  own  church,  the  bishop  had  imposed  his 
hands  (see  Priest,  III.  Functions  of,  (2)  ii.).  In 
regard  to  discipline,  the  probability  is  that  in  the 
earliest  period  neither  a  bishop  nor  a  presbyter 
could  act  alone,  and  that  the  rule  of  the  Jewish 
stjnedria  which  required  an  ecclesiastical  court 
to  consist  of  at  least  three  members  was  ordi- 
narily observed.  Some  details  of  the  long 
struggle  between  bishops  and  presbyters  for  the 
right  of  the  latter  to  act  alone  are  given  else- 
where (Priest,  III.  Functions  of,  (1)  c).  This 
struggle  was  by  no  means  ended  within  the 
period  of  which  the  present  work  takes  cogni- 
zance, and  its  later  history  can  only  be  considered 
in  connexion  with  the  general  history  of  the 
relations  of  the  Roman  see  to  the  Western 
church  in  the  post-Carolingian  period.  It  may, 
however,  be  mentioned  here  that  an  interesting 
survival  of  the  earlier  theory  is  found  in  the 
council  of  Rouen  in  A.D.  650,  c.  16,  which  clearly 
implies  that  the  bishop's  ordinary  visitation  of  a 
jJarish  was  conceived  as  the  holding  of  a  court  in 
which  the  local  presbyters  were  his  assessors; 
the  purport  of  the  canon  is  that  minor  ecclesias- 
tical causes  should  be  determined  by  the  local 
presbyters  before  the  visitation,  and  that  the 
graver  causes  only  should  be  reserved  for  the 
more  solemn  court  in  which  the  bishop  himself 
presided. 

It  is  impossible,  within  the  limits  of  the  pre- 
sent work,  to  enter  in  detail  into  the  intricate 
question  of  the  precise  periods  at  which,  in  the 
several  parts  of  Christendom,  the  authority  of 
the  bishop  of  the  principal  church  of  a  district 
came  to  extend  over  all  the  towns  and  villages 
which  were  included  in  that  district.  That 
authority  was  not  established  without  many 
struggles,  and  its  nature  seems  to  have  varied  as 
widely  as  the  extent  to  which  it  was  recognized. 
But  it  came  at  length  to  consist  in  three  prin- 
cipal particulars.  (1)  The  appointments  of 
clerks  to  parochial  or  other  churches  were  sub- 
ject to  tlie  bishop's  approval.  (2)  Clerks  so 
appointed  were  subject  to  the  bishop's  jurisdic- 


PAEISH 

tion,  which  was  exercised  partly  in  the  course  ol 
annual  visitations  of  the  several  parishes,  partly 
by  requiring  clerks  to  repair  periodically  to  the 
bishop's  church  for  the  purpose  of  being  examined. 
(3)  The  bishop  had  the  sole  right  of  consecrating 
churches  and  altars. 

1.  The  Right  of  Approval. — In  the  earliest 
period,  when  the  clerks  of  rural  churches  were 
only  temporarily  detached  from  the  city  church, 
the  question  of  the  necessity  of  the  bishop's 
approval  could  hardly  arise,  inasmuch  as  that 
approval  had  already  been  given  in  the  fact  of 
their  original  ordination.  After  the  first  perma- 
nent organization  of  the  church,  the  right  of 
presbyters  to  detach  themselves  from  the  bishop's 
church,  and  form  communities  for  themselves, 
was,  as  has  been  pointed  out  above,  speedily 
crushed.  The  practical  difficulty  began  with 
the  foundation  of  places  of  worship  by  private 
persons  on  their  own  estates,  or  in  rural  districts 
which  were  not  as  yet  recognized  as  forming  part 
of  the  "  territorium  "  of  a  city.  Those  who 
founded  such  places  of  worship  claimed  the  right 
to  appoint  anyone  whom  they  pleased  to  officiate 
in  them  without  interference  on  the  part  of  a 
neighbouring  bishop.  But  the  civil  law  inter- 
fered, in  this  as  in  other  cases,  in  the  interests  of 
orthodoxy.  A  law  of  Arcadius  and  Honorius  in 
A.D.  404,  the  year  ofChrysostom's  second  banish- 
ment, forbids  "  nova  ac  tumultuosa  conventicula 
extra  ecclesiani  "  (Cod.  Theodos.  16,  2,  37  =  Cod. 
Justin.  1,  3,  i5).  In  the  following  century  Jus- 
tinian {Novell.  57,  c.  2,  .\.d.  537)  forbade  founders 
of  churches  from  appointing  anyone  whom  they 
pleased  to  serve  them,  without  the  consent  of 
the  bishop.  Another  Novel  (123,  c.  18)  throws 
a  similar  enactment  into  a  positive  form  by  pro- 
viding that  founders  of  churches  may  nominate 
clerks  for  them,  subject  only  to  the  clerks  being 
found  worthy;  but  the  immediate  result  of  these 
rules  appears  to  have  been  an  attempt,  which 
was  also  checked,  to  dispense  with  clerks  alto- 
gether in  such  places  (Justin.  Novell.  123,  c.  32, 
131,  c.  8).  About  the  same  time  similar  rules 
were  enacted  by  a  Western  council.  4  Co)ic.  Aurcl. 
A.D.  541,  c.  7,  will  not  allow  "  peregrini  clcrici  " 
to  be  appointed  to  oratories  without  the  consent 
of  th^e  bishop  of  the  "  territorium."  Still  later 
in  the  East  Cone.  Trull,  c.  31, 2  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  10, 
forbade  clerks  from  serving  chapels  or  oratories 
without  the  consent  of  the  bishop,  under  penalty 
of  deposition.  But  the  question  was  not  settled 
in  the  West  ixntil  the  Carolingian  period,  when 
it  is  clear  that  a  determined  struggle  took  place 
between  bishops  and  founders.  The  Capitularies 
re-enact  the  rule  that  no  layman  could  either 
appoint  or  eject  a  presbyter  with  a  frequency 
which  shews  that  it  was  frequently  broken,  e.g. 
Karoli  M.  Capit.  de  Preshyt.  c.  2,  Pertz,  vol.  i. 
p.  161 ;  id.  Excerpt.  Can.  c.  2,  Pertz,  i.  189 ; 
Hludowici,  Capit.  Aquisgran.  A.D.  817,  c.  9,  Pertz, 
i.  207  ;  Capit.  Wm-mat.  a.d.  829,  c.  1,  Pertz,  i. 
350  (which  places  laymen  who  disregard  the  rule 
under  the  ban  of  the  empire,  so  also  Karoli  II. 
Edictum  Pistense,  a.d.  861,  c.  2,  Pertz,  i.  489). 
The  bishops  in  the  petition,  out  of  which  the 
Capitularies  of  Worms  resulted,  complain  that 
the  emperor  himself  had  encouraged  the  practice 
in  regard  to  the  clergy  of  his  own  palace  (Constif. 
Wormat.  Pctitio,  c.  12,  Pertz,  i.  340).  The  reason 
alleged  against  absolute  freedom  of  appointment 
on  the  part  of  laymen  is  that  the  "  acephali," 


PARISH 

»>.  clerks  who  owned  allegiance  to  no  bishop, 
were  often  not  reputable  persons  (Hludowic.  2 
Convent.  Tlcin.  I.,  a.d.  850,  c.  18,  Pertz,  i.  399, 
id.  Convent.  Ticin.  II.  a.d.  855,  Pertz,  i.  431. 
The  general  enactments  will  be  found  also  in 
Benedict.  Levit.  Capit.  lib.  i.  43,  87,  98,  147, 
213  ;  Ansegisi,  Capit.  lib.  i.  84,  141).  On  the 
other  hand  the  enactment  was  made,  probably  as 
the  result  of  a  compromise,  that  a  bishop  was 
bound  to  approve  a  clerk  whom  a  layman  pre- 
sented for  approval,  except  in  case  of  evident 
scandal  (Hludowic.  et  Hlothar.  Constit.  Wormat. 
de  persoiui  sacerdotali,  c.  15,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  337). 
•1.  The  Right  of  Visitation  and  Discipline. — It  is 
probable  that  when  the  churches  of  great  cities 
■founded  branch  churches  in  their  suburbs  the 
bishop  of  the  city  church  periodically  visited 
such  churches  for  disciplinary  and  other  purposes. 
This  was  at  any  rate  the  case  at  Alexandria  at 
the  beginning  of  the  4th  century.  The  bishop 
made  his  circuit  (irepioSi'a),  and  it  was  in  the 
course  of  one  of  these  circuits  that  Ischyras  was 
presented  to  the  bishop  by  the  presbyters  of  the 
Mareotic  churches  as  an  oftender  against  the 
ecclesiastical  canons  (S.  Athanas.  Apol.  c.  Arian. 
c.  63,  85,  vol.  i.  pp.  143,  158).  The  existence  of 
the  same  practice  in  the  4th  century  in  the 
West  is  shewn,  e.g.  by.  Cone.  Turon.  a.d.  397,  c.  2, 
Avhich,  in  deciding  a'dispute  between  the  bishops 
of  Aries  and  Vienne,  decides  that  each  of  them  is 
to  "  visit  those  churches  which  are  shewTi  to  be 
adjacent  to  their  respective  cities."  But  there  is 
a  "remarkable  absence  of  conciliar  enactments 
until  the  7th  century,  when  4  Coiic.  Tolet. 
A.D.  633,  c.  36,  recites  that  bishops  ought  to  visit 
the  parishes  within  their  diocese  every  year,  and 
in  enacting  that  they  may  do  so  by  deputy, 
mentions  as  the  purpose  of  such  visitation  an 
enquiry  into  the  revenues  of  churches,  their  state 
of  repair,  and  the  manner  of  life  of  their  ministers. 
But  it  is  clear  from  a  canon  which  was  enacted 
at  the  same  place  thirteen  years  later  that  the 
bishop  not  merely  enquired  into  the  revenues  of 
parishes,  but  claimed  a  portion  of  them  (7  Cone. 
Tolet.  A.D.  646,  c.  4).  In  other  words,  the  bishop 
appears  to  have  claimed  the  same  rights  over  the 
revenues  of  dependent  churches  which  he  pos- 
sessed over  the  revenues  of  the  city  church.  The 
limitation  of  the  bishop's  claims  in  this  respect 
forms  the  subject  of  many  canons  and  capitu- 
laries, even  after  it  had  become  an  estab- 
lished rule  that  he  had  no  claim  to  the 
revenues.  Enactments  were  also  made  for  the 
purpose  of  limiting  his  claim  to  dues  and  ofler- 
ings  on  the  score  of  the  expenses  of  the  visitation, 
e.g.  Karoli  M.  Capit.  Langohard.  c.  5,  Pertz,  vol. 
i.  p.  110 ;  Karoli  II.  Synod  ap.  Tolos.  a.d.  844,  c. 
4,  Pertz,  i.  379  (which,  in  addition  to  fixing  the 
precise  amount  of  produce — wine,  fowls,  eggs, 
&c. — which  is  to  be  offered,  rules  that  if  a  bishop 
visits  a  parish  niore  than  once  a  year  he  is  not 
to  claim  his  dues  more  than  once),  Hludowic.  2 
Convent.  Ticin.  II.  a.d.  855,  c.  16  ;  Pertz,  i.  432. 
When  the  rite  of  confirmation  became  finally 
separated  from  baptism,  its  administration  was 
added  to  the  purposes  for  which  the  visitation 
was  made,  and  is  sometimes  spoken  of  as  a  prin- 
cipal purpose,  e.g.  Karlomanni,  Capitul.  A.D.  742, 
c.  3  ;  Pertz,  A'ol.  i.  p.  17,  "  quandocunque  jure 
canonico  episcopus  circumeat  parrochiam  populos 
ad  confirmandos;"  but  the  burden  which  this 
entailed  on  bishops  was  probably  one  of  the  chief 


PARISH 


1559 


causes  of  the  revival  in  the  Prankish  kingdom  of 
the  earlier  system  of  rural  as  distinct  from  city 
bishops  (Hraban.  Maur.  de  Instit.  Cleric.  1,  5), 
which  was  crushed  by  the  Pseudo-Isidorian 
decretals.  The  right  of  visitation,  for  all  pur- 
poses except  this  of  confirmation,  might  be 
exercised  by  deputy  (4  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  36,  allows 
the  bishop  to  depute  any  "  probabiles  presbyteros 
aut  diaconos"),  and  ultimately  came  to  be 
mainly  exercised  through  the  rural  archdeacons. 

In  addition  to  the  supervision  over  the  clerks 
of  parishes  which  was  thus  exercised  by  means  of 
annual  or  other  visitations,  it  was  sometimes 
enacted  that  such  clerks  should  periodically  pre- 
sent themselves  before  the  bishop  in  his  own 
church,  and  give  an  account  of  their  mode  of 
celebrating  divine  service  (Karlomanni,  Capit. 
A.D.  742,  c.  3  ;  Pippini  Cajnt.  Suession.  a.d.  744, 
c.  4;  Karoli  JI.  Capit.  General,  a.d.  769,  c.  8). 
Some  bishops  went  so  far  as  to  require  their 
clergy  not  merely  to  present  themselves,  but  to 
bring  with  them  their  instrumenta  ecclesiae, 
altar-vessels,  and  service  books  (e.g.  Theodulph. 
Aurelian,  CVyjiY.  ad  Fresh.  4;  Migne,  Patr.  Lat. 
vol.  cv.  193),  and  in  England  the  Liber  Legum 
Ecclesiast.  c.  4,  Wilkins,  vol.  i.  p.  266. 

The  jui'isdiction  which  a  bishop  came  to 
exercise  over  the  clergy  of  parishes  was  not 
different  in  kind  from  that  which  he  exercised 
over  the  clergy  of  the  city  church.  It  was  care- 
fully guarded  by  a  long  succession  of  enactments 
both  of  canon  and  civil  law.  The  accused  clerk 
seems  never  to  have  been  without  a  right  of 
appeal ;  and  the  primitive  theory  that  the 
bishop's  jurisdiction  attached  to  him  not  as  sole 
judge,  but  as  president  of  the  presbytery,  seems 
never  to  have  wholly  faded  away. 

3.  The  Eight  of  consecrating  Churches  and 
Altars. — It  seems  to  have  been  an  early  custom 
that  churches  should  be  solemnly  dedicated,  and 
it  may  be  assumed  that  the  bishop,  as  the  chief 
officer  of  a  church  or  of  a  district,  ordinarily 
took  part  in  such  a  dedication.  But  it  is  clear 
that  when  the  parochial  system  took  root  in  the 
West  the  presbyters  who  were  in  charge  of 
parishes  did  not  at  first  consider  the  presence  of 
a  bishop  indispensable  to  such  a  dedication.  2 
Cone.  Brae.  a.d.  563,  c.  19,  deposes  a  presbyter 
who  for  the  future  ("  post  hoc  interdictum ") 
consecrates  a  church  or  an  altar.  And  in  the 
following  century  the  canons  of  St.  Patrick 
enact  for  the  churches  of  Ireland  that  "  if  any 
presbyter  has  built  a  church  let  him  not  offer 
(sc.  the  Eucharist)  until  he  brings  his  bishop  to 
consecrate  it,  for  thus  is  it  seemly"  (Can.  S.  Patric. 
c.  19).  It  was  a  later  series  of  enactments  which 
limited  the  original  rights  of  a  presbyter  in 
regard  to  off'ering  the  eucharist,  by  requiring 
him  not  to  offer  it,  unless  under  pressure  of 
urgent  necessity,  except  in  a  consecrated  i)lace. 
The  earliest  enactment  to  this  effect  is  of  doubtful 
date,  resting  only  on  the  authority  of  the  Liber 
Pontificalis  and  the  Pseudo-Isidore  (Lib.  Pontif. 
Vit.  S.  Syric.  c.  2  ;  Gest.  Synod.  S.  Silvester,  c. 
9,  ap.  Hinschius,  p.  450).  The  other  enactments 
are  Carolingian,  e.g.  Karoli  M.  Capit.  General, 
A.D.  769,  c.  14,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  32 ;  Capit.  Aqtiis- 
gran.  A.D.  801,  c.  9 ;  Hludowic.  2  Capit.  Eccles. 
A.D.  8'56,  c.  14,  Pertz.,  vol.  i.  p.  440,  and  post 
Carolingian,  e.q.  Atton.  Vercell.  Capit.  c.  7,  ap. 
D'Achery,  Spicilegium,  vol.  i.  p.  403.  _  By  a 
series  of  enactments  which  were  certainly  not 


1560 


PARISH 


earlier  than  the  preceding,  it  was  j^rovided  that 
if  a  presbyter  offered  the  eucharist,  as  he  might 
do  in  cases  of  urgency,  outside  a  consecrated 
building,  he  should  only  do  so  upon  a  portable 
altar  which  a  bishop  had  previously  consecrated 
(Karoli  M.  Capit.  General.  A.D.  769,  c.  14 ;  Cone. 
Taris,  A.D.  829,  c.  47 ;  Hincmar  Eemens.  Capit. 
A.D.  856,  c.  3;  Migue,  Patr.  Lat.  vol.  cxxiv. 
794). 

iv.  latenial  Organization  of  Pamhes. — (a)  The 
evidence  which  exists  as  to  the  earliest  organiza- 
tion of  parishes  is  not  sufficient  to  enable  us  to 
frame  many  general  statements  respecting  it. 
If  the  instance  of  the  Batanean  town,  which  has 
been  mentioned  above,  is  to  be  regarded  as  typical, 
it  would  seem  as  though  the  principle  of  the 
Jewish  synedria  had  been  preserved  in  the  East, 
and  that  in  each  parish  there  were  at  least  two 
presbyters  to  form  with  the  rural  bishop  a  court 
for  the  administration  of  discipline,  and  two 
deacons  for  the  dispensing  of  the  church  funds 
to  those  who  were  upon  the  roll.  In  the  West 
the  statement  of  Ambrosiaster  is  clearly  to  the 
same  effect :  "  aliquantos  presbyteros  (oportet 
esse)  ut  hint  sint  per  ecclesias  et  iinus  in  civitate 
episcopus  "  {Gomrn.  in  Epist.  1  ad  Timoth.  c.  iii.  12, 
ap.  S.  Ambros.  Oj}.  vol.  ii.  p.  295).  In  Home 
each  tiiubts  had  at  least  one  presbyter,  and 
ultimately  also  one  deacon  and  one  sub-deacon  ; 
but  the  precise  relations  of  deacons  to  the  tituli 
in  early  times  are  extremely  obscure.  In  Gaul 
and  Sjsain  a  single  presbyter  or  a  single  deacon 
was  sometimes  put  in  charge  of  a  parish,  and 
sometimes  a  presbyter  and  a  deacon  took  charge 
on  alternate  weeks  (Cone.  Tarracon.  A.D.  516, 
c.  7).  That  a  deacon  might  be  "  rector  "  of  a 
parish  is  clear  from  many  instances — e.g.  Cone. 
Illib.  c.  77,  "  diaconus  regens  j)lebem,"  S.  Greg. 
Turon.  clc  Gloi'ia  Confessor,  c.  30,  p.  918,  of  a 
deacon  who  "  rexit  ecclesiam  vici,"  at  Issiore, 
near  Clermont;  but  if  he  alone  baptized,  the 
baptism  was  not  complete  without  the  siibse- 
quent  benediction  of  the  bishop  (Cone.  Illib.  c. 
77  :  the  rule  was  afterwards  extended  to  bap- 
tisms by  presbyters);  and  1  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  15, 
disallowed  the  practice  which  had  grown  up  of 
deacons  offering  the  eucharist.  But  the  practice 
of  entrusting  parishes  to  deacons  wa3  ultimately 
forbidden,  though  apparently  not  until  the  9th 
century  (Hludowic.  et  Hlothar.  Capii.  JSccles. 
A.D.  825,  c.  1,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  250).  There  are 
indications  that  laymen  were  sometimes  placed 
in  charge  of  parishes.  Cone.  Cabillon,  A.D.  650, 
c.  5,  enacts  that  "  saeculares  qui  need  am  sunt 
ad  clericatum  conversi "  are  not  to  be  entrusted 
with  the  government  ("  regendum  ")  of  either 
parishes  or  the  property  of  parishes  ;  Cone.  Rem. 
A.D.  625,  c.  19,  disallows  the  appointment  of 
.•irchpresbyters  who  are  not  clerks  ;  and  among 
the  Culdees  of  the  British  Islands  lay  parsons 
of  parishes,  though  discouraged  by  the  disal- 
lowance of  some  of  tlie  emoluments  of  the 
office,  are  not  forbidden  (Reeves,  Frose  Hide 
of  the  Cell  Be,  p.  94).  The  question  of 
the  appointment  of  monks  to  the  charge  of 
parishes,  which  was  keenly  contested  in  the 
middle  ages,  belongs  to  a  later  period.  Such 
appointments  are  allowed  by  Cone.  Mogunt. 
A.D.  847,  c.  14,  with  the  proviso  that  the  monk 
is  to  save  his  vow  of  poverty  by  giving  up  the 
revenues  of  a  parish  to  the  bishop  or  his  deputy. 
But  the  general  rule,  which  required  the  eccle- 


PAEISH 

siastical  head  of  a  parish  to  be  a  presbyter, 
though  broken  sufficiently  to  shew  that  it  was 
not  absolute,  was  no  doubt  ordinarily  observed. 
Every  parish  came  to  have  its  priest.  If  there 
were  several  churches  within  a  parish  (by  which, 
as  will  be  pointed  out  below,  must  not  be  under- 
stood in  pre-mediaeval  times  a  district  with 
definite  boundaries)  each  of  these  churches  was 
required  to  have  its  own  presbyter.  Two  or 
more  churches  could  not  be  committed  to  the 
same  presbyter,  unless  the  revenues  of  the  single 
churches  were  insufficient  for  his  support  (Cone. 
Emerit.  A.D.  666,  c.  19;  16  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d. 
693,  c.  5  ;  Cone.  Paris,  a.d.  829,  c.  49  ;  Hludowic. 
Capit.  Aquisgran.  a.d.  817,  c.  9,  Pertz,  vol.  i. 
p.  207  ;  Ansegisi,  Capit.  lib.  i.  86,  Pertz,  vol.  i. 
p.  283).  But  Hlothar.  I.  Constit.  Papiens  a.d. 
832,  c.  1,  absolutely  disallows  the  commission  of 
more  than  one  church  to  one  presbyter,  and 
enacts  that  unless  a  poor  church  is  shewn  to  be 
necessar}-,  it  is  to  be  desti-oyed  ;  if,  on  the  con- 
trary, it  is  shewn  to  be  necessary,  it  is  to  be 
endowed  with  lands  by  the  state.  It  is  impor- 
tant to  note  that  in  the  expressions  which  are 
constantly  used  in  reference  to  the  ecclesiastical 
head  of  a  parish,  whether  presbyters  or  others, 
the  sacerdotal  idea  is  almost  always  in  the  back- 
ground. He  is  not  so  much  the  ''  sacerdos  "  as 
the  "  rector ;"  he  is  said  "  plebi  praeesse ;"  he 
is  sent — not  to  administer  the  sacraments,  but 
"  ad  regendum  "  (e.g.  9  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  2  ;  11 
Tolet.  c.  3;  Pippin.  Ca^jj^.  Eccles.  iv.  a.d.  789> 
c.  81 ;  so  also  when  a  parish  presbyter  resigns 
his  office  he  is  said  "  ab  ordine  et  titulo  et  regi- 
mine  plcbis  se  exuere,"  Cone.  Rem.  A.d.  874,  c.  1 ; 
Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  cxxv.  796). 

(b)  It  does  not  appear  that  any  other  officers 
were  regarded  as  necessary  to  parochial  organi- 
zation. In  regard  to  the  earlier  period  there  is 
no  evidence  except  that  which  has  been  given 
above.  But  there  grew  up  a  feeling  against 
presbyters  offering  the  eucharist  without  the 
assistance  of  other  clerks  ;  and  it  came  to  be 
enacted  in  the  West  that  parish  presbyters  should 
both  have  such  clerks,  and  should  take  them 
into  their  houses  in  order  to  train  them  for  the 
service  of  the  church  (2  Cone.  Vaison,  a.d.  529, 
c.  1,  which  speaks  of  this  as  being  a  common 
custom  in  Italy  ;  Cone.  Emerit.  a.d.  666,  c.  18). 
These  "  clerici  parochiaui "  varied  in  number 
under  different  circumstances,  and  their  duties 
were  the  ordinary  duties  of  clerks  in  divine 
service.  They  survive  in  the  modern  "  parish 
clerk." 

(c)  The  question  of  the  mode  in  which  the 
presljyter  or  other  chief  officer  of  a  parish  was 
appointed  in  early  times  is  one  upon  which  only 
scanty  evidence  exists.  It  is  probable  upon 
general  grounds  that  such  appointments  did  not 
form  an  exception  to  the  general  rule,  which  at 
first  required  an  election  by  the  people  and  an 
approval  by  the  bishop,  and  which  afterwards 
allowed  the  clergy  or  the  bishop  to  nominate, 
and  the  people  merely  to  approve.  But  the 
endowment  of  parishes  by  private  persons,  and 
the  interweaving  of  the  parochial  with  the 
canonical  Jind  monastic  system,  so  far  overlaid 
the  primitive  practice  that  there  was  in  the 
middle  ages  only  a  small  proportion  of  parishes 
in  which  the  people  had  any  real  share  in  either 
the  election  or  the  approval  of  their  parish  priest. 
The    question  of  patronage,   so  far    as   it   falls 


PARLOUR 

within  the  limits  of  the  present  work,  is  dis- 
cussed elsewhere.     [Patron.] 

(d)  The  limits  of  parishes  were  probably  in 
almost  all  cases  fixed  by  the  previously  existing 
organization.  Where  the  Roman  organization 
prevailed,  the  parisli  was  the  pagus,  vicus,  or 
casttilum,  with  its  surrounding  tcrritorium. 
Where,  as  in  England,  the  Roman  organization 
had  been  almost  completely  swept  away,  the 
parish  was  identical  with  the  township  or  the 
manor  (Stubbs,  Constitutional  History  of  England, 
vol.  i.  p.  227 ;  Toulmin  Smith,  The  Parish,  2nd 
edit.  pp.  16-22).  But,  in  a  large  proportion  of 
cases,  it  is  probable  that  these  limits  were  not 
precisely  defined  until  the  legal  enforcement  of 
tithes  rendered  such  a  definition  necessary.  Nor 
was  it  until  a  much  later  period  that  parishes 
came  necessarily  to  adjoin  each  other ;  between 
parishes,  as  between  townships,  were  frequently 
tracts  of  more  or  less  unsettled  or  common  land, 
on  which  chapels  might  be  erected  without 
trenching  on  any  parochial  rights.  It  is  pro- 
bable that,  in  England,  the  final  parcelling  of 
the  whole  country  into  parochial  districts  was 
not  effected  until  the  era  of  the  poor-laws. 

[E.  H.] 

PARLOUR.     [Salutatorium.] 

PARMENAS,  one  of  the  seven  deacons, 
commemorated  at  Philippi,  Jan.  23  (Usuard., 
Notker..  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii. 
453);  Mar.  3  (Basil.  Menol.)  ;  July  28  {Cat. 
Bi/zant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  264). 

[C.  H.] 

PARMENIUS,  presbyter  and  martyr ;  com- 
memorated at  Cordula,  April  22  (Bed.,  Wand., 
Usuard.  Mart. ;    Vet.  Rom.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

PAROCHL\.    [Diocese,  Parish.] 

PAROCHIAL  CLERGY.   [Orders,  Holy.] 

PARODUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  Jan. 
22  (^Cal.  Buzant.).  [C.  H.] 

PARSONAGE.  The  information  about  the 
official  residences  of  the  clergy  in  early  times  is 
excessively  slight.  But  it  appears  probable  that 
they  had  such  residences.  Under  the  Jewish 
ritual  it  is  well  known  that  apartments  were 
provided  for  the  priests  and  Levites  within  the 
precinct  of  the  temple  itself  (1  Chron.  ix.  27). 
The  earliest  Christian  churches  had  annexes 
called  Pastophoria.  "  Let  the  house  (church)  be 
oblong,  turned  towards  the  east,  the  pastophoria 
on  either  side  towards  the  east,  seeing  it  resem- 
bles a  ship."  {Apost.  Constit.  ii.  57,  Labbe.) 
What  the  purpose  of  these  pastophoria  was  is  a 
moot  question.  But  some  writers  have  thought 
that  they  were  official  apartments  for  the  clergy 
attached  to  the  church.  (See  Hofman,  Lex. 
Univ.  s.  V.)  Some  colour  of  probability  is  lent 
to  this  hypothesis  by  the  fact  that  the  LXX 
make  use  of  the  word  to  designate  the  chambers 
of  the  Levites  in  the  courts  of  the  temple.  This 
opinion  is  adopted  by  Bingham  {Eccl.  Antiq.  viii. 
7,  11) ;  but  he  is  said  to  be  mistaken  by  Herzog 
{Real-Encijclopiidie,  vol.  i.  p.  729). 

One  of  the  earliest  notices  of  a  house  for  clergy 
is  that  in  the  Apostolical  Canons  (can.  5.  al.  4), 
where  it  is  prescribed  that  only  ears  of  corn, 
grajios,  oil  for  the  lamp,  an<l  incense  mav  be 
offered   at  the  altar,  and   that   all   other   fruits 


PASCHA  BIEDIUIM 


1561 


shall  be  carried  to  the  house,  as  a  first-fruit  for 
the  bishop  and  priests. 

This  dwelling  together  of  bishops  and  priests 
is  reflected  in  the  language  of  later  English 
history.  The  Excerpta  of  archbishop  Egbright 
(a.d.  740,  ed.  Johnson,  no.  26)  provide  that 
"  Bishops  and  priests  have  a  house  (hospitiolum) 
for  the  entertainment  of  strangers,  not  far  from 
the  church."  Jolmson  gives  his  opinion  that  at 
one  period  the  house  for  the  reception  of  guests 
was  not  identical  with  the  residence-house,  for 
fear  of  the  infection  which  the  strangers  might 
bring.  The  next  of  the  Excerpts  (no.  27)  en- 
joins, that  though  the  bishop  be  elevated  above 
the  bench  of  priests  in  church,  yet  in  the  house 
he  must  remember  that  he  is  but  a  colleague  of 
the  priests.  That  the  custom  of  bishop  and 
priests  dwelling  together  prevailed  in  England 
up  to  a  comparatively  late  period  (7th  century) 
may  be  seen  from  the  pages  of  Bede  {Hist.  Angl. 
lib.  iv.  c.  27,  p.  366,  Gidley's  translation). 

St.  Augustine  mentions  that  after  he  was  made 
bishop  of  Hippo  he  "  had  with  him  in  his  bishop's 
house  a  monastery  of  clerics,"  with  whom  he 
lived  according  to  apostolic  tradition.  (See  Ad 
Fratres  in  Eremo,  Sermo  xiv.  near  the  beginning; 
also  ihid.  Sermo  v.  about  the  middle.) 

The  term  domus  ecclesiae  as  the  designation  of 
the  house  of  a  bishop  is  very  common  in  the  writers 
of  the  early  centuries.  (See  Greg.  Turon.  Hist. 
Franc,  lib.  i.  cap.  39,  et  passim.)  When  a 
bishop  died,  his  house  (domus  ecclesiae)  was  to 
be  assigned  to  proper  custody  by  the  bishop  who 
came  to  bury  the  deceased.  (^Conc.  Aurelian,  ii. 
can.  6,  A.D.  533).  A  similar  direction  was  given 
as  the  council  of  Rheims,  A.D.  630,  can.  16. 
Hofman  (^Lex.  Univ.)  gives  Episcopium  as  one  of 
the  terms  for  a  bishop's  house. 

The  construction  of  a  house  for  a  bishop  was 
the  subject  of  a  direction  from  the  pope  (Gre- 
gory III.)  in  the  case  of  Boniface  the  English 
missionary  to  Thuringia :  "  Make  therefore  a 
house  in  which  your  father  (Boniface)  may  in 
person  be  bound  to  dwell "  (Antonius  Augusti- 
nus.  Juris  Pontificii,  part  2,  p.  3). 

The  episcopal  residence  (domus  ecclesiae)  is  in 
later  times  on  such  a  scale  as  to  be  the  scene  of 
a  banquet  to  a  member  of  the  royal  family  (S. 
Greg.  Turon.  lib.  vii.  cap.  27).  In  England  the 
penalty  for  breaking  into  the  house  of  the  bishop 
is  put  next  in  order,  and  apparently  in  magni- 
tude, to  the  penalty  for  breaking  into  the  king's 
house  (Laws  of  king  Ine,  a.d.  693). 

[H.  T.  A.] 

PARTHENIUS  and  Calocerus,  eunuchs, 
martyrs  at  Rome  under  Decius  ;  commemorated 
February  11  (Bed.,  Wand.);  Parteixcs  and 
Calocerus,  May  19  (Usuard.  Ifart. ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart. ;  Floras"  ap.  Bed.  Mart. ;  Hieron.  Mart.)  • 
Parthixius  and  Gallicorus,  May  17  (Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  iv.  26).         [C.  H.J 

PARTICLES.     [Fractiox.] 

PARURA.    [Alr.] 

PASCHA  MEDIUM,  or  BIedu-.m  Paschae, 
was  the  Wednesday  in  Easter  week.  So  Alcuin  : 
"  Sexagesima  inde  dici  potest  quia  Ix.  sunt  dies 
usque  ad  medium  Paschae,  quod  est  feria  quarta 
paschalis  hebdomadis "  (Ejiist.  ad  Cur.  M. 
Hittorp.  300).     Similarly,  Rabanus  JIaurus,  his 


1562 


PASCHA  PETITU3I 


disciple  {Tnstit.  Cler.  ii.  34),  and  Amalarius  (dc 
Ord.  Antiph.  32).  [W.  E.  S.] 

PASCHA  PETITUM.  This  was  a  uame 
given,  but  not  generally,  to  Palm  Sunday  in  parts 
where  the  creed  was  delivered  to  the  competeiites 
on  that  day  :  "  Diversis  vocabulis  distinguitur  ; 
id  est,  dies  palmarum  sive  florum,  atque  ramorum, 
osanna,  Pascha  Petitwn,  sine  competentium,  et 
capitolavium  "  {Ordo  Rom.  in  Hittorp.  46  ;  simi- 
larly in  the  edition  of  this  Ordo,  differing  in  many 
respects,  printed  by  Gerbert  in  Monum.  Vet. 
Liturg.  Alem.  iii.  195).  [Tkaditio  Svmeoli.] 
[W.  E.  S.] 

PASCHAE  CLAUSUIM  (P.\scha  Clausa, 
Pascha  Clausum,  Clausula  Paschae).  Most 
modern  writers  (as  Mabillon,  Liturgia  GalUcana, 
148  ;  Gerbert,  Lit.  Alcm.  Disq.  x.  iv.  2 ;  Ruinart 
in  Greg.  Turon.  Hist.  Franc,  ix.  44;  Du  Cange 
in  v.)  identify  this  with  the  first  Sunday  after 
Easter  (Low  Sunday,  Dies  Dominicus  post  Albas, 
Dominica  in  Albis  depositis,  Quasimodo),  but 
early  authorities,  whom  they  do  not  notice,  and 
certain  facts  bearing  on  the  question,  prove  that 
it  was  a  name  given  to  Saturday  in  the  Easter 
week.  Only  the  Macri  {Ilierolexicon  in  v.) 
within  our  reading  have  stated  this  correctly, 
and  they  give  no  authority.  Others  have  been 
probably  misled  by  the  fact  that  Low  Sunday  is 
now  called  Fdque  close  in  France,  to  which  and 
the  neighbouring  province  of  Metz  the  use  of 
the  term  Pascha  clausum  was,  so  far  as  appears, 
confined.  It  was  natural  that  the  name  should 
be  transferred  when  the  Saturday  ceased  to  be 
marked  by  any  special  observance,  i.e.  when  the 
great  baptisms  of  Easter  ceased. 

Amalarius,  a.d.  812,  says  exjiressly  :  "  Septua- 
gesima  perficitur  in  Sabbato  quod  vocatur 
Clausum  Pascha  "  (JDe  Ord.  Antiph.  32).  Alcuin, 
about  the  same  time  or  earlier :  "  Videtur 
Septuagesimus  dici  posse  dies  propter  decern 
hebdomadas  quae  sunt  ab  ipso  die  usque  clausum 
Pascha  in  quo  alba  tolluntur  vestimenta  a  nuper 
baptizatis  "  (^Epist.  ad  Car.  Magn.  Hittorp.  300). 
Rabanus  Maurus  {Tnstit.  Cler.  ii.  34)  echoes  the 
words  of  Alcuin.  But  the  newly-baptized  laid 
aside  their  white  dress  with  ceremony,  not  on  the 
Sunday,  but  on  the  Saturday.  Thus  Amalarius  : 
"  De  Sabbato  .  .  .  Hodie  revertuntur  ad  fontes, 
ut  exuant  se  albis  "  (De  Ord.  Antiph.  51). 

That  the  Clausum  Paschae  was  a  great  feast 
in  France  might  be  inferred  from  the  fore- 
going notices;  as  also  from  the  facts  that 
Gregory  of  Tours  treats  it  as  a  well-known  note 
of  time  :  "  Eo  anno  post  Clausum  Pascha  tarn 
immensa  cum  grandine  pluvia  fuit,"  &c.  {Hist. 
■  Franc,  ix.  44),  and  from  the  almost  absolute  use 
of  the  word  "  clausum  "  alone,  as  when  the  same 
author  says  of  some  persons  baptized  at  Rions  : 
"  NuUus  ad  clausum  pertingere  potuit  vivus  " 
{Glor.  Conf.  48).  [\V.  E.  S.] 

PASCHAL  EPISTLES  were  letters  writ- 
ten by  patriarchs  and  archbishops  to  the  bishops 
within  their  jurisdiction,  and  in  the  case  of  the 
pope  of  Alexandria  to  the  bishop  of  Rome,  if  not 
to  other  patriarchs,  containing  a  notice  of  the 
day  on  which  the  next  Easter  should  be  kept. 
They  were  also  called  "  Festal  Epistles  "  (Euseb. 
Hist.  Ecclcs.  vii.  20,  21,  eopTaariKal  einaroXai.), 
or  "Festal  Writs  "(j6iJ.  22,  kopr.  ypa(j>ai},  from 
their  connexion  with  the  great  feast  of  Easter 


PASCHAL  EPISTLES 

(Eus.  u.  s.  20).  At  Alexandria  they  were  first 
delivered  as  homilies,  being  afterwards!  put  into 
the  form  of  an  epistle,  and  so  sent  to  the  com- 
provincial bisliops.  Hence  they  are  sometimes 
called  "  Homilies  "  or  "  Discourses."  They  were 
carried  by  a  special  messenger  (5iaK0;Ui(rT?js. 
Synesius  begs  a  correspondent  to  treat  his  mes- 
senger kindly  coming  and  going,  and  to  provide 
him  means  of  proceeding  both  ways  (Ep.  13). 

I'he  Office  of  the  Bishop  of  Alexandria. — It  is 
asserted  by  Baronius  {Annal.  Eccles.  ad  ann. 
325),  Binius  (Labbe,  Cone.  ii.  69),  Dupin  {Bib- 
lioth.  Fcslcs.  under  Cg7-iL  Alex.),  and  many 
others,  that  the  bishops  of  Alexandria  were  ex- 
pressly requested  and  authorized  by  the  first 
council  of  Kicaea  to  give  annual  notice  to  the 
whole  church,  through  the  incumbents  of  the 
principal  sees,  of  the  day  on  which  the  ensuing 
Easter  was  to  be  celebrated.  That  the  pope  of 
Alexandria  did  at  one  time  give  such  notice  to 
the  bishop  of  Rome  as  well  as  to  those  of  Egypt 
is  not  to  be  disputed,  but  it  may  well  be  doubted 
whether  he  did  so  in  pursuance  of  any  decree  of 
that  council,  and,  again,  whether  he  transmitted 
a  similar  notice  to  the  other  patriarchs  of  the 
East.  If  we  are  to  be  guided  by  the  evidence 
still  extant,  we  shall  rather  infer  that  the  cus- 
tom, whatever  its  extent,  arose  from  the  volun- 
tary deference  paid  by  other  churches  to  that  of 
Alexandria  in  a  question  of  mathematical  science. 
No  formal  proof  of  the  alleged  conciliar  sanction 
or  decree  has,  to  my  knowledge,  ever  been 
attempted,  and  the  only  document  that  I  can 
meet  with  which  ascribes  it  to  any  oecumenical 
synod  appears  to  me  of  very  doubtful  weight. 
This  is  the  Prologus  S.  Cyrilli  de  Festi  Pasch. 
liationc,  which  is  found  in  Latin  only,  and  in  a 
single  MS.,  seemingly  of  the  9th  century.  It  was 
first  printed  by  the  Jesuit  Acgid.  Bucherius  after 
his  Comment,  in  Can.  Pasch.  Victorii  Aquit.  Antv. 
1633  (Prolog,  u.  s.  or  Epist.  87,  §  2  ;  O^yj.  Cyr. 
Al.  X.  383 ;  Migne,  Ixxvii.).  But  more,  per- 
haps, has  been  built  on  a  statment  of  Leo  the 
Great,  who  however  (Epist.  94,  c.  1)  speaks 
only  of  "  the  holy  fathers "  in  general.  If 
the  council  made  that  arrangement,  we  should 
reasonably  look  for  some  mention  of  the  fact 
in  the  paschal  epistles  of  the  bishops  of  Alex- 
andria, of  which  a  large  number  are  extant, 
especially  in  those  of  Athanasius,  who  was 
himself  at  Nicaea,  and,  becoming  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria within  a  year  of  the  conclusion  of  the 
council,  must  have  been  the  first  to  act  on  its 
decree.  Yet  neither  in  his  first  festal  epistle 
nor  in  any  subsequent  one  does  he  make  any 
mention  of  it.  Those  of  Theophilus  are  equally 
silent,  and  so  are  the  festal  homilies  of  Cyril. 
Twice  also  within  a  century  of  the  council  of 
Nicaea  we  find  bishops  of  Rome  consulting  those 
of  Milan  and  Carthage,  as  will  be  seen  presently, 
when  in  doubt  as  to  the  right  day.  We  observe 
also  that  Leo,  in  the  epistle  above  mentioned, 
begged  the  emperor  to  help  him  by  applying  to 
"  the  Egyptians,  or  to  ang  others  who  were  re- 
ported to  have  certain  knowledge  of  this  kind  of 
calculation"  (Epist.  94).  Marcian  wrote  to 
Proterius  of  Alexandria,  who  in  a  long  reply 
justified  the  calculation  which  Leo  doubted 
(inter  0pp.  Leon.  p.  203).  The  pope  submitted, 
and  thanked  the  emperor  for  his  interposition 
(Ep.  108);  but  it  is  remarkable  that  in  his  pas- 
chal letter  to  the  bishops  of  Gaul  and  Spain  ha 


PASCHAL  EPISTLES 

■does  not  mention  Proterius,  but  tells  them  of  his 
application  to  the  emperor,  "  quo  rescribente 
viii.  kai.  Maias  definitus  est  dies  "  (^Ep.  109).  At 
this  period,  then,  it  appears  certain  that  the 
tishops  of  Alexandria  were  not  held  to  have 
authority  to  settle  the  day  for  the  whole  church. 
That  they  were  held  in  great  esteem  for  their 
skill  in  such  questions  is  clear  from  some  of  the 
testimonies  already  alleged.  See  also  Dionysius 
Exiguus,  Epist.  Paschal,  i.  in  Apparat.  ad 
Baronii  Annales,  p.  248 ;  and  later  yet  Adrian 
I.  ad  Egilam  seu  Joan.  Preshyt.  Ep.  70  inter 
Ep)p.  Carolinas. 

Methods  of  Puhlication  in  various  Countries. — 
The  practice  of  the  church,  both  before  and 
after  the  Nicene  council,  will  receive  further 
light  from  the  following  testimonies.  Eusebius 
tells  us  that  Dionysius,  bishop  of  Alexandria, 
A.D.  247,  wrote  several  paschal  letters  {Hist. 
vii.  20-22),  in  one  of  which  he  "  set  forth  a 
canon  for  eight  years,  and  proved  that  it  is 
never  right  to  celebrate  the  feast  of  Easter  except 
•after  the  vernal  equinox  "  (ii.  s.  20).  A  synod 
of  Aries,  314,  thus  addresses  the  bishop  of 
Eome :  "  Touching  the  observance  of  Easter 
Sunday,  we  have  decreed  that  it  be  kept  by  us 
on  the  same  day  and  the  same  time  throughout 
the  whole  world,  and  that  thou  address  letters 
to  all  according  to  the  custom  "  (can.  1).  The 
council  of  Nicaea,  held  in  325,  settled,  with 
regard  to  the  time,  "  by  the  common  consent  of 
all,  that  the  most  holy  feast  of  Easter  should  be 
celebrated  on  one  and  the  same  day  "  in  every 
church  {Ep.  Constant,  ad  Ecclesias ;  Hard. 
Cone.  i.  449)  ;  but  we  cannot,  as  before  said, 
find  that  it  imposed  on  any  one  bishop  the  duty 
of  publishing  the  particular  day  in  each  year 
for  the  instruction  of  all  others.  St.  Ambrose 
says,  "even  after  the  calculations  of  the 
Egyptians  and  the  decision  of  the  church 
of  Alexandria,  most  of  the  bishops  of  the 
Eoman  church  are,  by  their  letters,  still  wait- 
ing for  my  opinion "  {Epist.  23,  §  8).  The 
question  was  whether  Easter  could  be  kept  so 
late  as  April  25.  In  393  the  council  of  Hippo 
in  Africa  decreed  "that  the  venerable  day  of 
Easter  should  be  made  known  to  all,  "  forma- 
tarura  subscriptione "  (can.  6 ;  Sim.  Cone. 
Carth.  V.  can.  7  ;  Codex  Afric.  73) ;  but  it 
does  not  say  by  whom  the  fORMATAE  were  to 
be  issued.  The  council  of  Carthage,  397,  deter- 
mined that,  "  because  of  the  mistake  which  is 
often  wont  to  arise,  all  the  bishops  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Africa  should  be  careful  to  receive  the 
day  of  paschal  observance  from  the  church  of 
■Carthage  "  (cap.  1).  To  this  they  afterwards 
added,  "  et  non  sub  angusto  temporis  spatio," 
and  that,  as  there  was  to  be  an  annual  synod  at 
Carthage,  "  the  holy  day  of  Easter  should  then 
be  published  by  the  legates  "  (cap.  41).  When 
this  was  settled,  two  bishops  present  said,  "  We 
ask  now  of  this  assembly  that  ye  deigir  to  in- 
form our  province  of  the  day  by  letters,"  on 
■which  the  president,  Aurelius  of  Carthage,  said, 
"It  must  needs  be  so."  In  413,  Innocent  of 
Rome,  writing  to  Aurelius,  expresses  his  opinion 
that  the  next  Easter  ought  to  be  celebrated  on 
March  22  (xi.  kal.  Apr^,  adding,  "  It  will  be- 
come your  wisdom,  my  brother  and  partner, 
with  the  like-minded  and  our  fellow-priests 
[consacerdotibus],  to  consider  this  same  matter 
dn  the  most  religious  synod,  that  if  objection 


PASCHAL  EPISTLES 


1563 


appear  to  our  settlement,  you  may  •write  back 
to  us  fully  and  openly,  that  we  may  beforehand 
prescribe  ty  letters  (as  the  custom  is)  the  ob- 
servation of  the  paschal  day,  so  fixed  by  de- 
liberation at  its  proper  time"  {^E^nst.  11). 
Cassian,  424,  limits  the  letters  of  the  bishop 
of  Alexandria  to  Egypt  {Collat.  x.  2).  A  frag- 
ment is  extant,  in  Latin,  of  an  epistle,  said  to 
have  been  written  in  444  by  Cyril  of  Alexan- 
dria to  Leo,  in  which  this  clause  occurs,  "  Simul 
Pascha  celebremus  kal.  ix.  Mail  [April  23] 
propter  rationem  embolismi  anni "  {Ep.  Cyr. 
A.  86  ;  Migne,  x.  378 ;  or  Oj)p.  Leon.  i.  602,  ed. 
Bailer).  See  also  the  letter  of  Paschasinus, 
whom  Leo  consulted,  "  Id  verum  invenimus  quod 
ab  Alexandrinae  ecclesiae  antistite  beatitudim 
tuae  rescriptum  est  "  {0pp.  Leon.  (Quesn.)  111). 
The  council  of  Orleans,  541,  decreed  that  the  day 
of  the  feast  should  be  "  notified  to  the  people  in 
church  by  the  bishop,"  and  that,  if  any  doubt 
arose,  the  metropolitan  should  consult  "  the 
apostolic  see,"  and  abide  by  its  decision  (can.  1). 
At  Braga,  at  a  council  held  on  Dec.  15,  571,  it 
was  resolved  that,  before  the  council  dispersed, 
"  the  coming  Easter  of  the  same  year  [according 
to  us  the  next,  572] — on  what  day  of  the 
kalends  and  in  what  month  it  should  be  kept — 
be  declared  by  the  metropolitan  bishop,  and 
that  the  rest  of  the  bishops,  and  the  other 
clergy  noting  this  down,  should  announce  it  to 
the  people  each  in  his  own  church  "  (can.  9). 
The  synod  of  Auxerre,  578,  ordered  "  all 
presbyters  before  the  Epiphany  to  send  their 
messengers  [to  the  bishop],  that  they  might 
inform  them  of  the  beginning  of  Lent  "  (can.  2). 
Gregory  of  Rome,  writing  in  598  to  the  bishops 
of  Sardinia,  says  that  it  was  a  custom  of 
the  island  for  the  bishops  to  go  themselves 
or  send  their  messengers  to  ask  for  a  written 
notice  of  the  day  on  which  the  next  Easter 
would  be  celebrated ;  and  that  whether  they 
knew  it  already  or  not.  He  exhorted  them 
to  be  faithful  to  the  custom,  which  some  were 
beginning  to  neglect  {Epjist.  vii.  Ind.  ii.  8). 
The  council  of  Toledo,  633,  shows  by  the  lan- 
guage of  its  fifth  canon  that  the  church  of 
Spain  did  not  receive  information  on  the  subject, 
at  that  period,  either  from  Rome  or  the  East : 
"  In  the  Spains,  a  diversity  in  the  announce- 
ment of  the  paschal  feast  is  wont  to  happen,  a 
difference  in  the  tables  of  the  festival  sometimes 
causing  error.  It  is,  therefore,  decreed  that  the 
metropolitan  bishops  inqicire  of  each  other  by 
letter  three  months  before  the  Epiphanies,  that, 
being  well  instructed  through  their  common 
knowledge,  they  may  inform  their  compro- 
vincials  of  the  day  of  Christ's  resurrection." 
it  is  probable  that  the  publication  of  tables  of 
the  movable  feasts  had  by  this  time  quite  put 
an  end  to  the  paschal  epistles  of  the  great 
patriarchs  ;  but  created  a  difficulty  when  their 
accuracy  could  be  questioned,  or  the  last  year 
for  which  they  provided  had  arrived. 

Time  of  the  Announcement. — The  festal  homilies 
of  Alexandria  were  preached  as  a  rule  on  the 
previous  Easter,  and  then  dispersed  as  letters. 
A  trace  of  the  time  is  found  in  many  of  those 
that  are  perfect,  e.g.  Athanasius  :  "  The  season 
calls  us  to  keep  the  feast  "  (i.  3)  ;  "  Again,  my 
brethren,  is  Easter  come  and  gladness  "  (ii.  14), 
&c. ;  Cyril :  "  The  present  is  a  time  of  festival  " 
(v.  44);  "Our  holy  feast  now  shining  "(vi.  60)-  &c. 


1564 


PASCHAL  TAPER 


Cassian  tells  us  that  the  epistle  -was  issued 
from  Alexandria  "  after  the  day  of  the  Epiphany  " 
{Collat.  X.  2).  I  do  not  think  that  we  can  infer  a 
fixed  time  from  the  extant  examples,  and  he  may 
have  been  misled  by  the  customs  of  the  West.  In 
the  West  the  council  of  Orleans,  in  541,  orders  the 
notice  to  be  given  in  church  by  the  bishop  "  on 
the  day  of  the  Epiphanies  "  (can.  1).  The  coun- 
cil of  Braga,  572,  directs  the  bishops  and  the  other 
clergy,  "  each  in  his  own  church,  to  announce  it., 
to  the  people  on  the  approaching  day  of  the 
Lord's  Nativity,  that  no  one  might  be  ignorant 
of  the  beginning  of  Lent"  (can.  9).  The  Epi- 
phany is  also  fixed  as  the  time  by  the  council  of 
Auxerre,  578  (can.  2). 

On  the  subject  of  this  article,  see  the  Prolego- 
nicna  to  the  edition  of  the  Paschal  Homilies  of 
Cyril  Alex,  published  at  Antwerp,  1618,  by  Au- 
tonius  Salmatia  ;  given  also  by  Migne,  0pp.  Cyr. 
A.  X.  394;  the  Introduction  to  the  Festal  Epistles 
of  St.  Athanasius,  translated  from  the  Syriac,  Oxf 
1854  ;  Joan,  van  der  Haageu,  Obseroationes  in 
Vetcrum  Patrum  et  Pontificum  Prologos  et  Epi- 
stolas  Paschales,  Amstel.  1734 ;  Habert,  'Apxie- 
pariKov,  Liber  Pontifical  is  Eccl.  Grace,  p.  719, 
Par.  1643.  "  [W.  E.  S.] 

PASCHAL  TAPEE.  This  was  a  large  taper, 
which  among  the  other  ceremonies  of  Easter 
Eve  ("sabbatum  sanctum")  was  solemnly 
blessed  before  the  altar,  at  Piome  by  the  arch- 
deacon, in  Spain  by  two  deacons,  then  lighted 
from  the  newly-struck  and  blessed  fire,  and 
carried  in  procession  before  the  catechumens  to 
the  font.  It  was  afterwards  placed  before  the 
altar,  and  was  to  burn  incessantly  until  after 
the  solemn  mass,  or  the  second  Vespers,  or  the 
Compline  service,  of  Easter  Day,  according  to 
different  rituals :  that  of  Soissons  requires  it  to 
burn  for  four  consecutive  days  (Martene  de 
Ant.  Eccles.  Pit.  lib.  iv.  cap.  24).  The  symbolism 
is  obvious.  In  its  origin  the  paschal  taper  was 
a  special  observance  of  the  general  custom  which, 
through  East  and  West  alike,  celebrated  that 
night  "much  to  be  observed"  by  a  bright 
illumination,  changing  the  darkness  into  light. 
[See  Easter,  Ceremonies  of, "Vol.  I.  p.  595.]  The 
twofold  reference  to  the  new  rising  of  the  Sun  of 
Righteousness  from  the  darkness  of  the  tomb,  and 
to  the  illumination  of  the  newly-baptized,  is 
constantly  recalled  to  mind  in  the"  office  of  the 
Benedictio  Cerei.  In  the  procession  of  tlie 
neophytes,  and  when  the  taper  precedes  the  pope, 
as  (according  to  the  old  Ordo  Romanus)  it  should 
do  during  the  whole  paschal  week,  it  is  taken  to 
represent  the  pillar  of  fire  which  led  Israel 
through  the  Red  Sea. 

The  institution  of  the  paschal  taper  has  been 
commonly  attributed  to  pope  Zosimus  (A.D.  417) 
on  tee  strength  of  the  notice  in  the  life  of  him 
iu  the  Liber  Pontificalis,  "  per  parochias  concessa 
licentia  cereos  benedici,"  or,  according  to  another 
version,  "  per  parochias  concessit  ut  cereos 
benedicerent ;"  but  it  was  pointed  out  by  Bar- 
onius  {Annul,  in  ann.  418)  that  this  really  im- 
plies the  extension  to  the  parish  churches  of 
a  custom  already  existing  in  (probably)  the 
great  basilicas.  The  hymn  of  Prudentius, 
"Inventor  rutili,"  commonly  sung  during  the 
office  of  the  benediction  of  the  taper,  cannot  be 
relied  on  as  an  argument  for  the  antiquity  of  the 
rite,  for  it  is  in  truth  only  an  excerpt  of  forty 


PASSION  SUNDAY 

lines  from  a  much  longer  hymn,  which  according 
to  the  best  reading  is  inscribed  ad  incensum 
luccrnae,  not  de  cereo  paschali,  and  which,  being 
No.  V.  of  the  Cathemerino?i  hymns,  was  clearly 
intended  for  daily  use  at  the  Vesper  service 
when  the  candles  used  to  be  solemnly  lighted. 
It  is  possibly,  however,  alluded  to  by  St.  Augus- 
tine (Be  Civ.  Lei,  xv.  22)  where  he  says,  "in 
laude  quadam  cerei  breviter  versibus,  dixi,"  &c. 
where  "  cerei,"  and  not  "  creatoris,"  seems  to  be 
the  true  reading.  Ennodius,  bishop  of  Ticino 
(died  521),  has  left  two  forms  oi  Benedictio  cerei, 
from  an  expression  in  one  of  which  it  is  inferred 
that  the  practice  of  preserving  particles  of  the 
wax  of  the  taper  as  charms  had  already  grown 
up  by  that  time.  Gregorv  the  Great  (E/iist.  xi. 
33)  and  can.  9,  C.  Tolet.  IV.  both  speak  clearly 
of  the  paschal  taper;  various  customs  grew 
up  round  the  rite  in  later  times,  such  as  that  of 
making  five  holes  in  the  taper,  or  attaching  five 
grains  of  incense  to  it,  of  stamping  upon  it  the 
date,  the  indiction  of  the  current  year,  or  the 
letters  A  and  n,  or  of  flistening  to  it  inscriptions 
of  various  kmds,  of  which  examples  may  be  seen 
in  Martene  (it.  s.).  (See  the  various  rituals  and 
commentaries  on  the  otBce  in  Sabbato  Sancto,  and 
MabiUon  de  Lit.  Gall.  p.  141.)  [C.  E.  H.] 

PASCHASIA,  virgin    martyr   at   Divio   iu 

Burgundy,    under     Aurelius ;      commemorated 

.Jan  9  according  to  the  ancient  calendars  of  St. 

Benignus  at  Divio.     (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  566.) 

[C.  H.] 

PASCHASIUS  (1),  bishop  of  Vienne,  con- 
fessor, cir.  A.D.  313  ;  commemorated  Feb.  22. 
{Vet.  Pom.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  290.) 

(2)  African  martyr  in  the  Vandalic  persecu- 
tion ;  commemorated  Nov.  12  {Vet.  Pom.  Hart.)  ;: 
Nov.  13  (Usuard.  Hart.).  [C.  H.] 

PASICRATES,  martyr  with  Valentinus  at 
Dorostolum  in  Macedonia ;  commemorated  Ap. 
24  (Basil.  Menol.)  ;  Passicrates,   at  Dorostorum 
iu  Moesia,  May  25  (Usuard.  Mart.)  ;  Pasicrates 
or  POLiCRATES,   May  25,   from   the   Latin  and 
Greek  menologies  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  vi.  23). 
[C.  H.] 
PASSIONALE.     [Maetyrology.] 
PASSION,  EELICS  OF.     [Relics.] 

PASSION,    REPRESENTATIONS     OF. 

[Crucifix.] 

PASSION  SUNDAY.  The  fifth  Sunday  in 
Lent  has  from  ancient  times  been  called  Dominica 
Passionis  or  de  Passione  Domini,  because  from  it 
begins  the  more  special  commemoration  of  the 
sutfering  of  Christ.  An  Anglo-Saxon  homily 
(Aelfric's  Homilies,  li.  224  f.)  for  the  fifth  Sun- 
day in  Lent  commences  by  stating  that  from 
that  day  until  Easter  the  time  is  designated 
Christ's  Passion-tido  (Wheatley  on  the  Common 
Prayer,  ed.  Corrie,  p.  241,  n.  6).  la  token  oi: 
sadness  the  Gloria  Patri  is  generally  omitted  at 
this  season  in  responsories,  mvitatories,  and  in- 
troits.  The  character  of  the  season  is  strikingly 
shewn  in  the  Mozarabic  Mass  for  the  day.  In 
modern  times,  in  England  at  least,  the  name 
"  Passion- Week  "  is  commonly  given  to  Hoi.Y 
Week.  [C] 


PASTOPHORIUM 

PASTOPHOEIUM.  A  chamber  attached  to 
the  outside  wall  of  a  church,  and  approached 
from  within,  used  as  a  vestry,  sacristy,  treasury, 
as  well  as  a  living  and  sleeping  room.  IIacTT6s 
being  an  inner  chamber,  especially  a  bridal  cham- 
ber with  embroidered  hangings,  came  to  signify 
the  shrine  of  a  deity,  and  the  priests  whose  duty 
it  was  to  carry  the  shrine  were  called  pastophori 
(iraaroipupoi).  (Diod.  i.  29  ;  Clem.  Alex.  Paedag. 
iji.  c.  2  ;  Stromat.  vi.  c.  4),  and  the  chambers 
where  they  resided  in  the  precincts  of  the  temple 
pastophoria  (Tra(TTocpop€7a  or  iraffTocpopia).  The 
woi-d  is  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  LXX  in 
this  or  an  allied  sense,  usually  as  the  translation  of 

nSE-'?,  and  generally  to  designate  the  chambers 
annexed  to  the  tabernacle  or  temple,  for  the 
habitation  of  the  priests  and  other  ministers,  or 
for  the  reception  of  the  offerings  in  money,  corn, 
fruits,  or  other  stores  (1  Chr.  ix.  26,  33 ;  xxiii. 
28;  xxviii.  12;  2  Chr.  xxxi.  11 ;  Isa.  xxii.  15; 
Jer.  XXXV.  4 ;  Ezek.  xl.  17,  38  ;  Esdr.  viii.  59). 
The  Vulgate  rendering  is  usually  excdrae,  some- 
times gazophylacium  (Jer.  xxxv.  4 ;  Ezek.  xl.  17, 
38)  or  tabernaculuni  (Isa.  xxii.  15) ;  in  2  Chr. 
xxxi.  11,  horrea.  Its  use  in  Christian  nomen- 
clature was  equally  extensive,  sometimes  denot- 
ing the  apartments  of  the  bishop  and  clergy  and 
ministers  and  keepers  of  the  church  ;  sometimes  a 
vestry  .or  treasury.  Bona  regards  it  as  synony- 
mous with  the  diaconicon  or  vcstiarium,  "  quod 
barbara  voce  sacristia  nuncupatur"  (Bona, 
Her.  Liturg.  lib.  i.  c.  xxiv.  §  2).  This  is  the 
sense  in  which  the  word  is  used  in  the  Apos- 
tolical Constitutions,  where  after  the  faithful  had 
communicated  in  both  kinds  the  deacons  were 
directed  to  take  what  was  left  and  carry  it  into 
the  "  pastophorium  "  (Ap.  Const,  lib.  viii.  c.  13  ; 
Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl.  bk.  viii.  ch.  vii.  §  11 ; 
Binterim,  Denkwiirdig.  ii.  2,  143;  Schelstrate, 
Cone.  Antiocli,  p.  186).  [E.  V.] 

PASTOE  (1),  with  his  brother  Justus,  youth- 
ful martyrs  ;  commemorated  at  Complutum  in 
Spain,  Aug.  6  (Usuard.  3Iart. ;  Florus,  Mart. 
ap.  Bed.) ;  Aug.  25  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  And  Basileus,  commemorated  Dec.  25  in 
the  Sacramentary  of  Leo  (Murat.  Lit.  Rom. 
Vet.  i.  467).  [C.  H.] 

PASTOR  (noifi-ltv).  (1)  When  St.  Paul 
(Ephes.  iv.  11)  speaks  of  Troi^eVay,  "shepherds," 
he  seems  to  describe  not  so  much  those  admitted 
to  a  distinct  order  or  office,  as  those  who  "  took 
the  oversight  "  of  the  flock,  under  whatever  desig- 
nation. Thus  4m(TKOiroi  are  said  (Acts  xx.  28)  to 
"  be  the  shepherds  "  of  the  church  ;  and,  again, 
irpeffffvTfpoi  are  warned  (1  Pet.  v.  2)  to  "  be 
shepherds  "  to  the  flock  of  God,  even  as  Christ  is 
"shepherd  and  bishop"  of  our  souls  (1  Pet.  ii. 
25).  And  the  Latin  word  "  pastor  "  retained  for 
the  most  part  this  vagueness ;  it  designated  a 
minister  of  the  church  considered  as  guiding  and 
governing  a  flock.  More  especially  it  designated 
a  bishop ;  hence  in  later  times  "  pastoralitas  " 
came  to  mean  the  dignity  of  a  bishop  or  abbat, 
and  "  pastorare  "  to  exercise  the  functions  of  a 
bishop  or  abbat  (Ducange,  s.  v.). 

(2)  The  Advocate  of  the  Church  was  some- 
times called  "  pastor  laicus"  (Ducange).      [C] 

PASTORAL  STAFF.  (?d^5os,  ^uKTvpia, 


PASTORAL  STAFF 


156; 


vapBr)^ ;  hacuhis,  virga,  ferula,  pedum,  camhiUa. 
capuita,  crocea,  crozzia,  stampella,  crosse.) 

The  word  has  assumed  a  multitude  of  forms, 
partly,  no  doubt,  from  the  vagaries  of  the 
copyists  :  cambutta,  cabuta,  .  camhoia,  cambuca, 
cambucca,  camputa,  capuita,  combucca,  gahiica, 
sambuta,  &c. 

Migne  {Diet.  Orfevr.  s.  v.,  following  the  learned 
monograph  of  Barrault  and  Martin)  traces  the 
word  cambuta  to  the  Irish  missionaries  in  the 
time  of  the  Merovingians.  This  he  considers 
more  probable  than  its  connexion  with  KafMirru 
and  KafMTTvXT],  a  curved  staff. 

The  name  ferula  (ferio)  points  to  the  correc- 
tional use  of  the  staff. 

The  etymology  of  crosse  is  controverted.  We 
have  the  forms  crochia,  croqua,  crocula,  and  also 
crocea,  crossea,  croga,  crossa.  Some  of  these 
forms  may  be  traced  to  croc  and  crochet,  whilst 
others  suggest  crux  and  the  Italian  croce.  Magri 
observes  (Ifierolcx.  s.  v.)  that  the  pastoral  staff 
was  called  croccea  (Anglice,  crutch),  from  the 
use  that  was  made  of  it  as  a  support  in  walking. 

The  most  ancient  crosiers  {sic)  appear,  says  a 
learned  writer,  to  have  been  much  shorter  than 
those  of  succeeding  ages.  That  of  St.  Severinus, 
bishop  of  Cologne,  who  died  in  the  year  400, 
served  him  as  a  walking-stick  {Archaeologia, 
xvii.  37). 

There  are  no  grounds  for  saying  whether  the 
pastoral  staff,  when  it  was  first  adopted  as  an 
emblem,  was  designed  to  be  the  symbol  of  duty 
or  of  jurisdiction ;  whether  it  betokened  the 
shepherd's  duty  of  tending  the  flock  of  God  or 
(as  a  form  of  sceptre)  the  right  and  the  respon- 
sibility of  a  ruler.  Both  these  ideas  seem  to  be 
combined  in  one  of  the  earliest  Latin  authorities 
on  the  subject — the  passage  of  St.  Isidore  of 
Seville  (a.d.  560-636),  who  says  that  the  staff 
was  given  to  a  bishop  as  a  token  that  he  "  vel 
regat,  vel  corrigat,  vel  infirmitates  infirmorum 
sustineat "  {de  Ufficiis  Ecclesiasticis,  cap.  v.). 

The  term  "pastoral  staff"  seems  to  point  to 
the  shepherd's  crook  as  the  prototype  of  the^ 
wand  or  sceptre  which  has  symbolized  the  minis- 
terial office  from  very  early  times.  Indeed, 
Suicer  {Thesaurus  Eccles.  s.  v.  PaKrrjpia)  thus 
unhesitatingly  assigns  its  origin  :  "  Because  the 
ministers  of  the  church  are  called  shepherds, 
and  their  duty  is  to  feed  the  flock  of  God, 
namely,  the  church,  therefore  to  them  is  given 
a  staft'  or  rod." 

There  is  an  undoubted  propriety  in  the  symbol 
so  interpreted.  But  we  may  not  yet  have 
arrived  at  the  bottom  of  the  matter,  if  we  rest 
here  ;  for  there  is  some  reason  to  think  that  the 
pastoral  staff'  of  the  Christian  clergy  was  but 
an  adoption  with  a  new  significance  of  a  religious 
usage  older  than  Christianity  itself.  The  sculp- 
tures and  coins  of  Italian  paganism  shew  us  that 
the  augurs  of  antiquity  bore  a  staff  (lituus) 
very  closely  resembling  the  pastoral  staff.  It 
was  with  such  a  staff,''in  fact,  that  the  augur 
divided  the  expanse  of  heaven  (templum)  into 
regions  for  the  purpose  of  divination.  The  an- 
nexed figure  from  an  Etruscan  sculpture  will 
give  an  idea  of  the  augur's  staff.  In  connexion 
with  this  figure  it  should  be  observed  that  the 
early  form  of  pastoral  staff  appears  to  have 
been  quite  short — much  shorter  than  the  spe- 
cimens of  mediaeval  art  that  have  survived  to. 
us  (lleusens,  Elements  d'Archeologic  chre'ticnne, 


15( 


PASTORAL  STAFF 


Louvain,  1871).  The  form  of  the  lituus  might 
in  some  degree  account  for  this.  On  the  other 
side,  however,  it  ought,  perhaps,  to  be  noticed 
Ahat  the   lituus  had  to  be  borne  in  the  right 


Xituus.    (From  Smith's  Diet.  <•/  Gk.  ami  Rom.  Antiq ) 

hand,  whilst  the  handling  of  the  pastoral  staff 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  so  restricted.  In 
extant  representations  the  pastoral  staff  is  held 
sometimes  in  the  right  and  sometimes  in  the 
left  hand.  Such  a  variation,  however,  will 
hardly  be  thought  sufficient  to  negative  the 
possibility  of  the  hypothesis  —  which  has  the 
authority  of  Jlosheim  {Tnstit.  Eccl.  Hist.  pt.  ii. 
chap,  iv.)— that  the  pastoral  staff  is  one  of  those 
many  things  which  with  but  slight  alterations 
the  early  Christians  felt  at  liberty  to  adopt  from 
paganism  as  being  accepted  symbols  of  piety 
and  reverence. 

According  to  another  theory  of  its  origin,  the 
pastoral  staff'  is  a  survival  in  the  case  of  bishops 
of  what  was  once  to  be  seen  in  the  hands  of  all. 
It  is,  in  fact,  the  episcopal  walking-stick. 
Thomassin,  Grancolas,  and  other  liturgists  of 
modern  times,  have  vindicated  an  origin  of  this 
kind  for  the  staff.  According  to  them  it  is  no 
other  than  the  crutch  or  staff  {sustentaculum, 
recUnatoriwn)  which  at  first  was  permitted  to 
the  aged  and  infirm,  and  which  afterwards  be- 
came general  as  a  support  while  standing  in 
church.  When  seats  were  introduced  into  choirs, 
the  redinatorium  was  doomed  to  disappear,  and 
(according  to  these  writers)  survived  in  the 
hand  of  prelates  alone  as  emblems  of  honour. 
The  flaw  in  this  theory  appears  to  be  that  the 
reclinatorium  certainly  remained  in  general  use 
long  after  the  date  at  which  we  can  trace  the 
pastoral  staff. 

We  now  reach  the  question  bv  whom  the  pas- 
toral staff  was  used. 

(a)  Pope.— It  is  commonly  said  that  the  pope 
never  carried  a  pastoral  staff.  The  reason  as- 
signed for  this  custom  cannot  be  better  given 
than  in  the  words  of  Innocent  III.  "  The  Roman 
pontiff  does  not  use  the  pastoral  staff,  because 
St.  Peter  the  Apostle  sent  his  staff  to  Eucharius, 
the  first  bishop  of  Treves,  whom  he  appointed 
with  Valerius  and  Maternus  to  preach  the 
Gospel  to  the  German  race.  He  was  succeeded 
in  his  bishopric  bv  Maternus,  who  was  raised 
from  the  dead  by  "the  staff  of  St.  Peter.  The 
staff  is  down  to  the  present  day  preserved  with 
great  veneration  by  the  church  at  Treves."  {De 
Sacro  Altaris  Mysterio,  lib.  i.  cap.  62.)  It  is 
sarcastically  observed  by  Cahier,  a  Jesuit  writer, 
that  St.  Peter  must  have  repeated  more  than  once 
the  sacrifice  of  his  pastoral  staff,  for  several  places 
claim  to  have   it.     The  same  writer,  however. 


PASTORAL  STAFF 

shews  that  there  is  reason  to  think  that  popes 
did  bear  the  pastoral  staff'  up  to  the  11th  century, 
and  he  gives  a  figure  of  Gregory  the  Great 
bearing  a  staff  from  a  miniature  of  the  13th 
century.  This  figure  we  reproduce  here  (Cahier, 
Caracte'ristviues  des  Saints,  p.  298). 


Gregory  the  Great.    (From  Cahier.) 

Barrault  indeed  says  (p.  25)  that  the  por- 
trayal of  St.  Gregory  with  a  staff  proves  only 
the  ignorance  of  the  illuminator  in  the  13th 
century.  Perhaps  however,  this  is  not  quite  fair. 
It  may  shew  that  the  present  question  was  in 
debate  in  the  13th  century,  and  the  plate  before 
us  may  be  the  record  of  the  view  which  the 
illuminator  took  in  the  controversy. 

Another  representation  of  Gregory  the  Great 
with  a  staff  (though  it  is  of  a  different  shape, 
being  surmounted  with  a  cross)  is  published  by 
the  Arundel  Society.  This  singular  monument, 
says  Mr.  Marriott  (Vestiarium  Christianum,  p. 
237),  is  assigned  by  antiquaries  to  the  year  700 
or  thereabouts.  The  figure  is  easily  accessible 
in  Jlr.  Marriott's  work,  and  therefore  need  not  be 
reproduced  here. 

A  third  figure  of  Gregory  the  Great  with  a 
staff'  is  that  which   was  given  to  the  brothers 


Gregory  tlie  Great.    (From  Maori  ITieroUi.) 

Magri  for  the  Hierolexicon  (p.  65,  ed.  Romae, 
1677),  and  which  is  believed  to  be  contemporary 
with  St.  Gregory  himself. 


PASTORAL  STAFF 

Sligne  {I>ict.  de  VOrfevrerie,  s.  v.  Crosse) 
denies  that  the  popes  ever  used  the  pastoral 
staff  properly  so  called  ;  but  he  admits  that 
they  had  a  baton,  which  was  straight  as  a 
sceptre.  This,  however,  would  hardly  differen- 
tiate it  from  the  pastoral  staff  proper,  which 
was  not  restricted  to  a  particular  shape. 
Baronius,  it  may  be  mentioned,  concludes  that 
the  staff  is  to  a  bishop  what  a  sceptre  is  to  a 
king.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that,  when 
writers  contend  that  the  pope  bore  a  pastoral 
staff,  they  do  not  probably  intend  to  say  that 
the  staff  was  always  curved.  Krazer  indeed 
(De  Liturgiis,  p.  353)  shews  that  the  oft-quoted 
words  of  Innocent  III.,  in  which  he  is  under- 
stood to  disclaim  the  pastoral  staff  for  the  pope, 
are  to  be  understood  as  disclaiming  only  the 
curved  staff  of  ordinary  bishops.  By  some 
writers  (e.ff.  Martin  and  Barrault)  a  distinction 
is  drawn  between  the  cambuta,  the  crook  or  T 
shaped  staff,  as  the  symbol  of  the  pastoral  office, 
and  the  ferula  or  sceptre-like  staff  which  betokened 
sovereign  authority.  Such  writers  in  the  Roman 
Catholic  interest  are  not  unwilling  to  admit  that 
the  pope  carried  the  ferula,  whilst  denying  that 
he  had  the  cambuta.  It  would  obviously  be  a 
great  gain  to  their  position  if  it  could  be  shewn 
that  from  the  earliest  days  the  symbol  of  the 
pastoral  care  had  not  been  associated  with  the 
person  of  the  pope,  whilst  the  emblem  of 
sovereignty  had  always  been  so — that,  whilst  the 
one  character  had,  of  course,  been  understood, 
the  other  had  been  with  the  emphasis  of  the  very 
symbolism  pointedly  affirmed  as  attaching  to  him. 

In  judging,  however,  of  this  vexed  question, 
this  point  is  not  to  be  forgotten,  that  we  do  not 
find  any  trace  of  the  disposition  to  repudiate  the 
pastoral  staff  for  the  pope  until  about  the  12th 
century,  which  is  at  least  a  suspicious  epoch  on 
a  question  which  in  no  indirect  way  concerns  the 
glorification  of  the  temporal  sovereignty. 

(j3)  Bishojys. — On  the  early  use  of  the  staff  by 
bishops,  we  may  quote  the  authority  of  Baronius 
(ad  ann.  504-,  n.  38),  who  says  that  bishops  em- 
ployed the  staff  certainly  in  the  4th  century. 
The  earliest  mention  of  it  given  by  Maskell 
(Monum.  Bit.  iii.  273)  as  forming  a  part  of  the 
rite  of  consecration  of  a  bishop  is  the  passage 
quoted  above  from  Isidore  of  Spain  (a.d.  560-636). 

In  the  early  part  of  the  5th  century  there 
seems  no  reason  to  doubt,  says  a  competent 
writer,  that  St.  Patrick  took  with  him  to  Ire- 
land, when  he  went  to  preach  the  Gospel  there, 
the  pastoral  staff  which  afterwards  became  so 
famous  under  the  name  of  the  Staff  of  Jesus 
(Archaeologia,  svii.  36). 

In  the  will  of  St.  Remigius  (Flodoard.  Hist. 
lib.  i.  cap.  18)  mention  is  made  of  a  pastoral 
staff  carved  and  covered  with  gold  plates. 

The  earliest  mention  of  the  "staff"  among 
Latin  writers  appears  to  be  in  the  letter  which 
was  addressed  by  pope  Coelestine  (A.D.  423-432) 
to  the  bishops  of  the  provinces  of  Vienne  and 
Narbonne  on  the  subject  of  episcopal  dress  (Labbe, 
Cone.  ii.).  "  By  dressing  in  a  cloak  (pallium)  and 
putting  a  girdle  round  their  loins,  they  think 
that  they  shall  fulfil  the  truth  of  Scripture  not 
in  the  spirit,  but  in  the  letter.  For  if  the  pre- 
cepts in  question  were  given  with  a  view  to 
being  kept  in  such  a  fashion,  why  are  not  the 
subsequent  precp])ts  equally  observed  by  holding 
burning  lamps  in  the  hand  as  well  as  a  staff." 


PASTORAL  STAFF 


1567 


Amongst  the  Greek  writers  there  is  a  mention 
of  the  pastoral  staff  as  early  as  the  time  of  St. 
Gregory  of  Nazianzum  (cent.  .4).  He  savs 
(Oratio  42)  :  "  I  know  the  staff  which  can  support 
and  the  one  which  belongs  to  pastors  and 
teachers,  and  which  corrects  the  sheep  which  have 
reason." 

In  the  Life  of  Caesarius,  bishop  of  Aries  (a.d. 
469-542),  written  by  Cyprian,  his  pupil,  mention 
is  made  of  the  pastoral  staff  being  "  borne  by  his 
chaplain  (notarius) "  (Martene  de  Hit.  lib.  i. 
cap.  8,  X.  18.)  So  early  as  the  time  of  Romanus, 
archbishop  of  Rouen  about  A.D.  623,  we  find  the 
investiture  taking  place  at  the  hands  of  the 
king  by  giving  the  pastoral  staff  ("  Rex  .... 
baculum  illi  contulit  pastoralem  "). 

In  modern  times  a  bishop  is  represented  with 
a  crook,  an  archbishop  with  a  cross  or  crosier, 
a  patriarch  with  a  cross  having  two  transverse 
bars,  and  the  pope  with  a  cross  of  three  bars. 
But  there  is  no  appearance  of  this  classification 
within  the  epoch  embraced  by  this  Dictionary. 

The  carrying  of  the  crosier  before  a  metropoli- 
tan in  any  place  was  a  token  that  he  claimed 
jurisdiction  there.  Hence  in  later  times  arose 
difficulties,  when,  for  example  an  archbishop  of 
York  was  not  allowed  the  use  of  his  cross  at  a 
coronation  (see  Archaeologia,  xvii.  38). 

(7)  Ahhats  and  Abbesses. — The  proof  that  in 
very  early  days  abbats  had  the  staff  is  found  by 
Barrault  (p.  5)  in  the  fact  that  mention  is 
never  made  of  the  staff  in  the  pontifical  bulls 
(of  which  one  is  quoted  as  having  been  issued 
by  Theodore  I.  in  a.d.  643),  granting  to  abbats 
the  use  of  episcopal  insignia.  The  gloves,  the 
mitre,  the  ring,  and  others  are  specified,  but 
never  the  staff.  This,  Barrault  argues,  could 
only  be  because  abbats  already  had  the  staff. 
But  whether  this  be  accounted  as  proof  or  not, 
we  have  explicit  mention  of  the  abbat's  staff  as 
early  as  the  7th  century.  In  the  Life  of  St. 
Gall,  who  lived  in  the  early  part  of  that  cen- 
tury, we  have  this  mention  of  the  abbatial 
staff  of  Columban :  "  Qui  et  baculum  ipsius, 
quem  vulgo  Cambottam  vocant,  per  manum 
diaconi  transmiserunt  dicentes.  Sanctum  Abbatera 
ante  transitum  suum  jussisse  ut  per  hoc  notissi- 
mum  pignus  Gallus  absolveretur."  It  appears 
not  to  have  been  till  a  later  period  that  the 
privilege  of  abbats  was  conceded  to  abbesses. 

The  assumption  of  the  staff  seems  always  to 
have  formed  part  of  the  ceremonial  of  investi- 
ture in  the  case  of  an  abbat.  It  is  so  men- 
tioned in  the  penitential  of  Theodore,  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury  in  the  7th  century.  There 
are  many  surviving  forms  of  the  ritual  em- 
ployed on  these  occasions  ;  but  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  passage  just  quoted,  it  is  not  easy 
to  say  with  certainty  that  any  one  of  them 
falls  strictly  within  the  limit  of  time  embraced 
in  this  work.  Several,  however,  belong  cer- 
tainly to  a  period  not  much  later ;  and  the 
investiture  with  the  staff  is  so  generally  men- 
tioned in  them  as  to  lead  to  the  inference  that 
the  usage  was  already  a  general  and  accepted 
one.  Pugin,  indeed,  observes  (Glossary,  s.  v.) 
that  abbats  did  not  borrow  the  use  of  the 
pastoral  staff  from  the  episcopal  order,  as  they 
afterwards  did  that  of  the  mitre,  but  that  they 
had  this  distinction  from  the  beginning. 

(5)  Others. — It  does  not  appear  that  any 
other  persons   commonly  used  what  could  be 


15( 


PASTORAL  STAFF 


properly  called  a  pastoral  staff.  Hofmann,  how 
•ever  {Lex.  Univ.  s.  v.  Baculus),  quotes  Philo- 
stratus  as  an  aiithority  for  the  use  of  it  by 
priests  in  the  East.  But  in  the  Eastern  church 
there  is  always  a  risk  of  mistaking  for  an 
official  baton  the  ordinary  sub-axillary  staff 
which  even  laymen  carried  to  church. 

Shape. — Owing  to  the  entire  absence  of  primi- 
tive representations,  there  is  no  absolute  proof 
that  the  earliest  form  of  the  staff  was  that  of 
a  crook  (we  know,  indeed,  that  in  some  cases 
they  terminated  in  a  globe  or  a  cross)  ;  but,  as 
Pugin  observes,  the  crook  form  is  exceedingly 
ancient,  and  as  we  have  seen  above  in  the  case 
of  the  litims,  was  not  unknown  amongst  the 
emblems  of  religion,  even  in  pre-Christian  times. 

The  Catacombs  furnish    no   evidence   on  the 


subject.  There  is  indeed  a  figure  of  Amachius 
bearing  a  curved  staff  (Buonarroti,  Vet.  Ant. 
pi.  xviii.  p.  128),  which  might  be  taken  for  an 
example  of  it,  but  which  is  more  probably  a 
picture  of  the  augur's  rod.     The  earliest  forms 


St.  Juhn  -with  Pastoral  Staff.     (Barranlt.) 

of  the  staff  cited  by  Barrault  are  those  put  in 
the  hands  of  two  figures  of  St.  John  the 
Apostle,  from  a  MS.  in  the  British  Jluseum, 
which  (he  says,   on  the  authority  of  the  cus- 


PASTOEAL  STAFF 

todians  of  MSS.  in  that  institution)  is  a  copy  of 
a  Spanish  MS.  that  belongs  to  the  era  of  the 
Goths.  If  that  be  so,  it  need  hardly  be  said 
that  the  representations  (which  we  engrave 
here)  are  of  immense  interest  and  importance  in 
showing  the  development  of  the  staff  at  so  dis- 
tant an  epoch. 

The  second  of  these  figures  gives  an  example 
of  the  foliated  cross.  It  will  be  observed  that 
this  staff  could  not  be  intended  for  use  as  a 
rcclinatorium,  because  it  is    the   full  height  of 


St.  Joliu  with  Cross.    (Barrault.) 

the  man  himself  Similar  representations  are 
found  elsewhere — in  a  MS.  of  the  abbey  of 
Eluon.  which  is  conjectured  to  belong  to"  the 
latter  part  of  the  7th  century ;  in  the  staff  of 
:\Iontreuil.sur-mer  (fig.   1a),  which    local  tra- 


FlG.   lA. 

dition  assigns  to  the  abbess  St.  Austrebertha 
(temp.  Clovis  II.),  and  in  the  ancient  carving  in 
the  outer  wall  of  the  Church  of  St.  Thomas  at 
Strasburg,  which  is  believed  to  belong  to  the 
first  half  of  the  9th  century.  The  extreme 
antiquity  alleged  for  these  monuments  will  not, 
perhaps,  be  accepted  with  the  same  confidence 
in  all   the   several   cases,  but  the  details  of  the 


PASTORAL  STAFF 

Strasburg  carving  carry  iipon  the  face  of  it  the 
conviction  that  the  date  (830)  claimed  for  it 
(Barrault,  p.  22)  is  not  far  from  the  truth. 

Independently  of  the  few  monuments  that 
have  survived,  we  find  that  a  writer  of  the  time 
of  Charles  the  Bald  (died  A.D.  877)  could  even 
then  speak  of  the  curved  staff  as  an  antiquity 
(Mabillon,  Acta  SS.  Ben.  Saec.  iii.  pt.  ii.  p. 
244). 

In  the  case  of  the  curved  staff  we  can  distin- 
guish  three   constituent  parts — the  point,  the 


PASTORAL  STAFF 


1569 


Kemigius  is  an  example  of  early  work  in 
precious  metal.  The  so-called  staff  of  St.  Augus- 
tine (which  Gavantus  thinks  is  at  Valentin  in 
Spain,  while  Baronius  (in  anno  504)  places  it  in 
Sardinia)  is  made  of  ivory.  Besides  wood,  ivory 
and  the  precious  metals  as  the  material  of  the 
pastoral  staff,  we  find  mention  of  horn,  brass, 
iron,  lead,  and  even  crystal,  both  for  the  volutes 
and  the  knobs  of  the  rod.  It  is  possible,  how- 
ever, that  the  surviving  specimens  made  in 
base  metal  were  not  actually  l)orne,  but  weiu 


L 


rod,  and  the  crook  or  volute.  The  purpose  of 
these  several  parts  was  embodied  in  the  line 
which  appears  on  the  staff"  of  St.  Saturninus  at 
Toulouse — 

"  Curva  trahit,  quos  virga  regit,  pars  ultima  purgit." 

Latin  bishops,  says  Magri,  bear  a  staff  curved 
at  the  top  ;  Maronite  bishops  a  staff"  surmounted 
by  a  globe  and  cross  (which,  it  may  he  observed, 
is  also  the  form  of  the  staff"  in  the  figure  of 
Gregory  the  Great  that  is  engraved  with  this 
article ;  the  globe  alone  is  found  in  an  Anglo- 
Saxon  MS.  of  the  9th  century  engraved  by  Dr. 
Rock);  and  Greek  bishops  carry  a  staff  in  the  form 
of  a  T  cross.  This  form  perhaps  points  to  the 
use  of  the  staff  as  a  support  (fulcinatorium).  But 
in  the  East,  where  they  do  not  sit  in  church, 
secular  persons,  as  well  as  ecclesiastics,  supported 
themselves  at  divine  service  on  a  staff  of  this 
shape. 

Material. — The  moans  of  judging  what  mate- 
rials were  employed  in  primitive  times  are  ex- 
cessively scanty.  It  seems,  however,  to  be 
generally  agreed  that  wood  entered  into  the 
fabrication  of  the  pastoral  staff.  Jlartigny  says 
that  in  primitive  times  it  was  of  wood,  and  he 
adds  that  it  was  of  cypress  most  commonly 
(Diet,  des  Antiq.  chr€t.  s.  v.  Eveques).  It  may 
however,  be  doubted  whether  any  evidence  of  the 
cypress  is  forthcoming  which  is  of  an  earlier 
date  than  the  staff  sent  to  Stephen,  bishop  of 
Tournai  (cent.  12),  and  afterwards  presented  by 
him  to  the  bishop  of  Orleans.  Staves  of  wood 
arc  cited  by  Barrault  as  existing  at  Montreuil- 
sur-mer,  Ratisbon,  the  treasury  of  Cologne,  and 
elsewhere.  The  same  writer  states  that  whilst 
the  rod  was  of  wood,  the  upper  part,  whether  in 
the  shape  of  a  tau  or  of  a  volute,  was  of  a  more 
precious  material.  Ivory  was  especially  used 
lor    the    tau-shaped    staff.     The    staff   of   St. 


merely  copies  made  for  interment  with  a  deceased 
abbat  or  bishop. 

A  question  arises  as  to  whether  the  right  or 
the  left  hand  held  the  pastoral  staff,  or  whether 
either  did  it  indiscriminately.  We  have  seen  above 
in  this  article  that  the  pastoral  staff  was  not  in 
this  respect  regulated  by  the  laws  of  the  lituus, 
which  had  to  be  held  in  the  right  hand.  The  most 
common  usage,  in  later  representations  at  least, 
is  for  a  bishop  to  hold  his  staff'  in  the  left  hand, 
while  he  raises  the  right  in  the  act  of  benedic- 
tion. Nor  does  there  appear  any  reason  to 
suppose  that  in  that  solemn  act  the  staff'  was 
ever  held  otherwise  than  in  the  left  hand.  Yet 
there  are  many  representations  of  bishops,  when 
not  engaged  in  the  act  of  benediction,  holding 
the  staff"  sometimes  in  the  right  and  sometimes 
in  the  left  hand.  The  truth  of  the  matter 
appears  to  be  that  whilst  a  bishop  in  benediction 
always  bore  his  staff  in  the  left  hand,  upon  any 
other  occasion  he  was  free  to  hold  it  in  either 
hand  as  best  suited  his  pleasure  or  convenience. 
The  annexed  plate  (p.  1570),  which  is  extracted 
from  the  work  of  Barrault,  is  described  by  him 
as  an  abbat  blessing  his  monks.  It  is  of  the 
Carlovingian  period,  and  shews  the  act  of  bene- 
diction at  an  earl}'  date. 

Dr.  Rock  (^Church  of  our  Fathers,  vol.  ii.)  has 
verified  a  large  number  ofancient  representations, 
and  they  fail  to  bear  out  the  alleged  rule  either 
in  regard  to  holding  the  staff  always  in  the  left 
hand,  or  in  regard  to  the  volute  having  any  par- 
ticular direction. 

It  remains  only  to  add  that  as  the  giving  of  the 
staff  was  a  ceremonial  of  investiture  (Be  Marca 
da  Cunc.  Eccl.  et  Imp.),  so  the  surrender  of  it 
was  the  token  of  abdication,  and  the  breaking 
of  it  was  that  of  deposition.  By  the  fourth 
council  of  Toledo  (cent.  7)  it  was  ordained  that 
in    the   restoration  of  a  deposed    bishop    thci 


1570 


PATAPIUS 


baculus  should  be  placed  in  his  hand  (can.  28). 
See  Thomassin,  Discipline,  pt.  2,  lib.  i.  c.  23,  s.  7. 
Authorities. — Albert!  de  Sacris  Utensilibus  ; 
Krazer  dc  Liturgiis ;  llartigny,  Dictionnaire 
des  Antiquites  chretiennes ;  Le  Baton  pastoral, 
par  I'Abbe  Barrault  and  Arthur  Martin,  S.J., 
extrait  du  tome  iv.  des  Melanges  d'Archeologie, 
Paris,  1856  (the  most  elaborate  treatise  on 
the  subject ;  Cahier,  S.J.,  Les  Caracte'ristiques 
des    Saints,  Art.  Crosse ;    Jlartene  de  Ecdesiae 


PATEN 

memorated  Dec.  9  (Basil.  Menol.) ;  Dec.  8  (6'n/. 
Byzant.  ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  276  ;  Surius, 
De  Froh.  Hist.  S8.  Dec.  190,  ed.  1618).  [C.  H.] 

PATEN  (Latin,  pyatena  ;  Greek,  SiVkos).  The 
wide  and  shallow  vessel  in  which  the  bread  for 
the  Eucharist  is  placed  and  consecrated. 

Patens  must  have  been  in  use  from  the  earliest 
time,  when  any  formal  ritual  was  established, 
and  no  doubt,  as  was  the  case  with  the  chalice,  the 


« 


Ritihus ;  Thomassin,  Discipline  de  VEijlise ;  Hof- 
niann.  Lexicon  Universalis;  Du  Cange,  Glos- 
sariuin  ;  Magri  (Fratres),  Hierolexicon. 

[H.  T.  A.] 
In  the  Celtic  Church— Iha  staff  of  the  bishop 
and  also,  at  a  later  date,  of  the  abbat,  was  the 
Bachal  or  Bachuil,  and  Cambata  of  the  Latinised 
Celtic  church,  which  frequently  appears  in  the 
legends  of  her  saints.  Thus  St.  Kentigern  and 
St.  Columba  exchanged  their  staves  at  parting 
on  the  banks  of  the  Melendinor  (  Vita  S.  Kent, 
c.  40),  and  St.  Columba  on  another  occasion 
gave  his  staff  (Mor  Bachall)  to  Scanlann,  prince 
of  Ossory  (Colgan,  Tr.  Thaum.  433).  The 
Bachall  mor  of  St.  Moloc  is  preserved  at  luverary 
Castle,  Argyleshire,  and  the  Quigrich  of  St.  Fillan 
has  lately  been  returned  from  Canada  and  placed 
in  the  Antiquarian  Museum,  Edinburgh.  The 
staves  or  croziers  of  St.  Mun,  St.  Fergus,  and  St. 
Donnan,  after  having  been  preserved  at  Kilmure, 
Argyleshire,  at  St.  Fergus,  and  at  Auchterless, 
both  in  Aberdeenshire,  and  used  (certainly  the 
last)  for  superstitious  purposes,  are  lost  with 
that  of  St.  Serf,  and  with  the  Bachall  Isa  of 
St.  Patrick.  But  though  the  Quigrich  of  St. 
Fillan  is  rich  in  design  and  workmanship  (Wilson, 
Prehist.  Ann.  Scot.  664  sq. ;  Proc.  Sac.  Ant.  Scot. 
xii.  122  sq.)  and  the  Bachal  mor  of  St.  Moloc 
bears  traces  of  a  metal  covering,  the  original 
staves  of  the  saints  appear  to  have  been  ot^  the 
plainest  description,  without  a  volute  and  having 
only  a  slightly  curved  head  ;  while  it  is  only 
the  veneration  of  later  ages  which  has  ornamented 
them  with  the  precious  metals  and  jewels,  and 
carvings  of  elaborate  design.'  Many  of  these 
staves  have  been  carefully  preserved,  or  in  later 
days  found,  in  Ireland,  and  are  to  be  met  with  in 
public  and  private  collections  of  antiquities, 
some  plain  but  others  richly  decorated  (P;-oc. 
Jloy.  Ir.  Acad.  viii.  330 ;  Proc.  Soc.  Ant.  Scot. 
ii.  12  sq.  xi.  59 ;  Joyce,  Irish  Names  of  Places, 
2nd  ser.  182-3 ;  Reeves,  St.  Adaimi'in,  366-7  ; 
Killen,  Ch.  Hist.  Ir.  i.  118  sq. ;  Petrie,  Pound 
Towers,  pass.).  [J,  G.J 

PxVTAPIUS,  «  our  father,"  ascetic  of  Con- 
Dtautinople,  native  of  Thebes  in  Egypt ;  corn- 


primitive  paten  differed  in  little  or  nothing  from 
a  vessel  of  domestic  use  ;  and  until  the  primitive 
practice  of  employing  the  cakes  of  bread  brought 
as  oblations  by  the  congregation  was  superseded 
by  that  of  using  wafers  made  expressly,  patens 
were  often  of  large  size.  Such  were  the  patens 
weighing  from  twenty  to  thirty  pounds  each 
which  are  mentioned  in  the  Liber  Pontificalis  as 
given  by  various  popes  in  the  4th,  6th,  7th,  and 
8th  centuries  (».  Lives  of  popes  Mark,  Hormisdas 
Sergius  and  Gregory  IIL). 

According  to  Bona  {Bcrum  Liturgicarum 
1.  XXV.  3)  these  large  patens  were  ministeriales, 
and  were  not  used  by  the  priest  celebrating,  but 
only  in  distribution  to  the  people. 

Patenae  chrismales  are  also  mentioned  which, 
according  to  Bona,  were  "  ad  usum  baptismatis 
et  confirmationis,"  but  very  little  would  appear 
to  be  known  as  to  their  use. 

It  is  obvious  from  what  has  been  said  above 
that  patens  in  the  larger  churches  were  in  the 
earlier  ages  often  of  great  size.  Pioman  silver 
was  extremely  massive,  but  patens  weighing 
23  lbs.  must  have  been  of  very  considerable 
dimensions.  A  modern  circular  salver  15  inches 
in  diameter  may  weigh  about  5  lbs.,  and  the  size 
of  those  weighing  20  and  25  lbs.  may  thence  be 
roughly  inferred  to  have  been  not  less  than  2  feet 
to  2  2  feet  in  diameter,  if  circular,  and  very  pro- 
bably much  more.  If  the  material  were  gold,  the 
size  would  of  course  be  much  smaller.  Many, 
doubtless,  were  much  less.  The  golden  paten  (if 
it  be  one)  found  at  Gourdon  measures  about  7J 
inches  by  5 J  inches,  and  the  circular  paten  found 
in  Siberia  measures  7  inches  in  diameter. 

Patens  were  probably  usually  circular  ;  two  so 
formed  are  shewn  on  an  altar  "in  a  mosaic  in  S. 
Vitale  in  Ravenna,  the  building  of  which  church 
was  commenced  in  a.d.  547.  In  S.  Apollinare  ad 
Classem,  near  the  same  city,  a  building  of  about 
the  same  date,  two  objects,  which  it  would  seem 
are  intended  for  patens,  are  of  a  sexfoil  shape 
(Webb,  Continental  Ecclesiology,  p.  440).  One 
octagonal  in  form  is  said  in  the  Liber  Pontificalis 
to  have  been  given  by  pope  Gregory  IV.  (A.D. 
827-844)  to  the  church  of  S.  Maria  in  Via  Lata 
in  Rome ;  mention  is  made  in  the  same  work  of 


PATEN 

,  a  covered  paten  of  gold  weighing  23  lbs.  which 
pope  Leo  III.  gave  to  the  church  of  St.  Peter. 
That  of  Gourdon  is  oblong  in  form,  from  which 
fact  it  has  been  doubted  whether  it  was  really  a 
paten. 

The  material  was  most  commonly  silver,  but 
not  unfrequently  gold ;  e.g.  the  Byzantine  emperor 
Michael  sent  to  pope  Nicholas  I.  "  Patenam  ex 
auro  purissimo  cum  diversis  lapidibus  pretiosis, 
albis,  prasinis  et  hyacinthinis  "  (Zi6.  Pontif.  in 
vita  Kicholai).  Pope  Zepherinus  (a.d.  203-221) 
is  said  in  the  Lib.  Pontif.  to  have  ordered  that 
patens  of  glass  should  be  borne  before  the  priests 
in  the  churches  when  masses  were  celebrated. 
They  were  not  unfrequently  formed  of  this 
material.  Gregory  of  Tours  (ffe  Mirac.  S.  Martini, 
lib.  4,  c.  10)  mentions  a  paten  of  a  sapphire 
colour,  which  doubtless  was  of  glass ;  and  the 
"sacro  catino  "  at  Genoa  of  green  glass,  which, 
through  the  middle  ages  was  supposed  to  be  an 
emerald,  may  very  possibly  have  been  a  paten 
it  is  hexagonal.  Cav.  de  Rossi  has  given  en- 
gravings {Boll,  di  Arch.  Crist.  1864,  p.  80,  Al, 
5)  of  fragments  found  at  Cologne  of  a  glass  \  essi  I 
almost  a  foot  in  diameter  which  he  believes  to 
have  served  as  a  paten;  and  another  almost  entire 
exists  in  the  Slade  collection  in  the  British 
Museum  {Cat.  of  Slade  Coll.  p.  50),  which  was 
originally  about  10  inches  in  diameter  ;  this  was 
also  found  at  Cologne,  and  may  perhaps  be 
assigned  to  the  4th  or  5th  century  ;  the  decora- 
tion of  these  vessels  is  described  below.  In  the 
treasury  of  St.  Mark  at  Venice  are  two  or  three 
shallow  basins  of  glass,  which  have  probablv 
been  used  as  patens  ;  they  are,  however,  possibly 
later  in  date  than  the  period  embraced  by  this 
work.  Other  materials  were  sometimes  used ; 
in  the  same  treasury  is  a  Byzantine  paten  of 
alabaster,  about  IS^  inches  in  diameter,  and 
several  shallow  vesels,  probably  once  used  as 
patens,  of  agate,  sardonyx,  or  other  semi-precious 
stones,  handsomely  mounted  in  silver  gilt  with 
inserted  gems.  It  is  impossible  to  affix  precise 
dates  to  most  of  these,  but  if  they  do  not  belong 
to  the  period  treated  of  in  l.'">ese  volumes,  we  can 
no  doubt  form  from  them  coirect  ideas  as  to  the 
forms,  sizes,  and  decorations  of  patens  during 
some  centuries  antecedent  to  A.D.  1204,  about 
which  time  they  were  probably  brought  from 
Constantinople  to  Venice  with  the  other  spoil 
obtained  when  that  city  was  taken  by  the 
Crusaders. 

As  the  vessels  used  in  the  earliest  times  as 
patens  were  either  actually  such  as  had  served 
domestic  uses  or,  as  in  the  case  of  chalices,  were 
formed  upon  the  same  models,  and  as  the 
Christians  of  the  earlier  ages  undoubtedly  were 
in  the  habit  of  ornamenting  their  domestic 
utensils  with  crosses  and  other  religious  symbols, 
it  is  often  a  matter  of  much  difficulty  to  dis- 
tinguish between  vessels  which  were  and  which 
were  not  intended  to  be  used  exclusively  in  the 
rites  of  the  church.  Thus  it  has  been  doubted 
by  that  eminent  authority.  Padre  Garrucci, 
whether  the  golden  vesstd  found  at  Gourdon, 
and  shewn  in  the  accompanying  woodcut,  was 
intended  to  be  used  as  a  paten,  although  it  is 
decorated  with  a  cross.  His  chief  reason  for  the 
doubt  is  its  form,  there  being,  ho  thinks,  no 
instance  known  of  a  paten  thus  shaped.  As,  how- 
ever, the  form  would  be  by  no  means  incon- 
venient, and  as  wc  have  an  instance,  as  mentioned 

CHRIST.    ANT. VOL.    II. 


PATEN 


1571 


above,  of  an  octagonal  paten,  the  objection  does 
not  seem  decisive.  We  have  but  few  "examples  of 
early  patens,  and  it  seems  quite  possible  that 
some  may  have  had  this  oblong  form,  one  not 
uncommon  in  Roman  silver  vessels,  for  secular 
examples,  probably  of  the  5th  century,  may  be 
seen  in  the  British  Museum,  and  the  "Corbrido-e 
Lanx  is  an  earlier  instance.  In  favour  of  the 
supposition  that  it  was  actually  a  paten,  it  mav 
be  remarked  that  it  was  found  with  a  chalice 
(y.  Cualice),  and  that  the  centre  has  a  cross 
which  is  in  slight  relief,  a  circumstance  which 
would  seem  to  make  it  ill-suited  for  the  ordinary 
purposes  of  domestic  life.     That  patens  were  so 


decorated,  we  may  learn  from  the  passage  in  the 
Liber  Pontif.,  where  we  are  told  that  pope  Ser- 
gius  (a.d.  687-701)  gave  to  the  Vatican  Basilica 
"  patenam  auream  majorem  habentem  gemmas 
albas  et  in  medio  ex  hyacintho  et  smaragdo  cru- 
cem  ").  It  was  found  with  coins  of  the  earlier 
part  of  the  6th  century,  but  may  perhaps  be 
still  older.  The  octagonal  paten  alluded  to  above 


was  decorated  in  the  centre  with  the  head  of  our 
Lord,  having  on  the  one  side  the  head  of  St. 
Mark,  and  on  the  other  that  of  pope  Gregory  IV., 
the  donor. 

The  paten  shewn  in  the  other  cut  is  of  silver 
gilt,  and  was  found  in  one  of  the  Berozovoy  isles 
3  I 


1572 


PATEN 


in  Siberia,  in  the  year  18G7  ;  it  weighs  about  a 
pound  and  a  half,  and  measures  about  6  inches 
in  diameter.  Cav.  de  Rossi  {Boll,  di  Ant.  Crist. 
1871,  p.  153)  is  of  opinion  that  it  is  of  Byzan- 
tine origin,  and  dates  probably  from  about  the 
7th  century. 

The  paten  of  alabaster  mentioned  above  has  in 
the  centre  a  medallion  with  a  half-length  figure 
of  our  Lord  in  cloisonne  enamel ;  on  another,  also 
in  the  treasury  of  St.  Mark's  (of  agate  or  sar- 
donyx ?)  is  a  similar  medallion,  with  the  words, 
Aa)3eTe  <pdyeTf  rovrh  /.wv  icrrl  Th  crcofxa.  These 
may  perhaps  be  assigned  to  the  10th  or  11th 
century. 

The  paten  of  glass  found  at  Cologne,  of  which 
only  fragments  remain,  was  of  clear  uncoloured 
glass  ornamented  by  three  concentric  circles  of 
medallions  of  blue  transparent  glass  of  varying 
dimensions.  The  larger  of  these  are  decorated 
with  figures,  the  smaller  with  rosettes,  all  exe- 
cuted by  the  application  of  gold  leaf,  which  has 
1>een  removed  except  where  required  to  form  the 
figures,  which  were  then  completed  by  a  few 
lines  marking  out  the  features,  folds  of  drapery, 
and  other  details.     The  subjects  of  these  medal- 


at  Cologtie. 


lions  are  chiefly  Biblical— Adam  and  Eve,  the 
story  of  Jonah,  that  of  Daniel,  the  sacrifice  of 
Isaac,  &c.  In  most  cases  only  one  figure  is  to  be 
found  in  each  medallion.  The  centre  was  pro- 
bably occupied  by  a  figure  of  the  Good  Shepherd, 
symbolizing  our  Lord. 

The  paten  of  glass  mentioned  above  as  being  in 
the  Slade  collection  in  the  British  Museum  is 
decorated  with  gold  leaf  by  the  same  method,  and 
with  enamelling  in  blue,  green,  and  red  ;  but  the 
subjects  are  not  in  medallions,  but  ai-ranged,  as 
will  be  seen  in  the  woodcut,  in  eight  compart- 
ments, divided  by  slender  columns.  The  subjects 
of  these  are — Jonah  coming  out  of  the  whale,  and 
in  the  background,  reclining  under  the  gourd, 
Jonah  thrown  overboard ;  the  paralytic  man 
<arrying  his  bed  ;  the  Nativity  ;  the  sacrifice  of 
Isaac,  or  perhaps,  more  probably,  the  baptism  of 
our  Lord ;  the  three  Hebrew  youths  in  the 
furnace  ;  and  Daniel  in  the  lions'  den.  Of  the 
centre,  small  fragments  only  remain,  but  on 
them  may  be  distinguished  a  figure  of  an  animal, 
apparently    a   sheep,    and    the    letters    eo  .  .  . 


PATEN 

DULCi.\  i  The    subject   was,    there    can    be    ihi 
doubt,  the  Good  Shepherd. 

Another  vessel  of  glass,  which  may  very  pro- 
bably have  served  as  a  paten,  is  in  the  collection 
of  M.  Basilewsky  at  Paris.  It  has  been  figured 
and  described  twice  in  Cav.  de  Rossi's  Bullettino 
(1874,  p.  153  ;  1877,  p.  77),  and  will  be  treated 
of  a  third  time  in  the  same  publication.  It 
would  appear  to  be  9  inches  in  diameter,  and 
is  a  shallow  dish.  De  Rossi  does  not  call  it  a 
paten,  but  a  "  piatto " ;  the  central  subject, 
Abraham  about  to  sacrifice  Isaac,  seems,  how- 
ever, one  very  appropriate  to  a  paten.  Round 
the  central  subject  are  the  following  subjects  : 
the  history  of  Jonah;  the  temptation  of 
Adam ;  the  raising  of  Lazarus ;  a  figure 
striking  a  tree,  whence  issues  water;  Daniel 
in  the  lions'  den ;  the  three  Hebrew  youths 
in  the  furnace ;  and  Susanna  and  the  elders. 
The  subjects  are  accompanied  by  inscriptions, 
which  contain  many  irregularities,  e.g.  Abraham 
occurs  in  place  of  Adam,  and  that  attached  to 
the  figure  striking  the  tree  reads,  '•  Petrus 
virga  perculit."  The  lines  of  the  engraving  are 
scratchy  and  irregular  and  apparently  done  with 
a  diamond  point.  The  art  is  of  the  lowest 
order,  but  Cav.  de  Rossi  thinks  that  the  date 
may  be  circa  A.D.  400  ("tra  il  quarto  e  il 
quinto  secolo  ").  It  was  found  in  Podgoritza, 
the  ancient  Doclea,  in  Dalmatia. 

Occasionally  patens  bore  inscriptions  comme- 
morating the  donor,  or  containing  mention  of 
the  church  to  which  they  belonged.  One  of 
silver,  of  the  5th  or  6th  century,  which 
belonged  to  the  Vatican  Basilica,  has  been 
illustrated  by  Fontanini  {Discus  Argenteus 
votivus  vcterum  Christianorum,  Romae,  1726). 

As  ancient  examples  of  patens  are  so  uncom- 
mon, it  is  desirable  in  illustration  of  the  subject 


Ivory  Carvmff.    Artiiljisbop  celebrating 


to  mention  examples  in  which  they 
sented  in  works  of  art  of  early  date. 


are  repre- 
Reprcsen- 


PATER 

tations  in  early  art  of  liturgical  or  ritual  acts 
are  of  the  greatest  rarity,  and  few  can  be  found 
in  which  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist  is 
represented.  One  of  these,  that  in  which  Mel- 
chisedek  is  represented  as  if  officiating  at  an 
altar,  in  a  mosaic  in  the  church  of  S.  ApoUinare 
ad  Classem  at  Eavenna,  has  been  already  adverted 
to.  On  the  paliotto  of  the  high  altar  of  S. 
Ambrogio  at  Milan,  in  the  panel  in  which  the 
saint  is  represented  at  the  altar,  no  paten  at  all 
is  shewn,  but  four  small  round  cakes,  perhaps 
3  to  4  inches  wide,  disposed  in  a  cruciform 
order,  and  marked  with  two  lines  crossing  each 
other.  This  monument  dates  from  a.d.  835.  In 
the  Public  Library  at  Frankfort  on  the  Main  is 
preserved  a  piece  of  carved  ivoryformed  like  the 
half  of  a  diptych,  which  probably  once  formed 
part  of  the  binding  of  some  service  book,  from  a 
part  of  which  the  annexed  cut,  representing  an 
archbishop  celebrating  mass,  is  taken.  The  carver 
may  be  supposed  to  have  intended  to  represent  a 
paten  about  6  inches  in  diameter.  This  carving 
IS  probably  of  the  9th  century. 

The  last  example  to  be  noticed  is,  although  of 
«arly  date,  not  within  the  limit  of  this  work  ;  but 
some  mention  of  it  should  be  made.  It  is  the 
group  which  forms  part  of  the  embroidery  of 
the  dalmatic  called  that  of  pope  Leo  III.,  but 
v.'hich  probably  dates  from  a  period  not  far  from 
A.D.  1200,  and  is  of  Byzantine  work.  In  this  our 
Lord  is  represented  as  standing  behind  an  altar, 
and  extending  to  one  of  His  apostles,  with  His 
right  hand,  a  loaf  or  cake  of  bread,  circular  in 
form,  and  indented  by  two  lines  crossing  each 
other,  while  he  holds  another  similar  cake  in  his 
left  hand.  On  the  altar  stands  a  paten,  a  circular 
vessel  with  upright  sides,  and  less  shallow  than 
patens  would  seem  to  have  usually  been ;  in  pro- 
portion to  the  figures,  its  diameter  would  seem 
to  be  about  12  inches,  and  its  depth  about  4 
inches.  In  it  are  two  small  circles,  andt  wo  cakes, 
each  composed  of  four  circles  of  the  size  of  the 
lesser  ones.  The  best  engravings  of  this  dalmatic 
are  those  given  in  the  Kleinodicti  hcil.  Horn. 
JRciches.  [A.  N.] 

PATER.     [Father.] 

PATERMUTHIUS,  martyr  under  Julian; 
commemorated  July  9  (Basil.  Menol. :  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jul.  ii.  703).  [C.  H.] 

PATERNUS,  bishop  and  confessor ;  com- 
memorated at  Coutances  Ap.  16  (Bed.  Mart. 
Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii.  427)  ;  Sept.  23 
Usuard.  3Iart.).  [C.  H.] 

PATIANUS,  bishop  in  the  time  of  Theo- 
dosius ;  commemorated  at  Barcelona  Mar.  9 
(Usuard.  Mart.).  •         [C.  H.] 

PATIENS,  bishop  of  Lyon ;  commemorated 
Sept.  11  {Mart.  Hieron.  ;  Vsunrd.  3Iart.  Auct.- 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  iii.  791).  [C.  H.] 

TATRIARGB.  (naTpL^pxvs,patriarcha).  The 
title  patriarch  seems  to  have  been  introduced 
into  the  Christian  church  from  the  later  organi- 
zation of  the  Jews.  In  pre-Christian  times  the 
■Karpia    was    a    subdivision    of    the    tribe    (e.g. 

1  Esdr.  i.  4 ;  ii.  7),  and  one  of  the  titles  of  the 
heads  of  these  subdivisions  was  irarpLapxfls  (e.g. 

2  Chron.  xxiii.  20,  where  some  MSS.  have  sKaTOv- 


PATRIARCH 


1573 


rdpxovs  :  conversely  in  1  Chron.  ix.  9  the  usual 
reading  is  dpxovns  ■n-arptwi',  and  that  of  some 
MSS.  iraTpidpxaO  5  the  same  title  seems  also  to 
have  been  sometimes  given  to  the  head  of  the 
tribe  itself,  1  Chron.  xxvii.  22.  How  far  the 
tribal  organization  survived  the  dispersion  is  not 
clear ;  but  as  the  same  title  is  found  under  the 
empire  to  designate  the  heads  of  Jewish  commu- 
nities, or  confederations  of  communities,  it  is 
probable  that  the  later  use  was  a  continuation 
of  the  earlier.  The  first  mention  of  these  later 
TraTpidpxai-  is  probably  in  a  letter  of  Hadrian, 
quoted  by  Yopiscus  ( Vit.  Satumin.  c.  2)  ;  they 
are  also  mentioned  by  Origen  (Comni.  in  Psalm. 
vol.  ii.  p.  514,  ed.  Delarue),  by  Eusebius  (Comm. 
in  Isai.  c.  3,  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  xxiv.  109),  by 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem  (Catech.  12,  ,17),  but  more 
particularly  by  Epiphanius  (i.  30,  p.  128),  who 
implies  that  the  office  was  one  of  considerable 
dignity.  They  are  also  mentioned  in  the  civil 
law— e.flf.  Cod.  Theodos.  16,  8,  1,  2,  11,  13;  but 
from  Cod.  Theodos.  16,  8,  29,  and  Theodoret, 
Eranistes,  op.  vol.  iv.  p.  32,  ed.  Schulze,  Migne, 
P.  G.  vol.  Ixxxiil.  61,  it  appears  that  in  the  first 
quarter  of  the  5th  century  the  office  came  to  an 
end.  (On  these  Jewish  patriarchs,  see  Gotho- 
fredus,  ad  Cod.  Theodos.  II.  cc. ;  Wesseling  de 
Judaeorum  archontibus,  c.  10,  reprinted  in  Ugo- 
lini's  Thesaurus,  vol.  xxiv.  ;  Walch,  Historia 
Patriarcharum  Judaeorum  quorum  in  libris  juris 
Romani  fit  mentio,  Jenae,  1752  ;  Zornius,  de 
Patriarchahtm  Judaeorum  auro  coronario,  re- 
printed in  Ugolini's  TJiesaurus,  vol.  xxvi.) 

The  title  seems  to  have  been  in  use  in  the 
Christian  church  before  its  extinction  among 
the  Jews.  The  earliest  references  to  it  are 
vague  ;  nor  is  it  clear  in  what  sense  it  was  used, 
or  to  whom  it  was  restricted.  Basil  (Epist. 
169,  vol.  iv.  p.  258),  writing  to  Gregory  Nazi- 
anzen  about  the  deacon  Glycerins,  says  that, 
despising  his  presbyter  and  his  chorepiscopus,  he 
had  invested  himself  with  the  name  and  dress 
of  the  patriarchate,  by  which  must  probably  be 
meant  the  episcopate.  Gregory  of  Nyssa  (Orat. 
funchr.  in  3felet.  Antioch.,  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  xlvi. 
853)  uses  it  in  a  rhetorical  passage  of  all  the 
bishops  who  were  assembled  at  the  council  of 
Constantinople.  Gregory  Nazianzen  (^Orat.  xlii. 
p.  764)  appears  to  use  it  as  a  term  specially 
applicable  to  senior  bishops,  Tvpea^vrepwv  iiri- 
ffK6vwv  olKei6T€pov  Be  TTarpiap^wu,  a  use  which  is 
confirmed  by  its  use  in  Isidore  of  Pelusium 
(Epist.  2,  47,  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  Ixxviii.  489). 
But  whether  it  was  at  any  time  applied,  except 
metaphorically,  to  all  bishops  is  very  doubtful, 
though  it  was  occasionally  applied  to  bishops 
who  would  not  have  been  called  patriarchs  in 
either  of  the  technical  senses  which  the  word 
came  ultimately  to  bear. 

(1)  In  its  most  important  use  the  title  has 
been  confined  to  the  bishops  of  the  five  sees  of 
Rome,  Constantinople,  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and 
Jerusalem.  This  use  grew  out  of  the  general^ 
tendency  to  frame  the  higher  organization  of 
the  church  on  the  lines  which  were  furnished 
by  the  empire.  The  gradations  of  rank  between 
bishop  and  bishop,  which  coi-respouded  to  the 
gradations  of  rank  between  city  and  city  of  the 
same  province,  came  to  exist  between  metropolis 
and  metropolis  of  the  greater  divisions  of  the 
empire.  At  the  time  of  the  council  of  Nicaea 
the  great  divisions  of  the  East  were  the  four 
5    12 


1574 


PATKIAECH 


dioeccses,  Oriens,  Pontica,  Asiana,  Thraciae  (this 
appears  from  the  VeroDcse  MS.  which  is  pub- 
lished by  Mommsen,  Ahhandlung  d.  Berlin. 
Academic,  1862,  p.  491).  Each  of  these  diosccses 
was  divided  into  pi-ovinces  (^iirapxiai),  and  each 
province  had  one  or  more  metropolis  (e.g.  in  the 
province  of  Asia,  Ephesus,  Sardes,  Smyrna,  and 
Pergamurn  were  all  called  iJ.riTpoir6\ets;  the 
references  in  proof  are  given  in  Marqiiardt, 
Edmische  Staatsverwaltung,  Bd.  i.  p.  186). 
Egypt  was  at  this  time  part  of  the  dioecesis 
Orientis,  but  the  sixth  canon  of  the  council 
anticipates  the  later  civil  organization  by  recog- 
nizing it  as  an  independent  ecclesiastical  division, 
and  subjecting  to  the  bishop  of  Alexandria  not 
cnly  the  bishops  of  Egypt,  but  also  those  of 
Pentapolis  and  Libya.  There  were  thus  in  the 
East  five  great  confederations  of  churches,  each 
of  which  was  independent  of  the  other ;  in  the 
West  the  see  of  Rome  stood  alone  in  its  supre- 
macy. In  the  following  century  the  council  of 
Chalcedon,  c.  28,  took  away  the  ecclesiastical 
independence  of  the  dioeceses  of  Pontus,  Asia,  and 
Thrace,  and  subjected  them  to  the  see  of  Con- 
stantinople, thus  reducing  the  number  of  sees  of 
the  highest  rank  to  Kome,  Constantinople, 
Alexandria,  Antioch,  with  which  the  see  of 
Jerusalem  was  reckoned,  extra  ordinem.  This 
action  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon  was  vigorously 
protested  against  by  the  Roman  delegates,  Leo 
the  Great  I'ejected  it,  and  the  28th  canon  is  not 
inserted  in  the  authorized  Latin  versions  of  the 
acts  of  the  council  (see  the  Actio  Scxtadecima  of 
the  council  in  Mansi,  vol.  iv.  p.  379  ;  S.  Leon. 
M.  Epist.  94  (35),  vol.  i.  p.  1198  d  ;  Epist.  119 
(92),  vol.  i.  p.  1215). 

But  it  is  remarkable  that  although  the  title 
"  patriarch  "  was  not  unfrequently  given  to  the 
bishops  of  these  sees  in  contemporary  extra- 
conciliar  literature,  and  became  in  later  times 
their  ordinary  official  appellation,  it  does  not 
occur  in  the  canons  of  any  of  the  councils  of  the 
first  eight  centuries ;  nor  is  it  confined  exclu- 
sively to  them  until  the  time,  probably  the  9th 
century,  at  which  earliest  Notitiae  were  com- 
piled. In  extra-conciliar  literature,  it  is  given 
(a)  to  the  bishop  of  Rome,  e.g.  by  Cyril  of 
Alexandria,  Homil.  Divers.  11,  ap.  Migne,  Patrol. 
Graec.  vol.  Ixxvii.  1040,  by  the  emperor  Theo- 
dosius,  Epist.  ad  Gall.  Placid,  ap.  S.  Leon.  M. 
Epist.  63,  vol.  i.  p.  989,  and  by  Justinian 
Contra  Monophysitas,  ap.  Mai,  Script.  Vet.  vol. 
vii.  p.  304;  in  later  times,  Hrabanus  Maurus 
addresses  the  pope  as  "primus  patriarcha  per 
orbem,"  Ccmmendatio  Tapae  prefixed  to  the 
treatise  Be  Laudibus  S.  Crucis,  ap.  Migne,  Patr. 
Lat.  vol.  cvii.  139.  (6)  It  is  given  to  the  bishop 
of  Constantinople  in  the  civil  law,  e.g.  Justin. 
Novell.  3 ;  but  the  assumption  of  the  title 
"  Oecumenical  Patriarch  "  (6  olKov/j.eviKhs  irarpi- 
dpXVS,  perhaps  first  by  Mennas  in  a  synodical 
letter  of  the  council  of  Constantinople  in  536, 
Mansi,  vol.  viii.  p.  959,  and  frequently  after- 
ward, e.g.  C.  I.  G.  No.  8685),  raised  a  strong 
protest  iu  the  West  (S.  Greg.  M.  Epist.  5,  43, 
p.  773  ;  Pelag.  II.  Becret.  ad  Universes  Episcopos. 
ap.  Hinschius,  p.  721),  and  even  before  the  final 
."leparation  of  the  Eastern  and  Western  churches 
led  to  the  omission  of  the  name  of  Constanti- 
nople from  the  list  of  "  primae  sedes  "  (see  e.g. 
the  Fracfatio  Nicaeni  Cmcilii  in  Quesnel's  Codem 
Canon.  Eccles.  printed  in  the  Ballerini  edition  of 


PATEIAECH 

S.  Lso  M.  vol.  iii.  p.  22  ;  the  Pseudo-lsidoriaa 
decretals,  Anaclet.  Epist:  3,  ap.  Hinschius,  p. 
82 ;  hence  in  Hincmar  Remens.  Opusc.  in  Causa 
Hincmar.  Lavdwn.  c.  16,  ap.  Migne,  Patrol.  Lat. 
vol.  cxxvi.  334  ;  see  also  Cacciari,  Exercit.  in  S. 
Leon  M.  Opera  de  Eutrjchian.  Haeres.  lib.  2, 
c.  4,  in  the  Ballerini  edition  of  St.  Leo,  vol.  ii. 
p.  471,  and  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol.  Iv.  1251). 
(c)  It  is  given  to  the  bishop  of  Alexandria,  e.g. 
by  Justinian  contra  Monophysitas,  ap.  Mai, 
Script.  Yet.  vol.  vii.  p.  309,  and  by  Gregory  the 
Great,  Epist.  5,  43,  p.  770  ;  for  the  later  history 
of  this  patriarchate,  see  Neale,  History  of  the 
Holy  Eastern  Church,  Patriarchate  of  Constan- 
tinople; Renaudot,  Liturg.  Oriental,  vol.  i.  ; 
Vansleb,  Histoire  de  I'Eglise  d'Alexandrie  ;  Den- 
zinger,  Ritus  Orientalium.  (d)  It  is  given  to 
the  bishop  of  Antioch,  e.g.  by  Gregory  the 
Great,  Epist.  i.  26,  p.  516,  and  in  an  interesting 
inscription  of  the  7th  century,  now  at  Oxford, 
Corjnis  Inscr.  Graec.  No.  8987,  in  which 
Macarius  is  called  iraTpidpxvs  ttjs  fnydx-ns  deov 
Tr6\eco'!  'AvTioxf'^as  Kal  Trda-ris  di/aroAf/y,  i.e.  of 
the  Bioecesis  Orientis.  For  the  Jacobite 
Patriarchs  who  claim  to  continue  the  succession 
of  the  patriarchate  of  Antioch,  see  Denzinger, 
Situs  Orientalium;  Gregor.  Barhebr.  Nomocan. 
7,  3,  ap.  Mai,  Script.  Vet.  vol.  x.  pars  2  ;  and 
the  posthumous  fragment  of  Neale's  History  of 
the  Holy  Eastern  Church,  edited  by  G.  Williams. 
(e)  It  is  given  to  the  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  e.g. 
in  Justin.  Epist.  ad  Episcop.  Constantin.  dagentes, 
A.D.  536,  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  ix.  178. 

(2)  The  title  was  also  given  to  the  bishop  ot 
the  metropolis  of  a  civil  dioecesis ;  i.  e.  of  a 
division  of  the  empire  consisting  of  several 
provinces.  In  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  9,  such  a  bishop 
is  called  ii,apxos  ;  but  (a)  Justin.  {Novell.  123,  c. 
22),  in  referring  to  this  canon,  speaks  of  the  same 
officer  as  a  patriarch ;  (6)  an  ancient  scholium 
on  the  same  canon  ap.  Pitra  (Jur.  Eccl.  Graec. 
vol.  ii.  p.  645)  says,  e^apxov  SioiK7]a-€ccs  Ka\ei 
rhf  iraTpidpxVi'  fKdarr]!  StoiKr](rebis,  and  Zonaras 
ad  loc.  ap.  Migne,  Patr.  Gr.  vol.  cxxxvii.  p.  420, 
also  mentions  this  interpretation ;  (c)  Evagrius, 
H.  E.  3,  6,  p.  340,  probably  following  the  con- 
temporary writer  Zacharias  Rhetor,  speaks  of  the 
right  of  which  c.  28  of  the  same  council 
deprived  Ephesus,  and  which  Timotheus  Aelurus 
temporarily  restored  to  it,  as  rh  iraTpiapxiK-'i'V 
S'lKatov.  It  was  hence  sometimes  given  to  any 
metropolitan  who  had  other  metropolitans  under 
him;  e.  g.  to  the  bishop  of  Thessalonica,  as 
head  of  the  vicariate  of  Macedonia,  Theodorus 
Lector,,  p.  586,  ed.  Vales,  ap.  Migne,  Pafr.  Gr. 
vol.  Ixxxviii.  217  (the  status,  although  not  the 
title,  is  recognised  by  S.  Leo  M.  Epist.  6  (4)  ad 
Anastas.  Tliessalon.  vol.  i.  p.  621 ;  Theophanes, 
Chron.  p.  139,  quoting  this  passage,  and  knowing 
only  the  later  use  of  the  title,  thinks  this  use  of 
it  to  be  erroneous) ;  to  the  bishop  of  Theopolis 
(Prusa)  in  the  acts  of  the  council  of  Constan- 
tinople in  A.D.  536,  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  ix.  pp.  191, 
206 ;  to  the  bishop  of  Bourges  (as  having 
beneath  him  not  only  his  own  proper  province  of 
Aquitania  Prima,  but  also  Narbonensis  with  its 
metropolis  Narbonne,  and  Aquitania  Secunda 
with  its  capital  Bordeaux),  Nicol.  I.  Epist.  19  ad 
Rudolph.  Bituric.  A.D.  864,  ap.  I^Iansi,  vol.  xv. 
p.  3d0,  =  Epist.  6S  ap.  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol. 
cxix.  884;  Desider.  Cadurc.  Epist.  12  ad  Sulpit. 
Bituric.  ap.  Canisii  Thesaurus,  vol.  i.  p.  64 ;  to 


PATRICIA 

the  bishop  of  Lyons,  2  Couc.  Matisc.  A.D.  585, 
pracf.,  S.  Greg.  Turon.  H.  F.  5,  21,  Petr. 
Venerab.  Epitaph.  Eaiiiald.  Lugdun.  ap.  Migne, 
Pat.  Lat.  vol.  clxxxix.  1022.  But  its  use  in  this 
sense  was  ultimately  superseded  in  the  West  by 
the  use  of  the  title  "  primate "  [Primate]. 
The  two  titles  are  identified  in  the  Pseudo- 
Isidorian  decretals,  e.  g.  Clement.  Epist.  i.  c.  28  ; 
Anaclet.  Epist.  ii.  c.  26,  Epist.  iii.  c.  29 ; 
Zepherin.  Epist.   2  ;  Annie.  Epist.  c.  3. 

(A  passage  of  Socrates,  IT.  E.  5,  i.  seems  to 
point  to  a  third  use  of  the  title.  In  his  account 
of  the  council  of  Constantinople  in  A.D.  381  he  not 
only  says  that  it  constituted  patriarchs,  but  also 
gives  their  names  :  six  of  them  are  metropoli- 
tans, but  one  of  them,  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  is  not 
even  a  metropolitan.  It  may  be  inferred  from 
this,  and  from  a  comparison  with  the  similar 
account  in  Cod.  Theodos.  16,  1,  2;  Sozom.  //.  E. 
7,  9,  that  the  dignity  thus  conferred  was  tem- 
porary and  personal,  giving  a  supremacy  to  the 
particular  bishops  named  which  did  not  attach 
to  their  sees,  and  which  had  reference  primarily 
to  the  current  controversy.  But  the  text  of  the 
passage  is  not  certain ;  some  old  versions  of  it, 
e.  g.  in  Cassiodorus,  Hisp.  Tripart.  9,  13,  Migne, 
Patr.  Lat.  vol.  Ixix.  1129,  represent  Gregory  of 
Nyssa  as  having  been  transferred  to  Caesarea,  in 
which  case  the  word  may  perhaps  be  taken  as 
equivalent  to  metropolitan.) 

Outside  the  limits  of  the  Catholic  church  of 
the  Roman  organization,  it  was  the  title  of  the 
head  of  the  Montanist  hierarchy,  S.  Hieron. 
Epist.  41  (54)  ad  Marcell.  vol.  i.  p.  189  ap. 
Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol.  xxii.  476  ;  it  was  adopted 
as  the  designation  of  their  chief  bishop  by  the 
Vandals,  Vict.  Vitens.  de  Persec.  Vandal.  2,  5, 
p.  15 ;  it  appears  to  have  been  similarly  adopted 
imder  the  Lombard  kings  of  Italy,  and  heuce 
the  bishops  of  Aquileia,  and  afterwards  of  New 
Aquileia  (Grado),  were  called  patriarchs,  Paul. 
Diacon.  de  Gestis  Zangobard.  2,  10,  ap.  Migne, 
Patr.  Lat.  vol.  xcv.  487  ;  on  these  patriarchates 
see  e.g.  Baronius,  vol.  xii.  ad  ann.  729  ;  Ughelli, 
Italia  Sacra,  vol.  v.  pp.  12,  1079  ;  Cappelletti, 
Le  Chiese  d'  Italia,  vol.  viii.  p.  9,  vol.  ix.  p.  19  ; 
the  patriarchate  of  Grado  was  transferred  to 
Venice  in  1451.  (For  other  patriarchates  which 
have  existed  or  still  exist  both  in  Eastern  Europe 
and  in  Asia,  but  which  fall  without  the  limits 
of  the  present  work,  see,  among  other  authori- 
ties, Neale,  History  of  the  Holy  Eastern  Church ; 
Denzinger,  Sitics  Orientalium;  Neher,  Kirchliche 
Geographie  u.  Statistik,  Regensburg,  1864;  Sil- 
bernagl,  Verfassung  u.  gegemcdrtiger  Bestand 
sammtlicher  Kirchen  des  Orients,  Laudshut, 
1865.)  [E.  H.] 

PATRICIA,  martyr  with  her  husband 
Macedouius,  a  presbyter,  and  her  daughter 
Modesta;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  March 
13  (Bed.,  Wand.,  Usuard.  Mart.-,  Vet.  Emu. 
Mart.).  In  Hieron.  Mart,  for  this  day  there 
occur  the  following  : — Matricia ;  Patricia  and 
her  husband  Zeddo  a  presbyter ;  at  Nicomedia, 
Macedonius  a  pi-esbyter,  his  wife  Matricia,  and 
Modesta  daughter  of  presbyter  Cion  ;  Macedonus 
and  Patricia.  [C.  H.] 

PATRICIUS  (1),  bishop  and  confessor; 
depositio  commemorated  at  Auvergne  Mar.  16 
(Usuard.  Mart.). 


PATRON 


1575 


(2)  Bishop  and  confessor,  apostle  of  Scutia 
Hibernia;  commemorated  Mar.  17.  (Bed.,  or 
Wand.,  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.  ;  BolL 
Acta  SS.  Mart.  ii.  517). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Prusa,  "holy  martyr";  com- 
memorated May  19  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cat.  Byzant. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  259.) 

(4)  Abbat ;  commemorated  at  Nevers  A\x<y. 
24  (Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.j 

PATRIMONIUM  PETRI.     [Pope.] 

PATRINI.     [Sponsors.] 

PATROBAS,  mentioned  by  St.  Paul  (Rom. 

xvi.  14) ;  commemorated  Nov.  4  (Basil.  Menol.). 

[C.  H.] 

PATROGLUS,  martyr  at  Troyes  under 
Aurelian ;  commemorated  Jan.  21  (Usuard. 
Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  842).  Jan.  2 
(Notker).  Another  Patroclus,  bishop  and  martyr 
in  Gaul,  occurs  on  this  day  in  De  Saussaye's 
Gallic  Martyrology  and  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii. 
1110.  [C.  H.] 

PATRON.  There  are  no  traces  in  the  early 
church  of  any  considerable  departure  from  the 
mode  of  appointment  to  ecclesiastical  office 
which  has  been  described  elsewhere  [Ordina- 
tion]. The  people  or  the  clergy  presented  to 
the  bishop  the  person  whom  they  had  elected  : 
the  bishop  had  the  right  of  examining  him  in 
order  to  ascertain  whether  he  fulfilled  the  re- 
quisite conditions,  and  of  declaring  the  election 
to  be  complete.  The  person  so  elected  ministered 
in  the  midst  of  the  community  which  had 
elected  him,  and  as  a  coadjutor  of  the  bishop  who 
had  admitted  him  to  office.  Even  when  out- 
lying districts  came  to  have  churches  of  their 
own,  which  had  not  a  complete  organisation, 
but  were  dependent  upon  the  church  of  the 
neighbouring  city,  the  same  system  continued 
without  substantial  change.  The  first  modifica- 
tion of  that  system  arose  from  the  practice,  which 
was  at  first  encouraged  more  in  the  East  than 
in  the  West,  of  building  places  of  worship  on 
country  estates  for  the  benefit  of  those  who  re- 
sided upon  such  estates  :  (see  the  eloquent  appeal 
of  Chrysostom  to  landowners,  Horn.  18  in  Act. 
Apost.  c.  5,  Op.  ed.  Migne,  vol.  ix.  147).  So 
different  were  these  places  of  worship  in  both 
their  origin  and  their  purpose  from  the  churches 
of  ordinary  Christian  communities,  that  the 
ordinary  internal  organization  of  such  churches 
seemed  inapplicable  to  them.  They  were  neither 
disciplinary  nor  eleemosynary,  and  consequently 
had  no  need  of  either  the  officers  of  discipline 
or  the  officers  of  almsgiving.  They  were  not 
always  within  the  territoriwn  (x'^P")  of  ^^J 
city,  and  in  such  cases  were  as  much  outside 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishop  of  a  city  as  the 
estates  upon  which  they  were  built  were  outside 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  municipal  magistrates. 
The  owners  of  the  estates  consequently  claimed 
an  absolute  control  over  them.  Nor  does  there 
appear  to  have  been  in  the  first  instance  any 
interference  with  such  control.  It  is  not  until 
the  6th  century,  and  even  then  not  in  canon  but 
in  civil  law,  that  any  enactments  are  found  on 
the  sub/cct.      Probably  in  the  interests  of  ortho- 


1576 


PATRON 


Jox  belief,  Justinian  enacted  on  the  one  hand 
that  no  church  or  oratory  should  be  erected 
without  the  consent  of  the  bishop  or  without  a 
sufficient  endowment  {Novell.  67),  and  on  the 
other  hand  that  the  founders  of  churches  should 
not  appoint  clerks  to  minister  in  a  church  with- 
out first  presenting  them  to  the  bishop  for  ex- 
amination (Novell.  57,  c.  2).  Almost  the  only 
other  eastern  regulation  is  that  of  the  Trullau 
Council,  which  virtually  repeats  the  second  of 
these  regulations,  and  in  doing  so  shews  by 
implication  that  it  had  come  to  be  disregarded 
(Co7ic.  Trull,  c.  31).     [Oratorium.] 

In  the  West  the  canons  of  Spanish  and  Galil- 
ean councils  shew  that  the  respective  rights 
of  the  owners  of  estates  and  the  bishops  of 
neighbouring  cities  were  subjects  of  frequent 
disj^ute.  The  earliest  regulation  is  that  of  the 
first  council  of  Orange  (1  Cone.  Arausic.  A.D. 
441,  c.  10)  which  enacts  that  if  a  bishop  has 
built  a  church  upon  an  estate  belonging  to  him 
which  lies  within  the  territory  of  another  bishop, 
he  shall  have  the  right  of  nominating  clerks  for 
that  church,  but  that  the  actual  appointment  of 
such  clerks,  and  also  the  dedication  of  the 
church,  shall  rest  with  the  bishop  of  the  terri- 
tory. This  enactment  implies  that  in  a  similar 
case  a  layman  had  no  absolute  right  of  nomina- 
tion, but  that  the  bishop  within  whose  territory 
the  church  was  built  could  either  accept  or  re- 
fuse the  clerks  whom  the  founder  wished  to 
appoint.  A  century  later,  within  the  Prankish 
domain,  and  after  Teutonic  conceptions  of  the 
rights  of  the  owners  of  land  had  entered 
with  the  Franks  into  Gaul,  the  fourth  Council  of 
Orleans  passed  a  series  of  enactments,  the  tenor 
of  which  shews  that  the  owners  of  estates  upon 
which  churches  were  built  claimed  large  powers 
over  such  churches  :  it  enacts  that  those  who 
build  them  are  to  endow  them  with  sufficient 
lands,  and  appoint  a  sufficient  number  of  clerks  ; 
that  they  are  not  to  appoint  such  clerks  against 
the  will  of  the  bishop  "  ad  quern  territorii  ip- 
sius  privilegium  noscitur  pertinere  ;  "  and  that. 
the  clerks,  when  appointed,  are  to  be  amenable  to 
ecclesiastical  discipline,  and  not  to  be  impeded 
by  the  owner  of  the  estate  or  his  agents  in  the 
discharge  of  their  ecclesiastical  duties  (4  Coiic. 
Aurelian.  A.D.  541,  c.  7,  26,  33).  But  in  the 
7th  century  the  council  of  Chalons-sur-Saone 
makes  it  clear  that  the  owners  of  such  estates 
had  again  asserted  a  right  both  to  appoint  and 
to  govern  their  clerks,  independently  of  the 
bishop,  and  enacts  that  this  usage  is  to  be  re- 
formed, so  as  to  give  both  the  ordination  of  clerks 
and  the  disposal  of  the  revenues  of  oratories  to 
the  bishop  {Cone.  Cahill.  A.D.  650,  c.  14).  None 
of  these  or  any  other  Galilean  canons  deal  ex- 
pressly with  the  case  of  ordinary  parish  churches  ; 
and  this  must  probably  be  taken  as  negative 
evidence  in  favour  of  the  supposition  that  the 
primitive  usage  had  not  been  altered.  There  is, 
however,  a  Spanish  canon  which  gives  to  the 
builder,  and  apparently  to  the  restorer,  of  a 
parish  church  the  right  of  presenting  clerks  to 
the  bishop  for  ordination,  and  disallows  any  or- 
dination which  is  made  by  the  bishop  to  such  a 
church  in  defiance  of  the  founder's  nomination 
(9  Cone.  Tolct.  a.d.  655,  c.  2);  but  the  absence 
of  any  mention  of  heirs  in  this  canon,  coupled 
with  the  express  mention  of  them  in  the  pre- 
ceding canon,  establishes  a  presumption  that  the 


PATRON 

right  of  nomination  was  personal  to  the  founder, 
and  did  not  descend  to  his  heirs.  With  the  ex- 
ception of  this  canon,  there  is  no  evidence  of  the 
recognition  in  the  Western  church  before  Caro 
lingiau  times,  of  any  right  on  the  part  eithev 
of  a  founder  or  of  any  other  person  to  nominate 
clerks  to  a  parish  church  ;  (the  instance  quoted 
in  the  canon  law,  Gratian,  Decret.  pars  ii.  cans.  16, 
quaest.  1,  31,  and  ascribed  to  pope  Pelagius,  is 
clearly  of  much  later  date). 

The  policy  of  the  popes  from  the  time  of  Gregory 
the  Great  was  even  more  decidedly  in  the  same 
direction.  That  pope,  writing  to  Felix  of  Messin;i, 
requests  him  to  consecrate  a  church  which  has 
been  built  upon  private  property,  if  he  finds  that  it 
has  been  sufficiently  endowed,  but  expressly  denies 
to  the  founder  any  rights,  except  the  right  of  admis- 
sion to  service,  "  which  is  due  to  all  Christians 
in  common  "  (S.  Greg.  M.  Epist.  ii.  5,  ad  Felic. 
Messan.).  This  letter,  which  was  afterwards 
ascribed  to  Gelasius  {Append,  ad  Epist.  Gelasii 
Papae,  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  viii.  133,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol. 
lix.  148),  became  the  basis  of  the  canon  law  on 
the  subject  (Gratian,  Decret.  pars  ii.  cans.  IG, 
quaest.  7,  26),  and  its  substance  is  embodied  iu 
the  form  of  petition  which  is  given  in  the  JJber 
Diurnus  for  the  consecration  of  an  oratory  (c.  5, 
3,  p.  92,  ap.  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  cv.  88).  In  order 
still  further  to  secure  churches  erected  on  pri- 
vate estates  from  interference  on  the  part  of  the 
owners  of  the  estates,  and  to  prevent,  as  it  were 
by  anticipation,  the  abuses  to  which  the  later 
system  of  patronage  gave  rise,  Gregory,  although 
he  required  an  endowment  for  such  churches, 
declined  to  allow  presbyters  to  be  permanently 
appointed  to  them :  they  were  to  be  served  by 
presbyters  sent  by  the  bishop  from  time  to  time 
(S.  Greg.  M.  Epist.  ii.  12  arf  Castor.  Arimin.,  ix. 
70  et  xii.  12  ad  Fassiv.  Firman.,  is.  84  ad  Benen. 
Tundarit.,  cf.  Mabillon,  Comm.  Fraev.  in  Ord, 
Rom.  in  Mus.  Ital.  vol.  ii.  p.  19 ;  the  rule  is  also 
found  in  a  fragment  printed  by  Holsten,  Coll.. 
Bom.  vol.  i.  p.  234,  and  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixix.  414, 
and  ascribed,  without  sufficient  ground,  to  pope 
Pelagius).  And  a  century  and  a-half  afterwards, 
immediately  before  the  great  change  which  we 
are  about  to  describe,  pope  Zachary  lays  down 
a  similar  rule  in  almost  identical  terms  :  (S. 
Zachar.  Epist.  8  ad  Fippi/i.  c.  15,  ap.  Migne, 
P.  L.  Ixxxix.  935,  xcviii.  87,  Codex  Carolinus  ed. 
Jafte,  p.  26  ;  in  contrast  to  this  may  be  noted  the 
later  policy  which  disallows  "  presbyteros  con- 
ductitios  "  where  a  church  has  funds  enough  to 
have  "  proprium  sacerdotem  :  "  Cone.  Femens.  c. 
9,  sub  Innocent.  II.  A.D.  1131,  ap.  Mansi,  vol. 
xxi.  460). 

But  although  these  earlier  relations  of  found- 
ers or  owners  of  churches  to  the  clergy  cannot 
properly  be  passed  over,  they  are  essentially  dis- 
tinct from,  although  they  have  often  been  con- 
fused with,  the  later  system  of  patronage.  That 
system  is  an  outgrowth  of  feudalism.  Both  the 
name  and  the  thing  belong  to  the  Frankish 
domain,  and  to  the  period  of  the  Carolingians. 
At  that  period  the  church  had  become  the  greatest 
landowner  in  Gaul :  it  has  been  computed  that  a 
third  of  all  the  real  property  in  Gaul  belonged 
to  it :  (for  some  particulars,  see  e.g.  Eoth^ 
Geschiehte  des  Benefieialwesens,  p.  248  sqq. 
Erlangen,  1850).  From  time  to  time  laymen 
had  been  allowed  to  have  the  usufruct  of 
some    of  these    lands,    on  condition   of  paying 


PATKON 

:in  annual  rent  to  the  cturches  to  which  they 
severally  belonged.  In  the  troubled  times  of 
Charles  Martel  and  his  sons  (Roth.  p.  315,  and 
appendix  v.,  combats  the  common  view  which  is 
defended  by  Waitz,  that  it  was  under  Charles 
Martel  himself:  see  Hegel  in  von  Sybil's  Zcit- 
schrift,  Bd.  5,  227),  this  use  of  church  lands  be- 
came almost  a  necessity  of  state.  In  a  capitu- 
lary of  A.D.743  {Capit.  Liftin.  ap.  Pertz,  M.  H.  G. 
Legum,\o\.  i.  p.  18;  Gengler,GermanischeIiechts- 
denkmdler,  p.  601),  it  is  enacted  that  some  part  of 
the  church  lands  shall  be  for  a  time  appropriated 
to  the  crown  as  an.  assistance  to  the  army  ("  at 
sub  precario  et  censu  aliquam  partem  ecclesialis 
pecuniae  in  adjutorium  exercitus  nostra  cum 
indulgentia  Dei  aliquanto  tempore  retineamus  "). 
The  lands  so  appropriated  were  assigned  as 
"  beneficia,"  i.e.  as  revocable  and  conditional 
grants  to  individual  soldiers.  The  system  of 
appropriation  soon  became  general,  and  the  ap- 
propriations when  general  also  tended  to  become 
permanent.  Not  long  after  his  conquest  of  the 
Lombards,  Charles  the  Great  confirmed  previous 
beneficiary  grants  of  church  lands,  reserving 
only  to  the  king  himself  the  right  of  recalling 
them  {Capit.  Langohard.  a.d.  779,  c.  14,  ap. 
Pertz,  i.  38).  A  certain  revenue  was  reserved 
to  the  church  :  in  the  capitulary  of  743,  it  was 
fixed  at  one  "solidus"  for  each  "casata"  or 
homestead :  afterwaixls  it  became  a  fixed  propor- 
tion of  the  produce,  usually  a  ninth  or  a  tenth 
(whence  the  later  system  of  "tithes").  The  holder 
of  such  a  benefice  was  entitled  senior,  dominus, 
or  patronus.  The  modern  "  patron  "  of  a  church 
living  thus  preserves  the  name  as  well  as  some 
of  the  functions  of  a  feudal "  lord."  (The  iden- 
tity of  "  patronus  "  with  "  dominus  "  and 
•'  senior  "  in  this  sense  is  shewn  (1)  by  the  conver- 
tibility of  "dominus"  and  "patronus"  in  the 
civil  law,  e.g.  in  the  text  and  title  of  a  law 
of  Valentinian  and  Valens  in  a.d.  365,  Cod. 
Theodos.  5, 11, 1 ;  (2)  by  express  later  statements, 
especially  Ratherius  Veronens.  Fraeloquia,  lib. 
i.  tit.  10,  ed.  Ballerini,  p.  28,  ed.  Migne  P.  L.  vol. 
cxxxvi.  1Q5,^^ patronus,  sive  ut  usitatius  a  multis 
dici  ambitur,  senior  es  " :  this  use  of  patronus  has 
descended  to  modern  times  in  the  Italian  padrone. 
See  also  Waitz ,  Die  deutsche  Beiclisverfassung, 
Bd.  ii.  40). 

It  was  not  long  before  the  ecclesiastical  duties 
for  the  performance  of  which  the  lands  had 
originally  been  intended  to  provide  were  regarded 
as  subordinate  to  the  general  privileges  of  the 
ownership  of  land.  The  lesser  lords  followed  in 
the  wake  of  the  king.  Just  as  the  latter  claimed 
a  supreme  right  of  nominating  to  bishoprics  and 
abbeys  (see  e.  g.  Rettberg,  KircJiengeschichte 
Deutschlands,  Bd.  2,  205 ;  Waitz,  Deutsche 
Verfassungsgcschichte,  Bd.  iii.  196,  354 ;  id. 
Deutsche  Eeichsverfassuiig,  Bd.  iii.  194;  Fried- 
berg  in  Zeitschrift  f.  Kirchenrccht,  Bd.  iii.  70), 
and  also  a  right  to  determine  who  should  be 
presented  to  churches  upon  the  crown  lands 
(Karol.  M.  Capit.  do  VilUs,  a.d.  812,  c.  6  ;  Pertz, 
vol.  i.  181),  so  also  the  former  asserted  the  right 
of  both  nominating  and  dismissing  the  clerks  of 
churches  which  were  within  their  fiefs.  The 
ancient  right  of  the  people  to  elect  tended  to 
disappear  before  the  claim  of  the  beneficiary 
holder  of  church  lands,  in  the  same  kind  of  way 
as,  in  England,  one  township  after  another 
became  the  manor  of  a   feudal  lord.      Within 


PATEON 


1577 


little  more  than  half  a  century  after  the  death 
of  Charles  Martel,  this  tendency  had  become  so 
strong  that  not  only  the  people  but  also  the 
bishop  was  ignored.  Charles  the  Great  strongly 
interfered  to  support  the  rights  of  the  bishops ; 
he  wrote  in  a  tone  of  indignant  rebuke  to  those 
who  were  guilty  of  the  "  immoderate  presump- 
tion "  of  refusing  to  present  presbyters  to 
bishops,  and  daring  to  appoint  to  parishes  with- 
out their  bishop's  consent  (Karoli  M.  Edictwn 
pro  Episcopis,  ap.  Pertz,  vol.  i.  81,  and  Jafte, 
Monumenta  Carolina,  p.  371).  But  the  fre- 
quency of  the  enactments  in  the  early  part  of 
the  9th  century,  against  the  practice  of  omitting 
to  obtain  the  sanction  of  the  bishop  in  appoint- 
ments to  parishes,  shews  that  that  practice  was 
neither  uncommon  nor  lightly  abandoned  ;  e.  g. 
Karoli  M.  Capit.  Generafe  Aquense,  a.d.  802,  c. 
13,  "  Ut  nullus  ex  laicis  presbiterum  vel 
diaconem  seu  clericum  secum  habere  praesumat 
vel  ad  ecclesias  suas  ordinare  absque  licentiam 
seu  examinatione  episcopi  sui "  ;  Cone.  Mogunt. 
a.d.  813,  c.  29,  30,  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  xiv.  72 ;  6 
Cone.  Arelat.  a.d.  813,  c.  4,  5,  ap.  Mansi,  vol. 
xiv.  59  ;  Excerpt.  Canon.  2  ap.  Pertz,  vol.  i.  189  ; 
2  Cone.  Cahill.  a.d.  813,  c.  42 ;  3  Cone.  Turon. 
A.D.  813,  c.  15 ;  Hludowic  I.  Capit.  Aquisgran. 
A.D.  817,  c.  9,  ap.  Pertz,  vol.  i.  207.  (6  Cone. 
Paris,  A.D.  820,  lib.  1,  c.  22,  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  xiv. 
554,  and  Constit.  Wormat.  c.  15,  ap.  Pertz,  vol.  i. 
337,  protect  a  patron  against  a  bishop  by 
requiring  "  diligens  examinatio  et  evidens  ratio  " 
on  the  part  of  the  bishop  before  the  rejection  of 
a  clerk.) 

It  is  important  to  note,  although  the  subject 
cannot  be  pursued  at  length  within  the  limits  of 
the  present  work,  that  the  usurpations  of  the 
beneficiary  holders  of  church  lands,  and  of  the 
other  feudal  lords  within  whose  domains 
churches  were  situated,  were  not  limited  to  the 
usurpation  of  the  right  of  appointment  of  clerks. 
They  began  to  claim  a  share  of  those  funds 
which  were  left  to  the  churches  after  the 
alienation  of  their  lands.  In  doing  so  they  were 
supported  by  the  state.  Charles  the  Great 
directed  the  bishops  to  determine  what  tribute 
presbyters  should  pay  for  their  churches  to  their 
lords  (Capit.  de  Presbyteris,  A.D.  809,  c.  3,  ap. 
Pertz,  vol.  i.  161,  "  Ut  episcopi  praevideant 
quern  honorem  presbyteri  pro  ecclesiis  senioribus 
tribuant ;"  and  Lewis  the  Pious,  after  specifying 
the  amount  of  land  which  parish  pi-esbyters 
might  hold  free,  enacted  that  if  they  had  more, 
they  should  pay  "  debitum  servitium  senioribus 
suis"  (Hludowic  I.  Capit.  a.d.  817,  c.  10,  ap. 
Pertz,  vol.  i.  209).  A  later  decretal,  falsely 
attributed  to  pope  Damasus,  which  is  incorpo- 
rated in  the  corpus  of  canon  law,  speaks  with 
reprobation  of  the  growing  custom  of  laymen 
claiming  part  of  the  oblations  which  were 
offered  in  church  (Gratian,  Decret.  pars  ii.  c.  10, 
quaest.  i.  16).  In  one  point  only  wei-e  patrons 
checked  with  any  degree  of  success.  Their 
assertion  of  the  right  to  nominate  clerks  was 
closely  followed  by  the  practice  of  selling  nomi- 
nations, or  at  least  of  accepting  presents  for 
them.  This  practice,  although  it  was  not  alto- 
gether suppressed,  was  at  least  checked  and 
discouraged.  It  is  disallowed  by  Cone.  Mogtmt. 
A.D.  813,  c.  30  (which  forms  c.  7  of  the  Statuta 
erroneously  ascribed  to  Boniface  of  Mainz,  and 
printed  as  his  in  D'Achery,  Spicilegium,  1.  508), 


1578 


PATRON 


Later  in  the  9th  century  Hincmar  of  Ehoims  is 
especially  distinguished  for  the  stand  which  he 
made  against  it :  he  expresses  his  determination 
in  every  case  to  make  inquiry,  and  in  no  case  to 
ordain  a  clerk  on  the  presentation  of  a  patron, 
if  the  clerk  has  given  a  single  penny  for  his 
presentation  (Hincmar,  Remens.  Epist.  43,  ad 
Teudulf.  Comit.  ap.  Migne,  Patrol.  Lat.  vol.  csxvi. 
264 ;  id.  Capit.  in  Synod  Remens.  a.d.  874,  c.  5, 
ap.  Migne,  Patrol.  Lat.  vol.  c.\xv.  800). 

The  system  of  patronage  which  thus  grew  out 
of  the  introduction  by  the  Carolingians  of  the 
system  of  granting  church  lands  as  fiefs  was  sup- 
ported by  two  other  circumstances,  which  also 
resulted  from  the  Prankish  rule. 

(1)  A  freeman  who  built  a  church  upon  his 
own  land  had  an  almost  absolute  right  of  pro- 
perty in  it.  In  direct  opposition  to  the  Roman 
rule,  according  to  which,  as  has  been  shewn 
above,  the  founder  of  a  church  had  no  special 
rights  whatever  in  the  church  which  he  had 
built,  but  in  full  accordance  with  the  spirit  of 
Prankish  jurisprudence,  Charles  the  Great  en- 
acted that  such  a  church  might  be  assigned  and 
sold  :  "  de  ecclesiis  quae  ab  ingenuis  hominibus 
construuntur  licet  eas  tradere,  vendere,  tantum 
modo  ut  ecelesia  non  destruatur  sed  seiviuntur 
cotidie  honores "  {Capit.  Francofurt.  a.d.  794, 
c.  54,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  75).  Accordingly  the  gift  of 
a  church  to  a  monastery  or  a  bishop  was  accom- 
panied with  the  same  forms  as  the  gift  of  any 
other  real  property  (see  Rettberg,  Kircheng. 
DeutscJi.  vol.  ii.  617).  This  right  of  ownership 
carried  with  it  the  right  of  appointment  of  its 
ministers,  subject,  however,  to  the  approval  of 
the  bishop;  the  right  was  not  personal,  but 
descended  with  the  estate,  and  if  the  estate  were 
divided,  and  disputes  arose  as  to  the  right  of 
appointment,  the  bishop  could  not  interfere  other- 
wise than  by  suspending  the  services  of  the  church 
until  the  joint  owners  or  co-heirs  had  agreed 
to  pi-esent  to  him  a  single  presbyter  (2  Cone. 
Cahillon.  A.D.  813,  c.  26,  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  xiv.  98  ; 
so  in  effect  Cone.  Tribur.  A.D.  895,  c.  32  ;  for 
some  questions  arising  from  this  rule  of  joint 
patronage  see  Hinschius,  in  the  Zdtschrift  fur 
Kirchenrecht,  vol.  vii.  pp.  1  sqq.).  At  first,  pro- 
vision was  made  that  the  foundation  of  such 
churches  should  not  interfere  with  the  rights  of 
previously  existing  churches  to  tithes  and  other 
dues  (Karoli  M.  Capit.  ad  Salz.  a.d.  803,  c.  3, 
Pertz,  vol.  i.  124,  and  Exeerpt.  Can.  c.  19,  Pertz, 
vol.  i.  190 ;  Cone.  Mogunt.  a.d.  813,  c.  41  ; 
Hludowici  et  Hlotharii  Capit.  c.  6,  Pertz,  vol.  i! 
254;  Ansegisi  Capit.  lib.  ii.  45,  Pertz,  vol.  i. 
299);  but  in  time  the  distinction  between  these 
privately-founded  churches  and  parish  churches 
proper  was  broken  down,  and  the  original  rights 
of  owners  in  the  one  case  became  indistinguish- 
able from  the  usurped  rights  of  feudal  lords  in 
the  other. 

(2)  All  holding  of  land  under  the  Prankish 
]-ule  involved  military  service.  The  full  rights 
of  a  freeman  could  only  be  claimed  by  one  who 
could  defend  those  rights  by  arms.  In  some 
instances  it  would  appear  that  clerks  did  not 
hesitate  to  take  the  field  (e.g.  Annales  S.  Amandi, 
a.d.  712,  Pertz,  M.  H.  G.  Scriptorum,  vol.  i.  6  ;  j 
Einhardi,  Annales,  a.d.  753,  ibid.  vol.  i.  139  ; 
Ruodolfi  Fuldens,  Annales,  a.d.  844,  ibid.  vol.  i. 
364);  but  there  was  a  strong  feeling  against 
their  doing  so,  and  enactments  were  passed  to  | 


PATEON  SAINTS 

prohibit  it,  e.g.  Karlomanni  Capit.  a.d.  742, 
c.  2;  Pertz,  Lcgum,  vol.  i.  16;  Pippini,  Capit. 
Vcrmer.  a.d.  753,  c.  16,  ibid.  vol.  i.  22  ;  Karoli 
M.  Capit.  General,  a.d.  769,  c.  1,  ibid.  vol.  i.  32, 
and  Capit.  Ecclesiast.  a.d.  789,  c.  69,  ibid.  vol.  i'. 
64.  It  was,  in  other  respects,  desirable  for 
clerks  to  avoid  some  of  the  personal  burdens, 
which  attached  to  freemen,  and  it  not  infre- 
quently became  necessary  to  protect  their  privi- 
leges and  their  lands  against  usurpation.  Con- 
sequently those  churches  and  monasteries  which 
were  large  landowners  frequently  put  themselves 
under  the  protection  of  a  neighbouring  secular 
lord.  The  common  name  for  the  tie  which  thus 
came  to  exist  was  "advocatia,"  but  with  this 
"  patrocinium  "  is  interchangeable  (on  this  point 
see  Waitz,  Deutsche  Meichsverfassung,  Bd.  ii. 
450,  iii.  321).  The  powers  of  the  "  advocatus," 
or  "patronus"  in  this  sense,  came  in  time  to 
be  considerable  [Advocate  of  the  Church. 
"Vol.  I.  p.  33],  especially  in  relation  to  abbeys, 
and  in  the  course  of  the  middle  ages,  though  so 
far  from  the  period  embraced  in  the  present 
work  as  not  to  admit  of  being  stated  in  detail 
here,  included  the  right  of  presentation.  In  our 
own  country  this  system  prevailed  to  so  great  an 
extent  that  the  word  "advocatia,"  under  its 
modern  form  of  "advowson,"  has  come  to  be 
synonymous  with  the  right  of  presentation. 

(Of  earlier  books  on  the  subject  the  best  are  F. 
de  Roye,  ad  Titulum  de  Jure  Patronatus,  Anjou, 
1667,  and  a  short  treatise,  by  the  jurist  G.  L. 
Boehmer,  de  Admcatiae  Ecclesiasticae  cum  Jure 
Patronatus  Ncxu,  Gottingen,  1757.  Of  more 
recent  books,  the  best  are  Lippert,  Versuch  einer 
historisch-dogmatischen  Entwickelung  der  Lehrc 
vom  Patronate,  Giessen,  1829 ;  Kaim,i?as  Kirchen- 
patronatrecht  nach  seiner  Entstehung,  Entwicke- 
lung, und  heutigen  Stellung  in  Staate,  Leipzio-, 
1  Theil,  1845,  2  Thei],  1866.  Reference  ma°y 
also  be  made  to  Rettberg,  Eirchengeschichte 
Deutschlands,  Bd.  ii.  pp.  16  sqq.;  to  Walter, 
Lehrbuch  des  Kirehenreehts,  ed.  12,  Bonn,  1856, 
pp.  457  sqq.;  and  to  Hinschius's  article  in 
the  Zeitschrift  fUr  Kirchenrecht,  vol.  vii.,  which 
has  been  quoted  above).  [E.  H.] 

PATEON  SAINTS.  For  the  general  doc- 
trine of  the  influence  of  glorified  saints  over 
human  affairs,  see  the  DiCT.  OF  Chr.  Biog<  &t. 
What  is  here  given  relates  simply  to  the  actual 
practice  of  Christians  in  adopting  saints  as 
patrons  whether  of  places  or  persons. 

I.  Nomenclature.  —  A  martyr  supposed  to 
have  a  special  interest  in  a  place  and  its  inhabi- 
tants was  called  their  patron  first  in  the  latter 
half  of  the  4th  century.  St.  Ambrose  is  pro- 
bably the  earliest  extant  witness  to  the  usage, 
when,  in  386,  he  calls  Gervasius  and  Protasius 
the  "  patrons  "  of  the  orthodox  at  Milan  {Epist. 
xxii.  11).  Somewhat  later  he  says  of  departed 
kings  and  martyrs,  "  Illi  fiunt  supplices,  hi 
patroni  "  {Expos,  in  Ev.  S.  Luc.  x.  12). 
Paulinus  of  Nola  frequently  gives  the  title  to 
Felix,  to  whom  his  church  was  dedicated,  and 
under  whose  peculiar  protection  he  believed 
himself  and  his  people  to  live.  Thus,  writing  in 
395  {Carm.  ii.  in  S.  Eel.  26)— 

"0  felix  Felice  tuo  tibi  praesule  Nola, 
Inclita  cive  sacro,  caelesti  firma  patrono." 

Similarly  Carm.  in  S.  F.  iii.  105  ;  t.  316,  vi.  5j 


PATRON  SAINTS 

but  especially  in  the  later  Natalitia,  which  reach 
to  the  year  408.  The  usage  was  probably  much 
extended  by  Faulinus.  It  was  taken  up  by  Pru- 
deutius,  whose  hymns,  De  Coronis,  were  written 
some  time  after  405  (see  Hymn.  ii.  539,  vi.  145, 
xiii.  lin.  ult.).  St.  Augustine  late  in  life,  about 
421,  makes  an  approach  to  the  usage  with  which 
others  must  have  made  him  familiar,  viz.  when 
he  speaks  of  commending  the  dead  to  the  saints 
near  whom  they  are  buried,  "  tanquam  patronis  " 
(De  Cura  pro  Ilort.  iv.  §  6  ;  see  also  xviii.  §  22). 
We  find  the  word  used  absolutely  in  the  books 
Dc  Miraculis  S.  Stephani,  claiming  to  be  drawn 
up  at  the  request  of  Evodius,  the  bishop  of 
Uzalis,  probably  not  long  after  the  year  420. 
E.g.  (in  Frologo) :  "  Ea  quae  per  patronum 
nostrum  Stephanum  primum  martyrem  suum 
operatus  est  apud  nos  Christus "  (comp.  i. 
1  ;  ii.  14).  By  the  year  461,  when  Paulinus 
Petricordius  wrote  his  metrical  Life  of  St. 
Mai'tin,  the  usage  must  have  been  thoroughly 
established  (see  lib.  1  ;  Migne,  61,  col.  1016  ;  ii. 
1028-9,  &c.)  The  last-named  author  gives  the 
title  to  St.  Martin,  even  when  speaking  of  events 
that  occurred  in  his  lifetime  (iv.  1041,  1048),  as 
does  Flodoard  to  St.  Kemigius  (Hist.  Ecd.  Rem. 
i.  13).  The  correlative  to  patronus  is  clicns. 
Early  Christian  writers,  however,  did  not,  if  my 
observation  may  be  trusted,  make  this  use  of 
it.  Paulinus  of  Nola,  in  one  of  his  latest 
poems  (a.d.  405),  calls  himself  the  alumnus  of 
Felix  (Carm.  xiii.  in  S.  Fel.  355  ;  comp.  95). 
Similarly  the  little  town  of  Abella,  "  tanti 
memoratur  alumna  patroni "  (ihid.  793).  With 
Prudentius,  the  Romans  are  the  "  alumni  urbici  " 
of  St.  Lawrence  (de  Cor.  ii.  530).  This  word  does 
not  occur  in  the  very  long  poem  of  the  younger 
Paulinus  above  mentioned.  As  the  patron  of  this 
church,  Paulinus  of  Nola  calls  St.  Felix  dominae- 
dius  (Epist.  V.  15,  xviii.  3,  xxviii.  9,  xxix.  13, 
xxxii.  10;  Poem,  sxiii.  109).  This  is  peculiar  to 
Faulinus,  but  the  patron  saint  was  commonly 
called  dominus  (Paul.  Carm.  in  S.  Fel.  i.  10). 
In  Lucian's  account  of  the  discovery  of  the 
body  of  St.  Stephen,  he  is  called  "dominus 
Stephanus  "  (Revelatio,  34,  8,  in  App.  vi.  ad  0pp. 
Aug.).  The  saints  who  reveal  its  site  in  a  vision 
call  themselves  "  the  lords  of  the  place  "  (ibid. 
7),  and  two  of  them  are  "  dominus  Gamaliel  " 
(4,  7),  and  "  dominus  Nicodemus  "  (3,  4).  The 
saint  being  dominus,  the  votary  was  servus,  as 
we  learn  from  Paulinus  and  Gregory ;  but 
the  more  common  phrase  was  famulus,  espe- 
cially in  the  later  part  of  our  period.  Thus 
Alcuin  of  Stephen  (Carm.  31  ad  Aram  S.  Steph.) 
Similarly  Hincmar  and  Abbo. 

The  Roman  relation  between  patron  and  client 
being  unknown  to  the  Greeks,  they  did  not  fall 
into  the  conventional  use  of  any  single  word  to 
denote  the  tutelary  saints  of  a  place  or  person. 
They  were  "  champions  "  or  "  patrons  "  (irpocr- 
rdrai,  Chrys.  Horn,  de  SS.  Bernice  et  Prosdoce, 
§  7),  "  advocates "  (irapaKXriTot,  Greg.  Nyss.  in 
il.  Mart.  App.  214,  or  awrtyopot,  Chrys.  Horn, 
c.  Ludos,  1  ;  Ham.  in  Mart.  ii.  669)  ;  "  inter- 
cessors "  (TTpea^evTai,  Greg.  Nyss.  u.  s.  ;  Bas. 
Or.  xix.  8  ;  Theodoret,  Gr.  Aff.  Cur.  viii. ;  0pp. 
IV.  921);  "  keepeis  of  the  city  and  guards" 
(■KoXtuvxoL  Koi  (piiKaKes,  ibid.  902)  ;  "  chiefs  of 
men,  champions,  and  allies,  and  averters  of  evil 
(iTpSiMOi  avdpwirwv  Kai  TrpS/xaxoi  Kal  iiriKOvpoi, 
Koi  tUv  KatcCcv  aTTOTpdiratoi,  ibid.  912),  &c. 


PATRON  SAINTS 


1579 


II.  The  Choice  of  Patrons.  ~Kt  first  the 
possession  of  a  relic  was  thought  enough  to 
constitute  the  saint  patron  of  its  possessors. 
To  give  an  instance :  when  the  body  of 
St.  Boniface  was  brought  to  Fulda,  "  the 
venerable  abbat  Sturmi  with  his  brethren  gave 
thanks  to  Christ  that  they  had  obtained  so 
great  a  patron  "  (Vita  Sturmii,  16;  comp.  15). 
This  was  so  fully  recognised  that  relics  were 
commonly  called  patrocinia.  It  often  happened 
that  a  miracle  alleged  in  connexion  with  human 
remains  raised  the  person  to  the  dignity  of  a  saint 
and  local  pati'on  (Paulin.  Petr.  Vita  S.  Mart.  v. 
106).  When  the  bodies  of  Gervasius  and  Protasius, 
discovered  at  Milan,  were  found  to  heal  de- 
moniacs, St.  Ambrose  said,  "  Brethren,  we  have 
escaped  no  slight  burden  of  reproach.  We  had 
patrons,  and  did  not  know  it  "  (Epist.  xxii.  11). 
In  the  course  of  time,  however,  persons  chose  a 
patron.  Thus,  c.  (].  "  Theodelinda,  about  600, 
built  a  church  at  Monza,  near  Milan,  in  honour 
of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  that  he  might  be  an 
intercessor  for  her  husband  and  children."  She 
promised  yearly  gifts  to  his  oratory,  that 
through  his  prayers  they  might  have  the  aid  of 
Christ  both  in  battle  and  wherever  else  they 
might  go."  "  From  that  day  they  began  to 
invoke  St.  John  in  all  their  actions  "  (Paulus 
Warnfridus  de  Gestis  Lanqobard.  i.  22,  ed. 
Hamb.  1611,  p.  371 ;  see  Mus.  Ital.  i.  210). 
Such  freedom  of  choice  as  is  here  shewn 
has  been  restricted  by  late  decrees  of  Rome, 
when  a  public  patron  is  to  be  elected.  He 
must  have  been  the  "  first  bishop  of  the 
place,"  or  one  whose  "  body  has  been  found 
buried  there,"  or  who  "  sprang  from  the  place 
and  was  a  citizen  of  it,"  or  one  who  has  "  in 
some  wonderful  way  protected  and  helped  the 
people  in  their  times  of  need  "  (Ferrar.  Prompta 
Biblioth.  in  v.  Pair.  SS.) 

III.  Patrons  of  Places. — Several  saints  are 
expressly  declared  by  early  writers  to  have 
been  the  "  patrons "  of  certain  places.  The 
name  is  not  given  by  Prudentius  to  the  saints 
enumerated  by  him  (as  the  glories  of  Africa 
and  Spain  (de  Cor.  iv.) ;  but  the  functions 
which  he  assigns  to  them  prove  that  they 
were  so  regarded.  In  another  poem  (De  Cor, 
V.  145)  three  of  those  mentioned — Fructuosus 
and  his  deacons — receive  the  name  patronus. 
Leo  taught  that  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  were  the 
special  patrons  of  Rome  (Serm.  80,  §  7  ;  com- 
pare what  he  says  of  St.  Laurence,  83,  §  4). 
Genesius  was  the  "nursling  of  Aries  by  right 
of  his  birth  there  ;  its  patron,  by  virtue  of  hi? 
death."  (Auct.  Inc.  Passio  S.  Gen.  Arel.  1,  13, 
inter  0pp.  Paulini  Nol.  ad  Calc.  Epp.)  Alcuin 
tells  us  that,  while  saints  should  be  honoured 
and  imitated  throughout  the  church,  "  yet  in 
certain  places  they  are  honoured  more  familiarly 
among  their  fellow-citizens  with  a  certain  special 
veneration,  because  of  some  one  of  them  having 
commonly  dwelt  there,  or  because  of  the  pre- 
sence of  his  sacred  relics,  which  have  been  given 
to  such  or  such  inhabitants  for  a  comfort."  Ho 
then  proceeds  to  name  several  such  patrons  of 
cities  and  regions,  as  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  of 
Rome  ;  St.  Ambrose,  the  "  defensor  "  of  Milan  ; 
the  Theban  Legion,  the  glory  of  the  Pennine 
Alps  ;  Hilary  of  Poitiers ;  Martin  of  Tours  ; 
St.  Denys  and  St.  Germain  of  Paris ;  Remigius 
of  Champagne,  the  people  of  which  whole  pro- 


15S0 


PATEO:^  SAINTS 


vince  "  hastened  to  the  dtv  ot"  Kheinis,  ofiering 
their  tows  there  as  if  to  a  present  patron.  Thns 
hath  the  divine  gvxsiness  provided  tor  the  whole 
■wwrld  by  giving  to  the  several  provuices  or 
peoples  a  special  patron  in  whom  to  rejoice  " 
(flom.  de  Sat.  Wi:iil}rvrdK  1).  In  the  age  of 
Alcuin,  we  observe,  certain  honours  were  claimed 
for  a  martjT  in  every  church,  though  special 
honours  were  paid  to  him,  and  special  trust 
reposed  in  him  in  those  places  of  which  he  was 
the  patron.  But  at  tirst  the  honours  paid  to 
them  and  other  saints  were  entirely  looaL  A 
curious  illustration  of  this  occorred  when  Julian 
separated  Constantia  from  Gasa,  of  which  it  was 
a  suburb.  As  a  consequence,  says  Sozomen 
(Sisi.  £ixL  T.  3),  "each  has  its  bishop  and 
clergy  by  itself,  and  its  celebrations  of  martyrs 
and  memorials  of  the  bishops  who  hare  belonged 
to  it." 

The  saints  protected  the  church  dedicated 
with  their  relics : 

"  Ita  suis  meriUs  jam  tecca  sacrata  tuetur, 
tJt  pcocni  effugiat  hcsus  ab  aede  sacra."*. 

(.AIcoLq,  Can*.  35  ad  Orai.  5.  Audr.) 

Similarly  Cctrminn  42,  77-79,  S5.  95,  9S,  115. 
They  acbrded   a   general    protection   to    the 
people  who  worshipped  in  their  churches : 

"ilartjris  egregii  Quinuni  altare  trinmphrs 
Hix  fulget  pcpolo  hie  qui  ferae  auxilium." 

(li  Camu  «  ad  Jr.  &  Qu.^ 

'' A4ju\-at  Iiic  aos 
"  Cnjcs  bjcore  sacro  constant  haec  templa  dicata."* 
CId.  Cam.  S3  <id  £(xl.  S.  Pitri.;) 

Specimens  of  the  Dedication-formalae  of 
churches  (e.j.  ~in  honorem  S.  Joannis  Eap- 
tistae")  mar  be  seen  under  IsscsrPTio^fS.  p. 
SiS. 

rV".  The  Angels  Patrcms. — When  St.  ilichael. 
St.  Gabriel,  and  St.  Raphael  were  drss  chosen 
by  authority  as  patrons  of  a  church  or  oratory. 
we  are  unable  to  say.  A  church  dedicated  to  St. 
ilichael  was  built  at  Kavenna  in  545.  (Ciam- 
pini,  Frt.  Mamtin.  iL  tar.  iriL  in  vol.  L  p.  S7). 
The  Besancon  Sacramentary,  a  Gallican  book 
modified  by  Roman  induence,  of  which  the  JIS. 
belongs  to  the  7th  century,  gives  a  "  missa  in 
honore  Sancti  ilichaheL"  which  was  evidentlv 
used  on  his  day  in  oratories,  &e..  named  after 
him,  or  possibly,  as  the  Galileans  of  that  a^  had 
very  few  saiats'  days,  on  the  anniversarv  or  their 
opening  whenerer  it  was  (-•  in  honore  beati  arch- 
angel! Michahelis  dedicata  nomini  Tuo  loca," 
Jfics.  Jia^.  i.  356).  There  is  no  sinnilar  mass  in 
any  other  Gallican  missal,  but  we  find  e:iamples 
in  all  the  oil  Roman  sacramentaries,  to  which  we 
infer  from  the  Besancon  that  they  belonged  at 
an  early  period.  The  Gelasian  assigns  to  2i.  kaL 
Oct.  "  Orationes  in  Sancti  Archangeli  ilichaelis  " 
QLHurgii  Horn.  Vet.  llurat.  L  669).  which  con- 
tain no  reference  to  the  dedication  of  the  church ; 
but  the  so-called  Leonian  gives  five  missae  for 
pridie  kaL  Oct.,  under  the  heading,  "^atale 
BasHicae  Angeli  in  Salaria,"  of  which  two 
(i.  It.)  allude  to  his  being  the  patron  of  the 
church  (Mnrat.  u.  s.  407).  The  early  copies  oi 
the  Gregorian  aU  have  such  a  mass  (iii.  kal. 
Oct.),  and  they  all  by  the  title  (Dedieatio  Ba^i- 
licae  S.  Michaelis,  Mur.  S.  Angeli)  intimate  that 


PATRON  S.UNTS 

St.  Michael  Avas  the  patron  of  the  church  in 
which  it  was  to  be  used  (^see  Rocca's  copy  in  Opy. 
Greg.  M.  V.  151,  Aatv.  1615 ;  Pamelius,  Rituale 
SS.  PP.  ii.  345 ;  Murat.  «.  s.  ii.  125 ;  ilehard  in 
0-pp.  Greg.  ed.  Ben.  iii.  135).  Among  the  poems 
of  Alcuin  are  two  on  chxirches  dedicated  to  hin\ 
(29,  16S),  three  on  altars  of  St.  Michael  (37.  64. 
77X  and  a  sixth  (1S6)  "ad  aram  sanctorum 
archangelorum,''  i>.,  as  the  verses  shew,  of 
Michael,  Gabriel,  and  Raphael. 

V.  Fiiirons  of  CLis^s. — ^In  the  middle  ages 
every  trade  and  profession  had  its  patron,  and 
every  disease  a  saint  especially  girted  for  its 
cure.  The  germ  of  this  distribution  of  offices 
appears  even  from  the  very  introduction  of 
saint-worship.  Thus  Justina,  persecuted  by  the 
magician  Cyprian.  "  implores  the  Virgin  Mary  to 
aid  a  Tirgin  in  peril "  (Greg.  Nai.  ITom,  24  vj 
Cypr.  §  11).  St.  Agnes  is  addressed  by  PruJen- 
tius  (i)t?  Conn.  14,  in  fine)  as  the  especial 
patroness  of  female  chastity.  St.  Nicetius,  the 
patron  of  Lyons,  was  the  especial  friend  <'t" 
prisoners  (Greg.  Turon.  Vitae  Atrrtfm,  viii.  7). 
St.  Sigismund  cured  the  ague  (Greg.  Turou. 
da  G/or.  JTctrt.  75).  In  the  Besancon  Missal 
found  at  Bobio,  belonging  to  the  7th  century,  is 
a  mass  of  St.  Sigismund,  "  pro  frigoriticis " 
(Mabillon,  Mtiiae.  Hal.  i.  344).  Phocas  was 
the  patron  of  sailors  (Aster.  Amas.  £acom.  in 
Pho-:.  5  in  Comberis,  Auctar.  i.  ISO,  par.  16S0X 
Sailors  at  their  mess  would  by  turns  deposit  in 
money  the  cost  of  a  meal  as  the  share  of  Phocas, 
and  when  they  arrived  in  port  distribute  it  to 
the  needy  in  his  name  i^ibfd.). 

VL  Gocd  Otjices  i;j.-i.>ect^d  from  Pciinn  Saints. 
— (1)  That  most  frequently  assigned  to  them  was 
one,  the  fulfilment  of  which  was  least  open  to 
dispute.  They  seconded  the  prayers  of  their  rota- 
ries,  and  thus  often  led  to  their  accomplishment, 
where  without  such  aid  they  would  have  faUed. 
St.  Basil  called  them  Snio-eas  (ruvepr-foi  {Boat. 
sis.  8,  xsiii.  7).  Leo  of  Rome  eshorts  his  people 
to  keep  vigil  in  St.  Peter's,  "  who  will  deign  by 
his  prayers  to  assist  our  supplications  and  fastings 
and  ahnsgivings  "  (Serm.  si.  4).  Gregory  L  calls 
patron  saints  "  adjutores  orationis "'  (/n.  Evamg. 
ii.,  Horn.  32,  §  S ;  comp.  Bas.  above).  In  &ct 
the  constant  hope  and  request  of  their  dients  ] 
might  be  expressed  in  the  words  of  Alcuin, 

"late  preces  nostras  adjuvet,  a^io,  suis." 

iCarm.  61  ad  Aram,  S.  Jocnn.  Bxft.) 


Similarly    Carm.    2S    ad    Septdcr. 
"Adjuvat    iste    preces    populi;"'    and    Oxm.- 
47  ad  Aram  SS.  Greg,  et  ITieron. 

(2)  There  was  no  danger  or  difficulty  in  which 
their  aid  was  not  invoked  with  success.  "  Let  us 
keep  vigU,"  says  Leo,  "in  the  church  of  the 
blessed  apostle  Peter,  by  whose  merits  aiding  us. 
we  may  obtain  release  from  all  tribulations" 
Serm.  S4,  §  2  ;  comp.  SI,  §  2).  Some  of  the  in- 
stances in  PaulinxLs  are,  even  bv  his  own  confes- 
sion, calculated  to  raise  a  smile  rather  than  to 
edify.  For  example,  a  rustic  who  had  lost  two 
oxen  by  theft,  instead  of  pursuing  the  robbers, 
flies  at  once  to  the  church  of  St.  Felis,  whom 
he  declares  responsible  for  their  restoration  (X'tf 
<?.  Pel.  Carm.  ri.  290). 

(3)  The  martyrs  were  the  especial  protectors 
of  those  who  were  named  after  them.  Thus 
Theodoret  says  that  Christians  "  make  a  point  of 
giving  the  appellations  o£  the  martyrs  to  their 


PATEOX  BAIXT3 

duUren,  by  that  means  procuring  safetj  and 
guardianship  for  them  "  {fjraec.  Aff.  Cur.  Disp. 
nii.  w.  ?.  923). 

(4;  The  active  assistance  in  battk  of  some  long 
if.yzrUA  hero  was  the  subject  of  many  a  Greek 
and  Roman  myth.  Among  the  semi-converts 
of  the  4th  century,  there  could  not  £ail  to  be 
many  on  whom  these  romantic  traditions  had 
made  a  deep  impression,  and  we  cannot  be  sur- 
prised at  their  spee^iy  reproduction  under  a 
Christian  guise.  The  patron  martyr  waa  re- 
garded as  a  feithful  ally,  both  in  aggression 
Mid  defence  of  those  who  served  him  well.  It 
is,  in  short,  in  the  heathen  myth  that  we 
discover  the  germ  of  the  mediaeval  romance 
which  culminated  in  the  conversion  of  the  apos- 
tles into  knight-errants.  Theodoret  relates 
that  on  the  night  before  the  battle  in  which 
The^ylosius  overthrew  Zugenius,  A.D.  S&i,  .St. 
John  and  St.  Philip  appeared  to  him  "  in  white 
garments  and  riding  on  white  horses"  and 
told  him  that  they  had  been  "  sent  as  his  alli^ 
and  champions"  (^Hist.  v.  24).  St.  Ambrose 
had  promised  that  he  would  often  visit  Florence. 
After  his  death  in  .397  "  he  was  frequently 
seen  praying  at  the  altar  in  the  Ambrosian 
basilica  which  lie  had  himself  built  there," 
and  when  the  city  was  l^esieged  by  Eadagaisus 
m  406,  he  appeared  to  a  citizen  of  the  place 
and  foretold  its  safety.  The  next  day  Stilicho 
came  to  its  relief  (  Vita  Arnhros.  a  Paulino  conscr. 
•50).  During  the  war  with  the  Goths,  A.D.  410, 
the  Romans  refused  to  repair  a  weak  part  of  the 
city  wall,  "  affirming  that  Peter  the  apostle  had 
promised  them  that  the  guardianship  of  that 
place  should  be  his  care,  for  the  Romans  reve- 
rence and  worship  this  apostle  above  all " 
(Procopins  de  BeU.o  GoUmo,  L  2.3 ;  ed.  Nieb.  iL 
110).  St.  Augustine,  421,  heard  and  believed 
that  when  Xola  was  besieged,  St.  Felix,  its 
patron  (ed.  Xieb.  ii.  110),  appeared  (2>e  Cur. 
pro  yiort.  xvi.).  Leo  of  Rome,  440,  asks 
triumphantly,  "Quis  banc  urbem  reformavit 
saluti  ?  Quis  a  captivitate  eruit  ?  Quis  a  caede 
defendit?  Ludus  Circen-sium,  an  cuxa  Sanc- 
torum ?  "  (Serm.  81,  §  1).  Yenantius,  A.D.  560, 
says  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  (Poem.  iii.  viL  19), 

"  A  lacie  hcetili  duo  propngnacnla  praescnt." 

A  part  of  the  poem  from  which  we  quote,  including 
this  claim  of  protection,  is  said  to  have  been  in- 
scribed by  Ina,  A.D.  639,  on  the  walls  of  his  church 
at  Glastonbury  (Bolland.  Feb.  torn.  L  p.  906). 
Compare  Relics. 

(5)  But  more  alien  still  from  the  spirit  and 
faith  of  the  Gospel  was  the  dependence  placed  on 
the  patron  from  protection  from  the  consequences 
of  sin,  even  at  the  day  of  judgment.  We  find  even 
blasphemous  expression,  as  I  think  it  must  be 
deemed,  of  this  dependence  at  the  earliest  period 
of  patron  worship.  Thus  Prudentius  declares 
that  he  desired  to  be  on  the  left  hand  of  the 
judge,  that  Romanus  may  come  to  his  rescue 
(J)e  Coron.  X.  in  fine).  The  patron  is  a  mediator 
with  Christ,  as  Christ  with  the  Father  (ibid.  ii. 
578).  This  extravagance  may  be  partially 
ascribed  to  the  improper  licence  which  the 
Christian  poets  allowed  themselves ;  but  the 
fundamental  error  is  common. 

VU.  I  am  not  acquainted  with  any  book  that 
treats  exclusively  or  especially  of  patron  saints. 
Works  on  the  general  cultus  of  the  saints  are. 


PAUL 


1581 


among  others,  J,  Camerarius  de  fn^xatif/iie 
Sanctorum,  Giaece,  Lips.  1545;  E,  Montagu 
fljp.),  Treatiie  of  Invooatifm  of  Sounti,  1624 ; 
WilL  Forbes  (bp.),  (>jn^ider'jiionei  MfAe-dJK  d^ 
Inxoc.  lionet.  Lond.  1658,  Hehnst.  1704,  Frank- 
fort, 1707  ;  Oxf.  A.  C.  L.  1856 ;  G.  Morley  (bp.). 
Epid^jVie  d^iae  de  Liv.  Scmct.  Lond.  1683*;  Dean 
Freeman  (.Samuel),  Diicr/nrze  concerrang  the  In- 
tocxction  of  Sairdt,  in  bp.  Gilwon'a  Presertatir'? 
aqainsst  Pojjer^j,  tL  4,  Lond.  17-38 ;  W.  CTagett. 
ijiirxpine  (xmcerrdrvj  tr<e  Worship  of  V,e  BletifA 
Virgin  Mary  ortd  the  .yiirUi,  Lrm.<L  1666;  re- 
printed in  Gibson,  «.  s. ;  Qasysi  .Sagittarius, 
Diga^rt.  de  NrdalUiis  Martynan,  Eotterd,  1599  ; 
J.  £.  Tyler,  Prirfdtixe  CrcrUAian  Wor$ttip,  Load. 
1840,  1847. 

On  the  patronage  of  angels  especially,  see 
Steph-  Clotz,  Tractatug  de  Ajigekloctria,  Boetoch. 
1636 ;  Joh.  Prideaux,  37*e  Patronage  of  Arigdi. 
Ox£  1636.  [W.  £,  S.] 

PAUL,  Apostle  ;  Festttais  of,  etc. 

(1)  Festival  of  St.  Feteb.  asd  St.  Paci- 
See  Peteb,  Apostle,  Flsiivals  of.  Corrwieirto- 
ratvyn  of  St.  Paul  on  Jurv?  %,  Cyid. 

(2)  Festival  of  Cmrergim  of  St.  Paui.—The; 
observance  of  this  festival  dates  frma  a  much 
later  period  than  the  ■preceding,  though  it  is  not 
at  all  easy  to  apprciimate  to  the  time  with  any 
degree  of  certainty.  The  reason  for  encb  a  com- 
memoration is  not  £xr  to  seek:  a  conreisjon 
such  as  that  of  St.  Paul  stands  on  an  altogether 
dicerent  footing  from  the  call  of  any  other 
apostle,  and  when  it  is  considered  how  different, 
humanly  speakinz,  Christianity  would  have 
been,  had  God  not  thought  fit  to  employ  St.  Paul 
as  He  did,  we  may  ^ow  that  there  is  a  sense 
in  which  Renan  is  justified  in  calling  St.  Paul 
'•  the  second  founder  of  Christianity." 

Besides  the  general  importance  of  the  event 
herein  commemorated,  there  was  also  probably  a 
desire  to  hestow  a  furtber  commemoration  on 
St.  Paul,  as  though  he  had  hardly  received 
sufficient  recognition  by  the  festival  of  Jane  29, 
of  which  the  commemoration  of  St.  Panl  on 
June  30  is  also  evidence ;  a  need  which  would 
be  the  more  &lt  inasmuch  as  other  important 
festivals  soon  became  associated  with  the  name 
of  St.  Peter.  It  may  be  noted  that  the  feast  of 
the  Conversion  of  St.  Paul  is  peculiar  to  the 
Western  church,  the  special  necessity  of  which 
we  have  spoken  as  tending  to  its  origination 
being,  on  the  whole,  peculiar  to  the  West. 

In  inquiring  as  to  the  date  at  which  we  can 
first  find  traces  of  the  observance  of  this  festival, 
we  shall  do  well  in  the  first  place  to  dear  the 
ground  of  fictitious  instanc-es.  Baronius  (Mart. 
Rom.  Jan.  29)  appeals  to  sermons  of  St.  Augus- 
tine for  this  lestival,  an  appeal  which,  if  sub- 
stantiated, would  give  a  decidedly  early  date. 
The  sermons  in  question  are  thc-se  given  by 
the  Benedictine  editors  as  273,  279  (Pitrol. 
xixviiL  1268),  and  also  189  of  those  rejected  by 
them  as  spurious  (St.  xxxix.  2098).  As  regards 
the  first  of  these,  while  it  is  true  that  the  con- 
version of  St.  Paul  is  dwelt  on,  the  particular 
part  of  the  Acts  containing  that  history  having, 
it  would  seem,  been  the  lection  in  the  service  ; 
vet  the  heading  which  connects  the  sermon  with 
the  festival  \pro  sdenautate  amt^nkmis  S. 
PattlQ  is  certainlv  late,  fcr  the  sermon  is  cited 
in   the  Indiadus'  oi    Possidius   (c   8)  as   "de 


1582 


PAUL 


vocatioue  apostoli  Pauli  et  commendatioue 
orationis  dominicae,"  and  it  seems  to  have  been 
one  of  those  made  for  the  paschal  season,  when 
the  Acts  was  regularly  read.  It  may  be  added 
that  the  Calendarium  Carthaginense  makes  r\o 
mention  of  this  festival,  a  weighty  argument 
against  its  celebration  in  Africa  in  Augustine's 
time. 

Not  unnaturally,  in  the  course  of  time,  when 
the  festival  was  actually  established,  the  subject 
matter  of  the  sermon  led  to  its  receiving  its 
later  title.  Thus  Florus  {Expos,  in  Epp.  Pauli ; 
1  Cor.  iii.,  1  Thess.  iv.,  1  Tim.  i. ;  Patrol,  cxix. 
324,  &c.)  invariably  cites  it  as  Senno  de  Convcr- 
sione  Apostoli  Pauli.  Assuming  the  authorship 
of  this  expositio  to  be  established,  the  above  is 
the  earliest  allusion  we  are  acquainted  with  to  the 
existence  of  the  festival,  bringing  it  to  about  the 
middle  of  the  9th  century. 

The  second  sermon  is  entitled  in  some  MSS.,  it 
is  true,  in  Conversione  S.  Pauli,  but  Florus 
always  cites  it  merely  de  Paulo  Apostolo  (op.  cit.  ; 
Rom.  i.  viii.  ix. ;  Phil.  ii.).  The  third  sermon  is 
merely  a  cento  made  up  from  other  sermons  of 
St.  Augustine. 

No  homily  for  the  day  is  found  in  the  works 
of  Leo,  Maximus  of  Turin,  Bede,  &c.  The  festival 
is  given,  however,  in  some  forms  of  the  Gre- 
gorian Sacrameutary  (col.  22,  ed.  Menard), 
where  the  service  includes  a  'solemn'  benediction. 
On  the  other  hand,  however,  Pamelius  obelizes  it, 
and  the  Cod.  Reg.  Sueciae  (Vat.  1275)  of  the 
Benedictine  edition  omits  it  altogether.  This 
MS.  is,  however,  of  about  the  date  900  A.D.,  and 
M(5nard's  Cod.  2 header icensis  i.,  a  century  earlier, 
gives  the  festival,  but  puts  it  after  the  com- 
memorations on  the  same  day  of  SS.  Emeren- 
tianus  and  Macharius.  It  may  be  noted  that 
the  festival  is  altogether  wanting  in  the  Gre- 
gorian antiphouary.  Almost  identical  with  the 
form  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  is  that  in 
the  Ambrosian,  the  only  differences  being  that 
the  latter  has  a  prayer  super  sindoncm,  and  that 
the  benediction  is  shorter.  In  the  Comes 
Hierongmi  it  is  entirely  absent,  Jan.  25  being 
merely  recognised  as  the  Natale  of  Macharius  and 
Emerentianus.  Taking  then  into  account  the 
reference  of  Florus,  and  assuming  the  date  of 
the  Cod.  Tlieodericensis  to  be  rightly  given,  it 
will  follow  that  the  festival  was  existing  at  the 
beginning  of  the  9th  century,  but  its  absence 
from  MSS.  of  the  sacramentary  of  a  later  date 
will  suggest  that  it  came  but  slowly  into  recog- 
nition. Thus  there  is  no  allusion  to  it  in  tfie 
capitularc  of  Ahyto,  bishop  of  Basle  early  in  the 
9th  century. 

On  turning  to  the  martyrologies,  we  find  in 
the  Mart.  Hieronymi  for  Jan.  25,  after  the  entry 
"  Nicomediae,  Biti,"  the  further  notice,  "  Eomae, 
Translatio  Sancti  Pauli  Apostoli  "  (Patrol,  xxx. 
455),  a  suggestion,  it  would  seem,  of  a  diflerent 
kind  of  origin  for  the  festival.  The  metrical 
martyrology  of  Bede  gives  a  notice  of  the  day, 
"  Octavas  merito  gaudet  conversio  Pauli "  (Patrol. 
xciv.  603).  This,  however,  is  wanting  in  some 
MSS.,  and  may  be  summarily  dismissed  as  an 
interpolation.  Moreover,  in  the  ordinary  martyr- 
ology of  Bede,  in  its  true  text  as  edited  by 
Henschenius,  there  is  no  mention  of  the  conver- 
sion of  St.  Paul,  though  this  occurs  among  the 
additions  of  the  late  texts  (Acta  Sanctoriini,'Mdr  ch, 
vol.  ii.   p.    xi.).     The   martyrology   of  liabanus 


PAULA 

Maurus  mentions,  on  Jan.  25,  both  the  trans- 
lation and  conversion  (Patrol,  ex.  1130)  ;  see  also 
Notker  (Patrol,  cxxxi.  1039).  Wandalbert,  in 
the  9th  century,  commemorates  the  festival, 
"  Octavo  ex  Saulo*  conversum  gloria  Paulum  " 
(Patrol,  cxxi.  587).  Some  9th-century  calendar.s, 
however,  do  not  recognise  the  festival  (see,  e.g., 
the  Kal.  Floriacense,  in  Martene  and  Durand, 
Ampl.  Coll.  vi.  650).  We  may  perhaps  approxi- 
mate to  the  date  of  the  introduction  of  this 
festival  into  England  by  noting  that,  while  there 
is  no  mention  of  it  in  the  pontifical  of  Egbert, 
archbishop  of  York  (732-766  A.D.),  yet  it  is  given 
in  the  sacramentary  of  Leofric  (bishop  of  Exeter. 
1050-1072  A.D.).  The  MS.  of  this,  however, 
now  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  is  of  the  10th 
century  (Surtees  Society's  Publications,  vol.  Ixi. 
p.  xi.). 

(3)  Apocryphal  Literature.  —  Of  apocryphal 
works  connected  with  the  name  of  St.  Paul  there 
is  a  considerable  quantity.  There  are  Acts  of 
Peter  and  Paul,  published  by  Tischendorf  (^cf" 
Apostolorum  Apocrypha,  pp.  1.  sqq.;  of.  p.  siv). 
There  are  also  Acts  of  Paul  and  Thecla  (ib.  p.  40  ; 
cf.  p.  xxi.)  referred  to  as  early  as  TertuUian  (de 
Baptismo,  c.  57).  A  Syriac  version  of  this  ha.- 
been  published  by  Dr.  Wright  (Apocryphal  Acts 
of  the  Apostles). 

Two  spurious  letters  exist  in  Armenian,  one 
purporting  to  be  from  the  Corinthian  church  to 
St.  Paul,  and  the  other  the  apostle's  answer.  A 
Latin  translation  of  these  is  given  in  Fabricius 
(Code.v  Pseud.  Vet.  Teat.  iii.  667,  sqq.).  An 
English  translation  by  Lord  Byron  is  also  given 
in  Moore's  Life  of  Byron.  We  have  also  a  spu- 
rious letter  to  the  church  of  Laodicea,  in  Latin 
(for  which  see  Lightfoot's  Colossians,  ed.  2,  pp. 
281,  sqq.),  and  a  series  of  letters  in  Latin, 
forming  a  correspondence  between  St.  Paul  and 
Seneca.  These  are  given  by  Fabricius  (op.  cit. 
i.  871 ;  cf.  Jerome  de  Viris  illustr.  12  ;  Aug. 
Ep.  153  ad  Macedonium,  §  14 ;  reference  may 
also  be  made  to  the  essay  in  Lightfoot's  Philip- 
pians). 

Further,  we  have  an  Apocalypse  of  Paul,  first 
edited  by  Tischendorf  (Apocalypses  Apocryphae, 
pp.  34,  sqq.)  from  a  Greek  MS.  in  the  Ambro- 
sian Library.  A  Syriac  text  also  exists,  of  which 
an  English  translation  has  been  published  (ib. 
p.  svii.).  [R.  S.] 

PAUL,  ST.  (IN  Art).     [Peter.] 

PAULA  (1),  martyr  at  Byzantium  undei 
Aurelian,  with  her  husband  Lucianus  and  theii 
children  Claudius,  Hypatius,  Paulus,  Dionysius  ; 
commemorated  Jan.  19  (Cal.  Byzant.).  Basil. 
Menol.  places  her  under  Jan.  3,  naming  the 
children  as  above,  but  the  husband  Lucillianus, 
and  attributing  the  martydom  to  the  reign  of 
Aurelian.  The  Cal.  Byzant.  has  Paula  and  her 
children  (who  ai-e  not  named)  and  her  husband 
Lucillianus  under  June  3.  In  Hieron.  Mart,  a 
Paula  with  numerous  others  at  Rome  occur 
under  June  3. 

(2)  Domitio ;  commemorated  at  Bethlehem 
Jan.  26  (Hieron.  Mart.)  ;  Jan.  27  (Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Vet.  Bom.  Mart). 

(3)  Virgin  martyr  at  the  city  of  Malaca  in 


1  The  reading  of  the  MSS.  for  the  mistaken  reading  ( 
the  earlier  editions,  saeclo. 


PAULINA 

Spain;      commemorated      June      18     (Usuard 
Hart.). 

(4)  Commemorated  with  Sabinus,  Maximus, 
and  others  at  Damascus  July  20  (Usuard.  Mart.}. 
This  name  occurs  as  Paulus  in  Hieron.  Mart. 

[C.  H.] 

PAULINA,  martyr  with  her  parents 
Artemius  and  Candida  at  Rome ;  commemorated 
Jun.  6  (Usuard.  Mart. :   Vet.  Bom.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 

PAULINUS  (1),  martyr  with  Heraclius  and 
others  at  Athens;  commemorated  May  15 
(Basil.  MenoL). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Felicissimus,  Eraclius,  and 
others  in  Etruria ;  commemorated  May  26 
(^Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Nola,  confessor  ;  commemorated 
June  22  (Usuard.,  Wand.,  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Vet. 
Bern.  Mart. ;  Florus,  Mart.  ap.  Bed.). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Aug.  25 
(Wright,  Syr.  Mart.). 

(5)  Bishop  of  Treves  under  Constantius,  con- 
fessor'; hatalis  Aug.  31  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Aug.  vi.  668)  ;  depositio  Sept.  4  (Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr  with  four  others  ;  commemorated 
Sept.  7  (Wright,  Syr.  Mart.). 

(7)  Bishop  of  York,  confessor  ;  commemorated 
in  Britain  Oct.  10  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  3Iart.). 

[C.H.] 

PAULUS  (1),  the  first  hermit  in  Thebais  ; 
commem.  Jan.  10  (Usuard.,  Wand.,  Mart. ;  Vet. 
Bom.  Mart. ;  Bed.,  Notk. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i. 
602)  ;  with  Johannes  the  Calybite  Jan.  15  (Ca/. 
Byzant. ;  Dan.  Codex  Liturg.  iv.  251). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Pausirion  and  Theodotion  at 
Cleopatris  in  Egypt  under  Diocletian;  com- 
memorated Jan.  24:  {Cal.  Byzant. ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Jan.  ii.  591). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Trois  Chateaux  ;  commemorated 
Feb.  1  (Usuard.  Mart.  ■  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  i. 
92). 

(4)  Martyr  with  Cyrillus,  Eugenius,  and 
others ;  commemorated  in  Asia  Mar.  20. 
(Usuard.  3fart. ;  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Mart.  iii.  83). 

(5)  Bishop  of  Narbonne,  confessor ;  com- 
memorated Mar.  22  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom. 
Mart. ;  Florus,  ap.  Bed. ;  Wand. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Mar.  iii.  371). 

(6)  Commemorated  with  Isidorus,  monks  at 
Corduba,  Ap.  17  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr  with  Petrus,  Andreas,  Dionysia  ; 
passio  commemorated  at  Lampsacus  May  15 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Commemorated  at  Nevers  with  Heraclius 
and  others  May  17  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard. 
Mart.). 

(9)  Presbyter ;  commemorated  at  Autun  with 
bishop  Reverianus  June  1  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(10)  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  martyr  under 
Constantius ;  commemorated  June  7  (Usuard., 
Wand.,  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii.  13). 

(11)  Martyr  with  Cyriacus,  Paula,  and  others 


PAVEMENT 


1583 


at  Tumi ;  commemorated  June  20  (Hieron. 
Mart.  ;  Usuard.  3fart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  iv. 
8). 

(12)  Martyr  with  his  brother  Joannes  under 
Julian ;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  2^i 
(Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.). 

(IS)  Deacon  and  martyr  ;  commemorated  at 
Corduba  July  20  (Usuard.  Mart.).  Under  this 
day  occur  in  Hieron.  Mart.  Paulus  at  Corinth 
and  Paulus  (Paula  in  Usuard.)  of  Damascus. 

(14)  Martyr  at  Nicopolis ;  commemorated 
Aug.  11  (Wright,  Syr.  Mart.). 

(15)  Junior,  patriarch  of  Constantinople ; 
commemorated  Aug.  30  and  Nov.  6  (Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  267,  273).  Under  Nov.  6 
a  Paulus  occurs  for  Africa  in  Hieron.  Mart. 

(16)  Patriarch  of  Constantinople ;  com- 
memorated Oct.  3  (Cal.  Ethiop.). 

(17)  Commemorated  with  Paulina  Dec.  5  (Cal. 
Ethiop.).  In  Hieron,  Mart,  a  Paulus  occurs  for 
this  day,  with  many  others,  but  no  Paulina. 

[C.  H.] 
PAUSIACUS,  bishop  of  Synnada  in  the  7th 
century  ;  commemorated  May  13  (Basil,  Menol. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai,  iii.  240).  [C.  H.] 

PAUSILYPUS,  martyr  under  Hadrian; 
commemorated  Ap.  8.  (Basil,  Menol.).     [C.  H.] 

PAUSIRION,  martyr  with  Paulus  and 
Theodotion  under  Diocletian ;  commemorated 
Jan.  24  (Basil,  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant.).     [C.  H.] 

PAVEMENT.  Although  scarcely  to  be  in- 
cluded among  Christian  antiquities,  the  platform 
or  pavement  on  which  Roman  governors  of 
provinces  and  other  like  officials  were  accustomed 
to  place  their  chairs  when  sitting  in  judgment 
comes  under  our  notice  on  one  occasion  of  such 
pre-eminent  interest  that  some  mention  of  it 
can  hardly  be  omitted.  It  must  be  almost  need- 
less to  say  that  the  occasion  referred  to  is  that  in 
which  our  Lord  was  brought  before  Pilate — "  in 
the  place  called  the  Pavement  "  (eU  roirov  \ey6- 
jjiivov  KteSffrpccTov,  St.  John  xix.  13).  It  appears 
that  it  was  the  practice  for  Roman  officials  of 
high  rank  to  cause  such  a  pavement  to  be  con- 
structed as  an  adjunct  to  a  praetorium  wherever 
one  was  established.  Suetonius  (in  Vita  Jul. 
Cacs.)  says  that  it  was  related  of  Julius  Caesar 
that  in  his  expeditions  he  carried  with  him  pave- 
ments sectile  and  tesselated  ("  in  expeditionibus 
tessellata  et  sectilia  pavimenta  circumtulisse  "). 
Casaubon  remarks  upon  this  passage,  that  what 
he  carried  with  him  were  probably  the  materials 
with  which  such  official  pavements  might  be 
constructed. 

A  representation  in  art  of  such  a  pavement  may 
be  found  on  the  top  of  the  reliquary  of  carved 
ivory  [Reliquary]  preserved  in  the  Biblioteca 
Quiriniana  at  Brescia,  in  the  subject  of  Christ 
brought  before  Pilate,  the  scat  of  the  latter 
being  placed  on  a  slightly  raised  platform  or 
dais.     This  casket  is  probably  of  the  4th  century. 

The  pavements  of  churches  were  in  the  earlier 
ages  usually  either  of  mosaic,  or  tesselated,  or  of 
sectile  work,  the  latter  being  made  up  of  pieces 
of  marbles,  porphyries,  or  granites,  cut  so  as  to  fit 
together  and  form  patterns.     One  of  the  earliest 


I 


1584 


PAVEMENT 


examples  of  the  former  is  probably  the  pavement 
in  the  basilica  of  Reparatus,  near  Orleansville, 
in  Algeria,  probably  circa  A.D.  325.  (See 
woodcut.)  The  two  kinds  of  work  were 
occasionally  mixed,  as  in  the  pavement  of  the 
chapel  of  St.  Alexander,  on  the  Via  Latina, 
a     few    miles    from    Home,    discovered    about 


twenty  years  ago.  In  this  instance  slabs  of 
marble  enclose  squares  of  coarse  mosaic  of  white 
marble,  in  which  were  a  sort  of  quatrefoils, 
roughly  formed  by  tesserae  of  dark  stone.  This 
pavement  probably  dated  from  the  5th  or  6th 
century.  One  of  very  similar  character,  and 
probably  of  the  same  date,  was  discovered  in 
1858,  when  the  original  level  of  the  north  aisle 
of  the  choir  of  S.  Lorenzo-fuor-le-Mura,  at 
Rome,  was  reached  by  excavation.  The  pavement 
of  the  earlier  church  of  San  Clemente,  at  Rome, 
was  found  to  consist  of  slabs  of  marble  arranged 
in  a  somewhat  simple  pattern.  The  churches  of 
St.  Sophia  and  St.  John  Studios,  at  Constanti- 
nople, both  retain  portions  of  their  original 
pavements  :  large  slabs  of  marble,  circular  or 
quadrangular,  are  enclosed  by  bands  of  inter- 
lacing ornament,  chiefly  executed  in  strips  of 
marble,  but  in  part  in  mosaic  (y.  Salzenberg, 
Baudenhnale  Constant i7iopels,  &c.).  A  good, 
though  small,  example  of  a  sectile  pavement  will 
be  found  in  the  triforium  of  the  cathedral  of 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  being  no  doubt  a  portion  of 
that  brought  by  Charles  the  Great  from  Rome  or 
Ravenna. 

Mosaic  pavements  not  unfrequently  contained 
inscriptions  recording  the  names  of  the  donors. 
The  remains  of  such  an  inscription  were  found  in 
the  ruins  of  the  basilica  of  Reparatus  mentioned 
above.  In  this  occurs  the  names  of  Paulus, 
Pomponius,  Rusticus,  and  Adeodatus  with  the 
additions  "  votum  solvit,"  "  voti  comp."  &c. 
The  pavement  is  one  of  considerable  elegance ; 
it  is  divided  into  compartments,  in  which  are 
figures  of  stags,  goats,  sheep,  &c.  An  engraving 
will  be  found  in  Les  Carrelages  e'maille's,  by 
M.  Am^,  pp.  15-28,  borrowed  from  that  given 
in   the   report   of  the   Commission  Scientifique 


PAX 

de  I'Algerie  (Beaux-Arts,  I.  i.  pi.  liii.).  Another 
instance  of  a  pavement  provided  by  the 
contributions  of  the  members  of  the  church  is 
afforded  by  a  recent  discovery  at  Olympia. 
mentioned  in  a  letter  printed  in  the  Times  ol 
April  16,  1877.  It  is  there  stated  that  the 
ruins  of  a  large  Byzantine  church,  "  perhaps  as 
early  as  the  5th  century,  had  been  found." 
The  pavement  of  this  church  was  formed  ol' 
large  marble  slabs,  on  one  of  which,  in  the 
centre  of  the  nave,  was  inscribed,  "  Kyriakos. 
a  most  discreet  Anagnostes,  who  for  the  salva- 
tion of  his  soul  ornamented  the  pavement." 

In  the  crypt  of  the  cathedral  of  Verona  are 
remains  of  a  tesselated  pavement  of  elegant 
design,  probably  not  later  in  date  than  the  5tli 
century  (v.  engraving  in  Museum  Veronense  by 
Maffei,  j).  ccviii.).  In  the  compartments  of  this 
are  inscriptions  containing  the  names  of  the 
contributors  to  the  work  and  stating  the  quan- 
tities paid  for  by  each,  as  "  Eusebia  cum  suis 
tessallavit  P.  CXX." 

Another  remarkable  instance  of  an  early 
pavement  is  that  of  the  church  of  Dedamoukha, 
in  Mingrelia  (27ie  Crimea,  &c.  by  Capt.  Telfer, 
p.  123),  which  is  attributed  to  the  6th  century. 
In  this  instance  forty  small  circular  slabs  are  let 
into  the  floor  near  the  south  entrance,  and  are 
asserted  to  be  placed  over  the  heads  of  the 
"  aywi  TeffffapaKoyra,"  the  forty  saints  martyred 
in  Armenia,  in  the  time  of  Licinius,  by  being 
exposed  to  the  rigour  of  a  winter  frost  in  a 
marsh. 

Nor  were  pavements  made  use  of  for  memorials 
only,  for  Gregory  of  Nyssa  (in  Theod.  Orat.  25) 
says,  "  Nor  do  the  walls  alone  of  this  temple 
read  us  lessons  of  piety,  for  the  very  pavement, 
in  its  mosaics  like  a  flowery  mead,  promotes  our 
instruction."  That  few  examples  have  remained 
to  our  time  will  not  appear  surprising,  when  it  is 
remembered  that  the  pavement  is  the  part  of  the 
church  of  all  the  most  exposed  to  injury. 

One  example  of  a  tesselated  pavement  requircs 
mention  as  being  one  of  the  few  instances  of  the 
occurrence  of  Christian  symbols  in  Roman 
remains  in  England  ;  the  pavement  discovered 
at  Frampton  in  Dorsetshire,  an  engraving  of 
which  has  been  given  by  Lysons  (^Reliquiae 
Britannae-Romanae).  The  ruins  in  which  it 
was  discovered  were  apparently  those  of  a  villa; 
it  covered  the  floor  of  an  apartment  of  a  square 
form  with  a  semiciixular  projection  or  apse 
from  one  side.  In  a  compartment  occupying  the 
central  part  of  the  arc  of  the  apse  remained 
the  two  handles  with  portions  of  the  lip  of  a 
vase  which  if  complete  would  probably  have 
borne  the  form  of  the  vases  or  chalices  often 
found  in  early  Christian  art  (v.  Chalice); 
while  in  the  centre  of  the  chord  of  the  semicircle 
was  the  labarum  forming  the  centre  of  a  band 
of  foliage  ;  immediately,  however,  beyond  this 
band  was  one  which  ran  round  the  room,  and 
was  decorated  with  figures  of  dolphins.  In  the 
centre  of  this  band  and  in  contact  with  the 
labarum  was  a  large  head  of  Neptune,  while  a 
figure  of  Cupid  occupied  a  like  position  on 
another  side.  It  is  difficult  to  form  a  satisfac- 
tory conclusion  as  to  the  destination  of  this 
apartment  in  view  of  this  remarkable  collocation 
of  Pagan  deities  and  Christian  symbols. 

[A.  N.] 
PAX.     [Kiss,  p.  903.] 


PAX  YOBISCUM 
PAX  YOBISCUM.    [DoMiNus  Vobiscuh.] 
PEACE,  KISS  OF.     [Kiss.] 

PEACOCK.  See  Lamps,  p.  921.  The  pea- 
cock was  a  favourite  ornament  from  the  1st 
century ;  it  is  found,  with  other  birds,  at  Poz- 
zuoli  (see  new  frescoes  in  the  South  Kensington 
Uluseum,  nos.  1270-73),  at  Pompeii  and  Hercu- 
laneum,  and  repeatedly  in  the  Jewish  catacombs 
of  the  1st  century  (Parker's  Photographs, 
nos.  561,  562).  Martigny  says  it  was  a  symbol 
of  the  Resurrection,  from  the  annual  moulting 
and  renewal  of  its  beautiful  tail-feathers,  re- 
ferring to  Bosio  {R.  Sott.  p.  641)  and  Aringhi 
(R.  S.  II.  Ivi.  c.  36,  p.  612).  Mamachi  (Antiq. 
Christ.  1.  iii.  p.  92)  says  there  is  neither  authority 
for,  nor  objection  to,  the  symbolism,  a  view  in 
which  we  concur ;  and  Martigny  quotes  a  sentence 
from  one  of  St.  Anthony  of  Padua's  sermons 
(5  post  Trin.)  which  compares  our  body  to  all 
the  trees  of  the  wood  as  well,  and  with  equal 
plausibility. 

St.  Augustine  {de  Civit.  Dei,  1.  sxi.  c.  iv.) 
speaks  of  this  bird  as  an  emblem  of  immor- 
tality, from  the  opinion  of  his  time  that  its  flesh 
was  in  part  or  entirely  incorruptible.  For  this 
or  whatever  reason  it  is  made  in  the  cemeteries 
to  accompany  the  Good  Shepherd  and  the  sym- 
bolic Orpheus,  see  Fresco,  p.  696,  Bottari,  iii. 
tav.  Ixiii.  Like  the  Vine  and  the  Good  Shepherd, 
it  was  part  of  the  repertory  of  heathen  deco- 
ration. The  fact  is,  as  any  draughtsman  will 
see,  the  peacock  with  outspread  tail  is  specially 
adapted  to  ornament  circular  vaultings  and  walls 
beneath  them,  as  in  Aringhi,  R.  S.  col.  ii.  p. 
59.  Its  radiating  plumes  make  it  a  geome- 
trical centre  for  circles  or  curves  of  deco- 
ration, and  it  is  equally  well  suited  to  be  a 
centre  of  colour.  It  was  probably  one  of  the 
earliest  ornaments  adopted  by  Christian  painters, 
but  it  may  have  been  one  of  the  latest  invested 
with  sacred  meaning. 

The  writer  cannot  find  it  in  GaiTucci's  Vetri, 
but  it  seems  to  have  been  particularly  in  favour 
as  a  fresco  subject  for  walls  or  roof  ornament. 
Martigny  gives  an  example  from  the  cemetery  of 
SS.   Marcellinus   and   Peter  (see  woodcut)  of  a 


PECTORAL  CROSS 


158.^ 


From  Martigny. 


peacock  with  circular  train  displayed  standing 
on  a  globe,  with  the  remark  that  the  artist 
"  evidently "  means  to  symbolise  the  winged 
soul  rising  above  the  earth  after  the  resurrec- 
tion.    There  is  a  similar  painting  in  St.  Agne 


(Bottari,  t.  iii.  pi.  184).  He  is  strengthened 
by  Boldetti  (^Cimiteri,  &c.  p.  164)  and  by  Lupi 
{Dissert,  ii.  t.  i.  p.  204)  in  the  conviction  that 
the  casks  or  dolia  painted  near  this  latter 
[DOLIUJI]  represent  the  blood  of  martyrs  in- 
terred in  the  immediate  vicinity,  and  the  pea- 
cock their  resurrection. 

A  peacock  with  two  chicks  is  represented  in 
fresco  on  a  vaulted  monument  in  the  catacombs 
of  St.  Januarius  at  Naples.  The  latter  seem  to 
be  issuing  from  a  kind  of  nest-shaped  basket 
(D'Agincourt,  Peinture,  pi.  ii.  no.  9).  The  pea- 
cock and  young  are  also  found  in  a  Christian 
catacomb  discovered  at  Milan  in  1845  near  the 
basilica  of  St.  Nazaire,  for  which  Martigny 
refers  to  Polidori  sopi-a  alcuni  Sepolcri  ante- 
Cristiani  in   Milano,  1845,  p.  57. 

One  reason  for  believing  the  figure  of  the  pea- 
cock to  be  rather  ornamental  than  symbolic  is 
that  it  is  but  rarely  found  in  sculpture.  Two 
peacocks  are  found  with  a  verse  on  the  epitaph 
of  the  priest  Romanus  in  the  Musee  Lapidaire 
at  Lyons,  and  this  ornament  was  frequently  used 
in  after  days  in  the  Byzantine  sculpture  of 
Venice  (Ruskin,  Stones  of  Venice^  vol.  i.  p.  235. 
M.  Leblant  {laser,  chre't.  de  la  Gaule)  says  he  has 
only  found  it  three  times  on  monuments,  and 
Martigny  only  knows  two  examples  in  Rome — 
one  on  the  tombstone  of  Aurelia  Proba  (Boldetti, 
p.  361).  There  is  one  on  an  end  of  the  sarco- 
phagus of  Junius  Bassus  (Bottari,  t.  i.  p.  1). 
The  peacock  is  sparingly  used  in  a  merely 
decorative  way  in  Carlovingian  ornament. 
There  are  two  rather  conventionally  but  beau- 
tifully arranged  in  an  evangeliary  of  Charle- 
magne's (Bastard,  vol.  ii.  pi.  2).     [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

PEARL.     [MAEGAPaTA,  p.  1090.] 

PECTORAL  CROSS  (Greek,  iyKSx-nwv ; 
Lat.  Crux  Collaria,  pectorale,  rationale,  forma- 
Uum,  logium,  firmale,  firmaculum  ;  Ital.  fermale, 
fermaglio).  The  names  rationale,  logium  {\6yiov), 
were  adopted  by  Christianity  from  the  high- 
priest's  breast-plate.  They  may  be  best  explained 
in  Magri's  words  (Eierolexicon,  s.  v.)  :  "  quia 
miracvilose  futura  demoustrabat,  et  quasi 
loquebatur  ac  ratiocinabatur,  ideoque  rationale 
etiam  dicebatur."  The  word  is  used  by  Gregory 
of  Tours. 

The  earliest  account  of  the  pectoral  cross 
given  by  Hofmann  {Lex.  Univ.')  dates  from  the 
9th  century.  It  is  that  of  Auastasius,  the 
librarian,  "  Crucem  cum  pretioso  ligno  vel  cum 
reliquiis  sanctorum  ante  pectus  portare  suspen- 
sam  ad  collum,  hoc  est,  quod  vocant  Encol- 
pium." 

Pope  Innocent  III.  traces  its  use  by  the  pope 
to  the  vesting  of  the  high  priest  under  the 
Mosaic  law  {De  Sacra  Altaris  Mysterio,  lib.  i. 
cap.  53). 

In  the  East  the  custom  began  of  all  Christians, 
and  not  bishops  alone,  wearing  a  cross  hung 
about  the  neck.  [Encolpion;  Reliquary], 
Gregory  of  Tours  relates  that  he  once  put  out 
a  fire  by  drawing  from  his  breast  a  cross  of  gold 
which  inclosed  some  relics  of  the  Virgin,  the 
Apostles,  and  St.  Martin. 

It  should  be  noticed  that  neither  Durandus 
nor  Thomas  Aquinas  includes  the  pectoral  cross 
amongst  the  official  vestments  of  a  bishop  ;  yet  it 
appears  that,  though  it  was  not  a  part  of  the 


155 


PECTOKALE 


exclusively  episcopal  vesture,  bishops  were  in  the  ] 
habit  of  wearing  a  pectoral  cross  iu  the  time  of  i 
Durandus.  The  prayers  which  are  usually  recited 
on  putting  the  cross  upon  the  breast  are  not 
anterior  to  the  14th  century,  at  which  date  the 
pectoral  cross  seems  first  to  have  taken  rank 
amongst  episcopal  ornaments. 

Pugin  (Glossary)  observes  that  the' pectoral 
cross  is  now  considered  an  emblem  of  jurisdic- 
tion, hence  when  a  bishop  enters  the  diocese  of 
another  he  wears  the  cross  concealed. 

[H.  T.  A.] 

PECTORALE,  PECTORALIS.  These 
words  are  used  in  a  variety  of  senses  to  describe 
things  worn  on  or  covering  the  breast.  We  may 
mention,  for  example,  (1)  the  band  or  fillet  en- 
circling the  breast  of  women.  See  e.  g.  Jer.  ii. 
32,  where  the  Hebrew  □''"ItJ'P  (o-rr/eoSeir/iis, 
LXX)  is  rendered  by  Jerome  fascia  i^jectoralis  ; 
cf.  also  Isa.  iii.  24  (Vg.) ;  (2)  its  use  as  equivalent 
to  Rationale  (see  the  article),  but  no  instances 
occur  of  this  sufficiently  early  for  our  purpose ; 
(3)  Gregory  the  Great,  in  one  of  his  letters,  uses 
pectoralis  [_al.  pectorale]  simply  for  a  great-coat, 
which  he  sends  as  a  present  to  Ecclesius,  bishop 
of  Clusium,  who,  having  no  winter  coat,  suffers 
from  the  cold  (Epist.  xii.  47;  Patrol.  Ixxvii. 
1251).  [K.  S.] 

PEDILAVIUM.    [Maundy  Thursday.] 

PEDULES.     [Shoes.] 

PEDUM.     [Pastoral  Staff.] 

PEGASIUS,  martyr  with  Acindynus  and 
others  in  Persia  under  Sapor ;  commemorated 
Nov.  2  (Basil,  Menol. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
273).  [C.  H.] 

PELAGIA  (1),  "  holy  martyr  "  under  Dio- 
cletian ;  commemorated  May  4  (Gal.  Bi/zant. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  258). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Antioch  ;  commemorated  June 
9  (Basil,  MenoL). 

(3)  Martyr  with  Januarius  at  Nicopolis  in 
Armenia;  commemorated  July  11  (Hieron. 
Mart. ;  (Jsuard,  Wand. ;  Florus,  Mart.  ap.  Bed.). 

(4)  Martyr  of  Tarsus  under  Diocletian  ;  com- 
memorated Oct.  7  (Basil,  Menol.). 

(5)  Virgin  martyr  at  Antioch  under  Nume- 
rian ;  commemorated  Oct.  8  (Basil,  Menol.) ; 
with  the  virgins  Flecta  and  Barbara  (Cal. 
Armen.) ;  with  different  companions  (Hieron. 
Mart.)  ;  "  our  mother  "  (Cal.  Byzant.)  ;  ocria 
UTjTTjp  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  270. 

(6)  Quondam  meretrix  of  Antioch,  died  a  nun 
at  Rome  ;  commemorated  Oct.  8  (Basil,  Menol. ; 
Usuard,  Mart.  ;  Wright,  Syr.  Mart.). 

(7)  Peccatrix,  martyr  at  Antioch  with  Bero- 
nicus  and  forty-nine  others  ;  commemorated  Oct. 
19  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Usuard, 
Wand.,  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

PELEUS,  bishop,  martyr  with  Nilus,  bishop 
in  Egypt ;  commemorated  Sept.  19  (Basil.  Menol. 
Usuard,  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  vi.  21) ;  mentioned  again  by  Usuard  under 
Feb.  20.  [C.  H.] 


PENITENCE 

PELEUSIUS  or  PELUSIUS,  presbyter, 
martyr  at  Alexandria ;  commemorated  Ap.  7 
(Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard,  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Ap.  i.  659 ;  Wright,  Syr.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

PELICAN.  The  pelican  is  sometimes  used 
as  a  Christian  symbol,  in  consequence  of  the 
myth  which  relates  that  when  a  serpent  has 
bitten  her  young,  she  tears  open  her  breast  and 
revives  her  brood  with  her  own  blood.  The 
application  of  this  symbol  to  the  Saviour,  who 
gave  His  own  blood  for  perishing  man,  was 
readily  made  (Alt,  Bie  Heiligenbilder,  p.  56). 

[C] 

PELUSIOTAE.    [Philosarcae.] 

PENITENCE.  The  penitential  discipline, 
in  its  original  conception,  required  a  delinquent 
to  pass  through  three  stages,  beginning  with 
confession  of  his  guilt  [Exomologesis],  and  ending 
with  absolution,  and  a  restoration  to  his  forfeited 
privileges  [Reconciliation].  The  intermediate 
stage  of  penance  is  treated  in  this  article  in  the 
following  order : — 

I.  Names.    Origin  and  Development,  p.  15SG. 

II.   PEIOR  to  the   Sl'EEAD  OF  THE  NOVATIAN  IIlORESi 

1.  Duration  of  penance,  p.  1589. 

2.  Rites  and  usages,  p.  1590. 

ill.  The  Penitential  Stations,  p.  1591. 

1.  The  Mourners,  p.  1591. 

i.  Their  position  iu  tlie  church, 
li.  Duration  .ind  mode  of  penance. 

2.  The  Hearers,  p.  1592. 

i.  Their  position. 

3.  The  Kneelers,  p.  1593. 

i.  Their  position, 
ii.  Rites  and  prayers, 
iii.  Dress, 
iv.  Penitential  exercises. 

4.  The  Bystanders,  p.  1595. 

i.  Their  position. 

IV.    FitOK    THE    middle    op   THE    tlH   CENTDKr    TO   THE 
9TH. 

1.  In  the  East,  p.  1596. 

2.  In  the  West,  p.  1597. 

i.  Public  penitence, 
ii.  Private  penitence. 
V.  Sins  and  Penalties. 

1.  Sins  subjecting  to  penance,  p.  1599. 

i.  Open, 
ii.  Secret. 

2.  Penalties,  p.  1601. 

i.  Whether  exclusively  spiritual, 
ii.  Persons  on  whom  inflicted, 
iii.  Uniformity  of. 
iv.  Alleviation  of. 

a.  By  repentance. 
i!>.  By  confession, 
c.  By  intercession. 

3.  Penitence  denied,  p.  1603. 

i.  Sometimes  to  the  first  commission  of  inor- 

talia  delicta. 
ii.  Generally  to  the  repetition  of  delicta  once 

expiated. 
iii.  Sometimes  till  the  hour  of  death. 

4.  Penitence  of  the  sick,  p.  1605. 

5.  Season  of  penitence,  p.  1606. 

6.  Minister  cf  penitence,  p.  1606. 

7.  Penitence  cf  clergy,  p.  1607. 

I.  Names.     Origin  and  Development. 
The  original  meaning  of  the  Latin  word  poeni- 
tcntia,  with  its  Greek  equivalent  nerdyota,  was 


PENITENCE 

repentance — implying  change  of  heart,  contrition, 
and  amendment.  In  this  sense  it  was  frequently 
used  by  early  ecclesiastical  writers.  The  transi- 
tion from  this  meaning  to  that  of  penitential 
<liscipline  is  not  ditBcult'to  trace.  Along  with 
the  inward  feeling  of  contrition,  there  came  to  be 
combined,  in  the  theological  idea  of  repentance, 
an  outward  act  of  self-abasement.  Gradually 
the  outward  act  was  accepted  as  a  sign  of  the 
inward  sorrow,  and  ultimately  took  the  place  of 
it.  Isidore  (ii.  16,  de  Foenitentibus),  following 
Augustine  (Ej}.  54),  derives  the  word  from  the 
penal  idea  underlying  penitence  :  "  Poenitentia 
nomen  sumpsit  a  poena."  In  Kaban.  Maur.  Instit. 
ii.  29,  the  derivation  is  :  "A  punitione  poenitentia 
nomeL  accepit,  quasi  punitentia,  dum  ipse  homo 
punit  poenitendo,  quod  male  admisit."  The 
author  of  the  de  vera  et  falsa  Poenit.  c.  19,  which 
bears  the  name  of  Augustine,  slightly  varies  the 
r;tymology :  "  Poenitere  est  poenam  tenere,  ut 
semper  puniat  in  se,  ulsciscendo  quod  commisit 
peccando."  This  explanation  is  adopted  by  Peter 
Lombard  (sentent.  iv.  dist.  14),  and  by  Gratian 
{de  Poenit.  dist.  3),  and  is  the  accepted  etymology 
of  the  Roman  canonists  (Morinus  Poenitent.  i.  1). 

The  Latin  word  in  universal  use  to  express 
penitential  discipline  in  all  its  stages  and  degrees 
was  poenitentia,  with  its  corresponding  concrete 
noun  poeuitens,  a  penitent,  and  the  verb  poeni- 
tere, to  do  penance  In  Cyprian  and  in  the  Cone. 
Eliber.  the  noun  is  generally  used  with  some 
adjective,  as  "  agere,  facere  poenitentiam  plenam, 
veram,  legitimam."  At  a  later  date,  poenitentia 
was  employed  as  equivalent  to  the  discipline  of 
the  hneelers,  the  third  and  principal  station  of 
penance  (1  Co7ic.  Tolet.  c.  2  ;  Cone.  Agath.  c.  60 ; 
Felix,  iii.  Ep.  vii.)  In  the  Latin  penitentials  the 
verb  is  used  by  itself  absolutely.  2.  Exomolo- 
gesis.  A  Greek  word  adopted  by  Tertullian 
(Poenit.  c.  9),  and  used  by  Cyprian  and  Pacian, 
and  occasionally  later.  3.  Abstinere,  communione 
privari,  communionem  non  accipere.  The 
lightest  form  of  censure,  consisting  in  rejection 
from  participation  in  the  sacred  elements  for  a 
period  ;  a  frequent  formula  in  the  Latin  councils. 
4.  Segregatio,  separatio  ;  the  translation  of  the 
Greek  acpopia/xos.  5.  Flere,  andire,  substrari,  con- 
sistere — the  terms  of  the  four  stations. 

The  Greek  equivalent  of  poenitentia  is 
fjLfrdvoia.  This  word  retained  for  the  most  part 
its  original  meaning  of  change  of  heart.  Basil 
uses  it  (c.  34)  to  signify  the  penitential  course 
(see  Cone.  Laodic.  c.  19);  in  another  place  (c.  22) 
to  express  the  principal  station  of  the  inroTri- 
TTTorres.  In  the  latter  instance  it  precisely 
corresponds  with  a  similar  use  of  the  Latin 
poenitentia.  In  the  later  Greek  rituals  fj.eTdvoia 
is  a  prostration.  In  the  penitential  ascribed  to 
.John  the  Faster,  at  the  end  of  the  "  Ordo,"  the 
penitent  is  instructed  to  say  the  trisagion  eight 
times  .  .  .  and  to  make  eight  fxerauo'ias.  A 
little  before  it  is  directed  that  women  fx6vov 
TrpocrKvuTjcreis  ■KOLeiruicrav  x'^p)-^  /neTavotii/y.  The 
word  fj.iTa.vota  here  must  signify  some  laborious 
and  humiliating  posture.  2.  i^ofioXoyrjcns.  The 
word  employed  by  all  Greek  canonical  writers  to 
signify  the  course  of  discipline.  It  occurs  in  this 
sense  in  the  Ep.  li.  ad  Corinth,  which  bears 
the  name  of  Clem.  Rom.  3.  a(pof)icrix6s  —  the 
ordinary  term  of  the  Can.  Apost.  and  also  of  the 
canons  of  Cone,  in  Trull.  It  signifies  separation 
from  the  faithful   (compare  St.  Luke  vL    22), 

CHRIST.   ANT. — VOL.   II. 


PENITENCE 


1587 


involving  either  simple  rejection  from  the 
eucharist,  or  in  addition  to  rejection  the  per- 
formance of  certain  penitential  acts  and  rites, 
the  nature  of  which  was  not  defined,  but 
depended  on  the  custom  of  the  church.  4. 
■wpoaKKaiovres,  aKpoufj,€i/oi,  inToir'nrTovTes  or 
yovvic\ipovTes,  avviaTafxevoi.  The  four  stations. 
(Gregory  Thaumat.  Ep.  c.  11 ;  ^a.s\\ad  Amphiloc.  ; 
Cone.  Ancyr.  &c.)  5.  aKoivuviiros  ehat.  Th« 
penitential  censure  of  Cone.  Ephes.  (c.  6)  ;  Cone. 
Chalced.  (cc.  4,  8, 16,  23)  6.  imTlfjuav.  An  eccle- 
siastical penalty  (Basil,  Ep.  cc.  71,  74  ;  Sozomen, 
H.  E.  vii.  16).  inroKe'iaOat  e'/c  tco;/  KavSpwv 
iiriTifxioLs  (Cone.  Chalced.  cc.  3,  8,  9  ;  Cone,  in 
Trull,  cc.  44,  49,  &c.)  In  the  Greek  penitentials 
the  prayer  over  those  whose  penance  was  at  an 
end  is  called  evxh  tcSj'  e|  eTriTifxicou  Xvoixivoiv. 
7.  Kavovi^etv,  to  impose  a  penalty  according  to 
the  canons,  a  later  Greek  usage  (Euchologion, 
Gear,  p.  678). 

The  theory  of  penitential  discipline  was  this  : 
that  the  church  was  an  organised  body  with  an 
outward  and  visible  form  of  government ;  that 
all  who  were  outside  her  boundaries  were  out- 
side the  means  of  divine  grace  ;  that  she  had  a 
command  laid  upon  her,  and  authority  given  to 
her,  to  gather  men  into  her  fellowship  by  the 
ceremony  of  baptism  ;  but  as  some  of  those  who 
were  admitted  proved  unworthy  of  their  calling, 
she  also  had  the  right,  by  the  power  of  the  keys, 
to  deprive  them,  temporarily  or  absolutely,  of 
the  privilege  of  communion  with  her,  and,  on 
their  amendment,  to  restore  them  once  more  to 
church  membership.  On  this  power  of  exclu- 
sion and  restoration  was  founded  the  system  of 
ecclesiastical  discipline.  It  was  a  purely  spi- 
ritual jurisdiction.  It  obtained  its  hold  over 
the  minds  of  men  from  the  belief,  universal  in 
the  catholic  church  of  the  early  ages,  that  he 
who  was  expelled  from  her  pale  was  expelled 
also  from  the  way  of  salvation,  and  that  the 
sentence  which  was  pronounced  by  God's  church 
on  earth  was  ratified  by  Him  in  heaven.  No 
body  of  heretics  ever  ventured  to  claim  thi.s 
power.  Ambrose  was  not  merely  taking  high 
sacerdotal  ground,  but  stating  an  historical  fact, 
when  he  said  (De  Poenit.  i.  2),  "  Hoc  jus  sibi  recte 
Ecclesia  vindicat,  quae  veros  sacerdotes  habet ; 
haeresis  vindicare  non  potest,  quae  sacerdotes 
Dei  non  habet.  Non  vindicando  autem  ipsa  de  se 
pronuntiat,  quod  cum  sacerdotes  non  habeat,  jus 
sibi  vindicare  non  debeat  sacerdotale."  Peni- 
tence has  at  once  its  origin  and  sanction  in  the 
New  Testament,  and  primarily  in  the  promise 
of  Christ  Himself  (St.  Matt,  xviii.  18).  A 
system  of  discipline  was  undoubtedly  in  force 
among  the  Jews  at  the  Christian  era,  and  was 
recognised  by  our  Lord  (St.  John  xvi.  2  ;  St. 
Luke  vi.  22).  In  the  development  of  church 
organisation  which  the  apostles  were  appointed 
to  carry  out,  penitential  discipline  was  assigned 
its  place  (1  Cor.  v.  3-5 ;  2  Cor.  xiii.  10;  1  Tim. 
i.  20  ;  Tit.  iii.  10).  Two  of  the  great  "  mortalia 
delicta,"  moechia  and  idololatria,  in  the  case  of 
the  incestuous  man  at  Corinth  (1  Cor.  v.),  and 
of  the  heretics  Hynienaeus  and  Alexander,  were 
visited  with  apostolic  censure.  The  former 
example  contains  the  elements  of  the  future 
discipline.  It  was  a  distinctly  spiritual  eentence. 
The  decision  emanated  from  the  chief  pastor : 
"/  have  judged  already."  It  was  announced 
before  the  congregation :  "  When  ye  are  ga- 
5  K 


1588 


PENITENCE 


thered  together."  Its  effect  was  to  expose  the 
delinquent  to  some  bodily  mortification:  "  Deli- 
vered unto  Satan  for  the  destruction  of  the 
flesh."  -Its  object  was  his  amendment:  "That 
the  spirit  may  be  saved  in  the  day  of  the  Lord." 
And  its  result,  his  ultimate  restoration,  on  his 
repentance,  to  the  fellowship  of  the  church  (2 
Cor.  ii.  6,  7).  Many  of  the  fathers  saw  in  this 
expression — "delivered  unto  Satan  for  the  de- 
struction of  the  flesh,"  a  sanction  for  the 
austerities  of  penance  (Origen,  in  Levit.  Horn. 
siv.  4;  Pacian,  Paraen.  ad  Poenit.  c.  18  ;  Basil, 
c.  7  ;  Ambrose,  de  Poenit.  i.  13  ;  August,  de  Fid. 
et  0pp.  c.  26).  The  references  to  ecclesiastical 
discipline  in  the  earliest  writers  are  naturally 
rare  and  fragmentary.  The  organization  of  the 
church  was  no  less  incomplete  in  this  than  in 
other  matters.  Clemens  Roman.  {Ep.  ad  Cor. 
c.  57,  ed.  Jacobson)  has  the  following  passage  : 
'afieivov  ecTTii'  vixiv  iu  too  TtOinviqi  rov  XpiaTov 
fx'iKpovs  Kol  iWoyi/xous  evpeOrjvai,  ij  naO'  vire- 
poxV  doKOvi'Tas  iKpKpOrjvai  iK  rrjs  eXTTiSos 
avrov.  The  reference  of  this  to  some  simple 
form  of  discipline  is  unmistakable.  The  Shep- 
herd of  Hermas,  which  is  probably  a  generation 
later  than  the  Clementine  Epistles,  speaks  clearly 
and  fully  at  the  beginning  of  the  2nd  century 
of  the  practice  of  separating  an  offender : 
(Herm.  Pastor,  vis.  iii.  5 ;  see  Ibid.  Similitud. 
vii.)  An  evidence  for  the  existence  of  peni- 
tential discipline  in  these  early  times,  which 
is,  perhaps,  stronger  than  any  isolated  passage, 
is  the  universal  tradition  of  the  church.  The 
origin  of  Montanism  is  dated  by  Epiphanius 
in  one  place  {Haeres.  li.  33)  as  far  back  as  A.D. 
126.  Other  authorities  fix  it  about  A.D.  150 
(Robertson,  Ch.  Hist.  i.  5).  That  is  to  say,  Mon- 
tanus  was  only  one  generation  removed  from 
the  apostle  St.  John.  He  separated  from  the 
church  chiefly  on  the  ground  of  the  claims  of 
the  church  with  regard  to  discipline.  In  other 
words,  discipline  was  so  widely  prevalent,  and  so 
firmly  established,  as  to  create  a  schism  within 
a  generation  of  the  last  of  the  apostles.  The 
inference  from  this  is  well  drawn  out  by  Thorn- 
dike  {Laws  of  the  Church,  iii.  x.  2  ;  Works,  Lib. 
of  Anglo-Cath.  Theol.  vol.  iv.  pt.  1).  After 
Montanus  there  can  no  longer  be  any  question 
on  the  discipline  of  penance  being  part  of  the 
regular  organisation  of  the  church.  In  the 
early  ages  the  necessity  for  chin-ch  censures 
must  have  been  comparatively  rare.  As  the 
need  arose,  the  bishops  with  their  priests  dealt 
v/ith  each  case  in  some  simple  manner,  after  the 
model,  no  doubt,  laid  down  by  St.  Paul.  The 
treatment  of  those  who  lapsed  during  the  Decian 
persecution  gave  the  first  impulse  to  a  more 
systematic  and  uniform  organization.  Crimes 
were  classified,  penalties  promulgated,  and  the 
duration  of  penance  was  defined.  The  corre- 
spondence between  the  Roman  and  African 
churches,  which  appears  in  the  epistles  of 
Cyprian,  gives  some  insight  into  the  method  in 
which  a  degree  of  uniformity  was  gained.  Local 
needs  and  circumstances,  no  doubt,  had  their  in- 
fluence on  the  decisions  of  the  early  synods.  The 
system  in  the  West  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  so  rigidly  defined  as  in  the  East.  The 
canonical  epistles  of  Gregory  Thaumaturgus, 
Basil,  and  his  brother  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  were 
at  once  the  expression  and  the  support  of  this 
more  inflexible  rigidity.     Under  their  influence 


PENITENCE 

the  elaborate  system  of  the  penitential  stations 
took  its  rise.  These  stations  were  taken  into 
the  canonical  code,  but  they  never  appear 
to  have  entered  into  the  practical  administra- 
tion of  the  Western  discipline.  The  3rd, 
4th,  and  the  beginning  of  the  5th  centuries  may 
be  regarded  within  general  limits  as  the  flourish- 
ing period  of  the  penitential  system.  It  was 
then  complete  and  regular,  and  at  the  samo 
time  had  not  ceased  to  be  sustained  by  the  zeal 
and  belief  of  the  church.  The  extent  to  which 
it  entered  into  the  routine  of  Christian  legis- 
lation, is  manifest  from  the  space  which  peni- 
tential directions  occupy  in  the  writings  of  that 
period.  The  austerities  were  genuine  and  vo- 
luntary, endured  from  a  firm  conviction  that 
only  by  such  endurance  could  sin  be  expiated. 
"  I  have  known  many,"  says  Ambrose  (de  Poeni- 
ten.  i.  16),  speaking  as  of  facts  which  had  come 
under  his  personal  knowledge,  "  who  have  fur- 
rowed their  cheeks  with  continuous  tears,  who 
have  laid  themselves  in  the  dust  for  all  to  tread 
upon,  and  whose  faces,  thin  and  pallid  from 
fasting,  have  presented  the  appearance  of  living 
ghosts."  With  the  beginning  of  the  6th  cen- 
tury the  framework  of  the  system  was  still  un- 
altered, but  the  substance  of  it  was  rapidly 
decaying,  more  rapidly  in  the  East  than  in  the 
West.  Through  the  ^th  centmy  public  peni- 
tence was  all  but  dead.  It  revived  for  a  time 
under  the  ecclesiastical  rule  of  the  Carolingian 
princes,  but  the  real  life  of  penitence  resided 
in  the  private  system  administered  through  the 
penitentials.  Milman  {La.t.  Christian,  iii.  5),  in 
a  passage  on  the  power  accruing  to  the  clergy 
through  ecclesiastical  discipline,  thus  sums  up 
the  value  of  the  system  founded  on  the  peni- 
tentials :  "  However  severe,  monastic,  un-chris- 
tian,  as  enjoining  self-torture ;  degrading  to 
human  nature,  as  substituting  ceremonial  ob- 
servance for  the  spirit  of  religion  ;  and  resting 
in  outward  forms  which  might  be  counted  and 
calculated  ;  yet  as  enforcing,  it  might  be,  a  rude 
and  harsh  discipline,  it  was  still  a  moral  and 
religious  discipline.  It  may  have  been  a  low, 
timid,  dependent  virtue  to  which  it  compelled 
the  believer,  yet  still  virtue.  It  was  a  per- 
petual proclamation  of  the  holiness  and  mercy 
of  the  Gospel.  It  was  a  constant  preaching,  it 
might  be,  of  an  unenlightened,  superstitious 
Christianity,  yet  still  of  Christianity." 

II.  Prior  to  the  Spread  of  the  Novatian 
Heresy. 
The  chief  characteristics  of  discipline  prior  to 
the  spread  of  the  Novatian  heresy,  as  compared 
with  those  which  afterwards  prevailed,  were  the 
shortness  and  mildness  of  the  censures,  and  the 
simpler  forms  by  which  the  system  was  adminis- 
tered. The  Stations  of  Penitents  had  not  yet 
been  elaborated.  The  earlier  censures  no  doubt 
corresponded  with  those  imposed  afterwards  in 
the  stations,  but  the  technical  names  of  the 
stations,  and  the  systematic  division  of  penitents 
connected  with  them,  are  of  later  date.  In  the 
first  three  centuries  there  appear  three  distinctly 
marked  degrees  of  censure — (1)  exclusion  from 
ixirticipation  in  the  elements,  (2)  exclusion  from 
the  sight  of  the  sacrament  and  from  the  eucha- 
ristic  prayers,  (3)  exclusion  from  the  church 
altogether,  that  is  to  say,  excision  from  the  body 
of  the  faithful,  and  excommunication,  although 


PENITENCE 

this  latter  term  was  not  yet  in  use.  An  ex- 
amination of  the  principal  sources  of  informa- 
tion for  that  joeriod  will  serve  to  shew  clearly 
the  nature  of  these  penalties.  The  Apostolic 
Canons  employ  four  terms  to  express  church 
censure  —  1,  a.<popi^e(TQai,  separation,  which 
applies  equally  to  clergy  and  laity ;  2,  Ka- 
daipedat,  deposition,  which  was  confined  to  the 
clergy;  3,  a<popi^e(rdat  kclI  Kadaipecrdai,  which 
was  also  peculiar  to  the  clergy  ;  4,  tjjs  iKicXTjcrias 
aTTO^dAXeadai,  excision  from  the  church,  to 
which  all  were  subject.  The  severity  of  this 
last  sentence  was  still  more  increased  in  two 
canons  (cc.  27,  28),  which  direct  that  a  priest 
ministering  in  holy  things  after  deposition 
■travTa-Kacnp  eKKOTrreadai.  In  the  Apostolical 
Constitutions  there  is  no  record  of  any  organised 
system,  but  only  the  mention  of  lighter  and 
weightier  censures.  InApost.  Const,  ii.  16,  after 
some  general  directions  that  the  bishop  shall 
encourage  and  not  repel  penitents,  there  is  given 
the  mode  of  treating  a  delinquent.  He  was  to 
be  ejected  from  the  church,  and  the  deacons 
meantime  were  to  visit  him  and  remonstrate 
with  him,  and  if  he  appeared  contrite  they  were 
to  come  to  the  bishop  and  intercede  for  him,  the 
bishop  then  was  to  allow  him  to  enter  the 
church,  and,  when  satisfied  of  his  earnestness, 
to  reinstate  him  after  a  penance  of  a  few  weeks' 
fasting.  In  further  directions  in  the  same 
chapter,  the  bishop  was  to  refuse  the  penitent 
the  holy  communion  for  a  period,  the  length  of 
which  was  to  be  adjusted  to  his  offence,  and 
afterwards  receive  him  as  a  father  would  a 
repentant  son.  For  ordinary  purposes  of  disci- 
pline, and  for  light  offences,  this  was  the  censure 
employed.  The  heavier  penalty  given  in  the 
Constitutions  corresponds  with  the  excision  from 
the  church  of  the  Canons.  Here  is  evidently 
the  germ  of  the  system  of  stages  of  penitence 
which  was  afterwards  the  law  of  the  church. 
TertuUian  refers  only  to  one  degree  of  cen- 
sure, and  that,  as  might  be  expected  from 
his  character  and  writings,  a  severe  one.  He 
takes  no  note  of  the  simple  rejection  from 
communion  which  was  the  common  penalty 
in  the  Apostolic  Canons.  Censures,  he  states 
(^Apolog.  c.  39),  exclude  men  from  the  communion 
of  prayer,  from  the  solemn  assembly,  and  from  all 
holy  fellowship.  Penitence  with  him  was 
laborious  outward  self-abasement,  no  mere  loss 
of  a  holy  privilege.  It  was  an  exomologesis,  a 
confession  of  sin  by  act  as  well  as  by  word ;  and 
in  what  this  confession  consisted  he  shews 
vividly.  (PoeniY.  c.  9):  "Exomologesis  is  a 
discipline  for  the  abasement  and  humiliation  of 
man,  enjoining  such  conversation  as  inviteth 
mercy ;  it  directed  also  even  in  the  matter  of 
dress  and  food — to  lie  in  sackcloth  and  ashes,  to 
hide  his  body  in  filthy  garments,  to  cast  down 
his  spirit  with  mourning,  to  exchange  for  severe 
treatment  the  sins  which  he  hath  committed ; 
for  the  rest,  to  use  simple  things  for  meat  and 
drink,  to  wit,  not  for  the  belly's,  but  for  the 
soul's  sake  ;  for  the  most  part  also  to  cherish 
prayer  by  fasts,  to  groan,  to  weep,  and  to  moan 
day  and  night  unto  the  Lord  his  God ;  to  throw 
himself  upon  the  ground  before  the  presliyters, 
and  to  fall  on  his  knees  before  the  beloved  of 
God ;  to  enjoin  all  the  brethren  to  bear  the 
message  of  his  prayer  for  mercy."  The  same 
method  of  penitence  which  the  writings  of  Ter- 


TENITENCE 


loSa 


tullian  aisclose  appears  in  the  epistles  of  his  dis- 
ciple Cyprian.  The  stations  had  not  found  their 
way  into  Africa  in  his  time.  Cyprian's  usual 
terms  for  expressing  penitence  were  "  agere  poeni- 
tentiam,"  "  facere  exomologesim,"  which  signify 
the  performance  of  definite  penitential  acts.  He 
rarely  or  never  saw  occasion  to  use  the  censure, 
which  consisted  only  in  expulsion  from  the 
Eucharist,  and  not  often  the  great  sentence  o^ 
excision  from  the  church. 

The  decrees  of  the  council  of  Elvira,  circ.  A.D. 
305,  throw  great  light  on  the  course  of  discipline 
at  the  close  of  the  3rd  century.  The  canons 
were  of  exceptional  rigour,  but  the  system  on 
which  they  were  promulgated  no  doubt  followed 
the  general  lines  of  discipline  then  prevailing  in 
the  West.  They  use  three  grades  of  censure. 
For  various  minor  ofiences  the  penalty  was 
simple  rejection  from  participation.  In  these 
cases  no  outward  acts  of  penance  were 
performed.  The  beginning  and  end  of  the 
penalty  was  the  denial  of  the  sacred  elements. 
The  second  grade  of  censure  consisted  in  the  in- 
fliction of  strict  penitence,  the  "  poenitentia  "  and 
"  exomologesis  "  of  Tertullian  and  Cyprian.  The 
mode  of  carrying  out  the  penance  was  not  de- 
fined. It  was  enough  that  it  should  be  full  and 
canonical — "  vera,  legitima,  plena,"  that  is  to  say, 
according  to  the  rites  and  austerities  then  in 
practice  in  that  province.  This  penitence  was 
of  two  degrees — one  leading  to  reconciliation  at 
the  end  of  so  many  years,  the  other  only  at  the 
end  of  life.  A  third  censure,  employed  by  the 
Cone.  Eliber.,  was  that  of  expulsion  from  the 
church.  It  was  reserved  for  such  great  crimes 
as  retaining  images  in  a  house  (c.  41),  or  con- 
tumacy (c.  20),  or  a  relapse  into  infamous  modes 
of  lif§  (c.  62).  In  c.  49  the  offender  was  to  be 
absolutely  cut  off,  "  penitus  abjiciatur,"  the  force 
of  which  may  be,  either  that  in  addition  to  the 
ecclesiastical  censure  he  was  to  be  debarred  civil 
and  social  intercourse  with  Christians,  or  that 
he  was  to  be  cut  off  without  a  hope  of  return. 
This  last  interpretation  would  coincide  with  the 
remarkable  harshness  exhibited  by  the  Spanish 
fathers.  Of  their  eighty-one  canons,  no  less  than 
fourteen  specify  offences  for  which  excommuni- 
cation was  to  be  final,  "  nee  in  fine  dandam  esse 
communionem.""  On  a  review  of  these  early 
authorities  there  appear  to  have  been  up  to  the 
close  of  the  3rd  century  three  distinct  eccle- 
siastical censures — ^1,  rejection  from  participation 
for  a  fixed  period  ;  2,  rejection  from  communion 
and  the  prayers  of  the  faithful,  together  with 
certain  definite  acts  of  penance  :  this  is  penitence 
strictly  so-called  ;  3,  excision  from  the  church, 
whether  final  or  with  the  understanding  that  the 
offender  might  be  readmitted  by  means  of  peni- 
tence ;  this  censure  is  excommunicati-on. 

1.  Duration  of  Penance. — The  duration  of 
penitence  in  the  earliest  ages  is  uncertain.  The 
Apiost.  Const,  ii.  16,  permit  a  delinquent  to  be  re- 
stored after  two,  or  three,  or  five,  or  seven  weeks 
of  fasting.     That  the  period  was  short,  and  did 


»  These  canons  have  sometimes  anotlier  reading,  "  in 
ijne,"  in  place  of  "  nee  in  fine,"  and  also  in  c.  63  of  "  vi.\  iu 
fine:"  but  the  havshcr  reading  is  tlie  more  generally 
received  one.  Chiefly  on  account,  of  the  similarity  of 
these  canons  to  the  Novatian  heresy,  Morinus  (i.\.  19) 
endeavours  to-  prove  that  the  council  must  have  been 
held  prior  to  the  condemnation  of  Novatus,  in  fact  before 
the  age  of  Cyprian. 


1590 


PENITENCE 


not  approach  the  ten,  fifteen,  or  twenty  years 
which  were  inflicted  for  graver  offences  after 
the  4th  century,  is  rendered  probable  from 
the  absence  of  any  mention  of  long  periods  of 
exclusion  in  the  writings  of  Tertullian.  The 
same  inference  may  be  drawn  from  the  silence 
of  the  Apostolical  Canons.  They  affix  no  period 
whatever  to  their  penalties.""  The  teaching 
of  Montanus  and  his  great  convert,  Tertul- 
lian, who  seceded  from  the  church  partly  on  ac- 
count of  her  laxity,  had  the  natural  effect  of 
rendering  the  catholic  discipline  more  severe. 
Still,  in  Africa  under  Cyprian,  and  in  Rome 
under  Cornelius,  it  does  not  appear  that  a  sen- 
tence often  exceeded  one  or  two  years.  The 
demand  of  the  lapsed  to  be  admitted  without 
penitence,  and  the  curtailment  or  remission  of 
the  period  of  exclusion  by  a  commendatory  letter 
from  a  martyr,  are  clear  indications  that  the 
sentences  were  not  long.  In  one  instance  there 
are  the  materials  for  determining  the  actual 
length.  In  a  synod  held  under  Cyprian,  in  a.d. 
251,  after  Easter  certainly,  and  most  j^robably 
in  the  summer,  it  was  resolved  among  other 
matters  that  those  of  the  lapsed  who  had  even 
sacrificed  should  be  admitted  after  a  term  of 
penance.  Cyprian  foreseeing  signs  of  the  renewal 
of  persecution,  directed  through  another  synod 
on  the  Ides  of  May  of  the  following  year 
{Ep.  lix.  12)  that  these  lapsi  should  be  at 
once  re-admitted  (Ep.  Ivii.).  Their  penitence 
therefore  had  not  exceeded  nine  months.  It 
is  true  that  they  were  reconciled  under 
circumstances  of  particular  urgency ;  but  one 
or  two  centuries  later,  an  idolater  would  not 
have  been  admitted  in  less  than  several  years, 
under  any  circumstances.  In  general  it  may  be 
stated,  that  up  to  the  time  of  Montanus  the 
duration  of  penitence  was  very  short ;  after  Ter- 
tullian it  became  longer ;  but  frequently  in 
urgent  cases  it  was  curtailed,  both  by  councils 
and  bishops,  and  in  some  instances  remitted 
entirely.  The  contrast  between  this  leniency  in 
the  African  and  Roman  churches  and  the  crush- 
ing severity  of  the  Spanish  fathers  at  Elvira, 
about  a  generation  later,  shews  that  the  system 
of  discipline  was  not  yet  organised  on  a  uniform 
basis. 

2.  Rites  and  Usages. — Although  in  the  earliest 
ages  the  term  of  penance  was  short,  and  part  of 
it  was  frequently  remitted,  there  was  greater 
strictness  than  afterwards  prevailed  in  granting 
it.  No  one  was  admitted  who  did  not  beg 
admission  from  the  bishop,  with  all  the  out- 
ward signs  of  deep  contrition.  From  the  time  of 
Novatus  onwards  admission  was  easier,  for  when 
penitence  was  known  to  involve  long  years  of 
public  humiliation,  less  scruple  was  shewn  in 
opening  its  privileges  to  all  who  were  content  to 
submit  to  it.  After  the  4th  century  it  came  to 
be  laid  down  that  penitence  was  to  be  denied  to 
none  who  sought  it.  Innocent  I.  a.d.  402-417 
{Ep.  XXV.  init. ;  Labb.  Cone.  ii.  1288),  declared 
that  he  held  it  to  be  an  act  of  impiety  to  refuse 
imposition  of  hands;  an  opinion  upheld  by 
Celestine  I.  A.D.  422-432  (Ep.  ii.  adEpisc.  Gall. 


^  There  is  one  exception  to  this  statement:  c.  23 
inflicts  an  exclusion  of  three  years  on  laymen  who 
inutilate  themselves.  Morinus  iv.  9,  without  giving  any 
definite  reasons,  regards  the  words  cttj  rpia.  as  an  inter, 
polation. 


PENITENCE 

c.  2;  Labb.  Cone.  ii.  1620).  Similar  resolutions- 
were  passed  by  some  of  the  Prankish  councils 
{Cone.  Andegav.  a.d.  453,  c.  12  ;  Cone.  Epaon. 
A.D.  517,  c.  3G).  But  in  earlier  times  penitence 
was  regarded  more  in  the  light  of  a  privilege  and 
concession  than  of  a  right,  and  more  caution  was 
used  in  granting  the  privilege,  from  the  fact  that 
it  was  administered  once  only ;  if  the  penitent 
afterwards  relapsed,  there  was  no  door  by  which 
he  could  return. 

The   earliest   records    exhibit   the    delinquent 
outside  tlie  door  of  the  church,  clothed  in  sack- 
cloth, and  with  ashes  upon  his  head,  asking  the 
worshippers  as  they  entered  the  church  to  im- 
plore God  on  his  behalf,  and  make  intercession 
for  him  with  the  bishops  and  presbyters  and  the 
whole  congregation.     In  the  Apost.  Const,  ii.  16, 
already  cited,  it  is  directed  that  the  offender  is  to 
be  kept  outside  the  church,  and  detained  there 
till  he  has  given  evidence  of  genuine  repentance. 
The    length  of  the  exclusion  rested  absolutely 
with  the  bishop.     He  too  was  the  sole  judge  of 
the  sincerity  of  the  repentance.     The  locality  of 
the  repentant  man  who  was  seeking  the  peace  of 
the  church  was  outside  the  door  (Tert.  do  Pudicit. 
3)  ;  there,  in  his  remorse,  he  threw  himself  in 
the  dust  before  the  feet  of  the  priests  (Tert.  de 
Poenit.  c.  9),  and  before  the  brethren  {ibid.  c.  10), 
with  weeping  and  supplications  for  mercy.     His 
self-abasement  was  a  request  to  be  admitted  to 
the  grace  of  penitence  ;  it  was  the  first  act  of  the 
repenting  sinner,  begging  his  repentance  might 
be  accepted.      The  behaviour  which   befits   the 
repenting  sinner  is   drawn   out  by  Cyprian,  in 
language  which  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  is 
not  to  be  accepted  literally  (de  Laps.  c.  -21): 
"  Men  must  pray,  and  entreat  with  increased 
continuance  ;  pass  the   days   in  mourning,  and 
the  nights  in  vigils  and  weeping  ;  emplov  their 
whole    time    in    tears   and    lamentations ;    lie 
stretched  on  the  ground  ;  prostrate  themselves 
among  ashes,  sackcloth,  and  dust ;  after  Christ's 
raiment  lost,  wish  for  no  garment  beside ;  after 
the   devil's  feast,  must  voluntarily   fast ;    give 
themselves  to  righteous  works,  whereby  sins  are 
cleansed  ;  apply  themselves  to  frequent   alms- 
giving, whereby  souls   are  freed  from  death." 
Compare    Eusebius,   IT.   E.   v.    28.      The   next 
stage    was,   that    the    bishop,    satisfied   of   the 
man's    repentance,  and    yielding   to   the  inter- 
cessions addressed  to   him,  sent   the  deacon  to 
bring   him    into   the   church   {Apost.   Const,  ii. 
16),    and    solemnly    laid    his    hands    upon    his 
head,  and  admitted  him  to  penitence.    Whether 
his    public    confession,    which    had    necessarily 
been    uttered    during    his    abasement    outside, 
w^as   repeated    now,   or    at    some    later    stage, 
or    was    spoken   again   and   again   at   different 
stages,    there    is   no    evidence   clearly  to   shew. 
[EX03I0L0GESIS,   p.  644.]     What   is   certain   is, 
that    an    open    acknowledgment    of    guilt  'was 
required  at  the  beginning    of  penitence.      The 
imposition   of   hands,    as    in    confirmation    and 
ordination,    was    invariably   accompanied   with 
prayers,  the    form    of  which   no   doubt   varied 
in   different    churches.     One    example   is    given 
in    Apost.     Const,    viii.    9,    of    what    date    is 
uncertain ;     and    such    forms    of   prayer     are 
found    in    all    the    penitential    rituals    of   the 
9th   and  following  centuries.      At  the  time  of 
imposition  of  hands,  the  bishop  assigned  to  the 
delinquent  his  term  and  degree  of  penance,  and 


PENITENCE 

thenceforth,  and  until  he  was  reconciled,  he  be- 
came a  penitent,  properly  so  called.  After  the 
performance  of  the  various  acts  of  contrition,  the 
fastings  and  self-mortifications,  the  penitent  was 
received  back  into  the  church.  And  this  recep- 
tion in  the  first  three  centuries  took  place 
immediately  after  the  conclusion  of  the  penance, 
and  carried  with  it  all  the  privileges  of  full 
communion.  This  appears  to  have  been  the  un- 
doubted use  of  Cyprian,  and  of  the  Roman  and 
African  bishops  of  his  age. 

III.  The  Penitential  Stations. 
After  the  close  of  the  3rd  century,  discipline 
became  more  systematic  and  more  rigid.  The 
Novatian  controversies  had  had  a  twofold 
effect  on  the  Catholic  system.  On  the  one 
hand,  penitence  was  very  rarely  denied  to  any 
offender;  on  the  other,  its  duration  was 
longer,  and  its  austerities  sharper.  It  came  to 
be  regarded  less  and  less  in  the  light  of  a  privi- 
lege, and  more  exclusively  as  a  penalty — a  weapon 
in  the  hands  of  the  rulers  of  the  church,  to 
punish  her  criminals.  In  the  earliest  ages,  and 
before  the  zeal  of  Christians  was  cooled  by 
the  influx  of  the  mixed  multitude  which  the 
cessation  of  the  persecutions  introduced,  the 
fastings  and  mortifications  of  a  repentant  sinner 
were  voluntary  for  the  most  part,  the  natural 
expression  of  inward  grief.  There  was  no  fixed 
time  for  their  continuance  ,  this  was  determined 
solely  by  the  earnestness  of  the  repentance,  and 
the  discretion  of  the  bishop.  But  now  penitence 
became  a  penal  sentence,  which  was  to  be  worked 
out  by  certain  appointed  stages — so  many  years 
to  be  passed  in  one  stage  under  certain  condi- 
tions, so  many  more  in  another  with  a  relaxation 
of  the  conditions,  the  later  stage  not  to  be  begun 
till  the  earlier  was  completed ;  and  so,  step  by 
step,  the  outcast  was  restored  to  full  communion. 
The  stages  were  the  well-known  penitential 
stations.  The  East  was  their  birthplace.  In 
the  councils  of  Neocaesarea,  a.d.  314,  c.  3, 
and  Ancyra,  A.D.  314-,  cc.  20,  21,  25,  reference 
is  made  to  the  wpKXjxivoi  Pa6/j,ol  of  penance, 
proving  that  there  were  certain  stages  which 
were  so  well  known  and  well  established  in  the 
church  that  it  was  not  necessary  to  define 
them.  The  earliest  mention  of  them  by  distinct 
names  is  in  the  last  chapter  (c.  11)  of  the 
Canonical  Epistle  of  Gregory  Thaumaturgus. 
This  canon  is  commonly  regarded  as  of  a 
somewhat  later  date  than  the  rest  of  the 
Epistle,  but  it  expresses  the  view  of  a  period 
shortly  subsequent  to  that  of  Gregory  of 
what  was  then  believed  to  have  been  the 
course  of  discipline  in  Gregory's  age.  The 
definition  there  given  of  the  stations  is 
this :  "  Fletus  est  extra  portam  Oratorii,  ubi 
peccatorem  stantem  oportet  fideles  ingredientes 
orare  ut  pro  se  precentur.  Auditio  est  intra 
portam  in  Narthece,  ubi  oportet  eum  qui  pecca- 
vit  stare  usque  ad  Catechumenos,  et  illinc 
egredi.  Audiens  enim,  inquit,  scripturas  et 
doctrinam,  ejiciatur,  et  precatione  indignus 
censeatur.  Substratio  autem  est  ut  intra  portam 
Templi  stans  cum  Catechumenis  egrediatur. 
Consistentia  est  ut  cum  fidelibus  consistat ;  et 
cum  Catechumenis  non  egrediatur."  In  the 
system  of  discipline  carried  on  by  Basil  (cc.  22, 
56,  57,  58,  64,  66,  75,  77,  80,  81,  83),  and  his 
brother,  Gregory  of  Nyssa  {Can.  Ep.  passim), 


PENITENCE 


1591 


the  stations  bore  a  prominent  place ;  and  their 
use  seems  to  be  taken  for  granted  in  the  councils 
of  the  early  part  of  the  4th  century — Ancyra, 
Laodicea,  Neocaesarea,  Nicaea.  They  had  then 
become  a  recognised,  and,  so  to  speak,  a  canonical 
branch  of  the  penitential  organization  of  the 
church.  Their  working  will  best  be  seen  by 
taking  the  penitent  through  the  several  stages. 
At  the  outset  it  is  supposed  that  the  delinquent, 
either  by  confession  or  notoriety,  or  after  an 
examination,  stands  convicted  of  a  grievous 
sin;  that  he  has  made  an  open  acknowledg- 
ment of  it,  whether  before  the  bishop  or  the 
presbytery,  or  the  whole  congregation  [ExoMO- 
LOGESis] ;  that  he  has  received  imposition  of 
hands  from  the  bishop,  and  is  then  to  undergo 
his  penance  through  each  step  of  the  series. 
The  strict  letter  of  the  law  sentenced  him  to 
begin  at  the  first  and  lowest  of  these,  but  this 
strictness  must  in  practice  have  been  frequently 
relaxed.  Even  when  the  system  was  in  its 
greatest  force,  that  is  to  say,  in  the  Eastern 
church  through  the  4th  century,  some  coun- 
tenance was  given  to  this  laxity  by  the  canons 
themselves.  Thus  the  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  12,  de- 
crees that  those  who  shew  their  repentance  by 
their  dress,  and  by  fear,  and  by  tears,  and  by 
submission  and  good  works,  may,  after  a  time 
among  the  "  audientes,"  share  in  the  communion 
prayer;  the  principal  and  laborious  station  of  the 
"  substrati  "  being  thus  omitted.  Basil  (c.  4)  in 
the  same  way  curtails  the  penance  of  one  who 
has  been  thrice  married.  The  Cone.  Ancijr. 
(c.  7)  permits  certain  delinquents,  after  two 
years  among  the  "substrati,"  to  leap  over  the 
stage  of  the  "  consistentes,"  and  be  received  to  full 
communion.  Analogous  instances  occur  in  Greg. 
Thaumat.  c.  9  ;  Basil,  cc.  13,  61,  73,  80,  81.  It 
was  only  in  rare  cases  that  an  otfender  was  sent 
at  all  to  the  mourners  or  the  hearers.  The 
ordinary  course,  almost  universal  in  the  Latin 
church,  and  very  general  in  the  Greek,  was  to 
remit  him  at  once  to  the  great  station  of  the 
"substrati."  This  was  the  course  enjoined  by 
the  Council  of  Ancyra,  cc.  5,  7,  8,  16,  24.  In 
Basil,  however,  a  strict  adherence  to  the  four 
consecutive  stations  was  decreed  for  all  great 
crimes.  In  the  Canonical  Epistle  of  Gregory  of 
Nyssa,  the  station  of  "consistentia"  does  not  occur. 
The  penitent  is  allowed  by  him  to  pass  from  the 
station  below  to  full  communion.  These  varia- 
tions are  fovmd  during  the  full  vigour  of  the 
system.  When  once  it  had  been  weakened,  it  must 
have  been  impossible  to  restore  it,  and  to  recall 
delinquents  back  to  submission  to  this  ideal 
severity. 

1.  The  Mourners,  flentes,  wpocrKXaiovTes. — 
This  was  the  first  stage  through  which  the 
penitent  was  to  pass.  It  is  to  be  distinguished 
from  the  mourning  and  weeping  outside,  to 
which  reference  has  already  been  made  in  the 
discipline  of  the  earlier  centuries.  The  station 
of  the  mourners  was  the  position  of  those 
whose  penitence  had  already  begun.  The 
mention  of  the  name  is  rare  among  the  early 
authorities;  and  it  is  not  likely  that  the 
thing  itself  was  frequently  imposed.  It  was  part 
of  the  scheme  and  framework  of  the  system, 
held  in  reserve  rather  than  commonly  inflicted. 
Reference  is  made  to  it  directly  in  the  last  canon 
(c.  11),  which  is  attributed  to  Gregory  Thauma- 
turgus,  and   indirectly,   in   c.    8   of    the   same 


1592 


PENITENCE 


epistle,  where  certain  robbers  are  held  to  be  un- 
deserving even  of  hearing ;  that  is  to  say,  they 
were  not  to  be  allowed  inside  the  building.  The 
only  station  then  remaining  for  them  would  be 
among  the  mourners.  Basil  introduces  the 
station  by  a  similar  paraphrase.  "  Polygamists," 
he  says  (c.  80),  "  are  not  to  be  received  for  three 
years ; "  and  a  short  time  afterwards  sentences 
other  culprits  to  be  ejected  for  three  years,  and 
in  each  case  adds,  "  then  they  are  to  be  hearers 
for  two,  kneelers  for  three,"  &c.  The  terms  "  to 
be  ejected,"  and  "not  to  be  received,"  signify 
some  stage  below  that  of  hearers,  which  can  only 
be  among  the  mourners.  In  many  of  his  canons 
(cc.  22,  56,  57,  58,  59,  G4,  6G,  75),  the  station 
is  mentioned  directly,  and  by  name.  But  this 
is  not  the  case  in  the  Canonical  Epistle  of  Gregory 
of  Nyssa.  He  remarks  that  there  is  a  canon  of 
that  sort  that  habitual  fornicators  are  to  be  ex- 
pelled for  three  years  altogether  from  prayer, 
and  afterwards  be  hearers  for  three  years,  &c. 
The  being  expelled  from  prayer  is  an  indirect 
way  of  describing  the  lowest  station. 

i.  Their  Fosition. — In  the  appointment  of  the 
ancient  churches  there  was  an  open  area  or 
space  set  apart  in  front  of  the  door.  All  who 
entered  the  church  necessarily  came  through  this 
area  or  approach.  This  was  the  place  assigned 
to  the  mourners,  and  beyond  it  they  were  for- 
bidden to  pass.  The  removal  of  delinquents 
outside  the  very  doors  of  the  church  was  a  prac- 
tice as  old  as  Tertullian,  who  states  (jle  Pudicit. 
c.  4)  that  for  certain  monstrous  crimes  the  crimi- 
nal was  not  allowed  to  cross  the  threshold  of 
any  part  of  the  sacred  building.  At  a  later  period 
Chrysostom  warns  (//o»i.  xvii.  in  Matt.')  some  of 
his  hearers,  that  if  they  continue  contumacious 
they  shall  be  prohibited  from  entering  even  the 
porch,  as  adulterers  and  murderers  are  prevented. 
Morinus  is  disposed  to  think  that  ejection  from 
the  building  and  exposure  to  the  elements  is  the 
interpretation  of  the  disputed  c.  17  of  Cone. 
Ancyr.  which  sentences  those  guilty  of  unnatural 
crimes  to  pray  els  tovs  xei/xofoyueVous,  inter 
hyemantes. 

ii.  Duration  and  Mode  of  Penance. — The 
mourners  being  placed  outside  the  very  doors  of 
the  church,  could  take  no  part  in  what  was  going 
on  inside.  They  were  cut  off  from  all  sacred 
rites  whatever.  They  could  hear  neither  the 
reading  of  the  Scripture  nor  the  preaching ;  still 
less  could  they  join  in  the  prayers  or  in  the 
sacred  mysteries.  So  far  as  public  worship  was 
concerned,  they  were  to  all  intents  and  purposes 
aliens  from  the  church.  There  remained  to  them 
only  their  personal  devotions,  and  their  hopes  by 
earnestness  of  repentance  and  amendment  of  life 
to  obtain  a  mitigation  of  their  sentence.  Still 
there  were  certain  duties  attached,  not  exclu- 
sively to  this  station,  but  to  a  state  of  penance 
generally,  and  which  would  be  more  rigorously 
enforced  in  this  station  whenever  it  was  occu- 
pied, by  the  performance  of  which  the  penitent 
was  led  to  expect  that  he  might  make  a  favour- 
able impression  on  the  church  from  which  he 
had  been  expelled.  The  foremost  of  these  was 
an  open  and  frequent  acknowledgment  of  his 
guilt.  And  this  self-abasement,  as  Ambrose 
points  out  {Pocnit.  ii.  10),  was  not  inflicted 
merely  for  the  humiliation  of  the  offender,  but 
as  proof  and  fruit  of  his  contrition.  If  par- 
don, he    savs,  has    to    be    obtained    from    one 


PENITENCE 

in  secular  power,  you  go  about,  and  canvass 
and  supplicate  people,  and  cast  yourself  at  their 
feet,  and  kiss  their  very  footsteps,  and  bring 
forward  your  innocent  children  to  plead  for 
their  guilty  parent ;  and  need  you  be  ashamed 
to  use  the  same  earnestness  in  beseeching  the 
church  to  intercede  to  God  for  you  ?  (See  Paciau, 
Paraen.  ad Poenit,  c.  6.)  The  dress  of  the  mourner 
was  to  correspond  with  his  language  and  posi- 
tion. There  were  no  special  regulations  allotting 
a  distinctive  garb  to  him,  but  whatever  dress 
was  held  to  be  suitable  to  severe  penance 
must  be  held  to  apply  to  the  station  in  which 
the  greatest  severity  was  exercised.  For  a  fuller 
account  of  the  penitential  dress  see  below,  under 
the  section  Kneelers,  p.  1593.  It  remains  to 
point  out  the  length  of  time  for  which  delin- 
quents were  remitted  to  this  lowest  depth  of 
penitence.  Basil,  c.  56,  assigns  twenty  years 
to  a  murderer,  four  of  which  are  to  be  among 
the  mourners.  For  the  same  crime  the  code  of 
Gregory  of  Nyssa  places  the  murderer  for  nine 
years  in  the  lowest  station.  For  manslaughter, 
(Basil,  cc.  58,  59),  two  of  the  eleven  years  of 
exclusion  are  to  be  among  the  mourners;  for 
adultery,  foiu-  out  of  fifteen  ;  for  uncleanness,  two 
out  of  seven.  One  canon  (c.  73)  sentences  an 
apostate  to  spend  the  remainder  of  his  life  si 
mourner. 

2.  Hearers,  audientes,  aKpodfievot. —  The 
notices  of  this  second  station  are  scanty.  There 
is  no  express  mention  of  any  rites  or  austerities 
peculiar  to  it,  nor  of  any  ceremony  by  which  the 
penitent  was  promoted  to  it  from  the  stage  oelow. 
With  many  of  the  Latin  Fathers— Tertullian, 
Cyprian,  Augustine — the  "  audientes  "  were  the 
catechumens,  and  these  writers  do  not  usetheterm 
at  all  to  express  a  penitential  station.  In  fact, 
it  is  doubtful  if  the  station  itself  ever  obtained 
a  general  use  in  the  Western  church.  It  was 
unknown  in  Africa ;  it  is  not  mentioned  by 
Ambrose  as  part  of  the  Italian  system  ;  it  is 
altogether  omitted  in  the  Collectio  Canon,  of 
Martin  of  Braga,  and  therefore  presumably  was 
not  in  use  in  Spain.  The  only  precise  and  direct 
reference  to  the  hearers  among  Latin  writers  is 
to  be  found  in  one  of  the  letters  of  pope  Felix 
III.  A.D.  483-492  {Ep.  vii.  ad  Episc.  Univers. 
Labbe,  Cone.  iv.  1075),  who  decrees  that  those 
who  submitted  to  a  second  baptism  should 
undergo  the  same  penalty  which  c.  11  of  Cone. 
Nicaen.  laid  upon  the  lapsed,  that  is  to  say,  three 
years  among  the  hearers,  Szc.  In  the  East  the 
station  was  a  recognised  part  of  the  organization 
of  discipline  from  the  beginning  of  the  4th 
century  (Gregory  Thaumat.  c.  11  ;  Basil,  cc. 
22,  56,  75,  &c. ;  Gregory  Nyss.  c.  3 ;  Cone. 
Ancyr.  cc.  4,  6,  9;  Cone.  Nicaen.  cc.  11,  12; 
Apost.  Const,  viii.  5). 

i.  llieirPosition. — Thee.  11  of  Gregory  Thaumat. 
places  the  hearer  within  the  door  in  the  narthes 
of  the  church.  His  position,  strictly  speaking, 
was  in  the  porch  (jrpoirvKaiov,  irpSdvpov,  irpSvaos), 
but  this  could  not  always  be  enforced  in  prac- 
tice. The  object  of  this  station  was,  that  he 
should  be  a  listener  to  the  Scriptures  and  the 
sermon.  In  some  buildings  he  might  be  able  to 
hear  while  standing  in  the  vestibule ;  but  as  a 
rule  his  place  must  have  been  assigned  within 
the  building  at  the  lowest  end  of  the  church. 
Inside  the  church  was  the  position  as  interpreted 
by  the  Greek  canonists  (Balsamon  in  can.  11,  12, 


i 


PENITENCE 

Cone.  Nicacn. ;  Zonaras,  in  c.  4  Cone.  Ancyr. ; 
Harmeuopulus,  Epitom.  Canon,  sec.  v.  tit.  3). 
He  was  so  far  in  advance  of  the  mourner  that  he 
was  spared  the  abject  self-abasement  and  suppli- 
cation expected  in  the  lowest  stage,  and  he  had 
moreover  the  privilege  of  hearing  the  Word  of 
God,  but  he  did  not  as  yet  receive  any  imposition 
of  hands,  nor  share  in  any  intercessory  prayer. 
He  was  admitted  within  the  walls  of  the  church, 
but  on  the  same  footing  with  Jews,  and  heretics, 
and  heathen,  and  the  first  order  of  catechumens  ; 
for  against  none  of  these  classes  who  wished  to 
enter  to  listen  to  the  Scriptures  were  the  doors 
of  the  church  to  be  closed  (4  Cone.  Carthag. 
c.  84). 

3.  Kneelees  (suhstrati,  viroirlTrrovTes). — This 
was  the  third  and  principal  station  in  the 
Eastern  system  ;  in  the  Western,  it  was  not  only 
the  principal,  but  in  general  practice  must  have 
been  the  only  one,  with  the  exception,  perhaps, 
of  the  consistentes.  When  the  Latin  fathers 
speak  of  penitence,  it  is  the  position  and  the 
penance  of  the  kneelcrs  that  they  have  in  their 
mind.  It  has  already  been  seen  that  the  two 
earlier  stages  entered  little  into  the  practical 
administration  of  the  discipline  of  the  West.  The 
Latin  versions  by  Dionysius  Exiguus,  and  by 
Martin  of  Braga  of  the  canons  of  Ancyra,  trans- 
late v-KOTZLTTTovTis  and  vTTOTrrcoffis  hy  poenitentes 
and  poenitentia.  And  so  the  pontifical  letter 
of  Felix  III.  {Ep.  vii.),  already  cited,  renders 
the  inroireaovTas  of  c.  ii.  Cone.  Kieaen.  by 
"subjaceant  inter  poenitentes."  It  therefore 
appears  that,  generally,  when  the  word  penitence 
was  employed  in  the  West  during  the  period 
vmder  review,  it  referred  not  to  the  four  stations 
in  succession,  but  to  this  particular  one  of  the 
hieelers.  In  this  station  also  was  performed 
the  esomologesis  of  the  earlier  fathers,  and  the 
"  plena,  legitima  poenitentia  "  of  Cyprian  and  the 
Cono:  Eliher.  In  one  of  Basil's  canons  (c.  22) 
this  station  is  called  pre-eminently  ix^Tavoia, 
poenitentia. 

i.  Iheir  Position. — The  position  of  the  penitent, 
or  the  kneeler,  is  stated  by  Gregory  to  be  within 
the  door  of  the  church,  so  that  he  may  go  out 
with  the  catechumens.  He  stood  within  the 
walls  of  the  building  in  the  part  below  the 
ambo.  And  this  position  agrees  with  the  decrees 
of  Basil  (cc.  22,  56,  75),  and  is  the  one  as- 
signed by  the  Greek  commentators  on  the 
canons  (see,  for  instance,  Zonaras  and  Balsamon 
in  can.  11,  12;  Cone.  Nicaen.  can.  4,  5;  Cone. 
Ancyr.)  The  ambo  thus  served  as  a  point  of 
demarcation  between  the  penitents  and  the  faith- 
ful ;  if  the  number  of  the  faithful  was  so  great 
as  to  extend  below  the  ambo,  the  penitents  were 
thrust  lovi^er  still. 

ii.  Rites  and  Prayers. — In  the  two  lower 
stations  the  delinquents  were  outside  the  care  of 
the  church  ;  as  mourners  they  could  not  enter 
the  building,  as  hearers  they  could  only  listen  to 
the  reading  and  preaching  of  the  word ;  but  in 
the  stage  of  kneelers  they  were  again  recognised 
as  a  part,  though  an  erring  part,  of  the  Chris- 
tian fold.  In  the  first  place,  they  underwent 
frequent,  if  not  constant,  imposition  of  hands. 
The  3  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  589,  c.  11,  orders  peni- 
tence to  be  administered  according  to  the  form 
of  the  ancient  canons,  which  appoint,  as  it 
proceeds  to  explain,  that  the  penitent  should 
frequently  resort  to  imposition  of  hands.     And 


PENITENCE 


1593 


long  before  this,  the  4  Cone.  Carthay.  A.D.  398, 
c.  80,  had  ordered  the  hands  of  the  priest  to 
be  laid  on  penitents  at  every  time  of  fasting ; 
and  even  on  days  of  remission  (id.  c.  82),  when 
other  Christians  were  accustomed  to  stand 
during  their  prayers,  penitents  were  not  to  be 
exempt  from  kneeling.  Together  with  imposi- 
tion of  hands,  special  prayers  were  oflered 
on  his  behalf;  c.  19  of  Cone.  Laodie.  a.d. 
320,  gives  an  early  accoimt  of  these  prayers. 
After  the  catechumens  have  gone  out,  the 
prayers  of  the  penitents  shall  be  offered, 
and  when  they  have  come  under  the  hand 
of  the  priest  and  departed,  then  the  praj'ers 
of  the  faithful.  The  order  of  the  service  is  re- 
lated fully  in  the  Apost.  Const,  viii.  8,  9.  After 
the  dismissal  of  the  candidates  for  baptism,  the 
deacon  cried  out,  "  Orate  poenitentes,  and  let  us 
pray  earnestly  for  our  brethren  who  are  under- 
going penance  ;  that  the  God  of  mercy  would 
shew  them  the  way  of  repentance,  and  admit 
their  contrition  and  confession,  and  bruise  Satan 
under  their  feet,"  &c.  When  the  prayer  was 
finished,  the  deacon  bade  them  rise  and  bow  their 
heads  to  receive  the  bishop's  benediction.  The 
order  of  prayer  accompanying  this  rite  is  then 
given.  At  the  conclusion  of  this,  the  deacon 
exclaimed,  "  Depart  ye  who  are  penitents."  The 
3  Cone.  Carthag.  a.d.  397,  c.  32,  directs  these 
rites,  in  the  case  of  notorious  delinquents,  to  take 
place  "ante  apsidem."  An  earlier- and  simpler 
account  of  the  dismissal  of  the  penitents  from 
church  is  given  in  Apost.  Const,  ii.  57.  There 
is  distinct  reference  to  this  service  in  Chrysostom. 
"The  first  prayer,"  he  says  {Horn.  71  in  Matt. 
p.  624),  "  which  M'e  pray  for  the  energumens,  is 
full  of  mercy  ;  the  second  prayer  likewise,  when 
we  pray  for  the  penitents,  is  for  mercy."  Bing- 
ham, Antiq.  XIV.  v.  13,  raises  the  question 
whether  these  prayers,  which  were  an  undoubted 
part  of  the  Eastern  offices,  were  in  use  also  in  the 
West,  but  concludes  that  the  usage  was  the  same 
in  both  branches  of  the  church.  Sozomen  (H.  E. 
vii.  16)  gives  a  graphic  account  of  what  he  had 
himself,  perhaps,  witnessed  in  a  Roman  church. 
"  In  the  Western  church,  and  especially  in  Rome, 
the  place  in  which  the  penitents  stand  is  visible 
to  all ;  they  take  up  their  position  in  it  dis- 
tressed and  sorrowful.  When  the  liturgy  is 
finished,  as  they  may  not  share  in  the  sacred 
mysteries,  they  throw  themselves  prostrate  on 
the  ground  with  cries  and  tears,  when  the  bishop, 
in  his  compassion,  coming  to  them,  falls  likewise 
by  their  side,  raising  his  voice  with  theirs,  till  at 
length  the  whole  congregation  is  dissolved  in 
tears.  After  this  the  bishop  is  the  first  to  rise 
and  to  take  them  by  the  hand  ;  and  when  he  has 
offered  the  prayers  suitable  for  sinners  perform- 
ing penance,  he  dismisses  them  from  the  church." 
The  same  ceremony  of  assigning  the  penitents 
a  special  place,  and  uniting  with  them  in  prayer, 
and  dismissing  them  with  the  catechumens,  was 
in  use  in  the  Frankish  church  (Cone.  Agath.  c.  60  ; 
Cone.  Epaon.  c.  29). 

iii.  Dress. — The  delinquent  in  this  stage  of 
penance  was  to  be  arrayed  in  sackcloth.  Whether 
he  was  required  to  wear  this  at  all  times  while 
under  sentence,  or  only  during  his  public  pros- 
tration in  the  church,  does  not  appear.  So 
Ambrose  (ad  Virg.  laps.  c.  8)  exhibits  a  virgin 
who  had  fallen  'into  sin,  undergoing  penance, 
clothed  in  sackcloth,  and  with  ashes  sprinkled 


1594 


PENITENCE 


upon  her  head.  And  so  Jerome  (Ep.  30  ad 
Ocean.)  describes  the  garb  of  Fabiola,  while  doing 
penance  in  the  Lateran  church  in  presence  of  the 
clergy  and  people  of  Rome,  with  a  garment  of 
sackcloth,  with  her  hair  dishevelled,  and  her  face 
and  hands  unwashed.  So  Gregory  of  Tours 
(Hist.  viii.  20),  depicts  the  penance  of  bishop 
tlrsiciuus.  It  was  one  of  the  decrees  of  the 
council  of  Agde  (a.D.  506,  c.  15),  that  an  offender, 
from  the  beginning  of  his  penance,  should  wear 
"  cilicium,"  as  was  the  custom  throughout 
the  church;  and  that  if  he  had  neglected  to 
change  his  dress,  he  should  not  be  admitted 
among  the  penitents.  The  "  sicut  ubique  consti- 
tutum  est"  of  c.  15,  Cone.  Agath.  is  illustrated 
by  Tertullian  de  Pudicit.  c.  5  ;  Cyprian  de  Laps. 
0.  19  ;  Caesarius  Arelat.  Horn.  i. ;  3  Cone.  Tolet. 
c.  12,  and  by  the  subsequent  directions  of  the 
rituals  of  the  8th  and  9th  centuries.  The  sordid 
garb  of  penance  was  to  be  worn  as  long  as  the 
exclusion  continued  (Pacian,  Paraen.  ad  Poenit. 
c.  19).  Another  austerity,  enjoined  by  c.  15, 
Cone.  Agath.  was  cutting  oil'  the  hair — a  direction 
also  found  in  1  Cone.  Bareinon.  A.D.  540,  c.  6,  and 
3  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  589,  c.  12.  A  man  was  to 
shave  his  head  ;  a  woman  to  wear  a  veil.  This 
veil  was  the  general  dress  of  a  female  penitent 
(Optatus  ii.  in  fin.).  Ambrose  (  Virg.  lap)S.  c.  8) 
had  ordered  his  penitent  virgin  to  cut  oiF  that 
hair  which  before  she  had  used  as  a  blandish- 
ment. The  shaving  the  head  gave  place,  at  a 
later  date,  to  the  opposite  practice  of  neglecting 
the  hair  and  the  beard,  and  suffering  it  to  grow 
long  and  heavy,  as  a  symbol  of  the  weight  of 
sin  resting  on  the  penitent's  head  (Isidore  de 
Eccles.  Off.  ii.  16). 

iv.  Penitential  Exercises. — In  addition  to  the 
public  submission  to  the  appointed  course  of 
discipline — the  prostration  in  the  church,  the 
open  confession,  the  penitential  dress,  the  rejec- 
tion from  the  Eucharistic  service — certain  special 
acts  of  self-mortification  were  requ.ired  from  the 
penitent.  In  the  earlier  ages,  and  when  zeal  was 
warmer,  these  acts  of  contrition  were  left  to  the 
conscience  of  the  contrite  sinner.  All  that  was 
absolutely  demanded  of  him  by  ecclesiastical 
usage  was  obedience  to  the  rites  of  the  public 
censure.  Still  it  was  thought  becoming,  and  a 
suitable  token  of  sincerity,  that  the  private  life 
should  be  in  accordance  with  the  public  profes- 
sion. So  Pacian  {Paraen.  ad  Poenit.  c.  19), 
speaks  of  it  as  a  daily  duty  of  a  penitent  to  weep 
in  sight  of  the  church,  to  mourn  a  lost  life  in 
sordid  garb,  to  fast,  to  pray,  to  fall  prostrate,  to 
refuse  luxury,  to  hold  the  poor  man  by  the  hand, 
to  entreat  the  prayers  of  the  widows,  to  fall 
down  before  the  priests,  to  essay  all  rather  than 
to  perish.  But,  as  will  be  seen  when  a  later 
period  is  reached,  these  private  acts  of  penance 
came  more  and  more  to  be  added  on  to  the 
public  discipline,  till,  ultimately,  they  usurped 
its  place.  A  still  later  stage  will  shew  these 
acts  redeemable  by  money  payments.  The  chief 
of  these  penitential  exercises  was  fasting,  borne 
sometimes  as  a  self-imposed  austerity,  some- 
times as  an  additional  penalty  inflicted  by 
authority.  At  a  later  date  these  special  fastings 
were  an  invariable  accompaniment  of  the  cen- 
sures of  private  penance.  In  the  4th  and  5th 
centuries,  if  not  invariable,  they  were  always 
expected  (Ambrose,  ad  Virg.  laps.  c.  9  ;  de  Poenit. 
ii.  10 ;  Caesar.  Arelat.  Horn,  i.)     Sozomen,  con- 


PEXITENCE 

tinning  his  account  {H.  E.  vii.  16)  of  the  prac- 
tices of  the  Western  church,  states  that,  in 
addition  to  the  public  formalities,  the  penitent 
voluntarily  exercised  himself  in  fastings,  and  iu 
abstinence  fi-om  meat  and  from  the  bath,  or  in 
other  mortifications  which  had  been  commanded 
him.  These  austerities  were  usually  assigned, 
as  Sozomen  relates,  by  the  penitentiary ;  but  as 
that  ofBce  was  altogether  abolished  in  the  time 
of  Nectarius,  the  more  general  practice  in  the 
church  m.ust  have  been  that  the  bishop,  or  priest, 
under  whose  ministrations  the  delinquent  ordi- 
narily lived,  allotted  them.  By  the  end  of  the 
5th  century,  special  penitential  fastings  were  the 
common  practice  (Felix  III.  Ep.  7).  Towards  the 
middle  of  the  following  century,  other  restric- 
tions were  added.  The  first  council  of  Barcelona, 
A.D.  540  (cc.  6,  7),  not  only  orders  penitents  to 
pass  their  time  iu  prayer  and  fasting,  with  a 
shaven  head  and  a  religious  dress,  but  also  for- 
bids them  to  be  present  at  banquets  or  to  take  a 
part  iu  public  affairs,  but  to  lead  a  frugal  life  in 
their  own  homes.  The  length  to  which  these 
deprivations  and  macerations  were  carried  may 
be  gathered  from  what  is  told  of  a  visit  to 
the  penitential  cells  of  a  monastery  by  John 
Climacus  in  the  6th  century  (apud  Morin.  vi.  11). 
After  relating  the  laborious  penance  of  the 
prisoners,  he  adds,  "What  I  saw  and  heard 
among  them  filled  me  with  despair,  when  I 
compare  my  easy  ways  with  the  rigour  of  those 
saints,  and  consider  what  the  aspect  of  the 
place,  and  of  their  whole  dwelling  was,  how 
dark,  and  foetid,  and  sordid,  and  squalid,"  &c.  In 
addition  to  fasting  and  abstinence  from  the 
ordinary  enjoyments  and  luxuries  of  life,  there 
were  two  other  restrictions  laid  upon  penitents, 
one  of  which  cut  them  off  from  marriage,  or,  if 
they  were  married,  from  conjugal  intercourse ; 
the  other,  from  the  profession  of  arms  or  any 
other  secular  calling.  These  two  restrictions 
were  curiously  confined,  both  as  to  the  date  and 
the  part  of  the  church  in  which  they  were  in 
force.  In  the  first  place,  they  are  not  met  with 
in  any  of  the  authorities  prior  to  the  conversion 
of  the  empire.  Neither  Tertullian,  nor  Cyprian, 
nor  Pacian,  nor  the  councils  of  Elvira  or  Aries, 
make  any  reference  to  penitents  being  excluded 
from  marriage  or  marriage-rights,  or  from  bear- 
ing arms,  or  carrying  on  business,  or  taking  any 
part  in  public  affairs.  So,  with  regard  to  the 
restrictions  on  public  or  professional  life.  Chris- 
tians were  undoubtedly  prohibited  from  under- 
taking certain  public  ofiices  {Cone.  Eliber.  c.  56; 
1  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  7),  not  because  they  were 
penitents,  but  because  of  the  taint  of  idolatry 
attaching  to  the  offices  in  question.  What  has 
been  said  with  regard  to  the  absence  of  these 
restrictions  in  the  West  in  the  first  three  cen- 
turies, applies  to  the  Eastern  church  abso- 
lutely. Neither  celibacy,  nor  retirement  from 
secular  life,  was  ever  imposed  in  connexion 
with  public  penance  in  the  East.  Such  pro- 
hibitions were  frequently  laid  upon  the  clergy, 
but  upon  the  clergy  alone  {Con.  Apost.  cc.  81, 
82 ;  Cone.  Chalced.  c.  3).  Coming  to  the 
Western  usage,  the  Latin  fathers  no  doubt 
counsel  seclusion  and  continence  during  the 
time  of  penance  (for  example,  Ambrose  de 
Poenitent.  ii.  10),  but  they  do  not  make  them 
obligatory.  The  earliest  decision  on  the  subject 
is  in  a  letter  {Ep.  i.  5)  of  pope   Siricius,  A.D. 


PENITENCE 

384-398,  in  reply  to  Himerius,  bishop  of  Tarra- 
gona (Labb.  Cone.  ii.  1017),  which  prohibits  par- 
ticipation in  the  elements,  although  it  sanctions 
•communion  in  prayer,  to  those  who,  after  their 
penance,  had  returned  to  military  life  and  con- 
tracted a  second  marriage.  There  was  always  a 
tendency  in  such  restrictions  to  increase  in 
severity.  Accordingly,  the  2  Cone.  Arelat.  a.d. 
443,  c.  21,  casts  out  altogether  from  the  doors 
-of  the  church  a  penitent  who,  during  his 
penance  or  afterwards,  entered  upon  marriage  a 
second  time.  And  3  Cone.  Aurelian.  a.d.  538,  c. 
25,  prohibits  a  penitent  from  resuming  arms  or 
secular  pursuits  under  penalty  of  being  denied 
communion  to  the  hour  of  death.  Still  severer 
is  a  decree  of  2  Cone.  Barcinon.  A.D.  599,  c.  4, 
which  places  marriage  during  penance  on  the 
same  footing  as  the  marriage  of  a  nun,  and 
orders  both  to  be  utterly  expelled  from  the 
church.  Some  of  the  Prankish  councils  (2  Cone. 
Arelat.  c.  22 ;  3  Cone.  Aurelian.  c.  24)  forbade 
married  people  even  to  be  received  as  penitents. 
The  latest  canon  appointing  these  restrictions  is 
the  one  of  Barcelona  just  quoted.  These  special 
penalties  may  therefore  be  said  to  have  been  in 
■use  through  the  5th  and  6th  centuries,  and  only 
in  the  Western  church.  They  will  reappear 
later  in  connexion  with  the  Western  discipline  ; 
no  longer,  however,  as  an  ordinary  part  of 
public  penance,  but  rather  as  special  punish- 
ments for  special  great  crimes.  It  is  manifest 
that  this  discipline  strictly  enforced  would  not 
only  lay  a  heavy  burden  on  those  who  submitted 
to  it,  but  would  also  lead  to  great  practical 
inconvenience.  The  number  of  penitents  at  this 
time  was  very  large,  and  if  they  were  to  be  ex- 
•cluded,  not  only  during  their  penance,  but  for  the 
remainder  of  their  lives,  both  from  carrying 
ai-ms  and  from  all  secular  pursuits,  their  means 
of  livelihood  would  be  cut  off.  The  necessities 
of  the  case  led  to  a  system  of  dispensation,  upon 
which  much  light  is  thrown  in  one  of  the 
epistles  of  pope  Leo  I.  a.d.  440-461  (Ep.  xcii. 
Labb.  Co7ic.  iii.  1408,  where  both  the  questions 
and  replies  are  given).  He  is  writing  in  answer 
to  questions  put  to  him  by  Eusticus,  bishop  of 
Narbonne.  In  reply  to  interrog.  10,  asking  how 
penitents  who  plead  in  a  law-suit  are  to  be 
treated  ?  Leo  answers,  that  a  man  who  is  seek- 
ing pardon  for  spiritual  wrong  must  be  con- 
tent to  forego  his  civil  rights ;  and  in  fact,  he 
prohibits  the  penitent  from  appearing  in  court. 
In  reply  to  the  next  question,  with  regard  to 
trade  and  business,  he  decrees  that  although  all 
matters  of  buying  and  selling  are  likely  to  stain 
the  soul,  still  that  there  are  some  trades  which 
are  honourable,  and  he  gives  no  decision  in  the 
matter.  In  practice  this  distinction  appears  to 
have  held  good,  that  a  respectable  trade  or  pro- 
fession was  open  to  a  penitent ;  but  that  if  he 
resixmed  any  questionable,  still  more  any  dis- 
creditable business,  he  again  exposed  himself  to 
ecclesiastical  censure.  And  this  is  in  accordance 
with  the  language  of  Gregory  {Hmn.  24  in 
Evangel.),  that  there  are  certain  trades  which 
can  scarcely  be  carried  on  without  contamina- 
tion with  sin,  and  it  is  obligatory  on  a  repentant 
sinner  not  to  adopt  one  of  them.  The  restriction 
with  regard  to  war  did  not  involve  the  same 
practical  difficulty  as  secular  business,  and  to  this 
Leo  was  not  disposed  to  grant  any  dispensation 
■declaring  (^Ep.  xcii.  interrog.   12')  that  it  was 


PENITENCE 


1595 


contrary  to  all  ecclesiastical  usage  for  any  one 
at  the  conclusion  of  his  penance  to  resume  arms. 
With  respect  to  continence,  the  councils  in  the 
canons  cited  above  insisted  upon  strict  self-con- 
trol, both  during  penance  and  afterwards.  This 
strictness  Leo  (ibid,  interrog.  13)  would  rather 
relax,  and  allow  a  married  man  to  return  to  his 
wife  when  his  penance  is  over.  This  decision  of 
Leo  is  cited  with  approval  by  the  sixth  council 
of  Toledo  (a.d.  638,  c.  8)  where  the  continence 
of  penitents  is  the  subject  of  a  long  disquisition. 
4.  The  Bystanders,  consistentes,  crwiffTafjiivoi. 
— The  fourth  and  last  penitential  station.  The 
ecclesiastical  term  aiKXraffis  is  given  in  the  c.  11 
of  Gregory  Thaumaturgus,  and  frequently  in  the 
canons  of  Basil.  The  Cone.  Ancyr.  uses  the  word 
once  only,  c.  25.  The  signification  of  the  term  is, 
standing  together  with  the  faithful  and  communi- 
cating with  them,  but  in  prayer  only,  and  not 
being  dismissed  before  the  Eucharistic  service. 
In  the  earlier  Greek  canons  the  station  is  more 
frequently  expressed  by  some  paraphrase.  The 
c.  12  of  Cone.  Nicaen.  decreed  that  after  an 
oifender  had  expiated  his  allotted  sentence 
among  the  hearers,  he  might  communicate  in 
prayer.  This  communion  to  which  the  "  con- 
sistentes "  were  admitted,  extended  no  further 
than  the  right  to  share  in  the  Eucharistic 
prayers.  All  the  other  rites  of  the  sacrament, 
and  more  particularly  reception,  were  forbidden. 
Among  the  prohibited  rites  was  that  of  bringing 
oblations.  The  Co7ic.  Ancyr.  frequently  (cc.  5,  6, 
7,  8,  9,  IG,  24)  describes  this  fourth  station  by 
the  expression  "  let  them  be  present  at  the 
Eucharist  without  oblation "  ( xwpis  irpoa- 
(popas  Koiv(i>v7](T6.TO)(xav).  The  c.  11  of  Cone. 
Kicaen.  expresses  the  last  stage  by  similar 
language.  See  also  Felix,  Ejj.  iii.  7.  Com- 
munion in  prayer,  without  the  privilege  of 
making  an  oblation,  was  therefore  tantamount  to 
rejection  from  actual  participation.  And  this  ap- 
pears to  have  been  the  extent  of  the  cKpopl^eadai 
of  the  apostolic  canons  and  the  abstinere  of 
Cyprian  and  of  the  councils  of  Elvira  and  Aries. 
The  consistentes  comprised  several  degrees  and 
classes  of  penitents.  1.  Those  who  had  worked 
their  way  up  through  one  or  more  of  the  lower 
stages.  2.  Those  whose  censure  only  excluded 
them  from  participation,  either  because  their 
offence  was  a  light  one,  as  in  the  case  of  the  in- 
habitants of  cities  absenting  themselves  from 
church  for  three  Sundays,  or  of  gamblers  (Cone. 
Elihcr.  cc.  21,  79  ;  1  Cone.  Arelat.  cc.  3,  4,  5,  6, 
1 1),  or  because  the  offender  had  at  once  confessed 
his  crime  and  obtained  a  remission  from  penance. 
(Gregory  Thaumat.  c.  9 ;  Basil,  c.  61).  3  Peni- 
tents, who,  after  reconciliation,  had  resumed 
their  secular  trades,  and  who  had  re-married,  and 
who  by  a  decree  of  pope  Siricius,  a.d.  384-398 
(Ep.  i.  5),  were  to  be  denied  participation.  Of 
these  classes,  the  second,  which  contributed  pro- 
bably the  greater  part  of  the  whole,  were  in  no 
strict  sense  penitents ;  the  third  was  an  ex- 
ceptional case.  The  first  were  the  consistentes 
proper.  They  were  admitted  once  more  into  com- 
munion with  the  faithful,  with  the  sxception  of 
the  right  of  making  oblations,  and  receiving  the 
elements.  Whether  or  not  they  were  exempt  from 
all  penitential  exercises  there  is  no  evidence  to 
shew.  Whatever  disabilities  in  the  matter  of 
marriage,  and  arms  eoid  public  affairs  and 
trade,  were  imposed  upon  other  penitents,  were 


1596 


PENITENCE 


laid  also  upon  these,  although  it  is  most  probable 
they  were  spared  the  humiliation  of  a  penitential 
dress,  and  of  public  imposition  of  hands. 

i.  Their  position. — The  position  of  the  consist- 
entes  was  above  the  ambo  with  the  rest  of  the 
congregation.  This  may  be  taken  as  a  matter  of 
course.  It  is  nowhere  expressly  so  stated,  but  as 
all  those  below  the  ambo,  catechumens,  penitents, 
energumens,  were  dismissed  before  the  beginning 
of  the  eucharistic  service,  and  the  consistentes  were 
permitted  to  remain,  it  is  natural  to  conclude 
that  their  position  in  church  would  be  above 
those  who  were  dismissed.  But  whether  they 
mixed  indiscriminately  with  the  faithful,  or  were 
set  apart  by  themselves,  is  not  so  clear.  Basil 
decrees  (c.  4)  with  regard  to  some  who  had  con- 
tracted a  third  marriage,  that  after  so  many  years 
among  the  Hearers  and  Co-slanders,  they  were 
to  be  restored  to  the  place  of  communion  (rw 
Toirtf)  TTJs  Koiuuyias'),  which  would  seem  to  imply 
that  the  actual  communicant  occupied  a  distinct 
place  in  the  church ;  and  bearing  in  mind  the 
orderly  arrangement  of  an  ancient  Christian  con- 
gregation, the  men  on  one  side,  and  the  women 
on  the  other,  the  monks,  the  virgins,  and  the 
sacred  widows,  in  the  front,  it  seems  more  likely 
that  the  penitents,  even  when  they  had  reached 
the  highest  station,  had  a  separate  locality  in  the 
church. 

IV.  From  the  seventh  Century  to  the  ninth. 
1.  1)1  the  East.  With  the  beginning  of  the 
5th  century,  the  Eastern  system  entered  upon 
a  new  stage.'  The  abrogation  of  the  office  of  the 
Penitentiary  priest,  which  took  place  some  time 
during  the  episcopacy  of  Nectarius  at  Constanti- 
nople, A.D.  381-397,  may  be  taken  as  the  point  of 
departure  from  the  earlier  practice.  The  reason 
and  the  circumstances  of  the  removal  of  this 
church  officer  are  given  in  Sozomen,  //.  E.  vii.  16  ; 
Socrates,  H.  E.  v.  19.  The  changes  which  may  be 
traced  to  this  act  of  Nectarius  are — l.The  removal 
of  the  presbyter  whose  office  it  was  to  superintend 
confession  and  penance.  2.  The  decline  of  the 
custom,  which  dated  from  the  earliest  ages,  of 
acknowledging  certain  crimes  openly  before  the 
congregation,  the  supervision  of  which  had  been 
one  of  the  duties  of  the  penitentiary.  3.  The 
selection  by  the  penitent  of  his  acts  of  penance, 
instead  of  their  assignment  by  the  penitentiary. 
4.  The  gradual  cessation  of  public  penance 
for  secret  crimes.  5.  The  cessation  of  the 
public  rites  of  daily  imposition  of  hands  and 
prayers  for  the  penitents,  which  were  the 
chief  ceremonies  in  the  ritual  of  the  station 
of  the  vwoTriTrroyTes.  Of  these  changes,  the 
first  four  followed  as  a  matter  of  course  from 
the  abolition  of  the  penitentiary's  office.  The 
public  imposition  and  prayer  did  not  long  sur- 
vive ;  they  may  be  said  to  have  ceased  with  the 
termination  of  the  observance  of  the  stations,  and 
they  formed  no  part  of  the  Eastern  discipline  at 
the  close  of  the  5th  century.  The  solemnities 
observed  towards  the  kneelers,  who  comprised  the 
great  body  of  those  who  were  undergoing  public 
penance,  consisted  of  two  parts ;  the  first,  the 
laying  on  of  hands  and  the  prayers  ;  the  second, 
the  formal  dismissal  from  the  church.  The  latter 
of  these  continued  in  force  after  the  former  had 
fallen  into  disuse.  Morinus  (Pocnitent.  vi.  22)  dis- 
covers a  mention  of  this  solemn  dismissal  in  the 
EccL  Mijstagog.,  c.  14,  of  St.  Maximus,  who  wrote 


PENITENCE 

in  the  7th  century.  The  disappearance  of  all  the 
solemnities  peculiar  to  the  stations  is  coincident 
with  the  omission  of  any  mention  of  the  station?; 
from  the  canons  of  councils.  The  one  exception 
to  this  statement  is  Cone,  in  Trull,  c.  87,  which 
sentenced  an  adulterer  to  be  a  Mourner  one  year, 
a  Hearer  two,  &c.,  &c.  Martene  (cfe  Bit.  Antiq.  i. 
6)  suggests  that  this  canon  points  to  the  existence 
of  the  stations  in  the  7th  century.  Morinus,  with 
more  reason,  regards  it  rather  in  the  light  of  an 
historical  reference  by  the  fathers  in  Trullo,  than 
of  a  canon  on  existing  discipline.  The  absence  of 
any  reference  to  the  rites  and  solemnities  of  peni- 
tents is  equally  marked  in  the  Greek  liturgies, 
as  in  the  canons  already  cited.  Those  of  Basil 
and  Chrysostom  are  altogether  silent  with  regard 
to  them.  So  are  the  liturgical  writings  of  Ger- 
manus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  about  A.D. 
720.  The  Syriac  liturgies  of  Antioch  and  the 
Xestorians,  in  common  with  all  the  oriental  litur- 
gies, mention  the  ritual  of  the  catechumens,  but 
not  that  of  the  penitents.  Equally  silent  is  that 
of  St.  Mark,  which  is  said  to  have  been  used  by 
the  churches  of  Jerusalem  and  Alexandria.  The- 
liturgy  of  St.  James  has  one  direction  which 
may  refer  to  the  dismissal  of  penitents.  After 
the  reading  of  the  Gospel,  the  deacon  is  to  say. 
Let  none  of  the  catechumens,  none  who  are  yet 
uninitiated,  none  who  are  unable  to  pray  with  us, 
be  present  at  the  mysteries.  It  is  not  improbable- 
that  the  expression  "  those  who  are  not  able  to 
pray  with  us,"  may  refer  to  delinquents  under- 
going penance,  but  they  are  not  mentioned  by 
name.  The  same  direction  occurs  in  the  Abys- 
sinian liturgy  (Morinus,  Poenitcnt.  vi.  22).  In  the 
age  of  the  compilation  of  these  liturgies,  the  old 
penitential  rites  of  public  prayer  and  imposition 
of  hands,  and  to  a  great  extent  of  solemn  dismissal, 
had  apparently  vanished.  In  the  time  of  the 
Greek  canonist  Balsamon,  the  12th  century,  every 
vestige  of  them  had  completely  departed,  and  they 
are  spoken  of  in  c.  19,  Cone.  Laodic.,  as  customs  of 
the  early  ages.  It  is  difficult  to  determine  with 
any  fulness  the  penitential  rites  which  took  their 
place.  The  chief  source  of  information  is  the 
Penitential  book  which  bears  the  name  of  John 
the  Faster,  who  succeeded  to  the  patriarchate  of 
Constantinople,  A.D.  585.  The  Penitential  is  pub- 
lished in  the  Appendix  (pp.  615-644)  of  the  great 
work  of  Morinus,  together  with  the  Canonarium 
of  John  the  Monk,  who  in  the  title  is  called  a  dis- 
ciple of  Basil,  which  can  mean  no  more  than  that 
the  treatise  contains  some  of  the  traditionary 
teaching  of  Basil,  or  carries  on  his  system.  If 
the  date  commonly  assigned  to  these  books  could 
be  depended  upon,  there  would  be  no  difficulty 
in  sketching  the  outline  of  the  penitential  system 
in  the  East,  in  the  6th  and  following  centuries. 
But  the  books  manifestly  contain  much  later 
additions,  and  modern  criticism  has  not  yet  deter- 
mined how  much  is  genuine,  and  how  much 
spurious  (Wasserschleben,  Die  Bussordnungen 
der  abendldndischen  Kirche,  p.  4,  note).  There  is 
little  donbt  that  John  left  behind  him  a  collection 
of  penitential  canons,  which  for  some  ages  had 
wide  authority  in  the  Eastern  church.  Nice- 
phorus  Chartophylax  (Ep.  ad  Theod.  Ilonach.) 
writing  about  the  year  800,  testifies  to  the 
general  reception  of  the  canons.  A  council  of 
Constantinople,  held  under  Alexius  Commenus 
about  A.D.  1085,  replying  to  certain  questions  of 
some  monks,  condemns  (quest.  11),  the  canonical 


PENITENCE 

system  of  the  Faster  for  having  destroyed  many 
souls  by  excessive  indulgence.  The  book  appears 
to  have  passed  through  the  same  history  as  some 
of  the  more  familiar  Penitentials  of  the  West. 
In  its  present  form  it  probably  contains  most  of 
the  original  instructions  of  John,  but  with  so 
much  of  accretion  that  it  is  unsafe  to  rely  upon 
it  in  matters  of  detail.  The  use  and  encourage- 
ment of  minute  secret  confession  are  unquestion- 
able, if  the  Penitential  is  to  be  accepted  as 
authentic  in  any  shape.  To  stimulate  confession, 
the  priest  was  instructed  to  examine  the  delin- 
quent in  the  utmost  detail.  Then  there  followed 
the  delivery  of  the  sentence,  consisting  mainly  of 
fastings,  and  continuing  sometimes  for  a  number 
of  years.  Lastly,  there  came  the  singular  practice, 
which  may  be  dated  from  this  age,  and  which 
continued  peculiar  to  the  Eastern  discipline,  of 
granting  a  preliminary  absolution  immediately 
after  the  confession,  and  after  the  imposition 
of  penance,  but  deferring  full  restoration  to 
communion  till  the  completion  of  the  penance, 
however  long  or  short  it  might  be.  The  only 
vestige  of  the  public  penitence  remaining  was  the 
retirement  of  the  penitent  (a7rb  tov  vaov)  from 
the  choir  of  the  church  into  the  narthex  while 
the  Mass  was  being  celebrated.  He  was  under 
instructions  to  retire  at  the  same  time  with  the 
catechumens,  but  he  was  not,  like  them,  solemnly 
dismissed,  although  his  retirement  was  doubtless 
a  remnant  of  the  old  rite  of  formal  dismissal. 
Eeferenceto  this  practice  of  the  penitent  retiring 
is  made  in  a  MS.  of  Simeon  of  Thessalonica,  In 
Sacr.  Liturg.,  about  a.d.  1000,  published  by 
Morinus,  Appendix,  p.  470.  The  order  of  conduct- 
ing the  confession  in  the  Greek  Penitential  was 
this :  first,  the  confession,  accompanied  by  a  certain 
ritual  of  posture  and  prayer,  then  a  minute  inter- 
rogation of  the  delinquent,  then  a  short  precatory 
absolution,  and  afterwards  the  assignment  of  a 
penance  to  be  performed  without  any  public  cere- 
monial. [See  ExoMOLOGESis,  Vol.  I.  p.  650.]  The 
sentence  sometimes  extended  to  ten  or  fifteen 
years  ;  the  iiririixia  (or  penitential  exercises)  were 
chiefly  confined  to  restrictions  on  matters  of  food 
and  drink.  [See  Fastixg,  Vol.  I.  p.  663.]  As,  how- 
ever, the  iinri/xia  were  precise  and  elaborate  and 
sometimes  of  long  duration,  and,  on  certain  festi- 
vals, might  be  omitted  entirely,  it  was  customary 
to  assign  them  in  writing.  Slaves  and  servants 
of  all  classes  were  to  receive  only  half  the  penance 
imposed  upon  their  masters.  The  ritual  described 
in  the  Penitentials  was  the  model  for  the  practice 
of  penitence  in  the  East  throughout  the  middle 
ages  (Leo  Allatius,  Consen.  Eccl.  Orien.  cum  Occi- 
dent, iii.  9). 

2.  In  the  West. 

i.  Fvblic  Penitence. — The  changes  which  came 
over  the  Eastern  discipline  in  the  5th  century 
were  longer  in  making  their  appearance  in  the 
West.  But  when  the  change  came  the  same  general 
results  followed.  The  ritual  of  public  imposition 
of  hands,  and  an  order  of  prayer  and  solemn  dis- 
missal before  the  eucharistic  service,  fell  into 
disuse.  Morinus  infers  from  the  absence  of  a  peni- 
tential ritual  in  any  of  the  early  Latin  liturgies, 
the  Gregorian  or  Gelasian  sacramentaries,  the 
Ordo  Romanus,  the  Ambrosian  liturgy,  or  of 
any  reference  to  one  in  the  early  liturgical  com- 
mentators, Walafrid  Strabo,  Piaban  Maur, 
Amalarius,  that  the  public  rites  in  the  treat- 
ment of  penitents  came  to  an  end  about  a.d. 


TENITENCE 


1597 


700.  Another  change,  dating  from  about  that 
period,  and  coincident  with  the  introduction  of 
the  Penitentials,  was  the  definition  of  the  dis- 
tinction between  public  and  private  penance. 
The  latter,  which  was  unknown  in  the  early 
ages,  now  almost  entirely  usurped  the  place  of 
the  former;  and  it  grew  to  be  accepted  as  a 
custom  of  the  church  that  public  penance  should 
be  reserved  for  notorious  offenders,  but  that  for 
secret  sins  private  penance  sufficed.  No  exact 
date  can  be  fixed  as  to  the  time  in  which  public 
penitence  fell  into  abeyance.  It  declined  with 
the  gradual  decline  of  primitive  church  order. 
In  the  English  church  it  had  disappeared  alto- 
gether before  the  close  of  the  7th  century. 
There  is  a  decree  in  the  penitential  of  Theodore 
(a.d.  669-690, 1,  xiii.  4),  which  states  that  recon- 
ciliation was  not  to  be  publicly  granted  in  his 
province,  because  public  penance  was  not  in 
existence.  Even  as  early  as  the  6th  century 
private  penitence  had  made  an  inroad  on  the 
public  discipline ;  there  is  a  canon  of  1  Cone. 
Mastiscon.  a.d.  581,  c.  18,  which  deprives  certain 
delinquents  of  communion  till  they  had  made 
satisfaction  by  public  penance.  In  the  stricter 
system  of  former  centuries,  the  deprivation 
itself  would  have  been  a  public  penance. 
Morinus  (vii.  1)  quotes  a  decree  from  Cone. 
Leptin.  A.D.  743,  which  he  states  to  have  beea 
confirmed  by  pope  Zacharias,  that  an  offender 
who  privately  and  spontaneously  confessed 
should  be  dealt  with  privately ;  if  he  was 
openly  convicted,  or  made  a  public  confession, 
then  he  was  to  pass  through  penance  publicly, 
in  the  presence  of  the  church,  according  to  the 
canons.  This  decree,  which  does  not  appear 
among  the  four  extant  canons  of  Lestines,  was 
inserted  in  tne  later  collections  of  the  Capitu- 
laries,  v.  52  ;  and  taken  with  other  indirect  indi- 
cations of  the  decay  of  public  discipline,  it  may 
be  regarded  as  representing  the  general  practice 
of  the  West  at  the  close  of  the  8th  century. 
Thus  the  2  Cone.  Remens.  a.d.  813,  c.  31,  called 
attention  to  the  distinction  which  ought  to  be 
observed  between  those  doing  public  and  private 
penance :  a  distinction  also  made  by  6  Cone. 
Arclat.  c.  26  in  the  same  year,  and  repeated  in 
the  Capitulary  issued  by  Cone.  Ticin.  A.D.  855, 
(Labb.  Cone.  viii.  149),  and  in  Cone.  Ifogunt.  A.D. 
847,  c.  31,  tmder  Raban.  Maur.  When  once  the 
custom  became  general  that  some  might  be 
exempt  from  public  penitence,  there  naturally 
arose  a  difficulty  in  enforcing  it  in  cases  which 
had  no  claim  to  exemption.  In  diflerent  pro- 
vinces, zealous  and  energetic  bishops  insisted 
upon  the  observance  of  the  canons.  Thus 
among  the  Capitula  issued  by  Hincmar,  A.D. 
852  (Labb.  Cone.  viii.  585),  to  the  clergy  of  the 
diocese  of  Rheims,  was  one  to  the  effect  that  if, 
in  defiance  of  clerical  admonition,  a  notorious 
criminal  refused  to  submit  to  public  penance, 
resort  was  to  be  had  to  the  extreme  censure  of 
excommunication.  Hincmar  allows  a  crimmal 
fifteen  days'  grace,  after  which,  if  ho  still 
refuses  submission,  he  is  to  be  excommuni- 
cated. In  England  (Theod.  Penitent.  I.  xiii.  4) 
public  penitence  was  in  abeyance  as  early  as  the 
close  of  the  7th  century.  In  France,  Jonas, 
bishop  of  Orleans  (da  Instit.  Laic.  i.  10),  writing 
at  the  beginning  of  the  9th  century,  states  that 
a  public  penitent  was  scarcely  ever  seen  in  tho 
churches,  and   that  the  vigour  of  the  ancient 


I 


1598 


PENITENCE 


discipline  was  almost  dead.  It  is  not,  howevei-, 
to  be  supposed  that  the  primitive  system  was 
quite  gone.  Public  penitents  were  still  to  be 
seen,  who  were  separated  from  the  faithful  in 
dress,  and  by  their  position  in  the  congrega- 
tion. An  evidence  of  their  existence  is  to  be 
found  in  the  laws  passed  for  their  protection. 
It  was  a  criminal  offence  in  a  priest  or  layman 
to  compel  a  public  penitent  to  eat  flesh  or  drink 
wine  (^Capitular,  i.  157) ;  to  slay  him  was  a  crime 
of  special  enormity  (ibkl.  iv.  18).  The  9th 
century  witnessed  some  revival  of  the  old  dis- 
cipline. The  organisation  of  the  stations  be- 
came again,  in  a  modified  form,  the  rule  of  the 
church  (see  Martene,  do  Pat.  I.  vi.  art.  4).  The 
Cone.  Vormat.,  a.d.  868,  c.  30,  appointed  a 
penitent  to  pray  for  a  certain  time  outside  the 
'  church  doors ;  at  the  end  of  that  period  he  was 
to  be  solemnly  introduced,  but  still  separated 
from  the  faithful,  and  be  placed  in  a  conspicuous 
corner  of  the  church,  and  there  to  stand,  unless 
he  had  special  permission  to  sit  (^Conc.  Mogunt. 
A.D.  888,  c.  16)  ;  afterwards  he  was  permitted  to 
mix  with  the  congregation,  but  reception  of  the 
-  elements  came  later  {Capitular,  v.  136).  If  the 
third  stage  of  non-participation  was  prolonged, 
communion  was  granted  on  Christmas  Day  and 
Easter.  Detailed  directions  for  dealing  with  par- 
ticular delinquents  will  be  found  in  the  pastoral 
letters  of  pope  Nicholas  I.  A.D.  858-867  ;  Ep). 
3vii.  ad  Eitol.  Episc. ;  Labb.  Cone.  viii.  503  ;  Ep. 
xxiv.  ad  Hincnuir. ;  ibid.  p.  513 ;  Cone  Nanne- 
tens.  A.D.  895,  c.  17.  In  the  matter  of  dress  it 
does  not  appear  that  any  change  was  made  from 
the  penitential  garb  in  use  in  the  earlier  cen- 
turies. In  some  provinces  it  was  the  custom  for 
the  hair  and  beard  to  be  shaven,  in  others  to  be 
neglected  and  suffered  to  grow  long.  All  the 
penitentials  and  rituals  to  which  an  "  ordo  "  is 
■attached,  speak  of  hair-cloth  and  ashes  as  ap- 
propriate to  the  time  of  penance.  A  penitent 
was  also  to  go  barefoot,  as  appears  from  the  Ep. 
3vii.  ad  Rivol.  Episc.  of  Nicolas  I.  just  cited, 
which  makes  an  exceptional  concession  in  favour 
of  an  individual  offender  to  wear  boots  or 
sandals.  Cone.  Trihur.  c.  55,  forbad  also  the  use 
of  linen.  In  addition  to  these  austerities,  a  rigid 
and  long-continued  system  of  fasting  was  imposed. 
Gregory  III.  (a.d.  731-741,  Ep.  i.  7 ;  Labb.  Cone. 
vi.  1469)  decided,  in  reply  to  a  question  of 
Boniface,  that  a  parricide  should  be  denied  com- 
munion till  death,  should  fast  the  second,  fourth, 
and  sixth  days  of  each  week,  and  abstain  from 
flesh  and  wine  as  long  as  he  lived.  A  man  who 
murdered  his  own  son  was  enjoined  by  Nicolas  I. 
{Ep.  xvii.  ad.  Rivol.  Episc.)  to  abstain  from 
flesh  all  the  days  of  his  life,  for  seven  years  to 
drink  wine  only  on  Sundays  and  festivals,  and 
the  remaining  five  years  of  his  penance  four 
days  a  week.  He  was  allowed  intercourse  with 
his  wife,  but  forbidden  to  bear  arms  except 
against  the  pagans,  and  if  he  had  occasion  to 
travel  he  must  go  on  foot.  Another  criminal 
was  ordered  by  the  same  pontiff  {Ep.  ad 
Hinemar.)  to  fast  till  evening  all  the  years  of 
his  penance,  except  at  Easter  and  on  the  fes- 
tivals; an  exemption  extended  in  another  case 
to  the  fifty  days  from  Easter  till  Pentecost. 
These  disabilities  and  austerities  are  enforced 
with  some  variety  in  the  councils  of  that  period 
{Cone.  Vormat.  cc.  26,  30,  36 ;  Cone.  Tribur. 
cc.    56,   58).      Morinus  sums    up  the  penalties 


PENITENCE 

inflicted  after  the  beginning  of  the  7th  century, 
as  distinguished  from  those  of  an  earlier  date, 
under^four  headings.  1.  Those  which  concern 
dress  and  habits,  including  the  obligation  to  go 
with  bare  feet,  and  to  wear  no  linen  and  to 
travel  on  foot.  2.  The  observance  of  specified 
days  and  modes  of  fasting.  3.  Corporal  punish- 
ment. 4.  Exile.  [See  Corporal  Punishment, 
Exile,  Fasting,  Flagellation.]  To  this  may 
be  added  a  fifth  of  incarceration,  or  Seclusion 
in  a  monastery,  involving,  of  course,  an  aban- 
donment of  secular  life.  An  ancient  MS. 
from  Beauvais  (Martene  de  Bit.  i.  6)  gives 
an  account  of  rites  of  public  penance,  which 
can  hardly  be  later  than  the  9th  century. 
It  is  interesting  to  note  in  it  the  vestiges  of  the 
old  ritual,  the  detention  without  the  door,  the 
imposition  of  hands,  and  the  solemn  dismissal. 
"At  the  beginning  of  Lent,  all  delinquents 
undergoing,  or  about  to  undergo,  public  penance, 
should  present  themselves  to  the  bishop  before 
the  door  of  the  church,  clothed  in  sackcloth, 
with  bare  feet  and  downcast  looks.  There  the 
penitentiary  priest  should  be  present  to  examine 
their  cases,  and  impose  penance  according  to  the 
appointed  grades.  The  bishop  should  then 
bring  them  into  the  church,  and  prostrating 
himself  on  the  ground,  together  with  all  the 
clergy,  should  sing  the  seven  penitential  Psalms  ; 
afterwards  rising  from  prayer,  he  should  lay  his 
hands  upon  them  in  accordance  with  the  canons, 
and  sprinkle  them  with  holy  water  and  place 
ashes  upon  them,  and  cover  their  heads  with 
sackcloth,  and  with  groans  and  sighs  announce 
to  them  that  as  Adam  was  cast  out  from 
Paradise,  so  must  they  be  cast  out  from  the 
church.  He  was  then  to  order  the  deacon  to 
conduct  them  outside  the  door,  the  clergy 
following  them,  and  saying  the  sentence,  'In 
the  sweat  of  thy  face,'  &c.,  and  the  bishop 
shall  close  the  door  iipon  them ;  and  so  they 
remain  outside  till  the  Coena  Domini."  A  Noyon 
SIS.  of  the  9th  century  gives  a  short  "  ordo  " 
for  public  penance,  which  is  repeated  by  the 
Pseudo-Alcuin,  and  many  rituals  of  a  later  date. 
"Take  the  penitent  on  the  fourth  day  in  the 
morning  in  Capite  Quadragesimae,  and  cover 
him  with  sackcloth,  and  shut  him  up  till  Coena 
Domini."  The  same  codex  contains  a  form  for 
the  benediction  of  ashes,  with  the  direction  that 
when  the  ashes  are  laid  on  the  head  of  the 
penitent,  the  priest  is  to  sa}',  "In  the  name 
of  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost,  remember 
that  thou  art  dust,  and  that  to  dust  thou  shalt 
return." 

ii.  Private  Penitence. — The  whole  system  dis- 
closed by  the  penitentials  points  to  the  preva- 
lence of  private  penance.  In  the  Greek  peni- 
tentials the  delinquent  makes  a  private  acknow- 
ledgment of  his  sins  to  the  priest,  he  is 
questioned  in  private,  and  the  various  rites  and 
ceremonies  which  precede  final  reconciliation 
are  also  private.  The  Latin,  no  less  than  the 
Greek,  penitentials  are  entirely  silent  on  the 
essential  elements  of  public  discipline.  Their 
contents  bear  out  the  statement  of  Theodore 
{Penitent.  I.  xiii.  4)  that  public  penance  did  not 
exist  in  the  province  for  the  discipline  of  which 
he  published  his  book.  The  clergy  had  sufficient 
hold  upon  the  consciences  of  their  flock  to 
compel  them  to  submit  to  many  severe  acts  of 
self-abasement  and  self-denial  for  their  sins.    But 


PENITENCE 

the  converts  of  the  independent  northern  races 
shrunk  from  the  open  humiliation  of  appearing 
bjefore  the  congregation  with  a  shaven  head,  and 
with  the  arms  and  the  attire  and  the  character- 
istic ornaments  of  a  free  man  laid  aside.  The 
whole  transaction,  the  imposition  of  the  penance 
on  the  one  side,  and  its  performance  on  the 
other,  was,  as  it  were,  a  secret  one  between  the 
delinquent  and  his  priest  or  bishop.  The  church, 
as  such,  took  no  part  in  the  matter.  The  nature 
of  the  sins  censured  varied  from  some  trivial 
carelessness  up  to  horrible  and  unnatural 
crimes.  But  each  offender  was  alike  subjected 
to  penance  whether  his  offence  was  labouring 
on  the  Lord's  Day  {Theod.  Penitent.  I.  xi.  1)  or 
murder  {Ibid.  I.  iv.  2)  or  heresy  {ibid.  I.  v.  9). 
For  the  first  of  these  offences  the  censure  was 
seven  days'  penance  ;  for  the  two  last  ten  years. 
But  in  either  case  the  delinquent  became  a 
penitent.  The  sentence  was  passed  by  the 
bishop  or  the  priest,  or  even  by  a  deacon,  but 
there  was  no  open  or  public  rite  connected  with 
it.  Fasting  and  abstinence  were  the  .  usual 
penalties,  and  these  were  generally  expressed  in 
the  disciplinary  canons  of  all  the  penitentials, 
Irish,  Anglo-Saxon,  or  Frankish.  To  these  the 
Irish  books  especially  added  Exile  from  the 
native  laud  for  a  fixed  period,  alms  to  the  poor, 
and  the  emancipation  of  a  certain  niimber  of 
servi  or  ancillae,  and  in  the  case  of  bodily 
injuries  satisfaction  to  the  parents  or  friends 
{Poenitent.  Vinniae,  Wasserschleben,  pp.  108- 
224).  As  discipline  decayed,  the  notion  of 
Redemptions  began  to  be  accepted,  and  other 
and  easier  penalties  were  introduced,  such  as  the 
singing  of  so  many  jisalms,  the  payment  of  so 
many  solidi  to  the  poor,  so  many  strokes  of 
a  rod,  •  or  genuflexions  {Beda  Poenitent.  xi.  x. 
Oummeau,  Poenitent.  "  de  divite  vel  potente 
cjuomodo  se  redimit  pro  criminalibus  cul- 
])is,"  Wasserschleben,  p.  464).  Both  Beda  and 
Cummean  give  their  sanction  to  the  employment 
of  a  substitute  by  any  one  who  was  unable  to 
say  his  psalms,  an  evasion  which  sounds  perhaps 
the  lowest  depths  to  which  the  rigour  of  the 
primitive  system  had  sunk.  In  most  of  the 
penitential  books  the  quadragesimal  season  of 
the  year  and  the  legitimae  feriae  of  the  week 
were  periods  when  more  severe  abstinence  was 
imposed.  See  below.  Season  of  Penitence.  On 
certain  days  the  penitent  was  free  from  his 
punishment ;  these  are  stated  by  Cummean  at 
the  conclusion  of  his  prologue,  to  be  all  Sun- 
days, Christmas,  Epiphany,  Easter,  Pentecost, 
St.  John  Baptist,  St.  Mary  Ever-virgin,  the 
twelve  Apostles,  and  St.  Martin,  because  his 
body  was  reposing  in  that  province.  Several  of 
the  Frankish  penitentials  have  attached  to  them 
a  "  ratio  "  or  "  ordo  ad  dandam  poenitentiam." 
These  are  doubtless  of  a  later  age  than  the  body  of 
the  canones  to  which  they  are  appended.  They  are 
apparently  of  a  sufficiently  early  date  to  throw 
some  light  on  the  system  of  private  penance  in 
the  8th  century.  The  Penitential.  Pseudo- 
Eoman.,  the  text  of  which  belongs  to  the  7th 
centuiy,  has  a  long  prologue,  "  Quomodo  peni- 
tentes  sunt  suscipiendi  sive  reconciliandi " 
(Wasserschleben,  p.  360).  In  it  the  priest  is 
exhorted  to  fast  one  or  two  weeks  with  the  peni- 
tent, and  even  with  cries  and  tears  to  join  in 
supplication  with  him.  In  this  latter  direction 
there  is  a  trace  of  the  custom   of  the  earliest 


PENITENCE 


Ib^^ 


ages  (Soz.  H.  E.  vii.  16).  When  the  penitent 
comes  to  confess  his  sins  the  priest  is  to  bid  him 
wait  a  little  till  he  has  entered  into  his  chamber 
for  prayer,  and  if  he  has  no  chamber,  the  priest 
should  say  the  prayer  that  foUow-ed  in  his 
heart.  After  the  prayers,  are  given  further 
details  on  the  fasting  to  be  imposed  and  on 
almsgiving,  the  alms  to  be  used  either  for 
the  redemption  of  captives  or  the  relief  of 
the  poor,  or  to  be  placed  on  the  altar.  Then 
follow  "  orationes  ad  dandam  poenitentiam  ;  " 
and,  finally,  the  prayer,  which  was  to  accom- 
pany the  imposition  of  hands.  This  ordo 
is  also  published  by  Martene  (de  Bit.  i.  6), 
from  a  pontifical  from  the  Benedictine  monas- 
tery of  Jumieges  of  the  8th  century.  Com- 
munion was  not  invariably  delayed  till  after 
the  final  reconciliation.  In  prolonged  penitence 
Theodore  permits  communion  "pro  miseri- 
cordia "  after  six  months  or  a  year.  A  MS. 
from  the  church  of  St.  Gatianus  of  Tours,  attri- 
buted by  Martene  {de  Pit.  i.  6)  to  the  9th 
century,  contains  an  "  ordo  privatne  ceu  annu- 
alis  poenitentiae,"  which  discloses  some  variety 
of  ritual.  It  directs  all  priests  to  exhort  their 
flocks  to  come  to  confession  the  first  day  of 
Lent,  and  if  from  being  on  a  journey  or  from 
being  engaged  in  any  business,  they  are  unable 
to  come  for  reconciliation  on  Coena  Domini,  the 
priest  may  reconcile  them  at  once.  When  each 
one  comes  to  confess,  if  a  layman,  he  is  to  lay  aside 
his  staff,  and,  whether  a  clergyman  or  a  monk, 
he  is  to  bow  himself  to  the  priest,  who  will 
then  order  him  to  sit  before  him.  Then  follow 
the  profession  of  faith  and  confession  of  sin, 
after  which  the  penitent  is  to  prostrate  himself 
on  the  ground  with  groans  and  tears  (prout  Deus 
dederit).  The  priest  is  to  suffer  him  to  lie  there 
for  a  time,  and  then  raise  him  and  assign  him 
his  penance  ;  then  comes  a  second  prostration, 
and  then  supplication  for  the  priest's  interces- 
sion. 

V.  Sixs  AND  Penalties. 
1.  Sins  subjecting  to  Penance. 
i.  Open  Sins. — Only  mortalia  delicta  exposed 
the  delinquent  to  penitence  in  the  early  ages. 
Lesser  offences  were  punished  by  the  rejection  of 
oblations  and  the  refusal  of  the  elements  in  holy 
communion.  The  faults  and  defects  of  daily  life 
were  considered  to  be  fully  satisfied  by  daily 
prayer.  Penitence,  strictly  so-called,  which  in- 
volved an  open  acknowledgment  of  sin  and  a 
performance  of  certain  acts  of  austerity  and  a 
special  dress  and  a  separation  from  the  faithful 
in  church,  was  restricted  to  certain  grievous 
sins  as  defined  by  the  canons.  The  model  on 
which  the  penitential  code  was  founded  was  the 
decision  of  the  apostles  with  regard  to  the 
newly-converted  Gentiles  (Acts  xv.  28,  29).  For 
the  first  400  years  the  three  great  sins  of 
idolatry,  murder,  and  adultery,  or  such  as  were 
closely  allied  to  them,  and  clearly  fell  under  the 
same  category,  were  in  general  the  only  crimes 
punished  by  public  penance.  The  slight  or 
apparent  exceptions  to  this  statement  will 
be  investigated  presently.  In  the  moral  and 
homiletical  writings  of  the  fathers  of  that 
period,  the  classification  of  sins  and  the 
enumeration  of  those  which  could  only  be 
expiated  by  penance  are  uiado  with  more  fulness 
than    in    the    canons    of    councils.      TcrtuUian, 


1600 


PENITENCE 


in  his  tract  Be  Piidicit.  c.  19,  which  repre- 
sents the  most  rigid  notions  of  that  age,  yet 
admits  that  some  sins  were  matters  of  daily 
occurrence  to  which  all  were  subject,  and  which 
consequently  needed  no  penance.  Among  such 
he  reckons  anger  and  quarrelling,  and  a  rash 
oath  and  a  failure  to  keep  <an  engagement,  and 
an  untruth  told  from  modesty  or  necessity.  But 
the  three  capital  crimes  he  arranges  on  a  level 
above  all  others  {ilnd.  c.  12),  and  endeavours  to 
prove, in  accordance  with  the  tenets  of  Slontanism, 
that  the  church  had  no  power  to  absolve  them, 
as,  he  infers,  she  claimed  to  do  through  penance. 
Nearly  all  the  references  to  penitence  in  Cyprian 
are  in  connexion  with  the  lapsed,  that  is  to  say, 
idolatry.  Although  there  are  two  passages 
which  intimate  that  penance  was  allotted  in  the 
African  church  to  less  heinous  sins.  In  Ep.  xvi.  2 
be  condemns  the  laxity  with  which  the  eucharist 
was  granted  to  the  lapsed,  whereas  in  lesser  sins 
(minoribus  peccatis),  sinners  do  penance  for  an 
appointed  time,  and,  according  to  the  rules  of 
discipline,  come  to  confession,  &c.  In  the  fol- 
lowing, Ep.  xvii.,  he  speaks  again  of  penance 
being  done  for  an  appointed  time  for  lesser 
offences  which  are  not  committed  against  God, 
contrasting,  that  is,  such  offences  with  idolatry, 
which  is  directly'  against  the  majesty  of  God. 
But  the  general  rule  of  the  church  was  that 
public  penance  was  restricted  to  mortal  sins. 
So  it  is  stated  by  Pacian  in  his  treatise  on 
penance,  which  manifestly  reflects  the  teaching 
of  Cyprian.  Other  sins  he  considers  (^Parocn.  ad 
Foenit.  c.  9)  may  be  cured  by  the  compensation 
of  good  works,  but  idolatry,  murder,  adultery 
are  capital  crimes.  Augustine  clearly  lays  down 
that  only  the  gravest  sins  were  visited  by  public 
penance.  There  are  some  sins,  he  says  {da  Fid.  ct 
op.  c.  26),  so  great  as  to  deserve  to  be  punished 
by  excommunication  ;  others  which  need  not  the 
infliction  of  that  humiliation  of  penance  which 
is  imposed  upon  those  who  are  properly  called 
penitents  in  the  church ;  a  third  class,  again, 
from  which  none  can  escape,  for  which  our  Lord 
has  left  lis  a  remedy  in  the  daily  prayer,  "  for- 
give us  our  trespasses."  This  distinction  of  light 
sins,  for  the  cure  of  which  daily  prayer  is  suffi- 
cient, occurs  again  and  again  in  his  writings 
{Enchiridion,  c.  71 ;  Ifom.  xxvii.  t.  10,  p.  177  ; 
Horn.  csix.  de  Temp.  c.  8  ;  Ep.  Ixxsix.  ad  Hilar. 
quaest.  1 ;  Ep.  cviii.  ad  Seleucian.,  cited  by 
Bingham).  He  tells  the  catechumens  (dc  Symbol. 
ad  Catechumen,  i.  7)  that  those  v,-ho  are  seen 
doing  penance  have  been  guilty  of  adultery  or 
some  such  grievous  act.  He  distinguishes"  be- 
tween peccatum  and  crimen,  the  former,  sinful- 
ness from  which  none  is  free,  the  latter,  an  act 
of  grievous  sin  {Tract.  Ixi.  in  Joan.  t.  9,  p.  126  ; 
Fo  Civ.  Dei,  xxi.  27  ;  de  Sijmhol.  i.  7).  Ambrose 
(de  Poenit.  ii.  10)  confines  penance  to  graviora 
delicta.  The  canonical  epistle  of  Gregory  of^ 
Nyssa  is  an  elaborate  treatise  -on  the  nature  of 
crime  and  of  the  ecclesiastical  discipline  suitable 
to  it.  Like  the  Latin  fathers,  he  starts  with 
murder,  idolatry,  and  uncleanness  as  the  three 
mortal  sins,  but  he  bases  his  classification,  not  on 
the  decision  of  the  apostolic  council  (Acts  xv.  28, 
29),  but  on  the  threefold  division  of  the  faculties 
of  the  soul,  the  rational,  the  irascible,  and  the 
concupiscible  ;  and  all  sins  punishable  by  penance 
he  ranks  under  one  of  these  three  headings. 
Under  the  first  are  reckoned  idolatry  and  apo- 


PENITENCE 

stasy,  either  of  which,  if  committed  wilfully  and 
through  instability  of  faith,  must  be  expiated  by 
a  life-long  exclusion ;  if  under  fear  or  compul- 
sion, then  a  nine  years'  penance  is  sufficient. 
Under  the  second  heading  he  includes  adultery, 
which  involves  the  disgrace  or  injury  of  another, 
and  simple  uncleanness,  the  former  crime  requir- 
ing double  the  penalty  of  the  latter.  To  the 
irascible  faculty  he  assigns  murder,  with  the 
distinction  of  voluntary  and  involuntary  homi- 
cide. He  then  discusses  covetousuess,  which,  in 
the  language  of  St.  Paul,  he  calls  a  species  of 
idolatry,  and  which  he  says  springs  from  a  com- 
bination of  all  these  faculties,  but  the  censure  of 
which,  he  adds,  has  been  overlooked  by  the 
fiithers  before  him.  Of  the  branches  of  covetous- 
uess he  considers  robbery  with  violence  and  the 
spoiling  of  graves  for  the  sake  of  the  clothes  and 
ornaments  contained  in  them,  to  be  the  only 
offences  requiring  public  penance.  Simple  theft 
and  the  robbery  of  tombstones  wei-e  marked  by 
no  ecclesiastical  censure.  He  declines  to  attach 
a  penalty  to  usury  and  extortion,  on  the  ground 
that  the  ancient  canons  have  not  done  so.  By 
usury,  however,  he  must  have  meant  usury  by  a 
layman ;  in  the  case  of  a  clergyman  it  had  been 
distinctly  condemned  by  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  17. 
The  three  capitalia  delicta  are  the  principal 
objects  of  Basil's  canons.  He  has,  in  addition, 
one  on  perjury  (c.  64),  another  on  robbery 
(c.  01),  and  another  on  rape  (c.  30)  ;  each  of 
which  might,  without  any  violence,  be  brought 
under  the  heading  of  one  of  the  three  funda- 
mental sins.  The  councils  of  Elvira,  Ancyra, 
Neocaesarea  impose  penance  on  these  three 
mortal  sins  only.  In  Cone.  Eliber.  cc.  73,  75, 
the  crime  of  an  informer  was  held  to  involve 
murder,  and  was  punished  accordingly.  And  in 
the  same  light,  to  judge  from  the  extreme 
penalty  attached  to  it,  it  was  regarded  by 
1  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  14.  In  course  of  time,  and 
apparently  towards  the  close  of  the  4th  century, 
the  number  of  sins  for  which  public  penance 
was  exacted  began  to  be  enlarged.  As  in  the 
case  of  covetousuess,  in  the  passage  just  quoted, 
Gregory  of  Nyssa  states  that  it  had  been  over- 
looked by  the  ancient  fathers,  and  that  therefore 
he  adds  it  to  the  list  of  delicta.  Basil  (c.  30)  says 
the  same  of  rape,  and  of  polygainy  (c.  80),  that 
he  had  no  ancient  canons  to  guide  him,  and  that 
he  made  them  penal  by  his  own  judgment.  Still 
these  and  similar  additions  did  not  materially 
alter  the  definition  of  ecclesiastical  crimes,  and 
as  long  as  public  penance  was  in  force,  the  de- 
scription of  1  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  398,  c.  2,  held 
good  :  "  that  a  penitent  was  one  who  either  on 
account  of  murder  or  various  crimes  and  most 
heinous  sins  was  doing  public  penance."  Ex- 
communication for  small  faults  was  strictly  for- 
bidden by  Cone.  Agath.  A.D.  506,  c.  3.  The 
5  Cone.  Aurelian.  a.d.  549,  c.  2,  and  2  Cmc. 
Arvern.  a.d.  549,  c.  2,  laid  a  like  prohibition  on 
suspension  from  communion  for  light  causes  ;  an 
offender  was  to  be  suspended  only  on  those 
grounds  which  the  ancient  fathers  had  decreed. 
As  the  boundaries  of  the  church  were  enlarged 
and  her  relations  with  the  state  became  closer, 
the  ecclesiastical  was  framed  more  in  accordance 
with  the  civil  law.  Thus  the  2  Cone.  Tiiron. 
A.D.  567,  c.  20,  inflicted  long  penance  on  the 
abduction  of  a  sacred  virgin,  on  the  ground  that 
the    Pioman  law  had  made   it  a  capital   crime- 


PENITENCE 

And  the  spoiling  of  graves  by  clergymen  was  to 
be  punished  by  deposition  by  4  Cone.  Tolct.  a.d. 
633,  c.  46,  because  such  an  oftence  was  defined 
to  be  sacrilege  by  the  public  law.  Hence  it 
became  an  axiom  of  the  church  that  any  crime 
punishable  by  death  by  the  code  of  the  state  was 
to  be  expiated  by  penance.  This  was  the  lan- 
guage held  by  pope  Pelagius  II.  A.D.  578-590,  Ep. 
ii.,  and  by  Gregory  the  Great,  x.  Ei).  13,  aclEpisc. 
Passiv.  Firman.  (Moriuus,  v.  5).  Under  the 
system  administered  in  England  by  Egbert  the 
list  of  mortal  sins  became  considerably  enlai'ged. 
The  following  enumeration  is  given  in  the 
Archbishop's  Penitential,  c.  1,  "  de  capitalia 
crimina."  "Nunc  igitur  capitalia  crimina  se- 
cundum canones  explicabo.  Prima  superbia, 
jnvidia,  fornicatio,  inanis  gloria,  ira  longo  tem- 
pore, tristitia  seculi ;  avaritia,  ventris  inglu- 
vies,  sacrilegium,  id  est  sacrarum  rerum  furtum, 
e't  hoc  maximum  est  furtum,  vel  idolaticis 
servientem,  id  est  auspiciis  et  reliqua,  adul- 
terium,  falsum  testimonium,  furtum,  rapinam, 
ebrietas  adsidua,  idololatria,  molles,  sodomita, 
maledici,  perjuri."  His  second  chapter  treats 
"  de  minoribus  peccatis,"  but  the  distinction 
between  minora  and  caj/italia  in  his  list  is  al- 
together arbitrary  and  unmeaning.  The  com- 
plete account  of  the  sins  which  required  formal 
penitence  must  be  sought  in  the  penitential  | 
books  themselves. 

ii.  Secret  Sins. — No  distinction  was  made 
so  long  as  public  penitence  was  in  force  between 
secret  and  notorious  crimes.  The  same  penalty 
was  required  for  each.  In  the  earlier  ages, 
when  public  confession  was  practised,  it  followed 
as  a  matter  of  course  that  the  ensuing  penance 
should  be  public  too.  There  is  nothing  to  shew 
m  the  first  four  centuries  that  secret  sins,  after 
•once  they  had  become  known  to  the  church, 
were  treated  in  any  other  way  than  sins  which 
ivere  detected.  The  only  distinction  was  that, 
if  the  oftence  was  spontaneously  confessed,  the 
penance  was  lighter  (see  below  Penalties,  iv. 
Alleviation  of),  but  it  was  none  the  less  open 
penance.  Many  of  the  offences  censured  by  the 
canons  could  only  have  been  known  to  the  doers 
of  them ;  for  instance.  Cone.  Beocaesar.  c.  9  ; 
Cone.  Eliber.  c.  76;  Basil,  Ep.  cc.  69-71.  The 
very  exception  which  Basil  (c.  34)  states  was 
allowed  in  the  case  of  a  married  woman,  implies 
that  open  penance  was  the  rule.  Her  sin,  if  it 
was  unknown  to  her  husband,  must  have  been 
expressly  a  secret  one.  She  was  spared  open 
disclosure,  not  because  of  its  secrecy,  but  to 
save  her  from  her  husband's  vengeance.  The 
Epistle  of  Leo  to  the  bishops  of  Campania  (^Ep. 
Ixxx. ;  Labb.  Cone.  iii.  1373),  which  is  generally 
regarded  as  marking  a  departure  from  the  early 
practice  of  open  confession,  is  written  through- 
out on  the  supposition  that,  whether  the  sin 
was  open  or  secret,  the  penance  was  the  same. 
Morinus  gives  some  conspicuous  instances  of 
the  admission  of  secret  sins  being  followed  by 
severe  sentences.  One  was  that  of  Potamius, 
archbishop  of  Braga,  who  wrote  to  the  bishops 
assembled  in  the  tenth  council  of  Toledo,  A.D. 
656,  confessing  that  he  had  been  guilty  of  forni- 
cation. The  crime  was  altogether  unsuspected 
and  the  confession  spontaneous,  yet  he  was  sen- 
tenced by  the  council  to  life-long  penance.  See 
Morinus,  v.  11,  where  this  and  other  instances 
are  detailed  at  length. 


PENITENCE 


2.  Penalties. 


IGOl 


i.  Whether  cxelusively  spiritual. — The  different 
penalties  inflicted  by  ecclesiastical  discipline 
may  be  divided  into  three  degrees :  i.  excision 
from  the  church ;  ii.  penance ;  iii.  exclusion 
from  communion.  The  second  of  these  includes 
all  the  austerities  and  disabilities  imposed  by 
the  penitential  system.  The  extent  and  dura- 
tion of  them  have  been  sufficiently  discussed  in 
the  body  of  this  article.  Prior  to  the  conver- 
sion of  the  empire  the  church  had  no  power  to 
interfere  with  the  civil  rights  of  her  members, 
and  her  censures  must  have  been  exclusively 
spiritual.  "The  weapon  by  which  the  proud 
and  contumacious  are  stricken,"  says  Cyprian 
{E23.  iv.  4),  "  is  a  spiritual  sword."  [Compare 
Law.]  Yet  sometimes  the  rulers  of  the 
church  did  not  hesitate  to  apply  to  the 
heathen  emperors  to  uphold  their  discipline. 
In  answer  to  such  an  application,  Aurelian 
commanded  the  judgment  which  deposed  Paul 
of  Samosata  to  be  enforced  by  the  civil  power 
(Euseb.  H.  E.  vii.  30),  the  emperor's  authority 
being  confined  to  compelling  Paul  to  give  up 
the  house  and  church  of  his  see.  At  a  later 
date  the  bishops  still  more  readily  called  in 
the  power  of  the  magistrate,  when  spiritual 
censures  failed  to  maintain  ecclesiastical  order 
(Cone.  Antioch.  c.  5 ;  3  Cone.  Carthag.  c.  38 ; 
Codex  African,  cc.  68,  93);  and  no  inconsider- 
able part  of  the  ecclesiastical  legislation  em- 
bodied in  the  Theodosian  Code,  and  at  a  later 
period  in  the  capitiilaries  of  the  Carolingian 
kings,  had  for  its  object  the  maintenance  of  the 
discipline  of  the  church.  What  may  be  termed 
the  natural  rights  of  man  were  not  touched 
by  spiritual  censures.  A  parent  under  penance 
did  not  lose  his  authority  over  his  children, 
nor  were  subjects  absolved  from  their  alle- 
giance to  a  prince,  who  was  censured.  One 
of  the  Christian  emperors  was  a  penitent, 
others  heretics,  and  another  an  apostate,  but 
this  did  not  loosen  the  submission  of  the  church 
to  their  imperial  authority.  With  respect  to 
other  disabilities  affecting  penitents,  there  is  no 
mention  of  any  direct  refusal  of  funeral  rites. 
The  1  Cone.  Vasen.  a.d.  442,  c.  2,  decrees  that 
penitents  dying  suddenly  in  the  field  or  on  a 
journey  before  the  priest  could  be  brought  to 
them  might  be  buried  with  a  sacred  service  if 
they  were  leading  satisfactory  lives  ;  by  implica- 
tion denying  Christian  burial  to  the  contuma- 
cious and  impenitent.  The  absence  of  any  com- 
memoration after  death  woixld  follow  from  the 
refusal  of  the  rites  of  burial. 

ii.  Persons  on  lohom  inflicted. — All  baptized 
Christians  were  subject  to  the  censure  of  the 
church.  Over  Jews  or  heathen  outside  her 
jurisdiction  of  course  did  not  extend.  Cate- 
chumens who  were,  as  it  were,  in  a  middle  state, 
never  became  penitents.  If  they  were  guilty  of 
an  ecclesiastical  crime  they  were  degraded  to  a 
lower  class  of  their  own  order.  The  clergy 
were  dealt  with  on  a  different  footing  to  the 
rest  of  the  community  (see  below,  Penitence  of 
Clergy).  Penance  was  imposed  equally  upon 
women  as  upon  men.  Bingham  quotes  Valesius 
in  Soerat.  H.  E.  v.  19  ;  Bona,  i;er.  Liturg.  I. 
xvii.  5,  in  favour  of  the  opinion  that  although 
women   fasted   and   mourned   in   private,   they 


1602 


PENITENCE 


were  not  exposed  to  open  penance  for  the  first 
three  centuries.  But  no  such  exemption  appears 
in  Tertullian  or  Cyprian  ;  and  in  the  Spanish 
church  at  any  rate,  women  were  sentenced  to 
penance.  Cone.  Eliher.  c.  5  decrees  that  a  mis- 
tress beating  her  slave  to  death  shall  be  restored 
at  the  end  of  five  years  "  acta  legitima  poeni- 
tentia  ;  "  and  c.  14,  in  the  case  of  a  fallen  virgin, 
makes  a  broad  distinction  between  her  exclusion 
with  or  without  penance  (compare  Tbid.  cc.  8, 
10,  12,  13,  63,  65 ;  Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  21).  The 
statement  of  Basil  (c.  34-)  that  the  fathers  had 
decreed  that  an  adulteress  should  not  be  com- 
pelled to  publish  her  crime,  could  hardly  have 
been  inserted  if  public  penitence  of  women  had 
not  been  the  rule — as  in  the  4th  century  there 
can  be  little  doubt  it  was  the  rule.  The  peni- 
tential exercises  of  Fabiola  were  commended  by 
Jerome  (i?/j.  30,  Epitaph.  Fabiol.)  not  because 
she  was  a  woman,  but  because  they  were  under- 
taken spontaneously.  A  woman  submitting  to 
penance  was  no  special  object  of  commendation. 
(See  the  instructions  given  by  Ambrose  ad  I'irg. 
ia]os.)  The  3  Cone.  Told.  c.  12  gives  directions 
for  the  penitential  dress  of  a  woman.  A  man 
under  penance  was  to  shave  his  head,  a  woman 
to  wear  a  veil.  Female  penance  must  have  been 
so  common  as  to  require  regulating  where  the 
rule  prevailed  that  a  married  woman  could  not 
become  a  penitent  without  her  husband's  consent 
(2  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  22).  (For  special  female 
delinquencies,  see  Theodor.  Foenitential.  I.  xiv. 
"de  poenitentia  nubentium; "  Egbert,  Poeni- 
tenticii.  c.  7,  "  de  machina  mulierem.") 

Neither  wealth  nor  office  was  allowed  to 
exempt  a  delinquent  from  the  censure  of  the 
church.  Under  the  heathen  empire  the  mere 
acceptance  of  certain  magistracies,  inasmuch  as 
they  involved  their  holders  in  idolatrous  cere- 
monials, was  an  ecclesiastical  offence  (Cone. 
Eliher.  cc.  2,  3  ;  compare  the  note  of  Gothofred 
on  Cod.  Theod.  XV.  v.  "  de  spectaculis ").  By 
1  Cone.  Arelat.  a.d.  314,  c.  7,  all  Christian 
governors  of  provinces  were  ordered  to  take 
with  them  commendatory  letters,  and  bring 
themselves  into  communication  with  the  bishop, 
so  that  if  they  transgressed  against  discipline 
there  might  be  no  difficulty  in  expelling  them 
from  communion.  Although  in  the  4th  and 
5th  centuries  no  consideration  of  rank  checked 
the  great  bishops  from  censuring  offenders  in 
high  places,  as,  for  instance,  the  condemnation 
of  Andronicus,  governor  of  Ptolemais,  by  Sy- 
nesius  {Ep.  58),  and  the  governor  of  Libya  by 
Athanasius  (Basil,  Ep.  47),  and  the  famous 
espulsioa  of  Theodosius  from  communion  by 
Ambrose  (Bingham,  Antiq.  XVI.  iii.  4),  yet  in 
practice  the  right  was  rarely  exercised.  (For 
reasons  for  this  forbearance  see  Barrow,  Of  the 
Pope's  Supremacy,  p.  12.)  The  age  at  which  a 
young  person  came  under  the  discipline  of 
penance  is  nowhere  defined.  It  is  not  likely 
that  the  church  would  excommunicate  a  boy  or 
a  girl.  A  Roman  synod  imder  Felix  III.  (a.d. 
487,  c.  4)  decided  that  boys  who  had  been  bap- 
tized by  the  Arians  should  remain  a  short  time 
only  under  the  imposition  of  hands,  and  then  be 
restored ;  for  it  was  not  reasonable  that  their 
penitence  should  be  prolonged.  The  Cone. 
Agath.  c.  15  exempted  the  young  from  severe 
penance  because  of  the  weakness  of  youth.  In 
the  discipline  of  a  monastery  a  delinquent  under 


PENITENCE 

age  was  flogged  (Macar.  Reg.  c.  15  ;  Benedict, 
Reg.  c.  70 ;  Gregor.  Ep.  ix.  66,  quoted  by 
Bingham).  And  probably  in  the  church  at  large- 
the  weapon  of  penance  was  used  only  against 
those  who  had  passed  their  minority. 

iii.  Uniformity  of. — It  is  laid  down  in  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions  (ii.  48),  that  great  care 
and  discretion  were  to  be  exercised  in  treating 
offenders  ;  some  were  to  be  dealt  with  by  threats, 
some  by  terrors,  some  by  being  urged  to  alms- 
giving, some  to  fasting,  and  some  by  ejection 
from  the  church.  And  for  a  long  time  no  doubt 
this  discretion  was  vested  in  the  bishop,  assisted 
perhaps  by  his  presbytery.  As  the  church  grew, 
and  intercourse  increased  between  her  different 
branches,  a  more  uniform  scale'  of  penalties  was 
adopted.  The  frequent  communications  which 
passed  between  Rome  and  Africa,  traces  of  which 
are  preserved  in  Cyprian's  epistles,  are  the  first 
important  efforts  after  uniformity  of  discipline. 
The  decisions  of  the  councils  of  the  succeeding 
age  were  a  further  advance  in  the  same  direc- 
tion. Nearly  all  the  twenty-five  canons  of  Ancyra 
and  the  eighty-one  of  Elvira  treat  of  the  penal- 
ties suitable  to  ecclesiastical  crimes.  The  same 
may  be  said  of  the  twenty-two  canons  of  the 
first  council  of  Aries,  and  to  a  certain  extent  of 
the  canons  of  the  Apostles.  These  various 
judgments  of  the  assembled  fathers  represent, 
in  fact,  so  many  penitential  codes,  whose  decrees 
would  be  the  model,  if  not  the  rule,  for  the 
administration  of  discipline  throughout  the 
church.  The  appointment  of  the  Penitentiary 
officer  in  the  dioceses  of  the  Greek  church  would 
also  tend  to  produce  a  uniform  standard  of 
j^enalties.  The  treatise  which  more  perhaps 
even  than  the  decrees  of  councils  helped  to  estab- 
lish a  system  in  the  East  was  the  epistle  of 
Basil.  For  many  ages  this  canonical  letter 
of  Basil  was  the  standard  which  governed  the 
discipline  of  the  East.  Hardly  less  authoritative 
was  the  epistle  of  his  brother  Gregory  of 
Nyssa.  The  decisions  of  the  popes  on  questions 
referred  to  them  were  a  further  contribution  to 
a  body  of  penitential  law  ;  for  example,  Syric, 
Ep.  i.  3,  5,  6  ;  Innocent,  Epp.  i.  7  ;  ii.  12,  13  ; 
iii.  2 ;  Leo,  Ep.  Ixxix.  4,  5,  6 ;  Felix  III. 
Ep.  vii. ;  Nicolas,  Ep.  ad  Rirol.  The  Penitential 
books  were  an  additional  attempt  to  codify  the 
law.  Originating  either  from  famous  monas- 
teries, or  embodying  the  decisions  of  great  pre- 
lates, they  spread  far  and  wide  through  France 
and  England,  and  in  a  less  degree  through  all 
the  churches  of  the  West  in  the  7th  and  8th 
centuries.  The  3  Cone.  Tolct.  c.  11  in  the  6th 
century,  and  the  Cone.  Mogunt.  c.  31  in  the  9th, 
alike  complain  of  the  difficulty  of  maintaining 
penance  at  the  true  canonical  standard.  The 
penitentials  were  no  doubt  designed  to  meet  the 
difficulty.  The  principle  laid  down  by  Cone. 
Mogunt.  was,  that  penalties  were  to  be  based  on 
the  ancient  canons,  or  the  authority  of  scripture, 
or  the  custom  of  the  church.  The  penitentials 
in  themselves  possessed  no  canonical  authority, 
and  their  multiplication  was  in  some  instances 
regarded  with  jealousy.  "  Their  errors,"  said  the 
bishops  in  2  Cone.  Cabilon.  a.d.  813,  c.  38,  "  are 
certain,  and  their  authors  uncertain."  With 
the  growth  of  the  papal  power  and  the  centrali- 
zation of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  at  Rome,  dis- 
cipline tended  to  become  more  and  more  uni- 
form. 


PENITENCE 

iv.  Alleviation  of — 

a.  By  repentance.  —  Although  the  church 
aimed  at  uniformity  of  discipline,  the  same 
penalty  was  not  always  imposed  on  the  same 
crime  ;  or  if  the  penalty  was  originally  the  same 
it  was  not  carried  out  alike  in  all  cases.  There 
would  be  practical  difficulties  in  the  way  of 
insisting  on  the  completion  of  a  merely  spiritual 
sentence  extending  over  twenty  or  twenty-five 
years.  But  in  addition  to  the  necessities  of  the 
case  a  mitigation  of  the  penalty  was  openly 
granted  in  certain  instances.  The  first  ground 
of  relaxation  was  earnestness  of  repentance  over 
and  above  the  formal  submission  to  censure. 
Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  5.  orders  the  bishop  to  examine 
the  present  and  past  life  of  a  penitent  and  shew 
clemency  accordingly.  By  Cone.  Laodic.  c.  2, 
perseverance  and  prayer  and  confession,  and  a 
total  abandonment  of  evil  habits,  were  allowed 
to  move  the  rulers  of  the  church  to  pity  (see 
Cone,  in  Trull,  c.  102).  Cone.  Nieaen.  c.  12 
decided  that  a  delinquent  who  proved  his  amend- 
ment by  fear  and  tears,  and  submission  and  good 
works,  and  labour  and  dress,  should,  after  his  ap- 
pointed time  among  the  Hearers,  join  in  com- 
munion of  prayer ;  that  is  to  say,  the  laborious 
station  of /i'jieeto'S  might  be  omitted;  those,  on 
the  other  hand,  who  thought  it  sufiicient  to 
shew  their  repentance  by  merely  coming  to  the 
church  dooi-,  were  to  complete  their  full  sentence. 
The  4  Cone.  Carthag.  c.  75  speaks  to  the  same 
effect  on  "  negligentiores  poenitentes."  Basil 
(c.  74)  considers  it  an  act  of  duty  that  those 
who  have  the  power  of  binding  and  loosing 
should  remit  part  of  the  penalty  of  the  earnest 
and  diligent.  The  same  sentiment  which  appears 
several  times  in  the  epistle  of  Gregory  of  jsyssa, 
regulated  the  administration  of  discipline 
throughout  the  church  (Innocent  I.  Ep.  i.  7  ; 
Leo,  £p.  Ixsix.  6  ;   Cone.  Vormat.  c.  75). 

b.  By  confession. — One  who  spontaneously 
confessed  his  crime  was  generally  treated  more 
leniently  than  after  detection.  Cone.  Either. 
c.  76  made  a  wide  distinction  in  the  case  of  a 
deacon  who  allowed  himself  to  be  ordained  after 
the  commission  of  mortal  sin.  If  he  made  a 
voluntary  confession,  he  might  be  reinstated  at 
the  end  of  two  years,  but  if  others  convicted 
him,  he  was  to  do  penance  for  five  years,  and 
then  be  restored  to  lay  communion  only.  In 
Martin  Bracar.  {Collect.  Cone.  c.  25),  a  priest  con- 
fessing under  similar  circumstances  might  re- 
tain the  name  of  priest,  but  not  celebrate  ;  if  he 
was  convicted,  even  the  name  was  to  be  taken 
from  him.  Gregory  Thaumaturgus  {Ep.  cc.  18, 19), 
with  reference  to  robberies  which  had  occurred 
during  the  confusion  arising  from  a  Gothic 
invasion,  made  the  station  of  a  delinquent  depend 
upon  the  manner  in  which  the  theft  was  re- 
vealed, whether  by  conviction  or  by  confession 
and  restitution.  Basil  (c.  61)  diminished  the 
penalty  of  a  thief  who  confessed  by  one-half. 
The  same  authority,  at  the  beginning  of  his 
treatise,  '  gives  to  spontaneous  confession  and 
lapse  of  time  and  ignorance  an  equal  power  in 
alleviating  penance.  (See  Ambrose,  Yirg.  laps. 
c.  8 ;  de  Foenitent.  ii.  8 ;  Prosper,  Vit.  Con- 
templat.  ii.  7.)  In  some  flagrant  instances,  as 
in  the  case  of  an  adulterous  clerk  (3  Cone. 
Aurel.  A.D.  538,  c.  7),  confession  was  of  no  avail. 

c.  By  intercession. — The  accounts  of  public 
penance   during   the   first  three    centuries  fre- 

CHRIST.   AST. — VOL.   II. 


PENITENCE 


1603 


quently  represent  "the  delinquent  imploring  the 
congregation  and  the  widows  and  the  virgins 
and  the  clergy  to  intercede  with  the  bishop  for 
him.  And  when  the  length  of  penalties  was 
undetermined  by  canon,  and  rested  practically 
with  the  individual  bishop,  such  intercessions 
were  a  recognised  channel  by  which  to  obtain  a 
mitigation  of  penance.  With  the  elaboration  of 
the  system  which  began  with  the  4th  century, 
these  intercessions  are  rarely  heard  of,  although 
Augustine  mentions  incidentally  (^Ep.  liv.  ad 
Macedon.  p.  93),  a  custom  of  magistrates  inter- 
ceding with  the  church  for  offenders.  In  Africa 
a  practice  arose,  which  quickly  became  abused, 
of  granting  alleviation  of  penance  to  the  inter- 
cession of  martyrs,  that  is  to  say,  of  Christians 
in  prison  expecting  death  during  persecution. 
[LiBELLI,  p.  981.] 

3.  Penitence  denied. 
I.  Sometimes  to  the  first  Commission  of  mortalia 
Delicta. — The  grace  of  penitence  appears  to  have 
been  withheld  from  certain  delinquents  in  the 
early  centuries,  not  because  the  church  had  any 
doubt  about  her  authority  to  grant  it,  but  on 
the  ground"  that  the  power  of  binding  was  vested 
with  the  same  sanction  as  that  of  loosing,  and 
that  to  open  the  door  with  equal  readiness  to 
all  great  criminals  alike  would  only  bring  dis- 
cipline into  contempt.  This  seems  the  probable 
explanation  of  the  undoubted  effect  of  some  of 
the  early  decisions.  Cyprian  has  left  it  on 
record  {Ep.  Iv.  c.  17)  that  among  his  predeces- 
sors some  entirely  closed  the  place  of  penance 
against  adulterers,  and  by  implication  against  the 
other  two  mortal  sins  which  were  of  a  still 
graver  character ;  but  he  adds  that  in  doing  so 
they  did  not  break  the  verity  of  the  church. 
How  far  this  exclusiveness  was  followed  in 
other  provinces  is  one  of  the  many  vexed  ques- 
tions of  the  primitive  discipline.  See  Albaspin. 
Ohservat.  II.  vii.  20  ;  Bona,  Eer.  Litury.  I.  xvii.  1  ; 
Fell  not.  in  Cypr.  Ep.  vii.  p.  17,  cited  by  Bing- 
ham. By  the  clear  testimony  of  TertuUian  (de 
Pudicit.  c.  1),  pope  Zephyrinus,  A.D.  202-218, 
granted  penance  to  the  sins  of  vincleanness  and 
fornication,  and  TertuUian  founds  upon  this  a 
charge  of  inconsistency  against  the  bishop  be- 
cause he  was  not  equally  indulgent  to  murder 
and  idolatry.  Morinus  (ix.  20)  holds  that  the 
evidence  of  TertuUian  in  this  treatise  on  the 
usage  of  the  Eoman  church  is  not  worthy  of 
credence.  Martene  (de  Bit.  i.  6),  on  the  con- 
trary, cites  him  as  a  trustworthy  witness. 
If  the  ordinary  reading  of  "nee  in  fine" 
in  many  of  the  canons  of  Elvira  is  to  be 
accepted,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  penitence 
was  denied  in  Spain  to  idolatry  and  to  murder 
(see  for  instances  cc.  1,  6,  63,  73,  75).  With 
reo-ard  to  moechia  the  decisions  were  more 
lenient  (cc.  13,  14,  31,  69,  72)  ;  except  in  aggra- 
vated cases  (cc.  12,  66,  71),  when  communion 
was  refused  absolutely.  It  may  be  well  to 
enumerate  the  exact  crimes  for  which  com- 
munion was  denied  by  the  council  of  hlvira 
even  at  death  ;  idolatry  in  an  idol  temple  niter 
baptism  (c.l);  a  baptized  flamcnsacrifinngagftin 
(cc.  2,  17)  ;  adultery  after  penance  (cc.  3,  4<)  j 
killing  by  witchcraft  (c.  6);  if  a  woman  deserted 
her  husband  without  cause  and  re-married  (c  8)  ; 
parents  selling  a  child  for  prostitution  (c.  12); 
dedicated  virgins  becoming  prostitutes  (c.  13); 


1604 


PENITENCE 


betrothal  of  a  daughter  to  an  idol  priest  (c.  17); 
adultery  by  clergy — on  account  of  the  scandal 
(c.  19)  ;  murder  by  a  woman  of  her  child  born  in 
adultery  (c.  63) ;  clergy  retaining  adulterous 
wives  (c.  65);  unnatural  crimes  (c.  71);  aggra- 
vated adultery  (cc.  64,  72,  79)  ;  giving  informa- 
tion which  leads  to  a  Christian  being  put  to 
death  (c.  73) ;  malicious  charges  against  the 
clergy  (c.  75).  These  decisions  appear  to  have 
had  at  the  most  only  a  provincial  authority, 
and  not  to  have  governed  the  general  discipline 
of  the  church.  For  the  Cone.  Ancyr.  (cc.  9,  16), 
which  was  contemporary  with  Cone.  Eliber.  or 
only  a  few  years  later,  granted  penance  to  each 
of  the  three  mortalia  delicta  even  in  their  most 
aggravated  forms.  And,  indeed,  throughout  the 
Eastern  church,  with  the  exception  of  a  decision 
of  Cohc.  Sardic.  c.  2,  which  rejects  certain 
fraudulent  bishops  from  even  lay  communion 
at  death,  there  does  not  appear  any  trace  of  the 
refusal  of  the  rites  of  penance  for  the  first  com- 
mission of  any  sin  sincerely  repented  of.  Nor 
does  any  trace  of  such  severity  occur  later  than 
the  Cone.  Eliber.  in  the  West. 

ii.  Gencralli/  to  a  Repetition  of  Sin  once  expi- 
ated.— The  refusal  of  penance  a  second  time  was 
one  of  the  unwritten  canons  of  the  early  disci- 
pline. No  council  passed  a  decree  against  its 
repetition,  but  in  practice  its  refusal  was  almost 
universal  from  the  very  beginning.  Hermas 
(Pastor,  Mandat.  ii.  4),  considering  whether  an 
.adulterous  wife  ought  to  be  received  by  her  hus- 
band, determined  that  she  should  be  taken  back, 
but  not  often,  for  to  be  servants  of  God  there  is 
but  one  penitence  (compare  Id.  Similit.  iii.  9).  This 
decision  of  Hermas  is  cited  and  approved  by 
Clem.  Alexand.  {Strom,  ii.  13,  p.  459,  ed.  Oxon.). 
The  language  of  Tertullian  is  very  explicit  (do 
Pudicit.  c.  7) ;  "  God  hath  placed  in  the  porch  a 
second  repentance,  which  may  open  to  those  who 
knock,  but  now  for  once  only,  because  now  for 
the  second  time,  but  never  again."  The  "  first 
repentance"  which  he  had  in  his  mind  was 
baptism.  A  little  later  {ibid.  c.  9),  he  speaks  of 
the  "second  and  only  remaining  repentance." 
A  passage  in  Origen  {Horn.  xv.  in  c.  25  Levit.) 
gives  a  clear  account  of  the  general  practice. 
"  In  graver  sins  the  peace  of  repentance  is 
granted  but  once  only,  or  seldom ;  but  those 
common  sins  which  men  frequently  commit, 
always  admit  of  repentance,  and  are  redeemed  at 
once."  The  words  "  or  seldom  "  are  generally 
regarded  as  a  later  interpolation;  the  date  of 
their  insertion  probably  coinciding  with  the 
growth  of  greater  laxity  in  the  Eastern  church. 
There  appears  some  reason  for  believing  that 
Chrysostom  did  not  hesitate  to  grant  penitence 
more  than  once.  Socrates  (//.  E.  vi.  21)  states 
that  he  taught  that  though  a  synod  of  bishops 
had  decreed  that  relapsed  penitents  should  not 
be  readmitted,  he  was  willing  to  receive  them  a 
thousand  times.  On  the  accuracy  of  this  state- 
ment with  reference  to  Chrysostom  see  Morinus, 
v.  37.  At  the  beginning  of  the  5th  century  the 
privilege  of  frequent  penance  was  taken  away 
from  the  Massalian  heretics  by  a  synod  of  Con- 
stantinople, A.D.  426  or  427,  under  Sisiimius, 
one  of  Chrysostom's  successors,  because  it  had 
been  so  often  abused.  From  this  Bingham  con- 
cludes {Antiq.  XVIII.  iv.  7)  that  a  repetition  of 
penance  was  not  unknown  in  the  metropolitavi 
province.  ,The  relaxation  of  the  early  rigour 


PENITENCE 

ir.ay  be  partly  attributable  to  the  excessive  length 
of  the  sentences  imposed  in  the  Eastern  church 
after  the  3rd  century.  If  a  delinquent  had  done 
penance  for  fifteen  or  twenty  years,  and  was 
willing  to  pass  through  the  ordeal  a  second  time, 
it  would  be  almost  impossible  to  reject  him.  In 
the  Latin  church  the  discipline  of  a  single 
penance  survived  longer.  The  Gone.  Eliber., 
which  was  so  severe  in  refusing  reconciliation 
even  once  was  not  likely  to  grant  it  a  second 
time  (cc.  3,  7,  74 ;  Pacian,  Ep.  iii.  contr.  Sem- 
2Jron.  c.  27).  They  are  rightly  reproved,  says 
Ambrose  (cfe  Poenitent.  ii.  10),  who  think  that 
penance  can  be  performed  often,  for  they  wanton 
against  Christ.  Augustine  {Ep.  cliii.  ad  Maeedon. 
c.  7)  is  a  witness  that  even  the  lowest  place  in 
the  church  was  refused  to  a  relapsing  penitent. 
The  manner  of  dealing  with  such  lapsers  in  the 
Western  church  is  laid  down  by  pope  Siricius 
{Ep.  i.  ad  Himer.  c.  5)  ;  they  were  not  to  have 
the  benefit  of  a  second  penitence,  but  might  be 
present,  without  communicating,  at  the  celebra- 
tion, and  be  allowed  a  viaticum  at  their  death. 
By  2  Cone.  Arelat.  A.D.  443,  c.  21,  a  penitent 
repeating  his  sin  was  to  be  cast  out  of  the 
church.  By  1  Cone.  Turon.  a.d.  460,  c.  8,  he 
was  ejected,  not  only  from  the  church,  but  from 
the  society  of  the  faithful  {Cone.  Tenet.  A.D. 
465,  c.  3).  By  the  6th  century  penitence  began 
to  be  conceded  frequently.  For  the  3  Cone. 
Tolet.  A.D.  589,  c.  11,  complains  that  in  many 
of  the  Spanish  churches  discipline  was  no  longer 
administered  according  to  the  canons,  but  as 
often  as  men  sinned  and  applied  to  the  priest,  so 
often  penance  was  granted.  This  abuse  the  coun- 
cil checked.  The  disappearance  of  the  early  rule 
dates  probably  from  the  decline  of  public  disci- 
pline, and  the  substitution  of  a  private  system  by 
which  a  sinner  obtained  reconciliation  as  often  as 
he  confessed  his  sin  and  submitted  to  penance. 

iii.  Till  the  Hour  of  Death. — The  ordinary 
course  of  penance  in  the  4th  and  5th  centuries 
held  an  offender  in  its  trammels  for  half  a  life- 
time for  certain  mortal  sins ;  if  the  sins  were 
especially  heinous,  the  penalty  extended  over  the 
whole  life,  however  long  its  duration.  This 
severity  was  not  confined  to  one  province.  In 
Spain  the  Gone.  Eliber.  c.  3,  withheld  commu- 
nion till  death  fi'om  a  converted  flameu  who, 
abstaining  from  sacrificing,  merely  exhibited  a 
shew ;  and  all  his  life  he  was  to  be  under  canon- 
ical penance.  A  consecrated  virgin  who  had 
fallen  was  allowed  communion  at  last  only  if  she 
had  passed  a  life-long  penance  {ibid.  c.  13).  At 
a  later  date  the  Cone.  Herd.  a.d.  523,  c.  5,  sen- 
tenced any  of  the  inferior  clergy  who,  aftef 
penance,  relapsed  into  the  same  sin,  to  exclusion 
till  death.  In  France  a  similar  sentence  waS 
passed  by  1  Cone.  Arelat.  a.d.  314,  c.  14,  on  false 
accusers  of  their  brethren;  and  by  Cone. 
Valentin.  A.D.  374,  c.  3,  on  lapsers  into  idolatry. 
In  the  East  the  Gone.  Ancyr.  a.d.  314,  c.  6, 
attached  this  penalty  to  unnatural  crime ;  and 
the  Cone.  Neocaesar.  c.  2,  decreed  that  a  woman 
marrying  two  brothers  was  to  be  expelled  till 
the  approach  of  death,  and  then  only  to  be  ad- 
mitted on  her  assurance  that  should  she  recover 
the  marriage  should  be  dissolved.  And  finally, 
in  Rome  Felix  III.,  A.D.  483-492,  decided  in  Cone. 
Pom.  c.  2,  with  regard  to  the  African  clergy, 
who  had  suffered  themselves  to  be  rebaptized  in 
the  Vandal  persecution,  that  they  were  to  con- 


PENITENCE 

tinue  under  penance  all  the  days  of  their  life,  1 
and  not  be  present  during  the  prayers  of  the 
faithful  or  even  of  the  catechumens,  and  be  ad- 
mitted to  lay  communion  only  at  death.  (See 
Ambrose,  Laps.  Virg.  viii.  38.) 

4.  Penitence  of  the  Sick. — The  sick  under 
discipline  may  be  divided  into  three  classes  : — 
i.  those  who  for  some  grievous  crime  had  been 
ejected  from  the  church  and  fell  sick  while 
outside  her  pale  ;  ii.  those  who  were  conscious  of 
undetected  sin,  and  asked  for  penance  on  their 
sickbed ;  iii.  those  overtaken  by  illness  while 
undergoing  penance.  With  regard  to  the  first 
class,  there  seems  little  doubt  that  for  about 
the  first  300  years  the  full  grace  of  penance 
was  denied  to  them  absolutely.  Cyprian  {Ep. 
ad  Antoyi.  Iv.  19)  does  not  shrink  from  stating 
this  positively.  The  great  council  of  Aries, 
A.D.  314,  c.  22,  at  which  most  of  the  Western 
churches  were  represented,  decreed  that  apos- 
tates who  had  not  sought  penitence  in  health 
were  to  be  debarred  from  it  in  illness,  unless 
they  recovered,  and  had  an  opportunity  of  proving 
their  sincerity.  The  denial  of  penance  at  the 
hour  of  death  to  those  who  had  scorned  it  in  life 
was  continued  in  the  case  of  condemned  criminals 
for  a  long  period  in  France.  In  Germany  this 
rigour  was  relaxed  in  the  9th  century  by  Cone. 
Vonnat.  z.  80,  Cone.  Tribur.  c.  31 ;  in  France  it 
•was  not  repealed  till  Feb.  1396,  by  a  decree  of 
Charles  VI.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  refusal 
of  reconciliation  was  necessarily  a  refusal  of  all 
the  benefits  of  penitence  ;  for  Innocent  I.  A.D. 
402-417  (^Ep.  iii.  ad  Exiqxr.),  states  that  the  old 
custom  of  the  church,  in  the  case  of  repentant 
delinquents  at  death,  was  to  grant  penance  but 
deny  communion,  and  that  this  was  done  in  order 
to  maintain  a  high  standard  of  discipline  during 
the  times  of  persecution,  and  that  afterwards, 
when  persecutions  ceased,  both  penance  and  abso- 
lution were  conceded  to  the  dying,  and  that  this 
henceforth  was  the  law  of  the  Catholic  church. 
There  is  a  saying  of  Cyprian  (ad  Demetriam,  c. 
15),  "  Nunquam  sera  est  poenitentia  si  sit  vera." 
None  the  less  the  great  African  father  denied 
communion  to  grievous  sinners  in  their  last 
illness,  not  however  because  he  doubted  the 
efficacy  of  death-bed  repentance  but  its  sin- 
cerity. After  the  close  of  the  persecutions 
full  reconciliation  was  granted  to  all  dying 
men  seeking  it,  whatever  their  previous  career  ; 
and  the  question  was  authoritatively  set  at 
rest  by  a  decree  of  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  13.  [See 
Eeconciliatiox.]  The  treatment  of  the  second 
class  of  sick,  those  whose  sin  had  not  been  de- 
tected or  confessed  till  their  last  illness,  was 
more  uniform.  Penitence  and  reconciliation  were 
on  no  account  to  be  refused  them  {Cone.  Andegav. 
A.D.  453,  c.  13).  Pope  Celestiue  I.,  A.D.  422- 
432  (Ep.  ii.  cul  Episc.  Yienn.  ct  Xarbon.),  says 
that  he  knew  of  some  having  denied  penitence 
to  the  dying,  but  that  he  was  "  horrorstruck  at 
such  impiety."  Leo  I.  a.d.  440-461  (Ep.  cviii. 
ad  Tlieod.  Episc.  c.  4),  not  only  decided  that  peni- 
tence was  to  be  granted  to  the  sick,  but  adds 
that  "  if  they  have  lost  their  voice  and  could 
■only  express  by  signs  their  desire  for  penance,  or 
even  if  they  were  motionless  as  well  as  speech- 
less, and  any  trustworthy  witnesses  could  testify 
that  they  had  .signified  the  desire  before  the 
arrival  of  the  priest,  it  was  in  all  cases  to  be 
conceded."    The  first  council  of  Orange,  a.d.  441, 


PENITENCE 


iGo; 


c.  12,  passed  a  similar  decree,  having  in  view 
probably  the  case  of  those  overtaken  by  paralysis, 
or  any  similar  affliction.  The  4  Cone.  Carthag. 
A.D.  398,  c.  76,  had  carried  the  concession  even 
farther,  it  had  granted  penance,  not  only  to  the 
helpless,  but  even  to  the  insensible,  if  there  was 
evidence  that  it  had  been  desired  by  the  patient 
while  he  was  rational  (see  12  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  2, 
13  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  9).  These  decrees  governed 
the  administration  of  the  penitence  of  the  sick 
during  the  middle  ages.  The  third  class  of  sick 
contained  those  who  were  overtaken  by  illness 
during  their  penance.  In  the  4th  and  5th  cen- 
turies when  sentences  sometimes  extended  over 
twenty  years,  this  class  must  have  been  a  nume- 
rous one.  They  were  on  the  supposition  already 
penitents.  The  matter  remaining  to  be  consi- 
dered is  the  time  and  manner  of  their  Reconci- 
liation. One  point  in  connexion  with  the 
penitence  of  the  sick  is  involved  in  some  obscu- 
rity. If  a  penitent  recovered  who  had  been 
absolved  on  his  sick-bed,  was  he  to  complete  his 
original  sentence  ?  In  the  case  of  light  sins,  for 
which  an  oflender  had  been  merely  debarred 
communion,  it  would  follow  that  when  commu- 
nion was  conceded  the  penalty  was  at  an  end. 
Morinus  (x.  14)  is  disposed  to  extend  the  same 
principle,  at  any  rate  up  to  the  time  of  the 
spread  of  the  iS^ovatian  heresy,  to  delinquents 
guilty  of  greater  crimes,  and  who  had  been  made 
penitents  strictly  so-called.  He  considers  their 
absolution  a  satisfaction  of  all  ecclesiastical 
censure.  The  treatment  of  the  lapsed  in  the 
Roman  and  African  churches,  and  also  the  silence 
of  the  canons  of  Elvira  with  regard  to  the  com- 
pletion of  a  sentence  after  reconciliation  in  ex- 
treme sickness,  bear  out  the  inference.  He  makes 
the  same  statement,  though  with  some  hesitation, 
with  respect  to  the  Greek  church  in  the  period 
prior  to  the  organization  of  the  stations.  With 
the  beginning  of  the  4th  century  the  question 
becomes  clearer.  The  severity  which  spread 
through  the  treatment  of  all  penitents  was  ex- 
tended to  convalescents.  The  sentence  left  un- 
finished at  the  time  of  a  sickbed  remission  was 
to  be  taken  up  on  recovery.  This  rule  was 
enforced,  not  only  as  a  matter  of  principle,  but 
to  meet  the  cases  of  those,  which  appear  to  have 
been  not  infrequent,  who  feigned  dangerous 
illness  in  order  to  escape  part  of  their  penalty. 
Originally  a  penitent  once  reconciled  was  sent 
back  on  recovery,  not  to  his  former  position,  but 
only  to  the  station  of  eonsistentia.  The  council 
of  Nice  (c.  13),  after  resolving  that  no  one  on 
the  threat  of  death  was  to  be  denied  his  i(p65ioi' 
(viaticum'),  goes  on  to  decree  that  should  the  man 
revive  after  receiving  it,  he  was  henceforth  to 
communicate  in  prayer  only  till  his  original  sen- 
tence was  finished.  In  some  parts  of  the  church 
this  middle  course  was  the  one  adopted  for  a  long 
period.  It  was  approved  by  Felix  III.  (Ep.  vii.), 
in  the  treatment  of  the  rebaptized,  who  in  anti- 
cipation of  death  had  been  permitted  to  commu- 
nicate, and  is  inserted  by  JIartin  of  Braga  in  his 
Collect.  Can.  c.  82.  In  other  provinces  i;roater 
severity  prevailed.  Gregory  of  Nyssa  laid  it 
down,  that  a  patient  who  had  been  granted  par- 
ticipation in  the  holy  mysteries  should,  if  he 
recovered,  return  to  the  station  in  whicli  his 
danger  and  necessity  had  found  him.  Synesius 
(Ep.  67)  attached  the  .same  condition  to  ion- 
ceding  communion    to    a  certain   Lamponiainis. 


1606 


PENITENCE 


The  4  Cone.  Carthag.  a.d.  398,  c.  7G,  with  regard 
to  penitence  being  given  even  to  one  insensible, 
made  it  the  duty  of  those  who  had  been  witnesses 
of  his  contrition,  to  take  care  that  if  he  re- 
covered he  fulfilled  his  canonical  penance,  the 
duration  of  which  was  to  rest  with  the  discretion 
of  the  priest.  By  ibid.  c.  78,  no  sick  man  who 
had  received  his  viaticum  was  to  consider  his 
penitence  satisfied  without  imposition  of  hands ; 
and  as  this  was  one  of  the  rites  of  the  srcbstrati, 
it  would  involve  his  being  remitted  to  that 
station.  The  completion  of  penance  after  a  sick- 
bed absolution  was  for  a  long  time  the  general 
rule  (1  Cone.  Arcmsic.  A.D.  441,  c.  3 ;  Cone. 
JEpaon.  A.D.  517,  c.  36).  The  rule  was  to  some 
degree  modified  by  a  decision  of  1  Cone.  Bareinon. 
A.D.  540,  c.  8,  that  the  length  of  a  convalescent's 
penance  should  depend  on  the  discretion  of  the 
priest,  but  should  in  no  case  involve  imposition 
of  hands.  From  the  6th  century,  and  up  to  the 
beginning  of  the  12th,  severity  towards  the  sick 
increased  rather  than  diminished.  An  indication 
of  this  is  seen  in  3  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  589,  c.  12, 
which  requii-ed  sick  penitents,  equally  with 
those  in  health,  to  shave  their  heads  if  they 
were  men,  and  if  women  wear  a  veil,  and  put  on 
haircloth  or  some  other  penitential  dress.  This 
injunction,  which  appears  to  have  been  confirmed 
by  12  Cone.  Tolct.  A.D.  681,  c.  2,  and  by  13 
Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  683,  c.  9,  must  manifestly  have 
depended  on  the  nature  of  the  sickness. 

5.  Season  of  Penitence. — The  godly  custom 
that  persons  convicted  of  notorious  crimes  should 
be  put  to  open  penance,  Avas  not  confined  to  the 
beginning  of  Lent  in  the  primitive  church. 
Bingham  (Antiq.  XVIII.  ii.  2)  says  there  is  a 
perfect  silence  in  the  more  ancient  writers  about 
it.  Morinus  (vii.  19)  traces  the  origin  of  the 
restriction  to  the  quadragesimal  seasons  to  the 
7th  century,  when  public  penance  had  censed  to 
bo  exacted  for  secret  sin.  For  the  first  half  of 
the  5th  century  Hilary  of  Aries  is  a  witness 
(Vita,  c.  13)  that  penitence  was  granted  every 
Sunday.  The  primitive  custom  appears  to  have 
been  to  receive  the  penitent  whenever  he  was 
brought  to  the  bishop.  In  the  Greek  church 
this  custom  was  never  restricted ;  but  in  the 
Latin  the  various  pontificals  and  rituals  of  the 
8th  and  9th  centuries  disclose  a  practice  of 
reserving  the  penitential  rites  to  the  beginning 
of  Lent,  whether  the  first  Sunday  or  the 
previous  Wednesday.  Even  at  that  date  peni- 
tence was  not  exclusively  confined  to  the  Lenten 
season.  The  cajmt  jejvnii  was  held  to  be  the 
usual  and  most  appropriate  time,  but  there  was 
no  law  of  the  church  prohibiting  the  imposition 
of  a  state  of  penance  at  any  season  of  the  year 
if  the  case  required  it. 

6.  3finister  of  Penitence. — In  the  administra- 
tion the  bishop  had  supreme  if  not  exclusive 
power.  The  statement,  however,  of  Jlartene  (cle 
Hit.  i.  6),  that  he  alone  received  confession,  and 
he  alone  imposed  penance,  is  too  unqualified.  For 
it  seems  undoubted  that  the  presbyters  shared 
the  bishop's  jurisdiction.  Still,  the  power 
resided  in  the  bishop  alone,  if  he  saw  fit  to 
exercise  it.  Cyprian  frequently  claimed  and  used 
the  sole  right  of  discipline  {_Epp.  xvii.  xix.  xxv. 
xli.  xlii.  xlvi.  &c.)  and  his  presbyters  acknow- 
ledged his  claim  (^Ep.  Caldonat.  ap.  Cyprian, 
xxiv.)  The  Apostolical  Constitutions,  which  deal 
so  largely  with  discipline,  are  addressed  to  the 


PENITENCE 

bishop.  He  was  to  preside  over  all,  as  entrusted 
with  the  power  of  binding  and  loosing  (^Apost. 
Const,  ii.  18) ;  upon  him  the  blame  was  to  be 
laid  if  he  neglected  to  exercise  his  power  (ibid. 
c.  10),  for  he  was  set  in  the  church  to  sit  in 
judgment  on  offenders.  [Bishop,  p.  231.]  But 
although  Cyprian  and  others  did  not  hesitate  to 
vindicate  their  episcopal  authority,  they  fre- 
quently acted  in  conjunction  with  their  presby- 
ters in  the  difficulties  disturbing  the  church. 
From  the  earliest  ages  there  are  indications  of 
this  association  of  presbyters  with  their  bishops. 
Some  such  association  appears  in  the  sentence 
issued  by  St.  Paul  against  the  incestuous  Corin- 
thian (  1  Cor.  V. ).  The  excommunication 
emanated  from  the  apostle,  but  it  was  to  be 
decreed  by  the  assembled  church,  "  when  ye 
are  gathered  together,"  at  Corinth.  The  apostle 
was  present  only  in  spirit  to  preside  over  their 
assembly. 

Ignatius,  whose  epistles  snew  tne  great 
authority  possessed  by  presbyters  in  the  2nd 
century,  refers  (^ad  Philadelph.  c.  8)  to  the  peni- 
tent coming  to  the  bishop's  consistory,  «js 
ffvvfSpiov  Tov  iiTtaKSvov.  The  Constitiitions, 
after  speaking  of  the  presbyters  as  the  advisers 
of  the  bishop,  and  the  council  and  senate  of  the 
church,  go  on  to  say  that  the  presbyters,  and 
the  deacons  shall  sit  in  judgment  with  the 
bishop  (^Apost.  Const,  ii.  28).  Tertullian's 
definition  of  exomologesis  (^Poenitent.  c.  9)  com- 
prised submission  and  supplication  to  the  pres- 
byters. Humiliation  before  the  presbyters  is 
related  of  Natalis  the  confessor  (Euseb.  //.  E. 
V.  28).  In  Cone.  Eliber.  c.  74,  the  "  conventus 
clericorum  "  is  made  the  judge  of  the  gravity 
of  a  perjurer's  offence.  Cyprian  has  numerous 
allusions  (Epp.  xvi.  xix.  &c.)  to  the  presbyters 
uniting  with  the  bishops  in  the  administration 
of  discipline.  For  himself,  he  said  {Ep.  xiv.), 
from  the  beginning  of  his  episcopacy  he  had 
resolved  to  do  nothing  of  his  private  judgment 
without  their  concurrence.  Cornelius  similarly 
(Ejy.  xlix.  ad  Cyprian)  woiild  not  decide  the  case 
of  the  confessors  who  had  sided  with  Novatian 
till  he  had  summoned  his  presbyter)'.  The 
councils  which  condemned  Origen  (Pamphil. 
Apolog.  ap.  Phot.  Cod.  cxviii.),  Kovatian  (Euseb. 
H.  E.  vi.  43),  and  Paul  of  Samosata  {ibid.  vii. 
28),  were  composed  of  bishops  and  presbyters, 
the  last-mentioned  synod  containing  deacons 
also.  The  first  step  in  the  prosecution  of'Noetus 
(Epiphan.  Haeres.  Ivii.  1),  and  of  Arius  (ibid. 
Ixix.  3)  was  to  bring  them  before  the  presbyter_v. 
Before  Alexander,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  issued 
his  circular  letter  to  the  other  bishops  against 
Arius,  he  had  previously  summoned  the  presby- 
ters and  deacons,  not  only  to  hear  the  letter,  but 
also  to  give  their  assent  to  the  judgment  (Co- 
teler,  ac?  Const.  Apost.  viii.  28).  On  the  con- 
demnation of  Jovinian  by  Siricius  (^Ep.  ii.)  a 
presbytery  was  summoned,  and  the  presbyters 
and  deacons  were  associated  in  the  promulgation 
of  the  sentence.  Similar  steps  were  taken  by 
Synesius  (^Ep.  Ivii.)  in  excommunicating  An- 
dronicus.  The  fourth  Cone.  Carthag.  c.  23,  pro- 
hibited a  bishop  from  hearing  any  cause  alone 
without  the  presence  of  his  clergy ;  but  it  is 
not  clear  whether  the  causes  in  view  were- 
clerical  or  lay.  In  many  instances  of  ecclesias- 
tical censures  the  laity  appear  to  have  been 
present,  not  in  any  judicial  capacity,  but  as  wit- 


PENITENCE 

messes,  and  to  stamp  the  sentence  as  issuing  from 
■the  whole  body  of  the  faithful. 

After  the  conviction  of  an  offender,  it  rested 
Avith  some  one  to  see  that  the  sentence  was 
carried  out.  In  such  public  rites  as  imposition 
of  hands  and  a  special  locality  in  the  church, 
there  could  be  no  need  of  supervision.  The 
case  would  be  different  with  the  more  private 
disabilities  and  austerities.  Generally  speaking, 
the  superintendence  rested  with  the  bishop. 
This  is  clear  from  the  numerous  passages 
referring  to  his  authority  over  penitents  ;  and 
further  evidence  in  the  same  direction  may  be 
gathered  from  the  laws  forbidding  a  bishop  to 
rece've  a  penitent,  without  recommendation, 
from  another  diocese.  {Can.  Apost.  c.  12  ;  Cone. 
Nicaen.  c.  5 ;  Cone.  Eliber.  c.  53  ;  1  Cone.  Arelat. 
c.  16.)  It  would  have  been  impracticable  for 
the  bishop  to  have  long  maintained  this  super- 
vision personally.  In  the  earliest  ages,  when 
every  member  of  a  church  was  known  to  the 
bishop  and  to  each  other,  he  probably  did  so ; 
the  congregation  would  supply  all  needful 
-evidence  of  the  performance  of  an  erring  mem- 
ber's penalty.  But  as  the  dioceses  increased  in 
size,  he  must  have  found  it  necessary  to  delegate 
his  authority.  In  the  East  it  was  transferred 
to  the  Penitentiary  presbyter,  appointed  by 
the  bishof),  and  acting  for  him.  In  the  West 
the  duty  of  supervision  appears  to  have  been 
committed  to  a  great  extent  to  the  deacon. 
The  Apostolic  Constitutions  (ii.  16)  appoint  the 
deacon  to  attend  to  an  expelled  member,  and 
keep  him  out  of  the  church,  and  afterwards 
bring  him  to  the  bishop.  In  the  9th  century 
rituals,  this  duty  is  laid,  not  on  the  deacons 
generally,  but  on  the  archdeacon.  He  it  was 
•who  collected  the  penitents  and  admonished 
them,  and  introduced  them  to  the  bishop, 
and  afterwards  bore  testimony  that  their 
penance  had  been  duly  performed.  Morinus 
(vi.  17)  conjectures  that,  for  at  least  300 
years  prior  to  the  date  of  these  rituals, 
these  same  duties  fell  to  the  charge  of 
the  archdeacon.  In  the  larger  dioceses  the 
■rural  deans  shared  the  duty  ;  and  subsequently, 
as  appears  from  the  visitation  articles  of 
Hincmar,  it  became  one  of  the  functions  of  the 
parochial  clergy. 

The  power  of  remitting  the  length  or  severity 
of  a  sentence  was  one  of  the  privileges  of  the 
bishop.  He,  said  the  council  of  Ancyra  (c.  5) 
Avas  to  examine  the  life  and  conversation  of  the 
penitent,  and  increase  or  mitigate  his  penalty. 
A  similar  power  was  recognised  by  a  succession 
of  councils  {Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  12 ;  Cone.  Clmlced. 
A.D.  451,  c.  16  ;  Cone.  Andegav.  A.D.  453,  c.  12  ; 
Cone.  Herd.  A.D.  523,  c.  5 ;  4  Cone.  Aurel.  A.D. 
541,  c.  8).  As  the  number  of  penitents  increased, 
more  discretion  was  vested  in  the  presbyter,  but 
always  with  a  reference,  and,  if  necessary,  with 
an  appeal  to  the  bishop.  Basil,  c.  74,  gives  the 
power  of  alleviating  penance  to  those  who  have 
■the  gift  of  binding  and  loosing ;  language  which 
was  also  used  by  Cone,  in  Trull,  c.  102.  By 
4  Cone.  Aurel.  c.  28 ;  1  Cone.  Cahilon.  c.  8,  the 
■"•  saccrdos  "  was  the  judge  who  determined  the 
extent  of  penance.  In  the  Eastern  church,  from 
the  time  of  the  Decian  persecution  till  the 
episcopacy  of  Ncctarius  of  Constantinople,  the 
penitentiary  must  have  been  the  executive 
minister  of  discipline 


PENITENCE 


1607 


7.  Penitence  of  Clergy. — The  penitential  disci- 
pline as  it  affected  the  laity  was  medicinal  rather 
than  penal.  In  its  treatment  of  the  clergy,  the 
penal  element  predominated.  Not  only  was  a 
delinquent  clerk  exposed  to  the  humiliation  of 
a  public  censure,  but  he  was  also  deprived,  tem- 
porarily or  absolutely,  of  his  oflice,  and  the  rank 
and  emolument  of  office.  And  the  sentence  was 
the  more  severe,  that  in  the  early  ages  a  de- 
graded clerk  was  never  reinstated.  Hence  a 
charge  against  a  clergyman  was  required  to  be 
proved  with  legal  formality,  as  his  guilt  in- 
volved not  only  a  moral  stigma,  but  a  loss  of 
privilege  and  means  of  livelihood.  This  two- 
fold eft'ect,  the  spiritual  and  the  temporal,  of  an 
ecclesiastical  censure  on  the  clergy,  naturally 
regulated  the  administration  of  discipline  to- 
wards them.  One  of  the  Apostolical  Canons 
(c.  24)  laid  it  down,  that  a  bishop,  priest,  or 
deacon,  for  certain  crimes,  was  to  be  deposed, 
but  not  excommunicated,  because  the  ^Scriptures 
had  said  that  a  man  was  not  to  be  punished 
twice  for  the  same  offence.  The  rule  was 
repeated  by  Basil,  cc.  3,  32,  57.  Still  it 
does  not  represent  the  unvarying  discipline 
for  the  first  three  centuries.  In  general  a 
clergyman  was  degraded  in  cases  in  which  a 
layman  was  excommunicated.  And  where  this 
rule  held  good,  a  clergyman  was  not  subjected 
to  penitence.  But  in  the  primitive  ages  it  fre- 
quently occurred  that  no  difference  was  made 
between  the  penance  of  clergy  and  laity.  The 
penalty  followed  the  same  course  as  if  the 
delinquent  had  not  been  in  orders — ejection 
from  the  church,  and  re-admission  by  penance. 
(See  council  of  Neocaesarea,  c.  1.)  The  Elviran 
canons  aftbrd  a  still  clearer  illustration  of 
clerical  penance.  A  deacon  confessing  a  pre- 
ordination crime  might  receive  communion  at 
the  end  of  three  years,  acta  legitimd  poenitentid 
{Cone.  Eliber.  c.  76).  For  instances  of  public 
penance,  see  the  account  given  of  Natalis 
(Euseb.  II.  E.  v.  28)  ;  and  of  the  presbyter  Felix 
(Cyprian.  Ep.  xxv.  ad  Caldon. ;  Ep.  Caldon.  ap. 
Cyprian,  xxiv.);  of  iS'^ovatus  (Id.  Ep.  lii.  3);  of 
Trophimus  (Id.  Ep.  Iv.  8) ;  of  bishop  Fortunatus 
(Id.  Ep.  Ixv.) ;  and  of  bishop  Basilides  (Id.  Ep. 
Ixvii.  6).  Nor  did  open  clerical  penance,  which 
was  part  of  the  stricter  system  of  a  time  of 
persecution,  altogether  cease  with  the  close  of 
the  3rd  century.  The  first  council  of  Orange, 
A.D.  441,  c.  4,  followed  by  the  second  council  of 
Aries,  c.  29,  determined  that  clergy  should  be 
admitted  to  penance  if  they  sought  it.  The 
first  council  of  Orleans,  A.D.  511,  c.  12,  mentions 
a  presbyter,  "  sub  professione  poenitentis."  The 
third  council  of  Braga,  A.D.  675,  c.  4,  threatened 
a  clergyman  with  six  months'  subjection  "  legibus 
poenitentiae."  (See  also  1  Cone.  Turon.  cc.  3,  5  ; 
Cone.  Venet.  c.  16 ;  Cunc.  Agath.  cc.  8,  42 ; 
Cone.  Herd.  cc.  1,  5  ;  2  Cone.  Tolct.  c.  3  ;  3  Coiw. 
Aurelian.  cc.  4,  8.)  On  the  other  hand,  a  state- 
ment of  Pope  Leo,  441-461,  seems  dillicult  to 
reconcile  with  these  authorities.  He  lays  it 
down  (in  Ep.  xcii.  c.  2,  ad  Hustie. ;  Labb.  Com-. 
iiii.  1408)  that  it  is  not  in  accordance  with 
ecclesiastical  custom  for  a  presbyter  or  deacon 
to  obtain  the  grace  of  penance  by  imposition  of 
hands.  One  explanation  is  that  the  "  eccle- 
siastica  consuctudo"  alleged  by  Leo  was  i-re- 
valcnt  only  in  tlio  Koman  church.  Another, 
that  the  words  of  Leo  were  strictly  correct,  and 


1608 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 


that  no  presbyter  or  deacon  as  such  was  ever 
subjected  to  penance,  because  he  was  first  de- 
graded and  had  ceased  to  be  a  clergyman.  But 
this  explanation,  while  reconciling  the  pope's 
language  with  canonical  decisions,  reduces  it  to 
a  mere  truism.  The  privilege,  or  inability,  in 
whichever  light  it  may  be  regarded,  which  as  a 
general  rule  protected  the  higher  clergy  from 
open  penance,  was  not  extended  to  the  lower 
orders.  The  council  of  Chalcedon,  a.d.  451, 
decreed  in  two  canons  (cc.  2,  8),  that  for  pur- 
poses of  discipline  monks  were  to  be  regarded 
as  laity  ;  a  decision  repeated  by  1  Cone.  Barcinon. 
A.D.  540,  c.  10 ;  Gone,  in  Trull,  c.  81 ;  2  Cone. 
Nicaen.  cc.  5, 13.  For  a  further  account  of  clerical 
penalties,  see  Bishop,  p.  228;  Degeadatiox  ; 
Discipline  ;  Orders,  Holy,  p.  1492.     [G.  M.] 

PENITENTIAL  BOOKS  :  Liber  Poeni- 
tentialis  ;  poenitentiale  ;  confessionale  ; 
poenitentiales  codices,  codicelli,  libelli  ; 
Leges  Poenitentium  ;  Peccantiidi  Judicia. 
The  term  is  applied  to  collections  of  penitential 
canons  issued  under  the  name  and  with  the 
authority  of  some  eminent  ecclesiastic,  with  a 
Tiew  to  establish  a  uniform  rule  for  the  admi- 
nistration of  discipline  ;  the  best  known  are  the 
Anglo-Saxon  penitentials  of  the  7th  and  8th 
centuries. 

The  early  history  of  canons  of  discipline  is 
involved  in  some  obscurity.  It  is  probable  that 
each  bishop,  with  his  presbytery,  administered 
the  discipline  of  his  diocese  on  certain  general 
principles  which  left  the  details  to  local  regula- 
tion. Afterwards,  as  individual  bishops  by 
weight  of  character  gained  a  reputation  in  the 
chui'ch,  their  decisions  on  matters  of  discipline 
iibtained  more  or  less  the  force  of  church  law. 
Hence  the  epistles  of  Basil  and  his  brother 
Gregory  of  Nyssa  on  penance  were  received  as 
of  something  like  canonical  authority.  In  this 
view  they  may  be  regarded  as  the  earliest  peni- 
tential books.  Of  these  two  sets  of  canonical 
laws,  that  of  Gregory  is  in  the  form  of  a  letter 
to  Letoius,  bishop  of  Melitine.  It  attempts  to 
trace  the  source  of  all  sin  to  one  of  the  three 
faculties  of  the  soul,  which  he  designates  the 
rational,  the  concupiscible,  and  the  irascible, 
and  for  each  a  separate  mode  of  treatment  is  to 
be  adopted  ;  but  there  is  no  regulated  scale  of 
penalties  for  different  degrees  of  sin.  The 
epistle  of  Basil  contains  more  direct  penal  enact- 
ments. It  deals  principally  with  the  three 
capital  crimes  of  idolatry,  murder,  and  fornica- 
tion, and  allots  to  each  form  of  sin  its  appro- 
priate punishment.  Although  stamped  with  no 
canonical  authority,  Basil's  epistle  evidently  had 
a  wide  influence  on  the  administration  of  the 
discipline  of  the  Eastern  church,  and  eventually 
received  the  synodical  sanction  of  the  council  iii 
Trullo,  A.D.  692.  Other  rudimentary  peniten- 
tials are  to  be  found  in  the  numerous  decretals 
of  the  Roman  bishops,  although  no  one  of  these 
deals  systematically  with  the  subject.  After  the 
3rd  century  the  chief  authority  for  the  regula- 
tion of  discipline  was  in  the  penitential  canons 
of  the  councils.  In  addition  to  the  general 
council  of  Nice,  the  Oriental  councils  of  Ancyra, 
A.D.  314,  Neocaesarea,  a.d.  314,  Gangra,  a.d. 
362,  and  the  various  African  councils  of  the  4th 
and  5th  centuries,  and  the  Spanish  and  Prankish 
from  the   4th   to    the   7th    century,  contain   a 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 

copious  legislation  for  the  administration  of 
penance.  The  decrees  of  these  councils  had  only 
a  provincial,  or  at  most  a  national,  force,  and 
there  was  no  attempt  to  establish  a  universal 
code  of  penitential  law.  The  nearest  approach 
to  systematizing  the  laws  of  discipline  is  in  the 
Codex  Eeclesiac  Afrlcanae,  emanating  from 
Carthage,  a.d.  419.  The  full  development  of 
the  penitential  system  is  usually  attributed  to 
Theodore,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  a.d.  669- 
G90.  But  recent  investigations  have  established 
the  genuineness  of  fragmentary  British  and 
Irish  penitentials,  which  indicate  that  the  system 
was  flourishing  in  the  Celtic  churches  in  these 
islands  at  a  period  anterior  to  Theodore.  The 
nature  of  the  contents  of  the  various  penitentials, 
wherever  there  is  any  peculiarity  to  call  for 
remark,  will  appear  as  the  list  proceeds ;  but  in 
general  it  may  be  said  that  they  had  one  com- 
mon charactei-istic,  varying  little  with  the 
nation  for  whose  guidance  they  were  compiled. 
They  maintain  a  complete  silence  on  the  dogma- 
tical controversies  which  shook  and  disunited 
the  Eastern  church  ;  in  many  of  them  there  is- 
little  or  no  reference  to  the  ordinances  of  the 
church  ;  their  whole  purpose  and  strength  are 
concentrated  on  the  enforcement  of  practical 
duties.  Among  the  rude  tribes  of  the  north 
and  west,  the  outward  profession  of  their  newly- 
acquired  Christianity  was  by  no  means  invariablv 
followed  by  an  abandonment  of  the  ferocious  and 
licentious  passions  of  the  old  heathen  life.  It 
was  the  object  of  the  penitential  book  to  allay,  and 
gradually  to  extirpate,  the  vices  of  heathenism. 
The  pictures  which  they  disclose,  especially  of 
the  sins  of  the  flesh,  is  a  dark  one.  But  the 
public  denunciation  of  these  crimes  and  passions 
in  the  church,  and  the  determination  of  her 
rulers  to  restrain  them,  was  a  step  towards  the 
light.  The  drawing  out  a  catalogue  of  different 
vices,  and  appending  a  proportionate  punishment 
to  each,  no  doubt  fostered  the  notion  that  each 
vice  had  its  price,  by  the  payment  of  which  it 
might  be  expiated,  and  so  far  tended  to  blunt  the 
moral  sense  of  the  iniquity  of  sin.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  church,  by  declaring  that  it  was  her 
function  to  discover  and  punish  vice  because  it 
was  vice  and  against  God's  law,  brought  home 
to  the  people,  in  the  only  way  these  simple 
races  could  understand,  a  belief  in  Godfs  moral 
government  of  the  world.  An  undue  multipli- 
cation of  the  books  was  jealously  watched.  In 
the  Gallic  church,  where,  to  judge  from  the 
number  of  Prankish  penitentials  which  survive, 
their  influence  must  have  been  widespread,  the 
council  of  Chalons,  A.D.  813  (c.  38)  passes  upon 
them  a  formal  censure  ;  they  are  said  to  clash 
with  the  authority  of  the  canons  ;  their  authors 
are  declared  to  be  uncertain,  but  their  erroi"s 
certain."     The  discipline  of  the  penitentials  was 


*  The  decrees  of  the  Gallican  councils  against  peni- 
tentials are  very  severe.  Thus  the  council  of  Chalons, 
A.D.  813,  c.  38:  "Modus  enim  poenitentiae  peccata  sua 
confltentibus  aut  per  antiquoium  inslitutionem  ant  per 
sanctarum  scripturarutn  auctoritatcm  aut  per  eccle- 
siasticam  consuetudlnem  imponi  dcbef,  repudiatis  ac 
pepitus  eliminatis  libellis,  quos  penitentiales  vocant, 
quorum  sunt  certi  errores,  incerti  auctores."  Compare 
Cone.  Mogunt,  a.d.  847,  c.  31 ;  Cone.  Paris,  a.d.  829, 
c.  32.  In  the  latter  the  bishops  are  ordered  to  burn  the 
penitentials  wherever  they  find  them:  ["Ne  per  eoa 
ult-rius    sacerdotes    impcriti  homines   decipiant."]    A 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 

that  of  the  cloister,  classifying  siu,  and  pursuing 
it  into  every  detail  ;  the  monastic  rules  being 
relaxed,  and  adapted  to  the  conditions  of  life  of 
a  free  people.  In  the  list  which  follows  it  will 
be  convenient  to  arrange  the  books  under  the 
headings  of  the  different  national  churches  in 
which  they  were  jjublished. 

I.  British  and  Irish  Pexitentials. 

1.  Excerpta  quacdam  de  Lihro  Bavidis. — ;The 
date  of  these  fragmentary  extracts  from  the 
'  Liber  '  of  David,  bishop  of  Minevia,  the  present 
St.  David's,  lies  between  A.D.  550  and  600  (Had- 
dan  and  Stubbs,  Councils  and  Feci.  Documents, 
i.  118).  They  consist  of  sixteen  canons  treating 
of  drunkenness,  fornication,  homicide,  perjury, 
robbery,  usury  ;  and  may  be  considered  as  the 
earliest  penitential  book  connected  with  the 
British  islands. 

2.  Sinodus  Aquilonalis  Britanniae. 

3.  Altera  Sinodus  Luci  Victoriae.  —  Two 
synods  held  imder  David,  in  the  year  569.  The 
tirst  contains  seven  penitential  canons,  the 
second  nine. 

The  locality  of  the  synods  was  probably 
Llanddewi  Brefi,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Car- 
digan (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  i.  117).  The  state 
of  morals  exhibited  by  these  early  canons  was 
degraded.  The  '  Liber  Davidis '  opens  with  the 
penalty  for  excessive  drinking  among  priests 
about  to  minister  in  God's  temple. 

4.  Poenitentiale  Vinniai. — This  book  was  first 
printed  by  Wasserschleben  {Bussordnungen,  &c. 
pp.  108-119)  from  a  comparison  of  the  MSS. 
Cod.  Sangall.  No.  150,  saec.  ix ;  Vindob.  Theol. 
Lat.  No.  725,  saec.  is  ;  Sangerm.  No.  121,  saec. 
viii. ;  and  the  Irish  canons  of  the  Cod.  Paris,  No. 
.'^182,  saec.  xi.  sii.  It  is  difficult  to  identify  the 
Viuniaus,  or  Finian,  whose  name  it  bears.  Was- 
serschleben conjectures  the  author  to  be  the 
Finianus  mentioned  by  the  BoUandists  (^Acta  SS. 
Mart.  i.  p.  391)  who,  born  in  Ireland  in  the  year 
450,  lived  for  some  time  in  Gaul,  then  went  to 
Wales,  to  bishop  David,  whence,  in  the  end  of  the 
5th  century,  he  returned  to  Ireland,  in  order  to 
uphold  the  faith  and  discipline  which  had 
declined  since  the  death  of  St.  Patrick.  If  this 
Finian  was  a  contemporaiy  of  David,  he  lived  a 
century  later,  but  even  so  he  would  be  earlier 
than  Columban,  which  corresponds  with  the 
conclusion  which  would  be  drawn  from  a 
comparison  of  this  confessional  book  with  that 
of  Columban,  where  the  greater  part  of  Finian's 
Avork  is  repeated.  Wasserschleben  divides  the 
book  into  fifly-three  paragraphs.  This  peni- 
tential enumerates  the  principal  crimes  of  the 
clergy  and  laity,  with  their  appropriate  punish- 
ments. Like  the  synods  under  St.  Patrick,  and 
the  Liber  Bavidis,  it  shews  the  influence  which 
the  clergy  had  obtained  in  temporal  matters 
among  the  Celtic  nations. 

5.  Prefatio  Gildae  de  Fenitentia.— The  date  of 

similar  feeling  is  apparent  in  a  letter  of  bisbop  Ebbo  of 
Rheims,  circa  a.d.  830,  to  Halitgar  of  Cambray  (Canisius, 
Lectt.  Antiq.  ed.  Basnage,  torn.  ii.  pt.  ii.  p.  87) :  ["  El  hoc 
est,  quod  hacinrc  valde  me  soUicitat,  quod  ita  confusa 
sunt  judicia  poenitenlium  in  presbyterorum  iiostrorum 
opuscuUs  atque  ita  diversa  et  inter  se  discrcpantia  et 
nuUius  auctoritate  suffulta,  ut  vix  propter  dissonaiitiutn 
possint  discerni,  unde  fit,  ut  concurreiitc3  ad  remedium 
poenitentiae  tarn  pro  librorum  confusione,  quam  eliam 
pro  ingenii  tarditate,  nuUatenus  eis  valeant  subvenire."] 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS      1609 

this  fragment  must  be  placed  somewhere  before 
the  year  570  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  i.  113).  u 
comprises  twenty-seven  sections,  several  of 
which  are  repeated  in  Cummean  and  Bede,  and  in 
the  so-called  Roman  Penitential.  The  mode  of 
penance  to  be  inflicted  is  strictly  stated  at  the 
outset,  and  is  much  more  in  detail  than  the 
penance  to  be  found  in  any  other  early  book. 

6.  Canones  Adamnani  {Addamnari  vcl  Ad- 
dotninari').— The  canons  of  Adamnan,  abbat  of 
the  monastery  of  Hy,  the  date  of  which  must  lie 
between  the  years  679  and  704,  were  jirobably 
passed  by  some  Irish  synod  under  Adamuan's 
influence  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  ii.  111).  They 
consist  of  thirty  chapters,  treating  almost  en- 
tirely of  unclean  food. 

7.  Canones  Wallici.— These  canons  are  a  collec- 
tion of  national  rather  than  ecclesiastical  law. 
They  are  found  in  the  Cod.  Sangerm.  No.  121, 
saec.  viii.  with  the  title  •'  Incipit  judicium  cul- 
parum  ;"  in  the  Cod.  Paris,  No.  3182,  from 
whence  they  were  taken  by  Martene  {Nov.  Ihes. 
t.  iv.  col.  13),  they  are  called  "Excerpta  de 
libris  Eomanorum  et  Francorum."  For  the 
argument  for  their  Welsh  origin,  see  Haddan 
and  Stubbs,  i.  127.  Tlieir  date  is  probably  the 
first  half  of  the  7th  century. 

8.  Canones  Hihernenses. — These  canons  are 
found  in  the  same  Freuch  MSS.  with  the  pre- 
ceding collection.  They  are  all  of  great 
antiquity  ;  some,  as  apparently  iii.  "  Synodus 
Hibernensis  decrevit,"  being  decisions  of  synods 
over  which  St.  Patrick  presided.  The  canons 
are  interesting  as  specimens  of  early  penitential 
rules,  and  as  the  sources  from  which  later  com- 
pilations were  derived.  Wasserschleben  (pp.  136- 
144)  has  published  six  collections : — i.  "  De 
disputatione  Hibernensis  sinodi  et  Gregori 
Nasaseni  sermo  de  innumerabilibus  peccatis  in- 
cipit." Many  of  these  canons  are  afterwards  used 
by  the  compiler  of  the  Penit.  Biqotiamtm  [infra, 
p.  1612].  Their  spelling  of  Latin  terminations, 
is  remarkable  ;  there  are  also  traces  of  the  use 
of  the  old  vernacular,  as,  for  example  (c.  4), 
"  Poenitentia  magi  vel  votivi  mali,  si  credulus  id 
dem  ergach  vel  praeconis."  ii.  "  De  Arreis."  This 
is  the  earliest  notice  of  redemptions  to  be  found 
in  penitential  books,  and  was  the  parent  from 
which  many  later  developments  of  the  system 
drew  their  origin.  The  first  canon  gives  a  fair 
instance  of  the  nature  of  the  commutations  : 
"  Arreum  superpossitionis  C.  psalmi  et  C.  flee- 
tiones  genuum  vel  iii.  quingenta  et  cantica  vii. 
iii.  "Synodus  Hibernensis  decrevit."  iv.  "Dejec- 
tione."  A  curious  scale  of  payments  to  be  made 
by  one  who  turns  a  poor  man  adrift  or  refuses  to 
succour  him.  The  "jectio  "  shall  be  a  certain 
proportion,  from  a  fifth  to  a  ninth,  of  the 
composition  for  murder,  v.  "  De  canibus  sinodus 
sapientium."  vi.  "  Item  synodus  sapientia  sic  de 
decimis  disputant." 

IL  Prankish  Penitentials. 
The  discipline  of  the  Prankish  church  from 
the  4th  century  was  regulated  by  the  decrees  ot 
provin(!ial  councils,  which  are  remarkably  full  of 
disciplinary  canons.  It  was  not  till  the  7th  cen- 
tury that  anything  a|)pr(>aihing  to  a  systematic 
compilation  of  the  different  acts  of  councils  in 
the  form  of  a  penitential  was  attempted.  How 
well  the  ground  was  prepared  for  such  a  compi- 
lation   appears   from  the  nunierou*   penitential 


IGIO       PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 

works,  which  were  at  once  drawn  up  on  the 
basis  of  the  first  which  was  published. 

1.  Poenitentiale  Cohimhani.  —  This  earliest 
Prankish  penitential  was  the  work  of  the  Irish 
monk  Coluraban,  born  in  the  first  half  of  the 
6th  century,  in  the  province  of  Leinster.  He 
lived  for  some  time  in  the  great  monastery  of 
Bangor,  and  then  crossed  to  Gaul  in  the  year 
590  ;  a  few  years  later  he  penetrated  to  Italy, 
and  founded  the  monastery  of  Bobbio  at  the 
foot  of  the  Apennines,  where  he  died,  A.D.  615 
[DiCT.  Cur.  Biog.  i.  605].  Among  his  writings 
are  two  penitential  books,  one  '  Regula 
Coenobialis,'  designated  in  some  MSS.  'Poeni- 
tentiale,' '  Regula  fratrum  Hibernensium  ;'  in 
others,  '  Columbani  Liber  de  quotidianis  poeni- 
tentiis  monachorum.'  This  work,  framed  on  a 
severe  standard,  contains  a  code  of  monastic 
rules,  and  has  no  concern  with  the  general  ad- 
ministration of  church  discipline.  It  is  remark- 
able for  the  frequency  with  which  corporal 
chastisement  occurs  among  its  penalties.  Six, 
ten,  or  even  two  hundred  strokes  might  be  laid 
on  a  careless  or  offending  monk.  Columban's 
other  work  is  entitled  '  Liber  de  Poenitcntia,' 
or  '  de  Poenitentiarum  mensura  taxanda.'  The 
work  was  first  published  by  the  Minorite  friar 
Fleming,  in  the  year  1667,  from  a  codex  of  the 
monastery  of  Bobbio.  This  Cod.  Bobbiensis  is 
the  only  MS.  of  the  penitential  known  to  exist. 
It  consists  of  two  parts,  which  can  never  have 
been  intended  to  form  one  consecutive  set  of 
canons.  The  first  part  contains  twelve  chapters 
on  miscellaneous  ofi'ences,  some  of  which  are 
also  dealt  with  in  part  two,  and  not,  in  all  cases, 
carrying  the  same  penalty.  The  second  part, 
which  is  the  true  penitential  rule,  begins  with 
the  introduction,  "  Diversitas  culparum  diversi- 
tatem  facit  poenitentiarum ;"  then  follows  an 
elaborate  comparison  between  bodily  and 
spiritual  disorders.  After  the  introduction  come 
twelve  sections  on  the  "  capitalia  crimina  "  of  the 
"clerici  etmonachi;"cc.  13-25, on  the  "crimina" 
of  "  laici  ;"  and  the  remaining  cc.  25-30 
on  the  "  minutae  monachorum  sanctiones."  The 
last  chapter  of  Columban  (c.  30)  is  an  injunction 
laid  upon  the  monks  to  confess  before  mass  not 
only  actual  offences,  but  thoughts  and  desires. 
It  is  interesting  as  one  of  the  earliest  examples 
of  a  practice  which  was  afterwards  to  be 
stringently  enforced  upon  the  whole  church. 

In  the  introduction  to  the  penitential, 
Columban  states  that  he  has  composed  his  work 
partly  from  his  own  discretion,  and  partly  from 
the  "  traditiones  seniorum."  Among  these 
"  seniores  "  must  be  placed  Vinniaus,  from  whose 
Irish  penitential  Columban  has  borrowed  no  less 
than  thirteen  of  his  thirty  sections.  Compare 
Coluwh.  Pocn.  cc.  1,  2,  4-9,  11,  16,  20,  21,  23, 
•with  Vinniaus.  Poen.  23,  12,  11,  22,18,  19,  20, 
25,  26,  27,  8,  9  17,  36,  22,  9. 

Columban's  book  which,  from  the  name  of  its 
author,  has  usually  been  regarded  as  an  Irish 
work,  Wasserschleben  pronounces  to  be  Prankish, 
composed  after  he  had  crossed  to  the  continent. 
The  grounds  for  deciding  against  its  Irish  origin 
are  certainly  very  strong: — (1)  Monkish  rules 
and  penalties  always  emanated  from  the  superiors 
of  cloisters,  or  from  some  one  in  high  authority  ; 
it  is  highly  improbable  that  Columban  would 
have  been  allowed  to  publish  a  work  of  this  im- 
portance while  he  was  occupying  a  subordinate 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 

position  in  the  monastery  at  Bangor.  (2)  No 
trace  of  Columban's  canons  is  observable  in 
Theodore,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  they  form 
the  basis  of  numerous  imdoubted  Prankish  col- 
lections. (3)  C.  25  forbids  communicating  with 
the  heretical  sect  of  the  Bonosiaci,''  who  were 
spread  over  Gaul  and  Italy,  but  were  unknown 
in  the  British  Isles.  (4)  The  arrangement  of 
the  materials  shews  an  independent  undertaking. 
At  the  head  of  the  capitalia  crimina,  Columban 
places  homicide  ;  afterwards  follow  fornication, 
perjury,  &c.,  and  this  order  was  adopted  by 
most  of  the  Prankish  penitentials  ;  whereas  those 
which  rest  upon  Theodore's  work  begin  with 
drunkenness.  This  arrangement  was  probably 
due  to  the  prominence  which  these  various 
vices  and  crimes  attained  among  the  respective 
races.  With  the  inhabitants  of  the  British  Isles 
drunkenness  was  the  prevailing  sin — with  the 
German  tribes,  murder,  and  crimes  of  violence. 

2.  In  close  connexion  with  Columban's  work, 
Wasserschleben  (^Bussordnungen,  pp.  360— i29) 
has  printed  eight  anonymous  penitentials,  all  of 
which  show  a  Prankish  origin. 

(a)  Poenitentiale  Pseudo-Bomanum. — ^This  was 
first  published  by  Halitgar,  bishop  of  Cambray, 
in  the  9th  century,  and  may  be  found  in 
Canisius,  Lectiones,  ed.  Basnage,  ii.  2.  Halitgar 
styles  it  the  Roman  penitential,  and  states,  in 
his  preface,  that  it  is  one  "  quem  de  scrinio 
Romanae  ccclesiae  adsumpsimus."  It  is  also 
printed  at  length  by  Morinus  (de  Sacrament. 
Poenitent.  appendix,  pp.  565-568).  Wasser- 
schleben (Bussordnungen,  &c.  p.  58)  is  disposed 
to  doubt  this  statement  of  Halitgar  with  regard 
to  the  Roman  archives,  and  adduces  several 
reasons  for  believing  it  to  be  an  entirely  Prankish 
work.  (1)  Use  is  made  of  Gildas  (Ps.-Rom.  ix. 
1-5  ;  Gild.  9,  12,  21-24.  (2)  Undoubted  refer- 
ence is  made  to  the  Gallic  council  of  Auxerre, 
A.D.  578  (^Conc.  Autis.  cc.  1,  3,  4  ;  Ps.-Rom.  vi, 
3,  4,  5).  (3)  A  considerable  part  of  the  book  is 
borrowed  immediately  from  Columban,  and  it  is 
itself  the  source  of  several  chapters  of  the 
Merseburg  Penitential  (Mers.  47-51  •  Ps.-Rom. 
iii.  4 ;  vi.  8,  9,   10). 

(b)  Poenitentiale  Iluhertense. — First  published 
by  Martene  and  Durand  (Ampl.  Coll.  vol.  vii.  col. 
37)  from  a  MS.  from  the  monastery  of  St. 
Hubert  at  Audain  in  the  Ardennes.  The  full 
title  is,  '  In  nomine  sanctae  Trinitatis  incipiunt 
judicia  sacerdotalia  de  diversis  criminibus  ex 
canonica  auctoritate  sumpta.'  It  contains  a 
number  of  decrees,  strung  together  without  any 
connexion  or  rubrical  arrangement. 

(c)  Poenitentiale  Merseburgense.  —  This  peni- 
tential is  a  long  treatise,  comprising  149  sec- 
tions, and  is  chiefly  interesting  from  the  nu- 
merous references  to  heathen  manners  and  cus- 
toms :  c.  22  denounces  those  who  seek  auguries 
by  birds  or  any  other  evil  devices ;  c.  23,  divi 
nation  by  soothsayers,  because  they  are  the 
works  of  evil  spirits ;  c.  26  prohibits  "  sortes 
sanctorum,"  which  are  contrary  to  reason ;  c. 
27  denounces  as  sacrilege  the  resorting  to  trees, 
or  fountains,  or  "  cancelli,"  or  any  other  place 
except  to  a  church,  in  order  to  make  a  vow,  &c. 
[Paganism,  Survival  of.] 

b  Bonosus,  bishop  of  Sardica,  a.d.  392,  denied  the  per- 
petual virginity  of  our  Lord's  mother;  of  the  tenets  of 
his  followers  in  the  Ith  century  little  is  known. 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 

(d)  Poenitentiale  Bobicnse. — From  a  MS.  of  the 
■monastery  of  Bobbio,  of  the  7th  or  8th  century. 
It  is  headed  "  Judicius  poenitentialis."  It  con- 
.tains  47  sections  on  miscellaneous  offences,  and 
concludes  with  two  prayers  for  the  penitent. 

(e)  Focnitentialo  I'arisiense. — From  a  Parisian 
MS.  of  the  8th  century.  It  contains  61  sections 
of  the  ordinary  character. 

(f)  Foenitcntiale  Vindohoiiense.— This  is  from 
a  Vienna  MS.  of  the  10th  century.  It  has  a 
short  instruction,  headed  "  Judicium  patrum  ad 
penitentes."  The  greater  number  of  its  102 
sections  are  identical  with  those  of  the  Merse- 
burg  book. 

(g)  Poenitentiale  Floriacense. — From  a  Fleury 
codex,  which  was  first  printed  by  Martene  (da 
Bit.  Antiq.  ii.  61,  ed.  Rotomag.)  "  ex  pervetusto 
t;odice  Floriacensi."  It  opens  with  a  long 
"Ordo  ad  dandam  poenitentiam,"  according  to 
which  the  priest  is  to  receive  confessions.  The 
penitential  proper  is  styled  "  Judicium  poeui- 
tentiae  ;"  of  its  50  original  canons  only  10  are 
«?xtant. 

(h)  Poenitentiale  Sangallense. — Taken  from  a 
St.  Gall  MS.  of  the  9th  century.  It  is  intro- 
duced by  the  same  "  ordo "  as  the  preceding 
Poen.  Floriac.  It  contains  19  short  canons, 
nearly  all  of  which  are  to  be  found  either  in 
the  Merseburg  or  the  Parisian  books. 

All  these  anonymous  penitentials,  with  the 
exception  of  those  from  Vienna  and  Merseburg, 
bear  the  mark  of  the  7th  or,  at  latest,  of  the 
first  half  of  the  8th  century.  The  "  ratio  "  or 
■"  ordo  "  appended  to  Pseud.-Rom.,  Merseburg., 
Floriac,  Sangall.  are,  perhaps,  of  the  10th  or  11th 
century  (Wasserschleben,  Bussord.  p.  56).  They 
treat  throughout  of  private  penance,  consisting 
ehiefly  of  fasts  on  bread  and  water  ;  sometimes 
the  penance  of  exile,  almsgiving,  or  psalm- 
singing  occurs.  In  the  Pseudo-Roman  and  St. 
Gall  collections,  there  is  a  division  of  the  sub- 
ject into  chapters  according  to  the  principal 
crimes  ;  in  the  remainder,  the  canons  are  strung 
together  without  any  system  whatever.  Different 
from  the  Anglo-Saxon  practice  is  the  ratio  ap- 
pended to  the  Pseudo-Roman  and  Merseburg 
collections,  in  which  the  deacon  is  permitted  to 
receive  the  penitent,  at  least  if  the  priest  is  not 
present,  or  in  a  case  of  necessity. 

3.  Poenitentiale  Cummcani. — The  history  of  this 
penitential  is  involved  in  much  obscurity,  and 
the  identification  of  the  Cummean  (Commean, 
Oumian,  Cumin,  Comin)  whose  name  it  bears,  is 
no  less  perplexing.  The  Acta  SS.  Hibemens.  xii. 
Januar.  mention  twenty-one  Irish  ecclesiastics 
of  that  name,  but  no  intimation  is  given  of  any 
of  them  having  written  a  penitential.  In  two 
Swiss  MSS.  St.  Gall,  550  and  150,  a  penitential 
is  found  with  the  preface,  "  Cummeani  Abbatis 
in  Scotia  orti ;"  and  from  this  it  has  gene- 
rally been  concluded  that  both  Cummean  and  his 
work  were  of  Irish  or  Scotch  origin.  Mone 
( Quellsn  und  Forschungen,  p.  494,  cited  by  Was- 
serschleben), suggests  that  Columba,  abbat  of 
lona,  circ.  597,  compiled  the  work,  and  that 
Cumin,  one  of  his  biographers,  wrote  the 
preface.  Theinpr  (^Disquisit.  Sacrae,  p.  280) 
attributed  it  to  a  Cummean,  abbat  of  lona,  who 
died  at  the  end  of  the  6th  century.  Kunstmann 
(Die  Lateinischen  Ponitentialhiicher  der  Angel- 
'  aachsen,  p.  22),  although  not  expressing  himself 
decidedly  which  Cummean  he  considers  to  be  the 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS       1611 

author  of  the  treatise,  regards  it  as  the  prin- 
cipal source  of  Theodore's  Penitential,  and 
remarks  that  Theodore's  use  of  it  is  a  further 
proof  of  the  consideration  enjoyed  by  Irish 
teachers  in  England.  Wasserschleben  (p.  62), 
with  more  critical  acuteness,  points  out  that  the 
designation  "  Abbas  in  Scotia  ortus  "  clearly  in- 
dicates that  Cummean  was  not  in  his  own 
country  when  he  composed  his  book.  He  there- 
fore looks  for  some  ecclesiastic  of  that  name  who 
lived  on  the  continent,  and  finds  him  in  a  Cum- 
mean mentioned  in  Acta  SS.  Hiberncns.  4  Jun. 
p.  244  ;  in  Annal.  Benedict,  ii.  p.  282,  and  in 
Ughellus,  Ital.  Sacr.  t.  iv.  col.  959,  960,  who 
emigrated  to  Italy,  and